{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4570", "width": "2777", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Pass b Ty 162\\nBook L_X1^", "height": "4555", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4577", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4487", "width": "2641", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "tlar per^s Stereotype Edition.\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nTHE EARLIEST AGES\\nTO\\nTHE REFORMATION.\\nBY THE REV. GEORGE WADDINGTON, M.A.\\nFELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, AND PREBENDARY OF\\nFERihNG, IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF CHICHESTER.\\nNEW-YORK.\\nPUBLISHED BY HARPER BROTHERS,\\nNO. 82 CLIFF-STREET,\\nAND SOLD BY THE PRINCIPAL BOOKSELLERS THROUGHOUT THE\\nUNITED STATES.\\n18 3 5.", "height": "4567", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "V -^1^6\\nSTEREOTYPED BY LYMAN THURSTON CO.,\\nBOSTON", "height": "4513", "width": "2630", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nINTKODUCTION.\\nPage\\nThe Author s reasons for abandoning in this work\\nthe usual method of division by centuries 25\\nThis history is divided into five parts or periods,\\nending respectively at the establishment of the\\nChurch by Constantine at the death of Charle-\\nmagne at the death of Gregory VII.; attheseces-\\nsion of the Popes to Avignon 3 at the beginning of\\nthe Eeformation 26\\nThe study of ecclesiastical history teaches religious\\nmoderation 27\\nPART I.\\nChapter!. The Propagation of Christianity.\\nA.D.\\n60 The Church of Jerusalem. James the Just its\\nfirst President or Bishop 29\\n65 Secession of the Christian Church to Pella 30\\nNo tabularies or public acts preserved by the\\nprimitive Christians 30\\n134 Foundation of iElia Capitolina by Adrian 30\\n40 Church of Antioch, founded by St. Paul and\\nBarnabas 31\\nThere the converts first assumed the name of\\nChristian 31\\n107 Ignatius, the second Bishop, suffered martyr-\\ndom in the persecution of Trajan 31\\nThe pretended correspondence between Jesus\\nChrist and Abgarus, Prince of Edessa, in\\nMesopotamia, proves the early introduction\\nof the faith into that country 31\\nThe Church of Ephesus, founded by St. Paul,\\nand governed by St. John 31\\n166 The Church of Smyrna governed by Polycarp,\\ntill his martyrdom under Marcus Antoni-\\nnus 32\\nThe Churches of Sardis and Hierapolls. Meli-\\ntoandPapias. Conversion of Bithynia 32\\n107 The testimony of Pliny the Younger, contained\\nin his Epistle to Trajan 33\\nThe difficulty of establishing the Church at\\nAthens may be ascribed to the speculative\\ncharacter of the people 34\\nD5 Greater facility in the conversion of the Corin-\\nthians. The dissensions of the converts\\nwere censured by St. Clement, Bishop of\\nRome 34\\n165 The seven Catholic Epistles of the Bishop Dio-\\nnysius 35\\n64 The persecution at Rome by Nero is related by\\nTacitus, with little humanity. St. Peter and\\nSt. Paul are believed to have su^fFered on that\\noccasion. Testimony to the numerical im-\\nportance of the Converts 35\\n196 Victor, Bishop of Rome, addressed an order to\\nthe Asiatic Bishops respecting the celebra-\\ntion of Easter, which they refused to obey.\\nA Schism was the consequence 36\\n177 A persecution in Gaul by Marcus Antoninus 37\\nIrenaus was subsequently Bishop of Lyons 37\\nSome reasons why the Church of Alexandria\\nwas probably numerous at an early period 37\\nSt. Mark, the first Bishop 37\\n134 Testimony of the Emperor Adrian, respecting\\nthe religious character of the Alexandrians 37\\nEstablishment there of the Catechetical School,\\nand subsequent labors of Panteenus, Cle-\\nmens, and Origen 38\\nChapter II. On the J\\\\ iimhers, Discipline, Doctrine,\\nand Morality of the Primitive Church.\\nSCO The gi-eat extent over which Christianity was\\nspread before the end of the second century 38\\nThe earliest converts were chiefly of the mid-\\ndle or lower classes the cause of their ob-\\nscurity 39\\nThe great facility of intercourse throughout the\\nRoman Empire, the zeal of the missionaries,\\nc. 39\\nOn the mkacxilous powers claimed by the\\nI A. D. Paga\\nChurch, and the period to which they were\\nmost probably confined 4ft\\nThey appear to have ceased with the immedi-\\nate successors of the Apostles 40\\nThe episcopal government generally establish-\\ned after the death of the Apostles A\\nperpetual succession of Bishops traced up to\\nthat time in most- of the Eastern Churches\\nand in Rome 41,42\\nOn the temporary ministry of the prophets 42\\nOn the subordinate office of deacon, and the\\nextent of the spiritual duties assigned to it 42\\nVery early origin of the distinction between\\nclergy and laity, established by the Act of\\nOrdination 42\\nThe Bishop co-operated with the Council of\\nPresbyters in the government of his Church,\\nand was elected by the whole body of the\\nclergy and people 43\\nIb^etseq. Origin and composition of the first pro-\\nvincial assemldies or synods j they rose in\\nGreece 43\\nFrom these synods proceeded the title and dig-\\nnity of the Metropolitan, and the general ag-\\ngrandizement of the episcopal order 44\\nExcommunication the oldest weapon of the\\nChurch 44\\nCommunity of property had not universal prev-\\nalence 45\\nThe primitive institution of the Lord s day 45\\nThe two most ancient festivals were those of\\nthe resurrection and of the descent of the\\nHoly Spirit 45\\nThe only public fast on the day of the cruci-\\nfixion 45\\nThe variety of early creeds, and primitive use\\nof the Apostles creed. The sacraments of\\nBaptism and the Eucharist 45\\nNature and use of the Agapae, or feasts of\\nCharity 46\\nExemplary morality of the early Christians,\\nproved from the writings of St. Clement,\\nOrigen, the younger Pliny, Bardesanes, Lu-\\ncian, and Justin Martyr 47-49\\nCharity the corner stone of the moral edifipe 47-49\\nChapter III. Progress of Christianity from 200\\ntill Constantine^ s Accession.\\nThe first appearances of corruption in the\\nChurch necessarily proceeded from the in-\\ncreased numbers and more varied character\\nof the converts 49\\n313 Before the time of Constantine, Christianity\\nwas deeply rooted in all the eastern provin-\\nces of the ilouuin empire it had also spread\\namong the northern and western nations 50\\nSome vague pretensions of Rome advanced\\nand resisted 50\\n251 The Roman Synod against Novatian was at-\\ntended by sixty Bishops 50\\n203 Origen was made President of the Catechetical\\nSchool, and remained so for nearly th rty\\nyears. His great diligence and erroneous\\nprinciples in the interpretation of Scripture.\\nHe was successful in converting some Arabi-\\nan Heretics 51\\n192 Tertuliian was made Presbyter of the Church\\nof Cartilage. He fell into Montanism about\\nseven years afterwards. He was of a vio-\\nlent, inconsistent, and powerful character 52\\n250 Cyprian was raised to the See of Carthage 52\\nThe dignity of the Metropolitans was exalted,\\nand the general distinction between Bishops\\nand Presbyters widened during the third\\ncentury. Cyprian instrumentalin this 52,53\\nSome inferior classes in the ministry were in-\\nstituted the distinction between the faithful\\nand the Catechumens became prevalent in\\nthis age; and some mistaken notions were\\nencouraged respecting the nature of baptism,\\nas well as of the Eucharist 53,54\\nThe sign of the Cross was employed in the\\noffice of exorcism 53,54", "height": "4621", "width": "2626", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nThe connexion of religion with philosophy oc-\\ncasioned the origin of pious frauds and for-\\ngeries 54\\nThe sect of the Eclectics, founded by Ammo-\\nnias Saccas, tended to the injury and corrup-\\ntion of Christianity. His successor, Plotinus,\\nmade a compromise with his religion 55\\nThe Millennarian opinions prevalent in the\\nearly Church should probably be ascribed to\\nthe error of Papias 56\\nChapter IV.-\\n-Persecutions of several Roman\\nEmperors.\\nThe theory of pure Polytheism permits an un-\\nlimited reception of divinities, and, as such,\\nis tolerant but the Polytheism of Rome was\\napolitical engine the laws were rigid in ex-\\ncluding foreign Gods and the practice of the\\nRepublic was continued in the empire 57,58\\nThe number of Ten Persecutions became pop-\\nular after the fifth century. The name of\\npersecution should be confined to four or five 5S\\n\u00c2\u00a74 Whether the persecution of Nero was general\\nor con.fined to Rome, and whether his laws\\nagainst the Christians were more than an ap-\\nplication to them of the standing statutes of\\nthe empire 9,60\\n94 or 95 The grandsons of St. Jude were brought\\nbefore Domitian, and dismissed in security 60\\nThe Rescript of Trajan enjoined death as the\\npunishment of aconvicted Christian; forbid-\\nding, however, inquisition 60\\n138 161 Tbe Christians suffered, during the reign\\nof Antoninus Pins, through popular violence,\\nrather than legal oppression 61\\n163\u00e2\u0080\u0094181 The first systematic persecution was that\\nof Marcus Antoninus, and it lasted during\\nhis whole reign. He encouraged inquiry af-\\nter the suspected and inflicted every punish-\\nment He censured the enthusiasm of the\\nmartyrs, yet not himself free from the charge\\n\u00c2\u00a9f superstition, though adorned by many vir-\\ntues 61,62\\n202\u00e2\u0080\u0094211 The Edict of Severus against the Chris-\\ntians remained in force j it was most de-\\nstructive in Egypt 62^\\n250 Decius pretended to constrain all his subjects\\nto return to the religion of their ancestors\\nmany perished and many fell away from\\nthe faith 63\\n258 Cyprian suffered martyrdom in the reign of\\nValerian, on his refusal to sacrifice 64\\n303 The teachers of philosophy were instrumental\\nin bringing Diocletian to begin his persecu-\\ntion. It was continued for ten years, with a\\nseverity comprehending every form of oppres-\\nsion and ceased not till the accession of\\nConstantine 64\\n313 The early unpopularity of the Christians is ac-\\ncounted for by ancestral prejudices, the fame\\nof peculiar sanctity, converting zeal, Jewish\\nhostility, and various calumnies the exclu-\\nsive character of the religion, aversion for\\nidolatry, :c. 65,66\\nThe Church learned from her sufferings the\\nlesson of persecution, which she practised\\nin after ages 67\\nCbntumatjy the pretext for these Pagan inflic-\\ntions 63\\nVarious false notions respectin-g the characters\\nand ends of the emperors v/ho persecuted\\nand who tolerated 68\\nThese persecutions were not, upon the whole,\\nunfavorable to the progress of religion 69\\n\\\\Fh apter V. On the Heresies of the First Tliree\\nCenturies.\\nThe original meaning of the word heresy is\\nchoice; it passed from philosophy into relig-\\nion and various senses, no longer indiffer-\\nent, were then attached to it 69\\nThe earliest fathers strongly opposed erroneous\\nopinions yet permitted no personal severi-\\nties 70\\nThe names of dissent were in no age more nu-\\nmerous than the earliest proving the num-\\nbers of the early converts 71\\nSome errors probably older than. the apostolic\\npreaching 71\\nThe Church suffered from the absurd opinions\\nof some of the heretics who were confounded\\nwith it 71\\nMosheim distinguishes the early heretics into\\nthree classes 72\\nA different view is ta^a by Dr. Burton,, who-\\nA. D, Page\\ntraces all the most ancient heresies to the\\nGnostic philosophy 73\\nThe division of heresies here given is rather in\\nreference to their subject than their supposed\\norigin 73\\nThe vain inquiry respecting the origin of evil\\nit is ascribed to matter hence the eternity\\nof matter, and supposition of an evil principle 73\\nThe association of this philosophy with Chris-\\ntianity occasioned many gross errors, as the\\nrejection of the Old Testament as the work\\nof the evil spirit, and the denial of the hu-\\nmanity of Christ these were held by the\\nGnostics 73\\nSimon Magus was classed among these and\\nbis disciples are thought to have been very\\nnumerous at Rome 74\\n120-1 Saturninus introduced the opinions into the\\nAsiatic, Rasilides into the Egyptian, School;\\nand Carpocrates ami Valentin us further ex-\\ntended or refined them. Cerdo and Marcion\\nintroduced them into Rome 74\\n172 Tatian, disciple of Justin Martyr, founded on\\nthem the heresy of the Encratites, who pro-\\nfessed meditation and bodily austerities 74\\nThe Docetffi (Phantastics) were of very early\\norigin they had a system of emanations from\\nthe Divinity, caljed .^ons, of which Christ\\nwas one while Jesus was the mere man,\\ninto whom the ^on descended. They disbe-\\nlieved, in consequence, the atonement 75\\n72 The Ebionites, who denied the divinity of\\nChrist, were of very early origin they were\\nchiefly confined to the Jewish converts, and\\nwere disclaimed by the Church 75,76\\n200 Theodotus was expelled from the Church of\\nRome, while Victor was bishop, for assertiag\\nthe mere humanity of Christ 76\\n269 Paul of Samosata was deposed, and removed\\nby Aurelian 76\\nThe creed of Tertullian in his answer to\\nPraxeas 76\\n250 Sabellius denied the distinct personality of the\\nsecond and third persons, considering them\\nas energies, or portions of the first: hence\\nhis followers were called Patripassians 77\\n170 Montanus began to prophesy in Phrygia, in\\ncompany with Maximilla and Priscill a. Ter-\\ntullian became a convert and advocate 78\\n257 A controversy arose about the baptism of here-\\ntics, in which Stephen, Bishop of Rome, dis-\\nplayed some violence 78\\nThe Novatians,^ the earliest ecclesiastical re-\\nformers, were condemned by the Church\\nthey subsisted till the fifth century 79\\nObservations on the character of the early her-\\nesies, and the manner in which they were\\nopposed by churclircen 79\\nThe degree of respect due to the early Fathers 79\\nOn the epistle of Barnabas, the Shepherd of\\nHermas, the epistles of Igiiatius, and that of\\nPolycarp 80\\n140 The two Apologies of Justin Martyr and his\\ndialogue with the Jew Trypho 81\\n178 Irenffius was made Bishop of Lyons. He wrote\\nfive books Against Heresies 81,82\\nPART IL\\nCiTAPTER Vr. Constantine tkt Cheat\\n312 An inquiry into the miracle of the luminous\\ncross it rests on very insufficient evidence 82 ;83\\n313 Publication of the edict of Milan an edict of\\nuniversal toleration 83\\nThe suspicions of Constantine s sincerity are\\nfounded on the inadequacy of his morality to\\nhis profession and are counteracted by ma-\\nny particulars of his conduct and character 83\\nBefore Constantine, neither the authority of\\nsynods or bishops, nor the property of the\\nChurch, was recognised by law. Here is ths\\nearliest vestige of distinction between spirit-\\nual and temporal power 85\\nIn what the strength of the Antenicene Church\\nconsisted. That strengtli, as well as the\\npeculiar qualities of Christians, influenced\\nConstantine to legalize Christianity 86\\nHe received the Church into strict alliance\\nwith the State; investing the Crown with\\nthe highest ecclesiastical authority, with\\ngreat mutual advantage 85\\n321 The internal administration of the Church re-\\nmained in the hands of the Prelates. Per-\\nmission was granted to bequeath property to\\nthe Church also exemption from civil offi-\\nces, and independent jurisdictiou 87", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nA. D. Page A. D.\\nThe Emperor assumed the control of the ex-\\nternal administration the right of calling\\ngeneral councils, ;c. 88\\nThis right was the creation of a new power,\\nnot an usurpation on the Church 88\\n-Constantinejin the ecclesiastical, followed the\\ncivil, divisions of the empire. To the three\\nleading prelates of Rome, Antioch, and Alex-\\nandria, he added the Patriarch of Constan-\\ntinople 89\\nA thousand Bishops administered the Eastern,\\nand eight hundred the Western, Church 89\\nThe establishment of the Church was, upon\\nthe whole, favorable to the concord of\\nChristians. The persecutions which have\\nfollowed it were not its necessary conse-\\nquence 89\\nVarious sources of the Romish corruptions 90\\nJ\\\\rote. On the historical respectability of Euse-\\nbios to what his professions are confined,\\nand how far he fulfils them 90-91\\nChapter VII. On the Arian Controversy.\\nThose metaphysical controversies, which ex-\\nercised only the wit of philosophers, engaged\\nthe passions of Christians. They were pro-\\nlonged by the neglect of Scripture, and in-\\nflamed by the national characteristics of the\\ndisputants 92\\nConstantino presently published laws against\\nvarious heretics 93\\n319 Arius promulgated his opinions at Alexandria,\\nand had many followers in Asia and Egypt.\\nHe was excommunicated by Alexander, Bish-\\nop of Alexandria 93\\n325 Constantino reluctantly convoked the Council\\nof Nice 94\\nThe variety of motives by which its members\\nwere profeably influenced. The dissensions\\nof the Bishops, who finally pronounced the\\nSon consubstantial with the Father 94\\nGibbon s account examined (note) 95\\nTemporal penalties were inflicted on the contu-\\niHacious, but revoked, as soon as their ineffi-\\ncacy was discovered 96\\nThe character of Arius, according to Epiphanius 96\\n336 Constantius encouraged Arianisra in the East 96\\n326 Athanasius succeeded Alexander in the See of\\nAlexandria. He was degraded restored\\nand again degraded j and passed his exile at\\nRome 97\\nS49 He was again restored to his throne and, is\\nseven years, deposed for the third time 98\\nThe difficulty with which Constantius accom-\\nplished his deposition, proves the diminution\\nof the imperial despotism, through the rise\\nof the Church 98\\n362 Athanasius was again restored, on the death\\nof Constantius, and, after eleven years, died\\nin his See 98\\nDifference among the Arians as to the likeness\\nbetween the two persons leading to divis-\\nions 98\\nThe Semiarians, Honaoiousians, Anomoians,\\nor Eunomians\\n358-9 Synods of Ancyra and Seleucia\\n360 The Council of Rimini established Arianism\\n(or rather Semiarianism) in the West\\nS70 Yalens persecuted the Catholics throughout the\\nEast\\n383 Theodosius the Great generally restored the\\nCatholic belief\\n381 The Council General of Constantinople estab-\\nlished the divinity of the Third Person\\nDamasus, at Rome, and Ambrose, at Milan,\\nzealously defended the Consubstantialist doc-\\ntrine\\n870 triphilas converted the Goths to Arianism\\nother barbarians subsequently adopted the\\nsame opinion and in the fifth century it\\nagain became general in the West\\n527 et seq. Justinian sustained the Catholics\\n589 The Council of Toledo extirpated Arianism\\nfrom Spain and the Lombards soon after-\\nwards embraced the Catholic doctrine\\nThe Arians may have been free from some of\\nthe superstitious corruptions of the Catho-\\nlics but the merit of tolerance cannot be\\nascribed to either party\\nJVote on Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, and\\nother ecclesiastical writers 103-4\\n100\\n100\\n100\\n102\\n102\\nPage\\n105\\nChapter VIII. The Decline and Fall of Paganism,\\nThe overthrow of Paganism contemporary with\\nthe Arian dissenaions 104\\n321 Constantine published an edict in favor of\\ndivination\\n333 He began to attack the temples and idols, and\\ngenerally condemned the rights of Paganism.\\nConstantius, the Arian, followed his example 105\\nThe supposed motives of Julian, and his char-\\nacter, as compared to that of Marcus Anto-\\nninus 106\\nThe policy of Constantine contrasted with that\\nof Julian 105\\nThe successive penalties and disabilities by\\nwhich Julian attacked the Christians, and\\nthe great knowledge which he showed of the\\ntheory of persecution 107\\nHis endeavors to reform Paganism were direct-\\ned to three points in a great measure bor-\\nrowed from the ecclesiastical system of the\\nChristians 107\\n353 He made his celebrated attempt to rebuild the\\nTemple of Jerusalem. The historical facts\\nof this attempt are founded on the combined\\nevidence of four contemporary authors, one of\\nwhom, Ammianus JJarcellinus, was a Pagan 108\\nThe question whether the phEenomenon which\\ninterrupted the w*ork was natural or miracu-\\nlous 108\\nA recent explanation of it is attended v/ith\\nsome difficulties, and still leaves room for\\nuncertainty 109\\nValentinian I. practised universal toleration IW\\n392 Theodosius published his famous edict against\\npolytheism. It was effectual in diminishing\\nthe numbers of the Pagans, and confining\\nthem chiefly to the villages 3 whence the\\nname 110\\nThe religion may be considered as extinct from\\nthis time 111\\nSome heathen superstitions were communicat-\\ned to Christianity. The veneration for mar-\\ntyrs encouraged by the Fathers, and carried\\nto excess by the people 111\\n404 Honorius abolished the gladiatorial games 112\\n388 Christianity was established by the Roman\\nSenate 113\\nJ\\\\rote on the writings of Julian, Ammianus Mar-\\ncellinus, and Zosimus. Julian s hatred of\\nChristianity was not the contempt of a philos-\\n1, opher, but the passion of a rival a passage m\\nthe Misopogon proves his own superstitious-\\nness or hypocrisy his charitable edicts were\\nderived from the Christian practices 113-14-15\\nChapter IX. J^owt the Fall of Paganism to the\\nDeath of Justinian.\\n370 600 The various barbarian tribes were coh-\\nverted, some before, some after, their inva-\\nsion of the empire\\n496 The probable account and consequences of the\\nconversion of Clovis. The first connexion\\nbetween France and Rome\\nThe natural causes which facilitated the con-\\nversion of the barbarians their respect for\\nthe grandeur of the empire, for the sacerdotal\\ncharacter, for the imposing ceremonies of the\\nChurch 116-17\\nThe opinion of Mosheim as to the probability\\nof supernatural interposition in aid of this\\nwork\\nThe internal condition of the Church was still\\nfurther corrupted by the admixture of anotli-\\ner superstition\\n427 Symeon the Stylite, a Syrian monk, commenc-\\ned his method of penitential devotion, and\\nobtained the admiration of the people and the\\nrespect of the Emperors 118-19\\n440 Leo the Great was raised to the See of Rome\\nzealous in the repression of error both in tke\\nEast and West\\nAnd in the aggrandizement of the Roman See\\nLeo encouraged, or instituted, the practice of\\nprivate confession, so useful to sacerdotal\\npower\\n451 The substance of the 29th canon of the Council\\nof Chalcedon respecting the relative rank of\\nthe Sees of Rome and Constantinople 120-1\\n527 Justinian ascended the throne, and held it for\\nnearly forty years. He assailed various he-\\nretics, Arians, Nestorians, Eutychians re-\\nceived from the fifth General Council the title\\nof Most Christian, and died in the heresy\\nof the Incorruptibles, or Phantastics\\nOn the system of persecution adopted by the\\nChristian Emperors. Theadosius II. embodi-\\ned the various barbarous edicts in the The-\\nodosian Code, and instituted inquisitions for\\ntlie detection of lieresy\\n115\\n116\\n118\\niia\\n119\\n120\\n121\\n131-2", "height": "4712", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "6\\nANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nA. D, I age\\nThe decline of the Roman literature was previ-\\nous to any influence of the Christian religion,\\nand chiefly caused by despolism 122-3\\n350 430 Many eminent Christian writers flourish-\\ned, and were the best of that age 122-3\\n398 The Council of Carthage prohibited the study\\nof secular books by Bishops :i-eat ignorance\\nfollowed, though not in consequence of this\\ndecree 124\\nThe Seven Liberal Arts, Books of xMartyrs,\\nLives of Saints, :c. 124\\n529 Justinian published the edict which closed the\\nSchool of x\\\\thens 125\\nReligion in its purity had been connected with\\nphilosophy in its corruption and abuse 125\\nThe effect of Justinian s edict has probably\\nbeen much exaggerated 125\\nThe moral delinquences of the clergy were not\\nso great as some have represented them 126\\nThe miseries of the age were ascribed by many\\nto the overthrow of the idols and Augustine\\ncombats this notion in his City of God 126-7\\nJVute on certain ecclesiastical writers 127\\nS10, c. The Divine Institutions, and Deaths of\\nthe Persecutors, the works of Lactantius 127\\n362, ;c. Gregory Nazianzen wrote some Discourses\\nagainst the Emperor Julian lie exalts in\\nlofty language the authority of the Church 128\\n374 Ambrose raised by the people to the See of Mi-\\nlan he was not then baptized. In 390 he\\nimposed an act of humiliation on Theodosius\\nthe Great 128\\nChrysostom combined great eloquence, zeal,\\nand piety, with some extravagance lie died\\nin exile on Mount Taurus. His opinions on\\nthe Eucharist, on Grace and Original Sin,\\nand on Confession, have been the occasion of\\nmuch controversy 130-31\\n390 Jerome, in his convent at Bethlehem, exalted\\nmonastic excellence, and attacked the re-\\nformers and heretics, Jovinian, Vigilantius,\\nPelagius, c. Ilis Latin translation of the\\nOld Testament less favorably received at the\\ntime than his polemical philippics 131-2\\nChapter X.\u00e2\u0080\u0094From the Death of Justinian, to that\\nof Charlemagne, 567 814.\\n596 St. Austin, with forty Benedictines, introduc-\\ned Christianity into Britain. His miraculous\\nclaims may be rejected but the work was\\naccomplished without violence. Gregory tlie\\nGreat was Bishop of Rome 133-4\\nSome of the original Christians remaining in\\nWales retained the Eastern error as to the\\ncelebration of Easter 133-4\\n715\u00e2\u0080\u0094723 Winfred (Boniface), an Englishman, call-\\ned the Apostle of Germany. He was raised\\nto the see of Mayence, and (755) murdered\\nby the Frieselanders 134-5\\n622\u00e2\u0080\u0094732 The Mahometans conquered Bersia, Sy-\\nria, Egypt, (through tlie co-operation of the\\nJacobites) the northern parts of Africa, and\\nSpain. They invaded France, and were de-\\nfeated by Charles Martel 135-6\\n772 Charlemagne converted the Saxons by the\\nsword and had reason to complain of their\\ncontumacy 137\\n590\u00e2\u0080\u0094604 Gregory the Great was raised to the Ro-\\nman See he possessed some good and great\\nqualities, and applied himself to reform some\\nabuses. He was charitable, zealous for the\\npropagation of Christianity, and the unity of\\nthe Church 138-9\\nThe charge against him of having burned the\\nPalatine Library is probably unfounded 139\\nHe encouraged the use, and prohibited the\\nworship, of images 139\\nHe irjciilcated purgatory, and pilgrimage to\\nholy places 140\\nHis extravagant letter to the Empress Constan-\\ntina on the bodies of the Saints and the sanc-\\ntity of their relics 140-1\\nWorship was still celebrated by every nation\\nin its own language 141\\nGregory instituted the canon of the Mass, and\\nadded splendor to the ceremonies of the\\nChurch 14]\\n588 The title of CEcumenic was conferred by the\\nEmperor Maurice upon the Patriarch of Con-\\nstantinople. Gregory velienientlv disputed\\nthe propriety of the title, without claiming it\\nfor himself 142\\nGregory first claimed the power of the Keys for\\nthe successor of St. Peter, rather than the I\\nbody of the Bishops 142\\nThe use of papal envoys and advocates, and i\\nA. D. Page\\nthe practice of appeal to Rome, became more\\ncommon during the pontificate of Gregory 143\\nOf his claim to the title of Great, and the mis-\\nchief occasioned by the superstitions encour-\\naged by him 143\\n604 770 No character of ecclesiastical eminence\\nfrom Gregory to Charlemagne. But many\\nclianges were silently introduced into the\\nWestern Church, through the barbarian con-\\nquests. The East remained unaltered 144\\nThe lower orders of tiie clergy were greatly\\ndebased in the West. The office of priest-\\nhood was commonly conferred on the serfs\\nof the Church 145\\nA number of laymen were connected with the\\nChurch by the giving of the tonsure 145\\nThe principle of the Unity of the Church, now\\nuseful in associating the barbarians, prepared\\nthe way for the papal despotism. On some\\nCouncils held in Spain 145\\nThe process by which the Popes usurped the\\nauthority of the Metropolitans 146\\nPrinces usurped the appointment to vacant\\nSees, with great detriment to the Church, in\\nthose ages 147\\nThe power and corruption of the episcopal or-\\nder. The military character commonly as-\\nsumed 147\\n635 Pope Martin was carried away to Constantino-\\npie, and died in exile in the Chersonesus 148\\n754-5 Pope Zachary, having contributed to raise\\nPepin to the throne of France, was rewarded\\nby the donation of the Exarchate of Ravenna 148-9\\n800 Charlemagne was proclaimed Emperor of the\\nWest. He exerted great munificence towards\\nthe Church still, however, retaining Rome\\nas a part of the empire. His object was to\\ncivilize his subjects by means of the clergy 149\\n789 The Councils of Aix-la-Chapelle and (794)\\nFrankfort assembled for the reformation of\\nthe clergy 150\\nChapter XI. On the Dissensions of the Church\\nfrom Constantine to Charlemagne.\\n311 The principal cause of the schism of the Dona-\\ntists was a disrespect shown to the Numidian\\nBishops. The principle which it pleaded\\nwas the invalidity of the ministry of the\\nTraditors 152\\nConstantine interfered, by synods, first at\\nRome, then at Aries lastly, by personal in-\\nvestigation. He decided against the Dona-\\ntists, and used the secular power 152\\nBut he presently repealed the laws against\\nthem. They were pex-secuted by Constans\\nrestored by Julian they then flourished, and\\nquarrelled. Presently Augustin assailed\\nthem and they were condemned by the\\nCouncil of Carthage, and persecuted. Great\\nravages were committed by the Circumcel-\\nlions 153\\n354 430 Augustin, a Numidian, embraced the\\nManichean opinions. He returned to the\\nChurch 3 was made Bishop of Hippo re-\\nformed the abuse of the Agapae and became\\ncelebrated by his Catholic zeal, and his\\nwritings 154-5\\nErasmus had drawn a parallel between Augus-\\ntin and Jerome 155\\nSome particulars relating to his private life 156\\n380 Prisciilian was condemned on the charge of\\nManiclieism by the Council of Saragossa, and\\nexecuted at Treves, by Maximus, four years\\nafterwards. He is generally considered as\\nthe first martyr to religious dissent. It ig\\ndisputed what his opinions were 156-7\\n390 Jovinian was condemned by a Council held by\\nAmbrose, at Milan, and banished by the em-\\nperor. He wrote against celibacy, and relig-\\nious seclusion 158\\n405 Vigilantius wrote against the temples of mar-\\ntyrs, prodigies, vigils, prayers to saints, fast-\\ning, :c. 159\\n412 The opinions of Celestinus were condemned\\nby a Council at Carthage. Augustin then\\naccused Pelagius before two Councils, in Sy-\\nria but he was acquitted in both. Zosimus,\\nBishop of Rome, at first declared in his favor.\\nBut an imperial edict was obtained against\\nthe heresy, c. 159-60-61\\nWhat is the substance of the Pelagian opinions\\nand what seem to have been the real senti-\\nments of Augustin 161\\n428 The Semipelagian doctrines began to spread\\nin France, and seem to have had earlier\\nprevalence in the East but they were equal", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nA. D. Pa\\nly condemned by the Church of Rome 1(\\nThe doctrine of the One Incarnate Nature\\nwas first avowed in Egypt by Apollinaris,\\nBishop of Laodicea, the friend of Athanasi-\\nus but condemned in Asia and Syria 162\\n428 Nestorius was raised to the See of Constanti-\\nnople. He maintained that the Virgin Mary\\nshould be called the Mother of Christ, or\\neven Mother of Man j not Mother of God.\\nCyril of Alexandria opposed him 163-4\\n431 He was condemned by the General Council of\\nEphesus, and died in the deserts of Upper\\nEgypt. But his opinions spread throughout\\nAsia 164\\nThe doctrine of the Nestorians, according to the\\nCouncils of Seleucia 164\\n449 The Monophysite opinions of Eutyches were\\nconfirmed in a Council held at Ephesus but\\nrejected by that of Chalcedon (451), which\\nestablished the doctrine of Christ in one per-\\nson and two natures 165\\n482 Zeno published his Henoticon, or edict of Union 166\\n629 Heraclius proposed the question of the single\\nor double will of Christ and the latter was\\nestablished by the sixth General Council at\\nConstantinople, held in 680 166\\nSome remarks favorable to the parties engaged\\nin these cor^troversies 166\\n726 Leo the Isaurian attacked the worship of ima-\\nges, established in the East before 600 167\\nAnd was resisted both in tlie East, and in Ita-\\nly, and by Gregory II. 168\\n754 An assembly near Constantinople decreed the\\ndestruction of images (hence the name Ico-\\nnoclasts) but Irene restored them by the\\nGeneral Council of Nice, in 787 the seventh,\\nand last, of the Greek Church. Some re-\\nmarks on those Councils 168-69\\nTlie Iconoclast heresy was renewed by some\\nfollowing emperors but finally repressed\\n(842) by the Empress Theodora 170\\n754 John Damascenus, the last of the Greek Fa-\\nthers 171\\nThe miracles in this contest were chiefly\\nclaimed by the friends of the idols, who, in\\nthe East, were for the most part the monks\\nand lower people. In the West, the Papal\\nChair zealously supported the same cause 171\\n794 But the Council of Francfort, under Charle-\\nmagne, was much more moderate 171-2\\nChapter XII. On the Schism between the Greek\\nand Latin Churches.\\nSome political causes which accelerated the\\ndivision between the Churches 172-3\\n320 451 The extent and authority of the See of\\nConstantinople increased widely, and its ju-\\nrisdiction was confirmed by the Council of\\nChalcedon, in spite of the Legates of Leo the\\nGreat 172-3\\n588 After continued disputes, John the Faster as-\\nsumed the title of Universal Patriarch, which\\nled to fresh quarrels. The internal dissen-\\nsions of the Greek Church always gave Rome\\nan influence in its aff airs 173-4\\n767 The doctrine of the double procession, having\\nbeen previously agitated in Spain, was re-\\nceived by the French clergy at the Council\\nof Gentilli, and advocated by Charlemagne\\nat Aix-la-Chapelle, in 809 174\\n1 853 Photius was raised to the See of Constantino-\\nple, and then he and Nicholas I. excommu-\\nnicated each other 175\\nPhotius charged the Roman Church with five\\nerrors 175\\nThere were, besides, differences about the lim-\\nits of their respective jurisdiction. Photius\\nwas deposed, and the act confirmed by a\\nCouncil held at Constantinople, in 869 but\\nthis had no effect in healing the schism 175\\n1054 Another dispute between Michael Cerularius\\nand Leo IX. completed the division and the\\nLatin Act of Excommunication was placed\\noa the grand altar of St. Sophia 176\\nChapter XIII. The condition of the Church at\\nthe Death of Charlemagne.\\nThe subjects of this chapter are chiefly retro-\\nspective 176\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u0094313 The nature of the primitive ecclesiasticrri\\ngovernment. The elements of three forms\\nof government may be discovered in it\\nthe Episcopal, the Presbyterian, and the In-\\ndependent but they immediately resolved\\nthemselves into a limited epiacopaey 177\\nA. D. pa\u00e2\u0080\u009e\\nThe rise of synods their co-operation for the\\nunion of the various churches 177\\nThe principal bond of union was the catalogue\\nof the Sacred Books and perhaps the salva-\\ntion of the Church may be ascribed to that\\nunion 173\\nAn opinion of Semler considered, JVote 178\\nThe writings of the Antenicene Fathers con-\\ntain the most important doctrines, but no\\ntheological system 173\\nMiraculous powers falsely attributed to the\\nearly Church, at least after the middle of the\\nsecond age J79\\nThe nature of those which it asserted 179\\nOn exorcists and Daemoniacs. The words of\\nCyprian 189\\nSeveral literary forgeries disgraced tlie Anteai-\\ncene Church 181\\nThe distinction of the converts into Catechu-\\nmens and Faithful, was as early as Tertul-\\nlian. Its motive two-fold 181\\nThere were two original sacraments or myste-\\nries but the ceremonies of penitential abso-\\nlution, ordination, c., were concealed from\\nthe uninitiated and even baptism and the\\neucharist were surrounded with some super-\\nstitious reverence 181\\nThe birthdays of the martyrs were of early in-\\nstitution 3 and honors were offered at their\\ntombs 182\\nThe use of prayers and oflferings for the dead,\\nand the practice of occasional fasting, was\\nvery early 182\\nSome of the forms of the external economy of\\nthe Church are tf\u00c2\u00bb be so\u00c2\u00abight in Jewish, some\\nin Pagan practices. On the distinction be-\\ntween clergy and laity, the power of the\\npresbytery, liturgies, the sacrifice, votive dch-\\nnations, c. 183\\nTwo conclusions may be drawn, (1.) That\\nthe Antenicene Church was not a perfect\\nmodel of a Christian society. (2.) That the\\nfundamental doctrines of Christianity are\\nsteadily perceptible from the beginning. The\\ncorruptions, which were even then in exist-\\nence, might have been easily corrected on\\nthe estabtishment of the Church 183-4-5\\n320 604 A great progress in abuse during this period 185\\nThe Monastic system took root in the 4th and\\n5th ages 185\\nThe celibacy of the clergy was treated in the\\nCouncils of Ancyra and Nice, and in that of\\nConstantinople in Trullo 185\\nThe exertions of Pope Siricius and Gregory the\\nGreat 185\\nThe penitential system was maintained in full\\nvigor, till the institution of private confession\\nby Leo the Great 186\\nThe doctrine of purgatory was first expressly\\nlaid down to the Church by Gregory the\\nGreat 186\\nA great number of Pagan ceremonies found\\ntheir way iuto the Church in the 5th and 6th\\ncenturies and, among other evils, the use\\nand abuse of images 187\\nThe origin of the spiritual power of the Chris-\\ntian clergy a power unknown to the Pagan\\npriesthood. To what objects it was directed\\nbefore Constantine. The popular influence\\nwhich it conferred 187\\nOther motives afterwards combined to raise\\nthe authority and influence of the hierarchy 188\\nThe great number (1800) of the Bishops increas-\\ned their weight in the commonwealth but\\nthis was diminished by their intestine dis-\\nsensions 189\\nThe ill and wicked policy, which led the\\nChurch to appeal to the temporal sword 189\\nThe influence of the Presbytery in the govern-\\nment of the diocese gradually decayed and\\nthe authority of the Bishop rose far above the\\ninferior clergy 190\\nThe Bishop of Rome was exalted as the Bishop\\nof the Imperial city, as the only Patriarch of\\nthe West, by the absence of the Imperial\\nGovernment, by the especial claim of St. Pe-\\nter s protection, and of the Keys; hence he\\nderived respect, which he converted into au-\\nthority 190-1\\n600\u00e2\u0080\u0094800 A vast field for ecclesiastical exertion, for\\ngood as well as for evil, was opened by the\\nbarbarian conquests the inordinate growth\\nof episcopal power was another characteris-\\ntic of this period another was the establish-\\nment of the Pope s temporal monarchy by the\\ndonation of Pepin 19La\\nThe Athanasian Creed, originally written in", "height": "4708", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "8\\nANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nA. D, Page\\nLatin, is commonly attributed to Vigiliua\\nTapsenais, who lived at the end of the fifth\\ncentury the principle of this creed is the\\nexclusive salvation of those within the\\nChurch. The truths which it contains are\\nnot expressed in the words of Scripture it\\nwas composed many ages after the apostoli-\\ncal times, when evangelical purity was in no\\nprevalence 192-3\\nConstantine instructed the magistrates to exe-\\ncute the episcopal sentence, but he restrain-\\ned their power within narrow limits. Some\\ndecrees of subsequent emperors on the same\\nsubject and with the same view 193-4\\nJustinian enlarged the jurisdiction of the Bish-\\nops, and entirely exempted them from the\\nlay courts, and there the matter rested in the\\nEastern Church in the West, Charlemagne\\nincreased their privileges to an inordinate\\nextent, whicli their territorial possessions\\nstretched still farther 195\\nThe foundations of the Papal omnipotence\\nwere laid by the forgeries of the donation of\\nConstantine, and the false Decretals how\\nfar Charlemagne may have been influenced\\nby the former 195\\n1 325 The Antenicene clergy were supported by\\nvoluntary oblations. Constantine opened a\\nvariety of new sources 196\\nWhat exemptions the clergy soon afterwards\\nenjoyed 197\\nThe ancient manner of dispensing the Church\\nfunds 197\\n470 (about.) A law for the quadripartite division of\\nthe funds was enacted in the West 198\\nChanges introduced by the system of feudali-\\nties 198\\nFoundation of benefices and right of patronage 198\\nThe territorial and other possessions of the\\nclergy were very considerable, even before\\nCharlemagne, and not always acquired by\\nwortiiy means 199\\nMuch on the other hand was derived from fair\\nand honorable sources and all was liable to\\nplunder 199\\nNo tithes were paid to the Antenicene Church\\nbut both Ambrose and Augustin inculcated\\nthe payment vehemently, and pressed the\\ndivine obligation. Chrysostom and Jerome\\nwere more moderate 200\\nSome special endowments may have been\\nmade before the end of the seventh century\\nbut the first legislative act which conferred\\n778 the right was that of Charlemagne. Other\\nconstitutions followed, but the payment does\\nnot seem to have been commanded as a\\n1215 duty of common right, till the fourth Later-\\nan Council, under Innocent III. (Canon\\n54*) 201-2\\nThe power and influence of the Church, at the\\nperiod of the barbarian conquests, were the\\ninstruments by which the religion was pre-\\nserved 203\\nIt afterwards conferred great benefits on soci-\\nety by the general exercise of charity, by the\\nseverity of its penitential discipline, by its\\nmore civilized principles of legislation, by\\nattempts to abolish slavery, and to diminish\\ncivil outrage and international warfare, by\\npreserving the ancient writings, and dissem-\\ninating the imperfect education of the age 203-4\\nPART in.\\nChapter XIV. TTie Oovemment and Projncls\\nof the Church during the JVinth and Tenth Cen-\\nturies.\\nThe contents of this chapter are divided under\\nthree separate heads 205\\nI. The original law of Papal election continued\\nto the time of Charlemagne, and was not dis-\\nturbed by him. It became, in two respects,\\noffensive to the Popes they began to dis-\\npense with the Imperial confirmation under\\nthe Carlovingian princes, and Charles the\\nBald (875) resigned his right 205\\n960 Otho the Great, after a long prevalence of dis-\\norder in the pontifical elections, resumed the\\nprivilege of the empire, and extended it so\\nfar as to appoint Popes by his own authority 206\\n\u00c2\u00a3047 59 The liberty of the See was gradually recov-\\nered, and the appointment vested in the Col-\\nlege of Cardinals by Nicholas II. 206\\nQuod Decimae ante Tiibuta solvantur.\\nA. D. Page\\nRemarks on the fluctuations of the contest,\\nand the causes which produced them 206\\nII. The encroachments of e cclesiastical on\\ncivil authority were of various descriptions 207\\nEvils proceeding from the indistinct limits of\\nspiritual and secular jurisdiction yet these\\nwere not very perceptible till after the death\\nof Charlemagne 207\\nOn the increase of power and privilege confer-\\nred on the higher clergy, by the establish-\\nment of the feudal system. They became\\nan Order in the State, c. 208\\nThey gradually assumed the military character 209\\nThe superstitious method of trials was useful\\nto priestly authority, yet, on many occasions,\\nit was opposed by the clergy 209\\nThe intellectual superiority of the clergy natu-\\nrally and necessarily enlarged their influence\\nand power 209\\nThe property of the church was liable to per-\\npetual spoliation 210\\n833 et seq. On the deposition, penance, and tempo-\\nrary humiliation of Lewis the Meek, by the\\nepiscopal authority. This act had a prece-\\ndent in the deposition of Vamba, King of the\\nVisigoths, in Spain, at the twelfth Council\\nof Toledo (682) 2U\\nThese were episcopal, not papal, usurpations 211\\n842\u00e2\u0080\u0094859 Other instances of the power of the Bish-\\nops and the weakness and dependence of the\\nCrown, in the reign of Charles the Bald 211-13\\nPope Nicholas I. interfered respecting the mar-\\nriage (870) of Lothaire, King of Lorraine, and\\nAdrian II. in the succession to that throne 213\\n880 Hincmar, of Rheims, employed strong expres-\\nsions and a fortunate prophecy against Lew-\\nis III. 213\\nCharles the Bald accepted the vacant empire\\nas the donation of John VIII. This prece-\\ndent was of great value to the Popes in after\\nages 213-T4\\nFurther progress of ecclesiastical usurpation 214\\n978 Robert of France put away his wife and per-\\nformed penance in obedience to the interdict\\nof Gregory V 214\\nIII. The progress of papal authority was not\\nrapid until the forgery of the False Decretals\\nand even these were not brought into full op-\\neration before the time of Gregory VII. 215\\nSome French Prelates retorted the threat of ex-\\ncommunication against Pope Gregory IV. 215-16\\n862, c. Pope Nicholas I. restored to his see, by his\\nown authority, a Bishop v^ ho had been de-\\nposed by Hincmar of Rheims, and had ap-\\npealed to Rome 216\\nFive years afterwards the Pope gained another\\ntriumph over the Archbishop 216\\n845^882 Hincmar occupied the See of Rheims\\nthe great churchman of the ninth century 217\\nA vague notion of the Pope s omnipotence was\\ngaining ground among the laity in this age 217\\n876 John VIII. appointed the Archbishop of Sens\\nhis permanent vicar and legate in France, in\\nspite of Hincmar and the clergy. The pon-\\ntifical power was further advanced by ex-\\nemptions of monasteries, by the principle that\\nBishops derived their power from the Pope,\\nby the exclusive convocation of councils 218-19\\nChapter XV. On the Opinions, Literature, Dis-\\ncipline, and external Fortunes of the Church.\\nThe vicissitudes of religion, during these ages,\\nin the different countries of the West, gen-\\nerally corresponded with their literary revo-\\nlutions 219\\nA half-enlightened age is more fertile in contro-\\nversies than one of perfect darkness 219\\nIt is a question whether the bodily presence\\nwas universally received in the beginning of\\nthe ninth age 219\\n831 846 Paschasius Radbertus originated the con-\\ntroversy concerning the body and blood of\\nChrist 220\\nHis doctrine is expressed in two propositions.\\nRatramn and John Scotus were ordered by\\nCharles the Bald to write on the same sub-\\nject. The controversy died away before the\\nend of this century, without any result, and\\nreposed during the tenth 220\\n848 Godeschalcus advanced predestinarian opin-\\nions, which were condemned by the council\\nof Mayence, convoked by Rahanus Maurus.\\nNext year he was again condemned by Hinc-\\nmar, deposed, flagellated, imprisoned for life,\\nand deprived of Christian sepulture 221-2-3\\n960\u00e2\u0080\u00941000 Bernard, a Thuringian hermit, preached", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\n9\\nA. D Page\\nthe approaching end of the world the opin-\\nion generally spread and produced great com-\\nmotion and mischief to society 223\\n800 999 Letters, somewhat revived by Charle-\\nmagne, partially flourished during the ninth\\ncentury they then expired. In the mean-\\ntime, the Arabians diffused them in Spain\\nthence they passed into France, and ascend-\\ned, with Sylvester II., into the Papal Chair 224-5\\nThe prostrate discipline of the Church, raised\\nby Charlemagne, was supported by numerous\\ncouncils during the ninth age, especially in\\nFrance, and through Hincmar. In the mean-\\ntime, the False Decretals were making silent\\nprogress 225-6\\n817 Benedict of Aniane reformed the monastic\\norder 226-7\\nThe election of bishops was nominally restor-\\ned to the chapters, and their translations vain-\\nly prohibited 227\\n896 A posthumous insult was offered to Pope For-\\nmosus, who had been promoted from the See\\nof Porto to that of Rome 227\\n956 John XII. introduced the custom of assuming\\na new name on elevation to the Papal Chair 228\\n830 Claudius, Bishop of Turin, the Protestant of\\nthe ninth century, opposed the use of relics\\nand other corruptions 828\\nChristianity was generally introduced into the\\nnorth of Europe before the middle of the\\neleventh age ^9\\n830 854 Ansgarius attempted the conversion of\\nSweden that of Russia may be assigned to\\nthe end of the tenth century that of Poland\\nwas somewhat earlier that of Hungary\\nsomewhat later 229-30\\nOn the contemporaneous progress of the Nor-\\nmans and the Turks 231\\nChapter XYI.\u00e2\u0080\u0094TJie Life of Gregory VII.\\nSkction I.\\n1049 Leo IX., appointed to the see by the Emperor,\\nis recorded to have taken Hildebrand with\\nhim to Rome, from his monastery at Cluni 231\\n1054 Victor II. succeeded, on the recommendation\\nof Hildebrand 232\\n1059 Papal election was confided to the Cardinals\\nby Nicholas II. Of whom that body then\\nconsisted 232\\nThe consent of the rest of the clergy and people\\nwas required but Alexander III. afterwards\\nremoved that restraint 233\\nThe original method of popular election had\\ngi-adually fallen every where into disuse 233\\nThe necessity of imperial confirmation was vir-\\ntually abolished by Nicholas II. at the same\\ntime 233\\nThe Norman Duke of Apulia received his ter-\\nritories as a fief of the Roman See 234\\nlOGl Hildebrand succeeded in placing Alexander II.\\nin the Chair, ruled the Church under his\\nname, and developed, during this Pontificate,\\nthe leading schemes of his own ambition 234-5\\nJ073 Himself was raised to the See, and took the\\nname of Gregory VII. 234-5\\nSection II.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pontificate of Gregory.\\n1074 The Pope assembled a council against the con-\\ncubinage of the clergy and simony 235\\nA great relaxation in the morals of the clergy\\nduring the tenth century; the Popes, from\\nLeo IX., had attempted to correct it, but\\nwith no effect 236\\nGregory endeavored to enforce his decree, and\\ngreat confusion ensued 236\\nThe princes, long before Charlemagne, had\\ngradually usurped the most valuable Church\\npatronage, and frequently abused it 236\\nIt was Gregory s object to recover it from them\\nthe question about investitures was only the\\nmeans to do so 236\\nFrom the time of Otho I. the sovereigns had\\nperformed the office of investiture with the\\nring and crosier, symbols of a spiritual office\\nthis was the point ostensibly disputed 237\\nHenry IV. resisted Gregory s demands, and the\\nPope deposed some German prelates, and\\nmenaced anathemas 237\\nGregory summoned Henry to Rome, to clear\\nhimself from certain charges alleged by his\\nsubjects 238\\nHenrv assembled a Synod at Worms to depose\\nthe Pope 233\\nThe Pope excommunicated and deposed Henry 238\\nA civil war in Germany followed, and a coun-\\n2\\nA. D. Pag,\\ncil was appointed, in which the claims of\\nboth parties were to be referred to the decis-\\nion of the Pope 239\\nHenry crossed the Alps, and made submission\\nto the Pope at Canossa, and was restored to\\ncommunion 239\\nThe civil wars were then renewed, and three\\nyears afterwards (1080) Gregory bestowed the\\ncrown on Rodolphus 339\\nGregory extended his claims of temporal su-\\npremacy to the crowns of France, England,\\nNaples, and many inferior dukedoms and\\nprincipalities 240\\nHe designed to regulate the affairs of Christ-\\nendom by a council of bishops periodically\\nassembled at Rome. Some circumstances\\nwhich ought to be considered in passing an\\nopinion on that project 240\\nWhat were the grounds on which Gregory\\nfounded his pretensions to this universal do-\\nminion 241\\nThe power to bind and to loose extended to\\nthe oath of allegiance 241\\nMatilda, Countess of Tuscany, consented to hold\\nher domains on feudal tenure from the Pope 242\\nIt was the object of Gregory to destroy the in-\\ndependence of the national churches, and\\nlead the whole hierarchy to look to Rome only\\nas its head 249\\nThe objects and some of the contents of the\\nFalse Decretals 249\\n1082 Henry adv^anced to Rome, and after two re-\\npulses, in two successive years, obtained pos-\\nsession of the city. Gregory retired to the\\nCastle of St. Angelo, and was relieved by the\\nNormans, under Robert Guiscard 243\\n1085 Gregory, having retired with the Normans,\\ndied at Salerno. An examination of his\\ncharacter as a churchman and as a Christian 244-5\\nHis private morality was marked by the auste-\\nrity of the cloister 246\\nSection III.\\n1045 Berenger, Scholastic at Tours, published his\\nopposition to the doctrine afterwards called\\nTransubstantiation he was condemned at\\nRome five years afterwards, and again by\\nsome French councils, especially that of\\nTours; he retracted, and immediately return-\\ned to his opinion 247\\nHe was summoned to Rome by Nicholas II..\\nwhen he again retracted, and again abjured\\nhis retractation 248\\n1078 Gregory VII. required his subscription to a pro-\\nfession, admitting the real presence, without\\nmention of the change of substance, and he\\nsubscribed. In the year following he sub-\\nscribed to the whole doctrine, without any\\nreservation and then, returning to France,\\ntaught as before 248\\n1088 He died in peace, at an advanced age 248\\nGregory s moderation has occasioned a suspi-\\ncion that he shared the opinions 249\\nThe use of the Latin Liturgy was imposed gen-\\nerally upon the Church by Gregory VII. In\\na letter to Vratislaus, Duke of Bohemia, he\\ndeclared the policy of closing the Scriptures\\nagainst the people. Both were contrary to\\nthe practice of the early Church 249-50\\nJ\\\\rote respecting the reputed inscription to Si-\\nmon Magus, discovered at Rome in 1574 250\\nMisrepresentation by Mosheim of a sermon of\\nEligius, Bishop of Noyon 251-2\\nPART IV.\\nFrom Gregory VII. to Boniface VIII.\\nChapter X VII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 FroTn Gregory VII. to Innocent III.\\n1087 99 Urban II. pursued the schemes of Gregory,\\nand in 1095, he held the councils of Placentia\\nand Clermont, and seton foot the first crusade 252-3\\nThe notion of a crusade was first started by\\nSylvester II., and taken up by Gregory VII. 253\\n1099\u00e2\u0080\u00941118 Pascal II. (like Gregory and^Urban, a\\nmonk of Cluni), revived the contest with the\\nempire 254\\nHenry died under the sentence of excommuni-\\ncation, with his son in arms against him, and\\nhis body was kept for five years in unhallow-\\ned ground 254\\nThe contest continued with Henry V. 255\\nThe regalia were grants conferred on the bish-\\nops by Charlemagne, partaking of the privi-\\nleges of royalty, and the emoerors claimed\\nthe right of confirming thera 253", "height": "4713", "width": "2845", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "10\\nANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nA. D. Page\\nPascal II. agreed to cede them, on the Empe-\\nror s ceding the right of investiture. The\\n1110 ceremony of coronation was to follow but a\\ndispute arose in St. Peter s, and the Pope was\\ncarried away prisoner to Viterbo, where he\\nmade every concession 255\\nA Lateran council was assembled, and cancel-\\nled the treaty 256\\nA disputed succession was still usual at the\\ndeath of almost every Pope 256\\n1122 The Investiture question was reasonably ar-\\nranged in a council or diet held at Worms,\\nunder Calixtus fl., a relative of the Emperor 256\\nSome remarks on the arrangement thus adopted 257\\n1123 The first Lateran (ninth Latin General) was\\nheld for the General regulation of ecclesiasti-\\ncal matters 257\\n1*24 1154 Rome was disturbed by uninterrupted\\ndiscord and convulsion. Arnold of Brescia\\nwas distinguished during this period 258\\n1555 Adrian IV. placed the city under an interdict,\\nand so effected the expulsion of Arnold, who\\nwas presently delivered up to him by Fred-\\neric Barbarossa, and burnt alive. The pro-\\nbable character of Arnold 258\\nBaibarossa held the stirrup of Adrian 259\\nAlexander IIL, after a long conflict, reduced\\nFrederic Barbarossa to terms favorable to the\\nChurch. In 1179, he held the third Lateran\\nCouncil, and enacted the final regulations re-\\nspecting Papal election. He was a zealous\\npatron of letters 260-1\\nThree descriptions of disputes distracted this\\nperiod those between the Popedom and the\\nempire; those between rivals for the See 3\\nthose in various states between the ecclesias-\\ntical and civil authorities 261\\nThe general correspondence between religion\\nand literature, in their progress and decay,\\nadmits of many particular exceptions 262\\nAfter the first barbarian conquests, the whole\\noffice of public instruction fell into the hands\\nof the clergy and no subjects were treated,\\nor iessotis delivered, except with a view to\\ntheology. The invasion of the Lombards\\nwas destructive to all learning in Italy 263\\nThe exertions of Charlemagne had much more\\nfruit in France than in Italy during the ninth\\nage 263\\nIn the tenth, every thing degenerated in both\\ncountries; literature and morality laity and\\nclergy. Yet the literary condition of France\\nwas not lower at the accession of Sylvester\\nII., than at that of Charlemagne 264\\nOn the other hand, the ecclesiastical composi-\\ntions of those ages had commonly a practical\\ntendency, and were directed to moral im-\\nprovement 265\\nFrom the Saracenic conquest of Egypt, papy-\\nrus began to be disused in Europe, and parch-\\nment was the substitute so that MSS. could\\nnot multiply or spread with any rapidity. An\\ninstance of their scarcity 266\\nThis evil was removed in the eleventh centu-\\nry by the invention of paper 266\\nAbout eighty councils were held in France\\nduring that age. On the three characters or\\nasras of theological literature that of the ec-\\nclesiastical Fathers that of the collectors\\nand compilers that of the Schoolmen 267\\nOn the Trivium and Q.uadrivium 268\\nlOSl-1153 JVote on St. Bernard. He founded Clair-\\nval, and, in the course of his life, about a hun-\\ndred and sixty other monasteries 269\\nHe was very influential in establishing Inno-\\ncent II. in the disputed See and through\\nhis numerous ecclesiastical merits, he is de-\\nnominated the last of the fathers 269\\nIn his opinion respecting grace, he followed St.\\nAugust in 270\\n1140 He entered the lists in public disputation against\\nAbelard, at Sens but the latter declined the\\ncontroversy, and appealed to the Pope 271\\nHe was a zealous supporter of papal authority\\nand adversary of heresy. Various expres-\\nsions from his writings on both these subjects 272-3\\nHe likewise denounced, with great indignation,\\nthe numerous abuses prevalent in the Church\\nat that period 274-5\\nOn his mingled good and dangerous qualities,\\nand the wide extent of his personal influence 275\\nChapter XVIII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 rAe Povtificate of Innocent III.\\n(1198-1216.)\\n1083-1198 Considerable improvement had been ef-\\nfected in the Cburch system between Grego-\\nA. D.\\nPagd\\n276\\n276\\n277\\n277\\n278\\n278\\n278\\n279\\n281\\nry VII. and Innocent. Tlw-ee Lateran coun-\\ncils assembled in the twelfth century\\n1151 Gratian published his famous collection of ca-\\nnon law\\nThe possessions of the clergy were greatly\\nincreased daring the same period and the\\necclesiastical jurisdiction had made wide\\nencroachments on the secular\\nVarious instances of the persons and causes\\nwhich had been insensibly drawn into the\\nformer courts\\nThus the clergy exercised, at Innocent s acces-\\nsion, a greater control over society than at\\nany former period\\nHis designs may be classed under four heads\\nI. The character of the Roman people, accord-\\ning to the expressions of Luitprand, a Lom-\\nbard of the tenth age\\nAccording to those of St. Bernard, addressed\\nto Eugenius III.\\nThe turbulence of the Romans was excused by\\nthe weakness, capriciousness, and uncertain\\ncharacter of their government. Some vicis-\\nsitudes in its form, from Charlemagne to In-\\nnocent. The latter at length entirely shook\\noff the imperial claims, and deprived the\\nPrefect of his power. 279-80\\nYet other changes .and tumults succeeded, and\\nwere not appeased till the middle of the fif-\\nteenth century 280\\nThe circumstances of the empire were favora-\\nble to the project of Innocent. He obtained\\nfrom Frederic a confirmation of the donation\\nof Matilda 281\\nII. Innocent exercised his temporal authority\\nin the disposal of the empire. Through\\nwhat causes that authority ever acquired any\\nstrength, or received any obedience\\nMany imagined that the ceremony of corona-\\nlion by the Pope was necessary for the legiti-\\nmacy of the emperor 282\\nIn a contest vvith Philippe Auguste of France,\\nInnocent threw an interdict over the whole\\ncountry, and the king made his submission 282\\nHe published some general assertions of his\\npower over thrones and interfered in Arra-\\ngon, Navarre, Bohemia, Wallachia, Bulgaria,\\nand Armenia 283\\nThe resistance and final humiliation of John\\nof England 283-4\\nIII. It was necessary for the success of Inno-\\ncent, to hold the hierarchy in subservience.\\nHe endeavored to usurp all important patron-\\nage 283 4\\nHe imposed a regular tax (the Saladin tax) on\\necclesiastical property. The power, which\\nthe Bishops, as a collective body, had lost,\\npassed into the possession of the Pope\\n1215 The fourth Lateran Council met for the recov-\\nery of the Holy Land, and the reformation\\nof the Church\\nThe name of transubstantiation was introduc-\\ned into the vocabulary of the Church\\nSacramental confession generally imposed\\nReformation in the faith of the Church only\\nmeant extirpation of heresy. The substance\\nof the third canon of this council on that sub-\\nject\\nIV. From the controversy about images, till the\\ntwelfth century, the Church had not been\\nstained by any rigorous persecution\\n1110 Pierre de Bruys originated the sect of Petro-\\nbrussians, who rejected some superstitions,\\nand advanced some errors. He was burnt in\\na popular tumult\\n1148 Henry, from whom the Henricians were named,\\nwas opposed by St. Bernard, and died in prison\\nBoth these heresies prevailed chiefly in the\\nSouth of France, as well as some others of\\nno name, and perhaps of no very definite\\ntenets, but professing an apostolical character\\nand origin 288\\nThe Cathari, or Gazari, c., may probably have\\ndescended from the Paulicians of the East,\\nand may thus have been Semi-ManichcEans\\nbut it would be absurd to charge this error\\nupon all the heretics of the twelfth centtiry 288-89\\n1160 Peter Waldus commenced his preaching, and\\ncaused some part of the Scriptures to be trans-\\nlated into the vulgar tongue: but the Vau-\\ndois, or Waldenses, were of earlier and im-\\nmemorial origin, though it is impossible to\\ntrace them to the apostolical times. The\\nopinions ascribed to them 289-90\\nAlbigeois, or AlbJgenses, was the common\\nname for the various heretics of the South of\\nFrance at the end of the twelfth century 291\\n285\\n287\\n287\\n287", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\n11\\nA. D. ^^Se\\n1017 Some persons of good condition, charged with\\nManicheism, and probably guilty of mysti-\\ncism, were condemned by a synod at Or-\\nleans, and burnt to death 291\\n1163 Alexander III. published, in a Council at\\nTours, an edict against the heretics of Tou-\\nlouse and Gascony, and afterwards attacked\\nthe Cathari in his Lateran Council 29-2\\n1198-1207 Innocent III. attempted to reduce the Al-\\nbigeois, first by legates, and then by missiona\\nry preachers, under the name of Inquisitors,\\nof whom Dominic was one but failing, he\\nappealed to the sword of Louis Philippe 293\\nSimon de Montfort then led the crusade against\\nthem, with barbarous success 293\\n1229 A system of inquisition was permanently estab-\\nlished at Toulouse, by a council there assem-\\nbled. The Scriptures were strictly prohibit-\\ned to all laymen 294\\n1216 The circumstances of the death of Innocent\\nare variously recounted. His private char-\\nacter should be distinguished from his eccle-\\nsiastical the former had many good quali-\\nties, the latter abounded with crimes 294\\nHis policy was strictly temporal. The taxation\\nof the clergy was the principal change which\\nhe introduced into the economy of the Church 295\\nA comparison drawn between his public char-\\nacter and that of Gregory VII. is to the ad-\\nvantage of the latter 296\\nChapter XIX. The History of Monachism.\\nFor what reasons any general notice of the Mo-\\nnastic Orders has been deferred till this pe-\\nriod of the history 296\\nSection I.\\n250 The practice of seclusion was indigenous in\\nthe East the testimony of Pliny the philo-\\nsopher\\nThe original Therapeuta? or Essenes were pro-\\nbably Jews but in assuming Christianity\\nthey may have retained their eremitical habits\\nThe Ascetics were Christians they were the\\nmost rigid among the converts, but were not\\nrecluses. Their origin ascribed by Mosheim\\nto the double doctrine of morals\\n250 et seq. Many flying from the persecutions of De-\\ncius and Diocletian adopted the anachoretical\\nlife\\nThe first institution of Coenobites is attributed\\nto St. Anthony, the contemporary of Atha-\\nnasius and Egypt was the country wherein\\nit rose\\n395 Cassian made his visit to the monks of Egypt.\\nThey were divided into Anchorets, Cceno-\\nbites, and Sarabaites. A passage respecting\\nthe first of these\\nThe numerous establishments and moderate\\ndiscipline of the Ccenobites. The times and\\nmanner of their devotion. The four objects\\ncomprehended by their profession. A great\\nportion of their time was devoted to manual\\nlabor\\nThe Sarabaites are probably calumniated both\\nby Cassian and Jerome what they seem re-\\nally to have been\\n360 et seq. Basil, the patriarch of Monachism, is be-\\nlieved to have delivered a Rule, and estab-\\nlished the obligation of a vow yet this is\\nnot certain\\nAll the Fathers of that age encouraged the\\ngrowth of Monachism yet their motives\\nwere not selfish nor sordid, nor such as are\\ncommonly ascribed to them\\nThe earliest form of Monachism was subject to\\nmany wholesome restraints, which were first\\nweakened by Justinian\\nThe original monks were laymen\\nMonastic austerity was not carried to greater\\nexcess in the East than in the West, since a\\nvariety of motives, derived from Papal prin-\\nciples, gained influence in the latter, which\\nhad no existence in the former\\nThe institution of nunneries is also attributed\\nto St. Anthony but it never attained such\\nprosperity in the East as in the West\\n300\\n303\\nSection II.\\n341 430 Monachism, said to have been introduc-\\ned into Rome by Athanasius, was diffused\\nthrough the North of Italy and the South of\\nPrance 304\\nThe love for insular retirement, which prevail-\\ned among the recluses of the East, was imi-\\nA. D. Page\\ntated in the Adriatic, and on the western\\ncoasts of Italy 304\\nThe general spreading of Monachism was con-\\ntemporaneous with the barbarian conquests\\nand those establishments were of use in pre-\\nserving religion, and relieving individual\\nmisery 305\\nThe Rule of St. Basil was that first professed\\nin the West 305\\n529 Benedict of Nursia instituted a new order 305\\nHis object was excellent, and the principle of\\nhis establishment beneficial in those ages 306\\nSome account of the Rule of St. Benedict\\nthe times of public worship; duty of mental\\nprayer of manual labor of reading; of rigid\\ntemperance, rather than abstinence of si-\\nlence, seriousness, and obedience; difliculties\\noffered to the introduction of novices 306-7\\nThe Monastery of Monte Cassino was founded\\nby Benedict, and his Rule spread into France,\\nand elsewhere, though it may not have been\\nuniversally received in the West before the\\nninth century 307\\n817 Benedict of Aniane reformed the Benedictine\\nOrder, and his regulations were confirmed by\\nthe Council of Aix-la-Chapelle 308\\n900, c. The order of Cluni, in Burgundy, was es-\\ntablished, and was very celebrated for about\\ntwo centuries. It then became wealthy and\\ncorrupt. Gregory VII., Urban II. and Pascal\\nII. were educated there 309\\n1098 The Cistertian Order was founded in its neigh-\\nborhood, and honored and advanced by St.\\nBernard 310\\n1178 The Order of the Chartreuse, which had been\\nfounded by St. Bruno in 1084, was sanction-\\ned by Alexander III. 310-11\\nThe rivalry among these and other orders, all\\nBenedictines, was of advantage to the disci-\\npline of them all 311\\n1040 The distinction between monks and lay breth-\\nren was first introduced at Vallombrosa and\\nit secured the corruption of the former 311\\nThe Abbot was originally subject to the Bish-\\nop of the Diocese the practice of Papal ex-\\nemption occasioned extreme relaxation of\\ndiscipline 311\\nThe prevalence of monastic corruption was\\nacknowledged by councils held early in the\\nthirteenth century 312\\nSection III.\\nThe order of Canons Regular, professing the\\ninstitution of St. Augustin, is of uncertain\\norigin. A general rule was imposed on them\\nby the Councils of Mayence and Aix-la-Cha-\\npelte, early in the ninth age 312\\n1059 They were subsequently reformed by Nicholas\\nII., and were first subjected to a vow by In-\\nnocent II. 313\\nSection IV.\\nThe Monastic Orders were powerful instru-\\nments of pontifical ambition, through their\\nwealth, their obedience, and their popular\\ninfluence 313\\nThe confusion of the military and ecclesiastical\\ncharacters had preceded the foundation of\\nthe Military Orders 313\\n1050 Four merchants erected a hospital at Jerusa-\\nlem, which was endowed by Godfrey of\\nBouillon and then rose the Knights of the\\nHospital, afterwards known as the Knights\\nof Rhodes and Malta 314\\n1118 The Knights Templars were founded. Their\\nRule was written by St. Bernard their office\\nand corruption 314\\n1192 The Teutonic Order received its Rule from\\nCelestine III. Afterwards (1230), those\\nknights converted Prussia by the sword and\\njoined the Reformers in the sixteenth age 315\\nSection V.\\n1217, c. The number and variety of heresies made\\na new order necessary for their extirpation.\\nSt. Dominic instituted that of the Preachers,\\nand it was sanctioned by the bull of Honori-\\nus III. 315\\n1210 Innocent Til. established the order of St. Fran-\\ncis, which was originally founded in poverty\\nonly 315\\nThe Testament of St. Francis did not enjoin\\nmendicity 316\\nThese two orders adopted each otlier s charac-\\nteristics, and presently became both Preach-\\ners and both Mendicants 316", "height": "4713", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "12\\nANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nA. D. Page\\nThe severity of the Riil\u00c2\u00ab of St. Francis occasion-\\ned many dissensions among his disciples, and\\ngreat insubordination in the Church 317\\nThe Dominicans were more orderly and obe-\\ndient 317\\nSt. Dominic was not the founder of the Inqui-\\nsition 317\\n1228-1259 The Dominicans became learned scholas-\\ntics, and contested tlie theological chairs\\nwith the University of Paris 318\\nThe good proceeding from this struggle. The\\nprophecy concerning the perils of the latter\\ntimes was applied to the Mendicants by a\\ndoctor at Paris. A general remark on Mil-\\nlennarians 318\\n1274 Gregory X. suppressed several Mendicants,\\nand distributed the sect into four societies\\nDominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites, and\\nHermits of St. Augustin 318\\ni209 Albert, Patriarch of Jerusalem, gave a Rule to\\nthe Carmelites, confirmed in 1^6 by Hono-\\nrius III., and afterwards interpreted by In-\\nnocent IV. 319\\nAlexander IV. collected various Hermits into\\none order, called the Hermitsof St. Augustin 319\\nThe earliest Dominicans were distinguished by\\ngreat talents and merits, and professional zeal 320\\nGreat jealousy was occasioned among the An-\\ncient Orders and Secular Clergy, and violent\\ndisputes followed 320\\nThe influence of the Mendicants depended al-\\nmost entirely on their merits and activity 320\\nYet they soon became liable to many reproaches 321\\nSection VI.\\nOn the Holy Virgins who existed in the An-\\ntenicene Church 321\\n350 St. Syncletica is said to have founded the first\\nnunnery 322\\nIn Egypt, Marcella, a Roman lady, introduced\\nthe institution into the West, and it spread\\nrapidly 322\\nThe Rule of the Nuns was formed upon those\\nof the Monasteries 322\\nThe necessity of a Vow of Chastity strongly\\nurged by St. Basil 323\\nThe Canon of Chalcedon was moderate in the\\npenalty denounced against its violation but\\nInnocent I. increased its severity, and subse-\\nquent ages still more so 323\\nThe imposition of the Veil was earlier than St.\\nAmbrose 323\\nThe age of taking it varied at different times\\nand places 323\\nThe order of the Nuns of St. Benedict was in-\\nstituted at the same time with his first monas-\\nteries, and rose in importance and pride 323\\nThere were also Canonesses. Nuns of the\\nHospital, Nuns of St. Dominic, following the\\nvarious monastic denominations 324\\n1537 The Ursulines were a truly ascetic and char-\\nitable institution indeed the Nuns were\\ngenerally free from any of the vices charged\\nagainst their Monastic brethren. The Pro-\\ntestants have imitated those virtues 325\\nThe Benedictine, the Military, and the Mendi-\\ncant orders, were all peculiarly adapted to\\nthe age and circumstances in which they\\nflourished, and the qualities required for the\\nsupport of Papacy as were the Jesuits at a\\nlater period 325-6-7\\nThe Monastic system was only perpetuated by\\na succession of reformations and regenera-\\ntions 325-6-7\\nSuch was the history of every order, and none\\ncould have long subsisted otherwise 327-8\\nMany advantages were conferred on society by\\nMonachism. Tracts of land were brought\\ninto cultivation hospitality and refuge af-\\nforded to the wretched charity largely dis-\\ntributed spiritual consolation commonly\\nadministered to the lower orders; and an\\nexample set of piety and humanity. Educa-\\ntion was intrusted to the Monks and man-\\nuscripts, profane and sacred, were preserved\\nand multiplied by them so that, if they were\\nonly useful in bad ages, then at least they\\nwere seemingly the best members of society 328-32\\nYet th\u00c2\u00aby were the steady defenders of every\\nsuperstitious abuse, and the sworn enemies\\nof all general reform. The system of exemp-\\ntion made them firm supporters of the Papal\\nsystem and in recompense, indulgences,\\nprivate masses, and many of the worst abuses\\nof the Church were sustained, chiefly for\\ntheir profit, by Pontifical autliority 332-34\\nA. D. Paga\\nChapter XX. From the Death of Innocent to\\nthat of Boniface VIII.\\nThe interests of the Church of Rome were be-\\ncoming at variance with the peace of Chris-\\ntendom 334\\nFrederic II. long deferred his promised depart-\\nure to the Holy Land 335\\n1227 Gregory IX. was elected the ceremony of his\\ncoronation 335\\nHe excommunicated the Emperor. Frederic\\nwrote to the King of England in reprobation\\nof the Church 336\\nHe proceeded to Palestine he made an advan-\\ntageous treaty with the Infidels, in spite of\\nthe Pope s persecutions, and returned to re-\\npel an invasion of his territories 336\\n1243-1245 Innocent IV. continued the quarrel with\\nFrederic, and assembled the first council of\\nLyons. It professed three objects. The Em-\\nperor was summoned before it, and on his\\nnon-appearance, deprived of his crown 337\\nInnocent vainly attempted to seduce the Em-\\nperor s son into an alliance against his father 337\\n1250 Frederic died in adversity, having been virtu-\\nally deposed by the sentence of Innocent 338\\nThe real merits of this quarrel in what re-\\nspects Frederic justly offended the Church\\nthe fierce edicts .against heresy, by which he\\naimed to support it, and by which he deserv-\\ned his future misfortunes 339\\nSome points by which this dispute between the\\nChurch and the Empire is distinguished from\\nthat commenced by Gregory VII. 340\\nTaxes were rigidly levied by the Pope upon\\nthe clergy, and a crusade was preactued\\nagainst the Emperor 340\\nInnocent returned to Italy, and after some suc-\\ncesses against the kingdom of Naples, died\\nin 1254 341\\nHis temporal ambition and policy, and trium-\\nphant pontificate 341\\nAlexander IV. continued the struggle for Na-\\nples 342\\n1261-1268 Urban IV. and Clement IV., two French-\\nmen, introduced the French into that king-\\ndom 342\\n1273 Gregory X., a pious enthusiast, was raised to\\nthe See and labored earnestly, and with\\npromise of success, to excite a grand crusade 343\\n1274 He convoked the second Council of Lyons for\\nthat purpose, and for the reformation of the\\nChurch. The canon was then enacted, which\\nimposed severe restraints upon the conclave 344\\nThe Pope died before the expedition set sail,\\nand it immediately dispersed 344\\nMartin IV., a Frenchman, accepted the ofiice\\nof senator, and held it for life 345\\n1294 The circumstfinces of the election of Pietro Mo-\\nrone, Celestine V.; his utter incapacity his\\nsimplicity, piety, humility, and good inten-\\ntions his resignation and the pontificate\\nand imprisonment by his successor Boniface\\nVIII. 346-7-8\\nThe lofty and various pretensions of Boniface\\nin whose reign the Papal supremacy proba-\\nbly attained its highest elevation. His au-\\nthority recognised by Albert of Austria 348-9\\nThe condition of the Galilean Church at that\\nmoment 349\\n1296 Boniface published the bull Clericis Laicos,\\nagainst all who should exact contributions\\nfrom the clergy 350\\nIt was chiefly levelled against Philip of France.\\nA dispute was the consequence, but it was\\nsoon suspended 350\\n1301 Philip arrested the Bishop of Pamiers. Boni-\\nface published the bull Ausculta, Fill, de-\\nmanding his liberation, c.c.; and it was pub-\\nlicly burnt by the King 351\\nPhilip was supported by his barons. Some of\\nthe clergy attended the Pope s summons to\\nassemble at Rome and under the name of\\nthis Council, he published the bull Unam\\nSanctam, asserting the unity of the Church,\\nand the use of the double sword 351\\n1303 William of Nogaret and Sciarra Colonna sur-\\nprised the Pope at Anagni but offered him\\nno bodily injury. He returned to Rome and\\ndied. The circumstances of his intrepidity,\\nand of his death 353-4\\nChapter XXI.\\nSection I.\\n1215-1270 Lonis IX. of France was one of the few\\nmonarchs, who founded his policy on relig-\\nious considerations, and whose life is thus", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "ANALYTICAL -TABLE OF CQNTENTS.\\n13\\nA. tJ. Page\\nclosely connected with ecclesiastical history.\\nThe excellence of his private morality 355\\nIn what language he is characterized by Hume 356\\nHis various legislative attempts to extend the\\ncivilization of his subjects 356\\nMuch superstition was mixed with his piety\\nexemplified in his acquisition and reception\\nof the Crown of Thorns. He instituted fes-\\ntivals in its honor, c. 356\\nHe died before Tunis, and was canonized\\ntwenty-seven years afterwards by Boniface\\nVIII. The Bull of Canonization 357\\nSection II,\\nSt. Louis confirmed the institution of the In-\\nquisition in his dominions 358\\nWhat was the extent of the commission of the\\nfirst Inquisitors all trials were still con-\\nducted in tiie Episcopal Courts 358\\n1229 The council of Toulouse established a sort of\\ncommittee of Inquisition, the foundation of\\nthe court 358\\nThe court was still episcopal but Gregory XI.\\ntransferred the power to the Dominicans,\\nwho acted more immediately under Papal\\nauthority 359\\n1244 The edicts of Frederic II. assisted the progress\\nof the Inquisition. Innocent IV. established\\nit in the north of Italy, and it spread to some\\nother countries 359\\nSection III.\\n1263 The general contempt of excommunication\\nthen prevalent is instanced in a conference\\nbetween Louis and his prelates 360\\n1244 Innocent IV. requested a refuge in France,\\nand Louis eluded his solicitation 361\\nBefore he set otf on his last crusade, Louis pub-\\nlished his Pragmatic Sanction. It consisted\\nof six articles, which were chiefly directed\\nagainst the usurpations of patronage by Rome\\nand its pecuniary exactions 362\\nA spirit of opposition to the See was occasion-\\nally exhibited by the French clergy 362-3\\nSection IV.\\nThe character of the first crusade the battle\\nof Doryleum the capture of Antioch and\\ncruelties committed at the storming of Jeru-\\nsalem 363\\nSt. Bernard preached the second crusade with\\nsuccess his prophecy; its falsification and\\nthe authority which he pleaded in his de-\\nfence 363-4\\n1189-1291 The third crusade was that of Richard of\\nEngland the fifth and sixth were projected\\nby Innocent III.; the disastrous expedition\\nand captivity of Louis in Egypt: his second\\nagainst Tunis may be considered as conclu-\\nding the history of the crusades 365-6\\nAmong the causes of the crusades, the earliest\\nwas the practice of pilgrimage the Saracens\\ntolerated the visits of the Christians to the\\nHoly Sepulchre, and they were multiplied by\\nthe fanaticism of the tenth century but\\ntowards the close of the eleventh, the Turks\\ngot possession of Jerusalem, and persecuted\\nthe pilgrims 366-7\\nWarlike spirit and superstitious zeal were char-\\nacteristics of the same ages, and co-operated\\nto the same end, so that the minds of men\\nwere prepared for the preaching of Peter the\\nHermit 367-8\\nThe object of the first crusade was wholly un-\\nconnected with reason, ambition, or policy 369\\nThe objects of those which followed became\\ndiversified by new circumstances the Latin\\nkingdom was then to be defended the in-\\nterest of princes became engaged enid^ne-\\nral views of conquest were formed 369-70\\nInnocent III. preached a crusade against Here-\\ntics Innocent IV. against the Emperor of\\nGermany 370-71\\nIt does not seem that the crusades produced\\nany one general advantage to Europe or to\\nChristendom, either in promoting commerce\\nor advancing the arts 371-2\\nBut they introduced new barbarities into war,\\nand inflamed the character of religious perse-\\ncution 373\\nThey ruined the discipline of the Church by the\\nintroduction of the plenary indulgence, and\\nthe subsequent sale of it 373\\nThe possessions of the clergy may have been\\naugmented, but the imposition of a tax more\\ntlian counterbalaaced that gain 374\\nA.D. Page\\nJ^ote A. On the first Decretals of the Pope 374\\n1151 The collection of Gratian was published di-\\nvided into three parts abounding in errors 375\\n1210 The Roman collection was published under\\nInnocent III.; the Liber Sextus under Bo-\\nniface VIII. the Clementines under John\\nXXIL; and the Extravagants presently fol-\\nlowed 375-6\\nJ\\\\rote B. The Academy of Paris first took the\\nname of University its classes and lectures\\nthe four faculties 375\\nThe institution of four degrees 376\\nParis was chiefly eminent for its theological\\nproficiency, while law and medicine were\\nmore successfully cultivated in Italy 376\\n1250 Robert of Sorbonne founded the college known\\nby his name 375\\nJVote C. On the Character of the Philosophy\\nadopted by the early Theologians in the\\neleventh century Aristotle took possession of\\nthe Western Schools, and introduced endless\\nperplexity and absurdity 377\\n1150 Pet\u00c2\u00abr the Lombard was raised to the See of\\nParis the object of his Book of the Senten-\\nces, and the end to which it was turned 378\\n1224-1274 Thomas Aquinas, a Dominican, carried\\nthe system to its utmost perfection 378\\nContemporary was Bonaventura, a Franciscan,\\na man of great piety as well as learning, and\\nmore inclined to Mysticism than Scholastic\\nsubtlety 379\\n1320 5 c. John Duns Scotus and William of Occam\\nwere Franciscans, and headed the faction of\\nthe Nominalists or Scotists the Realists, the\\nsupporters of Aquinas, were called Thomists.\\nSome points on which they differed, the Im-\\nmaculate Conception, ;c. 380\\nPART V.\\nChapter XXII. Residence at Avignon,\\nSection I.\\n1305 On what conditions, made with Philip of\\nFrance, Clement V. is believed to have ac-\\ncepted the pontificate 3 how far he fulfilled\\nthem 381\\nThe Pope took up his residence in France, and\\nfinally at Avignon he revoked the decree of\\nBoniface 381\\n1311 A general council was assembled at Vienne,\\nwith three professed objects 333;\\nIt condemned the Templars, and there is every\\nreason to believe unjustly; it refused to in-\\nsult the memory of Boniface VIII. 382-3\\nMany ecclesiastical abuses were exposed to the\\ncouncil, and some insufficient attempts were\\nmade to restrain them 383f-\\n1315 John XXII. was chiefly characterized by his\\navarice he extended the rule of the Aposto-\\nlical Chancery, and abused the patronage of\\nthe Church 334\\n1323 The contest between Louis of Bavaria and\\nJohn was not marked by any decisive advan-\\ntage on either side; Louis profited by the\\ndivisions of the Church, and John by those\\nof the Empire 385-6^\\nThe Pope was formally accused of heresy by\\nan imperial Council at Milan, though without\\nresult but afterwards he expressed some\\nerroneous opinions about the Beatific Vision,\\nwhich produced a great sensation in Church\\nand State he retracted, not very satisfacto-\\nrily, and is supposed to have died in error 386-\\nBenedict XII. made some attempts to reform\\nthe Church abuses, but with no great effect 388\\n1343 Clement VI. published a bull to institute the\\nJubilee on the fiftieth year, and laid down\\nthe doctrine of supererogation and the treas-\\nure of the Church 388\\nAccount of the Jubilee from Matteo Villani 389\\nClement renewed the disputes with Louis, and\\nbought the city of Avignon of the Q,ueen of\\nNaples 389\\n1352 The first instance of an obligation undertaken\\nin Conclave by the future Pontiff; it was im-\\nmediately violated by Innocent VI. 390^\\nThat Pope s transactions with the German\\nclergy 39(J\\n1367 Urban V. removed his residence to Rome, but\\nafter three years returned to Avignon and\\ndied there 391\\n1376 Gregory XI. finally restored the papal residence\\nto Rome Catharine of Sienna made an em-\\nbassy to the Court of Avignon j her siivgular\\nfanaticism 391-3^", "height": "4714", "width": "2797", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "14\\nANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nA. D. Page\\nSection II.\\nI. Oti the decline of Papal power the Popes\\nwere engaged in continual and fruitless wars\\nin Italy their rapacity and the profligacy of\\nthe court surpassed all former excesses, and\\ndiminished the force of the prejudices which\\nsupported them they forfeited their inde-\\npendence by residence in a foreign kingdom\\nthere were some violent dissensions within\\nthe Church 393-6\\nII. The attempts which were made to remove\\nthe acknowledged abuses were sometimes\\ninsincere, and always feeble 396\\nIII. The principles of the rigid Franciscans\\nscandalized the luxury of the Hierarchy, and\\nsome Popes tried to persuade them to relax\\ntheir Rule but no one persecuted them be-\\nfore John XXII. His famous bull Gloriosam\\nEcclesiam. The Spirituals became more ob-\\nstinate, and sought the protection of Louis\\nof Bavaria the Dominicans supported the\\nPope, and the contest continued until Charles\\nIV. made peace with the Popedom, and the\\nheretics were delivered up to its mercy after\\nmuch bloodshed the dispute ended by an au-\\nthorized division of the Order into Conven-\\ntual Brethren and Brethren of the Observ-\\nance 396-399\\nThe Beghards and Lollards their mystical\\nopinions were distorted and exaggerated by\\nthe Churchmen 3 some Church superstitions\\nof this age 400-401\\nThe imputed opinions and savage persecution\\nof Dulcinus 401\\n1340 The Flagellants re-appeared in Italy their dis-\\ncipline, practices, alleged opinions, arid per-\\nsecution 402-3\\nSome comparison of the above heresies with\\nthose of the earlier ages of Christianity 403\\nIn what light ecclesiastical abuses ought to be\\nregarded by Churchmen 403\\nJVotes (1.) On the Franciscans and other Men-\\ndicants the Fratricelli disclaimed any right\\neven to the use of property 403\\n1210 The Eternal Gospel propounded the doctrine of\\nthree dispensations; it was republished by\\nthe Franciscans in 1250, and was probably a\\nFranciscan fabrication 404\\n1290 Pierre Jean d Olive, a spiritual reformer 404\\n(2.) A contest arose between the Mendicants\\nand the parochial clergy respecting the receiv-\\ning of confessions, and occasioned a number\\nof contradictory bulls during the thirteenth\\nand fourteenth centuries 404\\nChapter XXIII. Grand Schism of the Roman\\nCatholic Church.\\nA representation was made by the magistrates\\nto the Cardinals, of the evils suffered by\\nRome through the absence of the Popes, with\\na petition to them to elect an Italian for Pope 405\\nA certain deirree of intimidation was unques-\\ntionably exercised by the populace over the\\nConclave 406\\nIt is not, upon the whole, probable that the Con-\\ncla.e, uninfluenced, would have chosen an\\nItalian 407\\nA Neapolitan, the archbishop of Bari, was at\\nlast elected, and took the name of Urban VI. 407\\nA man of exalted reputation and severe temper\\nhe began his reign by some harsh censures\\non the disorders of his court; the cardinals\\nsoon afterwards withdrew to Anagni, and\\nannulled the election of Urban 408\\n1378 Thence retiring to Fondi, they there chose\\n(Sept. 20) Robert of Geneva, Clement VII. 409\\nAs the cardinals had previously confirmed the\\nelection of Urban, a great part of Europe con-\\ntinued in obedience to him France declar-\\ned, on the other hand, for Clement; the\\nkings of Scotland, Castile, and Arragon, the\\ncounts of Savoy and Geneva, the duke of\\nAustria, and others, finally joined the same\\nparty 409-10\\nClement established his residence at Avignon 410\\n1386 The cruelty of Urban towards some cardinals\\nsuspected of having conspired against him 411\\n1389 Boniface IX. succeeded Urban he appointed\\na Jubilee at Rome for the year following, and\\ngranted the same privilege to certain cities\\nand towns in Germany 412\\n1394 The University of Paris began to take serious\\nmeasures for the healing of the Sciiism 413\\nAnd proposed, as most likely to be effectual, the\\nmethod of Cession 413\\nClement was succeeded by Peter of Luna,\\nA. D. Pae\u00c2\u00ab\\nBenedict XIII., who swore in Conclave to\\nmake every exertion to restore the union of\\nthe Church 414\\nA solemn embassy was sent from Paris to\\nAvignon, and its demands were refused or\\neluded by Benedict 414\\n1398 The French published the Subtraction of Obe-\\ndience, and blockaded Avignon in 1403 Be-\\nnedict contrived to escape he found many\\nadherents, and the Subtraction was repeal-\\ned 415-16\\nThe government of Boniface, the Roman rival,\\nwas directed by one principle only, to raise\\nas much money as possible, by any means\\nwhatsoever, within the limits of his obedi-\\nence thus he held a second Jubilee in the\\nyear 1400 416-17\\n1406 Election of Angelo Corrario, Gregory XII., and\\nhis previously unsullied reputation 418\\n1407 A conference was agreed upon at Savona, be-\\ntween the two parties for the extinction of\\nthe Schism Benedict presented himself\\nthere, but not Gregory their collusion was\\nnow obvious to all the world 419\\nBenedict was then compelled by the French\\nking to take refuge at Perpignan in Spain,\\nand the cardinals convoked the Council of\\nPisa, (1409) 4!9\\nThe Council deposed both rivals, and elected\\nAlexander V.; but the former still retained\\nall their claims, and some of their adherents 420\\n1410 Baltazar Cossa (John XXIII.) succeeded to the\\nSee, and Sigismond to the empire; it was\\nagreed that a new Council should be sum-\\nmoned, and Constance was selected as the\\nplace that spot had some general advanta-\\nges, but was wholly unfavorable to the Pope s\\ninterests 421-22\\n1414 The objects of the Council were the extinction\\nof the Schism and the reformation of the\\nChurch 422-23\\nThe different principles on which the Pope and\\nthe most distinguished doctors proposed to\\naccomplish the first soon after the arrival of\\nSigismond the Council declared for the meth-\\nod of Cession, and the Pope was compelled\\nto abdicate 423-24\\nPresently he escaped from the Council, and\\nfled, first to Schaffhausen, afterwards to\\nBrisac but was then restored to Sigismond\\nby the treachery of the Duke of Austria 425-26\\nHe was then accused of several enormous\\ncrimes, deposed and placed in rigorous con-\\nfinement 426-27\\nGregory had also resigned Benedict now re-\\nmained the only obstacle to the unity of the\\nChurch, and Sigismond went in person to\\nPerpignan, there to terminate the affair 427-28\\nBenedict clung to his dignity with extraordi-\\nnary tenacity at length he fled to Panisco-\\nla, and was then formally deposed 428-29\\n1417 Nov. 11, Martin V. was elected Pope, with\\nvery general approbation 429\\nBenedict lived six years longer at Paniscola,\\nand anathematized every day the rival pon-\\ntiffs. John XXI [I. was presently released\\nfrom confinement, and threw himself at the\\nfeet of Martin, who treated him with gen-\\nerosity and raised him to dignity. John,\\nthough stained by many vices, has still been\\nmuch calumniated by party historians 429-32\\nJVote on the White Penitents, c. Account of\\nthree descriptions of Enthusiasts, who rose\\nin the fourteenth century 432-33\\nChapter XKIY .\u00e2\u0080\u0094Mtempts of the Church at Self-\\nReformation.\\nMany Roman Catholic divines were anxious\\nfor a partial Reformation of their Church in\\nfact, the principle of Reformation had ev-\\ner been acknowledged, and even practised\\nby Churchmen. Very general complaints\\nagainst ecclesiastical abuses had been in-\\ncessantly repeated in all countries, from the\\ndays of St. Bernard to those of Gerson but\\nthey were directed against the Clergy, rather\\nthan against the system, which was still\\nheld sacred 434-37\\nThey attacked the scandals even of the Vati-\\ncan but did not question the inherent pow-\\ner and infallibility of the Church 434-37\\nThe attempts of the Council of Pisa were nu-\\ngatory but some Anti-papal principles were\\nbroached, if not established there 438\\nIn that of Constance, Papal delinquences were\\ndenounced iu very strong language 438", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\n15\\nA.V. Page\\n1415 June 15. A committee of Reform was appoint-\\ned for the consideration of all remediable\\nabuses. Some expressions of Gerson De\\nsignis Ruinae Ecclesise 439\\n14 17 On the vacancy of the See, the question rose,\\nwhether the election of a new Pope, or the\\nReformation of the Church, should be first\\nentered upon and in this, the whole ques-\\ntion of a real or false Reform was involved.\\nAfter many disputes, the anti-reform party,\\nin spite of the influence of Sigismond, pre-\\nvailed, and Martin was elected 439-40\\nThe Italian Clergy, as well as the Cardinals,\\nwere almost unanimously opposed to reform 442\\nA project of Reformation was broached, con-\\ntaining eighteen articles, regarding respect-\\nively the Pope, the Court of Rome, and the\\nSecular Clergy. By what limits this Reform-\\nation was confined 442-4\\nIn what manner it was eluded by Martin and\\nwhat was the substance of the Eight Articles\\nand the separate concordats which he pub-\\nlished in its place 444-5\\n1417 The bull by which he dissolved the Council 445\\nSome disputes respecting Annates, particularly\\nbetween the French and the Pope 446\\nA decree for the Decennial Meetings of Gen-\\neral Councils was promulgated at Constance 446-7\\n1431 The Council of Basle assembled 447\\nCircumstances ander which Eugenius IV. was\\nelected, and his incapacity 447\\nAfter a vain attempt to crush the council, he\\nappointed Julian, Cardinal of St. Angelo, as\\nthe president. The three purposes for which\\nit was convoked 448\\nThe first two years of its session were spent in\\ndisputes with Eugenius 448\\nThe prophetical warnings respecting the dan-\\ngers of the Church, which were addressed\\nby Cardinal Julian to the Pope, and the dis-\\nregard with which they were received 450\\n1435 Jan. 23. Some edicts were at length published\\nfor the reformation of abuses and others\\nwere added during the fourteen following\\nmonths, in spite of the struggles of the Papal\\nparty to prevent them. They respected mat-\\nters of very secondary importance and were\\ninterrupted by a second and final breach be-\\ntween the Council and the Pope 451-2\\n1438 Jan. 10. After having been cited oefore the\\nCouncil, and condemned for contumacy on\\nhis non-appearance, Eugenius annulled all\\nits future acts, and opened the Council of\\nFerrara. He was joined by Cardinal Julian 453\\n(Questions on the legitimacy of the Council of\\nBasle 453\\nThe Council then deposed Eugenius and elect-\\ned Felix v., and presently dissolved itself.\\nBut Eugenius retained almost all his power\\ntill his death; and on the accession of Nich-\\nolas v., Felix abdicated in his favor 454\\nOn the diet of Mayence assembled for the ar-\\nrangement of the affairs of Germany. On\\nthe Council of Bourges, for the establishment\\nof the Pragmatic Sanction in France. 7 he\\ntwo great principles on which the Sanction\\nrested 455-6\\nOn the question whether the Decennial Meet-\\nings of Councils, as decreed at Constance,\\nwould have conferred any great benefits on\\nthe Church 457\\nOn the general principles of the Councils of\\nConstance and Basle. The decree of the\\nformer, on the violation of faith with here-\\ntics. Discoveryof the art of Printing 457-8\\nChapter KXV .\u00e2\u0080\u0094History of the Hussites.\\n1324-1384 (I.) The early reputation of Wiclif, his\\nadvancement, opposition to Papacy, persecu-\\ntion and death 460-1\\nHis opinions at direct variance with some of\\nthe innovations of Rome not so with others\\nhis abhorrence of the Court of Anti-Christ\\nobjection to ecclesiastical endowments\\ntranslation and circulation of the Bible 461-2\\n(11.) The opinions of Wiclif were introduced\\ninto Bohemia, and propagated by John Huss\\nhis character and early preaching at Prague 462-3\\nDisputes in the University of Prague 462-3\\nHuss preached against the crusade- of John\\ni XXIII., and some disorders followed. John\\ncited him to Rome in vain 463-4\\nThe tenets imputed to Huss, and for the most\\npart disclaimed by him his opinion on the\\nnature of tithes. The demand for the resto-\\ni ration of the Cup to the laity did not origrn-\\nA. D. Pago\\nate wjth Huss, but with anothei- preacher,\\nnamed Jacobellus of Misnia 464\\n1414 The nature of the safe conduct, in faith of\\nwhich Huss presented himself at Constance 465\\nHis own confidence and enthusiasm 466\\nHe was presently placed under confinement,\\naccused of various heresies, and brought to\\ntrial his appeals to Scripture were disre-\\ngarded, his reasonable arguments derided,\\nand he was finally condemned to death 466-7-8\\nHis conduct from the timeof his condemnation\\nto that of his execution attempt of Sigis-\\nmond fo induce him to retract interview\\nwith his friend, John of Chlum 469\\n1415 July 6. The sentence passed on him his deg-\\nradation and execution 469-70\\nWhat were the two heads under which his real\\ndifferences with the Church were compre-\\nhended 470\\n(HI.) Jerome of Prague, after being condemned\\nby the same Council for nearly the same of-\\nfences, retracted (Sept. 11, 1415), but in the\\ncourse of a few months recalled his retracta-\\ntion, and was likewise consigned to the\\nflames testimony of Poggio, the Florentine,\\nand ^neas Sylvius, to the constancy of both\\nthese martyrs in their last moments 470-1\\n(IV.) Insurrection of the Bohemians the ne-\\ncessity of the Double Communion was the\\npoint round which they united their milita-\\nry triumphs under Zisca 472-3\\nThe Adamites, the Ovebites, and Orphans 473\\nThe grand division into Thaborites and Calix-\\ntines 473-4\\n1433 Their fruitless embassy to Basle, and the four\\npoints in dispute with the Council the latter\\nthen sent an embassy to Prague, which led\\nto the renewal of hostilities several thou-\\nsand Thaborites and Orphans were destroy-\\ned by the treachery of the Catholics 474\\n1436 The compact of Iglau between Sigismond and\\nthe Hussites the description of the Thabo-\\nrites By -(Eneas Sylvius 475\\nContinued disputes between the Popes and the\\nCalixtines the attempt of Paul II. to transfer\\nthe crown to John Huniades 476\\nMany of the Hussite opinions were preserved,\\nand published by the Bohemian Brotliers in\\nthe following century 476*\\nChapter XXVI. History of the Oreek Church\\nafter its separation from the Latin.\\nOn the origin, progress, and sufferings of the\\nPaulicians on the opinions usually ascribed\\nto them, and those which they seem really to\\nhave professed 477-8\\nHow early the use of the Bible was prohibited\\nto the Laity in the East 479\\nThe disposition to Mysticism generally preva-\\nlent in the East was never quenched in any\\nage of that Church the Euchites^or Messa-\\nlians, were an early sect of Mystics in the\\nfourteenth century arose the Hesychasts or\\nCluietists (Umbilicani), and occasioned an\\nimportant controversy 480\\nThe Bogomiles combined Paulician with mys-\\ntical tenets 481\\nThe controversy concerning the God of Ma-\\nhomet 483\\nOn some of the essential differences between\\nthe Greek and Latin Churches. The former\\nalways subject to the state; absence of feu-\\ndal institutions education more extensively\\nprevalent in the East the Decretals never\\nreceived there greater consistency in the\\nreverence for antiquity 483\\nThe foundation of the Latin kingdom of Jeru-\\nsalem and introduction of the Roman Church\\ninto those provinces the dissensions thus\\noccasioned 484\\nLatin conquest of Constantinople, and conse-\\nquent establishment and endowment of a\\nLatin Church there various disputes and\\nother evils, which seem to have been occa-\\nsioned by it 485-6\\n1232 Mission from Rome to Nice for the reconcilia-\\ntion of the Churches some particulars of the\\nnegotiation and its entire failure 487-8\\nThe attempt was repeated by Innocent IV. and\\nother Pontiffs, with the same result, till the\\nsecond Council (1274) of Lyons, when an in-\\nsincere accommodation was effected and soon\\nafterwards broken off 488-9\\nThe same negotiations continued under the\\nAvignon Popes, and were at length renewed\\nby Eugenius IV.j who summoned the Coua-", "height": "4714", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "16\\nANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nA. D. Page\\ncil of Perrara for the termination of the\\nschism 489-90\\nThe principal parties there present the points\\nchiefly debated the nature of those debates\\nthe respective opinions of the Churches on\\npurgatory conduct of Bessarion of Nice, and\\nMarc of Ephesus 490\\n1439 The Council was removed to Florence, and\\nafter great debates a common confession of\\nfaith was agreed upon 491\\nTreaties of union followed according to one\\nof which the Pope was bound to furnish\\nsuccors against the Infidels 492\\nAmong the controverted points transubstantia-\\ntion was not one but it led to an incidental\\ndiscussion, and Bessarion made an affirma-\\ntion on the subject satisfactory to the Latins\\nthe Decree of the Union was then finally rati-\\nfied 492-3\\nThe concluding history of the Cardinal of St.\\nAngelo 493\\nViolent dissensions arose in the East on the re-\\nturn of the Deputies the very great major-\\nity of the clergy and people declared against\\nthe Union 494\\nFortunate prediction of Nicholas V. 494\\nThe violence of the Greeks continued to in-\\ncrease they opened negotiations with the\\nBohemians 494\\nClosed the Churches against all who were pol-\\nluted with Romanism and were thus dis-\\nposed, when Mahomet II. assaulted Constan-\\ntinople and overthrew the empire 495\\nJsTots (1) on the Armenians 495\\n1145 A mission of Armenians, with a view to an\\nunion with Rome, seems to have been with-\\nout result 495\\n1170 Negotiations were opened between the Arme-\\nnian and Greek Churches what were the\\nprincipal points of difference between them 495\\n1199 Overture of X.eo, king of Armenia, for a recon-\\nciliation with Innocent III., and seeming\\nreconciliation 496\\n1341-51 Renewed negotiations and correspondence\\nbetween Armenia and Rome the errors then\\ncharged upon the former and the extravagant\\ndemands of the latter 497\\nJVofe (2) on the MaroniteS 498\\nOn their name and origin, and the circumstan-\\nces of their connexion with the Roman\\nChurch 498\\nChapter XXVIT. FTom the Council of Basle to\\nthe beginning of the Reformation.\\nDuring the remainder of the fifteenth century,\\nthe Popes invariably eluded the duty of sum-\\nmoning a General Council, and ruled as\\ndespots 499\\nNicholas V. was distinguished by his learning,\\nand several excellent qualities but in the\\ngreat object of his policy, the preservation of\\nthe Eastern Empire, he wholly failed his\\ndeath was by some attributed to disappoint-\\nment proceeding from that cause 500-1\\n1455 Calixtus III. (Alphonso Borgia) succeeded, and\\nmay perhaps be considered as the introducer\\nof the system of Nepotism, which thencefor-\\nward prevailed in the Vatican 502\\n1458 .^neas Sylvius, after having been engaged in\\nthe service both of the Emperor and the Holy\\nSee, was at length raised to the pontificate\\nthe recorded circumstances of his elevation j\\nhe took the name of Pius II. 503\\n1459 June 1st. He opened the Council of Mantua,\\nand exerted himself to raise a confederacy\\nagainst the Turks, but without any perma-\\nnent success 504\\n1460 A deputation from the Princes of the East ar-\\nrived at Rome 504\\nCatharine of Sienna was canonized by Pius II. 505\\n1463 Pius II., originally the advocate of the Council\\nof Basle, after having gradually adopted all\\nthe High-Papal principles, published his cele-\\nbrated Bull of Retractation, condemning his\\nformer acts and expressions 5 his professed\\nand his probable motives 505-6\\nHe then prepared to conduct in person an ex-\\npedition against the Turks 5 proceeded to\\nAncona, and there died 506\\nHe had some points of resemblance, both with\\nNicholas V. and Cardinal Julian 507\\nAfter confirming on oath the Capitulation\\ndrawn up in Conclave, Paul II. was conse-\\ncrated to the See, and immediately violated\\nhis oath remarks on those Capituiations 507\\nPaul il. turned the arms of Corvinus, son of\\nA. D. PtigS\\nHuniades, from the Turkish war against the\\nBohemian Schismatics,.and after seven years\\nof warfare, failed in his purpose 508\\nHe persecuted a literary society established at\\nRome, and tortured several of its members 508\\nHe reduced the intervals between the Jubilees,\\nfrom thirty-three to twenty-five years 508\\n1471 Sixtus IV. succeeded. The circumstances of\\nhis dispute with Florence, and the obstinacy\\nwith which he persisted, till Otranto was ta-\\nken by the Turks 509\\nHe surpassed his predecessors in the practice\\nof Nepotism 509\\nHis vigorous, though unprincipled character\\nand some works of art which he accomplished 510\\n1484 Elevation and character of Innocent VIII. 510\\n1492 Circumstances of the elevation of Alexander\\nVI. 510-11\\nSome of the earliest acts of his Pontificate 512\\nHis overtures of alliance against Charles VIII.\\nto the Sultan Bajazet 513\\n1493 He bestowed the newly- discovered regions on\\nthe Crown of Spain. The donation was con-\\ntested by the Portuguese on what ground 513\\nl4S4 He concluded a treaty at Rome with Charles\\nVIII., and received his homage 514\\nZizim, brother of Bajazet, who had been the\\nPope s prisoner, was given uptoChailts,and\\ndied immediately afterwards 514\\nThe Duke Valentino 5 his character and pro-\\njects 514\\n1503 The circumstances of the death of Alexander\\nVI., as they are variously related, with dif-\\nferent degrees of authority 515-16\\nSome expressions of Guicciardini respecting\\nhis character 516\\nPius III. was elected as his successor, and died\\nin twenty-six days 516\\nJulius II. was then raised to the See 516\\nA proof that the spiritual authority of the Pope\\nwas not yet by any means disregarded, in\\nthe conduct of Louis XII. of France 517\\nSuccess of Julius in recovering possession of\\nthe States of the Church by what methods\\nhe accomplished this the power and versa-\\ntility of his character 517-18\\n1511 The Cardinals summoned a Council against\\nJulius, which met at Florence, and adjourn-\\ned to Milan, and thence to Lyons. It pub-\\nlished no edicts of importance 518-19\\n1512 But Julius in defence was obliged to convoke\\nthe Fifth Lateran Council; and died the year\\nfollowing 519\\nLeo X. continued to direct the Council. It\\nthen issued some decrees to alleviate the\\nleast important abuses of the Church, and\\nsome general declarations against the immo-\\nrality of the Court of Rome it restrained the\\nlicense of the Press it abolished the Prag-\\nmatic Sanction and renewed the Constitu-\\ntion Unam Sanctam, of Boniface VIII. 519\\n1517 It was then dissolved, as having done all that\\nwas necessary for the perpetuity of the\\nChurch. Luther began his preaching the\\nvery same year 521\\nGradual depravation of the See during the last\\nfifty years the increase of Nepotism the\\nscandals of the Conclave and the Palace\\nliterary Popes the great use which the Pon-\\ntiffs made of the terror of the Turks to sup-\\nport Ecclesiastical Abuses, and avoid a Gen-\\neral Council 521-2-3\\nThey succeeded, and through their success they\\nfell 524\\nChapter XXVIII. Preliminaries of the\\nReformation.\\nSection 1. On the Power and Constitution of\\nthe Roman Catholic Church. 525\\nI. The temporal sovereignty of the Pope was\\nnever before so extensive and firm, as in the\\nbeginning of the tenth century, to which re-\\nsult Julius II, chiefly contributed 525-6\\nThe argument, by which the possession of such\\npower by the Spiritual Chief is defended;\\nyet it led to great and necessary evils, which\\nwere reflected back upon the See itself 526\\nII. The progress of the Spiritual Supremacy of\\nRome, and the full extent to which it finally\\nadvanced. The usurpation of the Church\\npatronage was one of the chief instruments\\nfor its support 527-8\\nOn the Pope s pretensions to personal infalli-\\nbility 529\\nOn the command he acquired over the morality\\nof the Faithful 3 yet his spiritual power had", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "ANALYTICAL TABLE OF COx^TENTS.\\n17\\nA. D. Page\\naomewhat decayed before the time of Lu-\\nther, though still strong 529\\nIII. Attempts of the Popes, from Gregoiy VIT.,\\nto usurp authority over Civil Governments.\\nHow far they were aided by the dissensions\\nand weakness of the Princes themselves 530\\nTheir political interference has been sometimes\\nused for a good purpo-:e, though their princi-\\nples were frequently worse than the ordinary\\nprinciples of the age 530-31\\nIV. On the Constitution of the Church. The\\norigin and gradual growth of the dignity and\\npower of the Cardinals. The attempts made\\nin Conclave to impose obligations upon the\\nfuture Pontiff, which were invariably violat-\\ned or eluded 531\\nThe relative situation and mutual influence of\\nthe Pope and the College. What were the\\nmeans by which the Pope maintained his au-\\nthority over tlie Consistory 533\\nThe place which General Councils held in the\\neconomy of the Ciiurch 533\\nThe dignities of the Roman Catholic Church\\nwere accessible to all ranks a circumstance\\nof immense advantage, as long as they were\\nobtained through personal merit, and no\\nlonger 533-4\\nLegates a laUre Mendicants. The extremes\\npermitted in the discipline of the Church\\nsome maxims of Papal policy 534\\nA JVote on the nature of one branch of spiritual\\njurisdiction, as exercised in England 535-6\\nOn the vicarious character assumed by the\\nPriesthood of the Greek and Roman Church-\\nes, and the temporary reverence with which\\nit surrounded them 537\\nOn the advantages conferred on the Church by\\nthe humble origin and conversation of a\\nbranch of the Clergy and the close and firm\\nconnexion thus established between the Hi-\\nerarchy and the People. The spiritual des-\\npotism of the Pope rested at the bottom on a\\npopular ground 537-8\\nSection II. On the (1.) Spiritual Character, {2.)\\nDiscipline, and Morals of the Church,\\nI. The essential doctrines have been preserved\\nby the Roman, and also by the Greek Church,\\nwith some variation in the manner 538\\nOn the original system of Penance 538\\n680 Penitential of Theodore of Tarsus, and various\\nabuses which grew up soon after its introduc-\\ntion into the West 539\\nThe early origin and gradual perversion of the\\nindulgence 539\\nThe professed doctrine of the Roman Catholic\\nChurch respecting purgatory 540\\nSeveral changes in the object of the Plenary\\nIndulgence 540\\nTranslation of that which was sold by Tetzel 540\\nThe origin and abuse of Private Masses 541\\nOn the practices flowing from the doctrine of\\nTransubslantiation. The elevation of the\\nHost was introduced by the Latins into the\\nEast 541-2\\nOn the retrenchment of the Cup, probably the\\nleast politic among all the innovations of\\nRome 542\\nThe practice of prohibiting the general use of\\nthe Bible was of very early origin, both in\\nthe East and in the West. False Miracles.\\nAbuse of Images, c. On various Festivals,\\nand childish Dissensions. The Stigmata of\\nSt. Catharine. The Feast of the Immaculate\\nConception. Difference respecting the kind\\nof worship due to the blood of Christ. The\\noriginal inscription on the Cross. The head\\nof the True Lance, c. 542-5\\nReciprocal influence of the superstitions and\\nthe power of Rome 545\\nII. The general demoralization of the Roman\\nCatholic Clergy admitted and deplored by\\nthe Catholics themselves, from St. Bernard\\ndownwards 545-6\\nA. D, Page\\nA seeming exception in favor of Cardinal Xi-\\nmenes, and the Spanish Clergy 546\\nYet the Church in different ages has forwarded\\nin various manners the ends of morality 546-7\\nThe original principles of Blonachism promised\\ngreat advantages to society in its early ages,\\nand no doubt produced them. The Mendi-\\ncants have done good service both as Cler-\\ngymen and as Missionaries, especially during\\nthe thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 547-8\\nEven at the beginning of the reformation, the\\nChurch was not wholly destitute of piety\\n(1.) the principles of Mysticism were perpet-\\nuated through all ages of the Church, and\\nthis tendency upon the whole was greatly\\nfavorable to religious excellence (2.) the\\nlower orders of the Clergy, where the great\\nmass of the piety of the Church doubtless re-\\nsided, are necessarily condemned to obscuri-\\nty, while the more ambitious and less spirit-\\nual part of the Ministry is that which alone\\nmeets the observation of the historian 548-9\\nSection III. On various attempts to reform or\\nsubvert the Church.\\nI. On those which were made by the Church\\nitself in the Councils of Pisa, Constance,\\nBasle, and the Fifth Lateran. To what a\\nnarrow field they were confined how feebly\\nthey touched even that which they designed\\nto heal how they were arrested and eluded\\nby the Papal party 550-1\\nThat resistance occasioned the Reformation,\\nsince which event many great improvements\\nhave taken place in the Roman Catholic sys-\\ntem 552\\nII. Many attempts have been made to trace the\\ncontinuity of the Protestant principles to the\\nApostolical times, principally through the\\nVaudois yet the existence of these cannot\\nbe ascertained with any historical confidence\\nbefore the twelfth century 552-3\\nIf any connexion with the earliest times could\\nbe made out through the Albigeois, or through\\nthe Mystics, still this would not be a connex-\\nion with the Apostolical Church 554-5\\nA JVote on the Eleventh Bookof Bossuet s Va-\\nriations 552\\nIII. On the treatment of Heretics by the Church 555\\nThe third Canon of the fourth Lateran Coun-\\ncil received the sanction of the Civil Author-\\nities, and thus united thena in the same con-\\nspiracy. On the principle of the necessary\\nUnity of the Church, persecution could not\\nbe avoided the Laity co-operated and the\\nspirit was never more decided than in the\\nfifteenth age 555-6\\nIV. Some individual reformers of the fifteenth\\ncentury. John of Wesalia was condemned\\nand imprisoned. John Wesselus of Gronin-\\ngen is mentioned with very high respect by\\nLuther. An instance of his disinterestedness 557-3\\nJohn Laillier published at Paris some opinions\\nwhich were censured by the Faculty. He\\nwas condemned, and subsequently retracted,\\nJerome Savonarola obtained extraordinary\\ninfluence as a prophet and a demagogue at\\nFlorence. His interview with Charles VIII.\\nof France, and address to that Monarch.\\nThe circumstances of his overthrow, con-\\ndemnation and execution 559-61\\nJohn Reuchlin and his admirer Erasmus 561-2\\nV. The abuses of the Church were particularly\\nfelt and detested in Germany. The political\\ninterests of the Empire and Popedom had\\nbeen almost always at variance. The Con-\\ncordats had been violated or eluded by the\\nPopes. The people of Germany had become\\nmore generally enlightened, and thirsted for\\nthe Scriptures. The Church reposed in in-\\ndolent security. Leo X. had not the charac-\\nter which the exigences of his establishment\\nrequired and the moment for the Reforma-\\ntion was arrived 562=4", "height": "4713", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION,\\nAn attempt to compress into the following pages the ecclesiastical history of fifteen centu\u00c2\u00ab\\nries, requires some previous explanation, lest any should imagine that this undertaking has\\nbeen entered upon rashly, and without due consideration of its difficulty. This is not the case\\nI am not blind to the various and even opposite dang-ers which beset it and leasi of all am I\\ninsensible to the peculiar and most solemn importance of the subject. But I approach it\\nwith deliberation as well as reverence, willing to consecrate to God s service the fruits of an\\ninsufficient, but not careless diligence, and also trusting, by His divine aid, to preserve the\\nstraight path which leads tlu ough truth unto wisdom.\\nThe principles by which I have been guided require no preface; they will readily develope\\nthemselves, as they are the simplest in human nature. But, respecting the general plan\\nwhich has been followed in the conduct of this work, a few words appear to be necessary.\\nIn the first place I have abandoned the method of division by centuries, which has too long\\nperplexed ecclesiastical history, and have endeavoured to regulate the partition by the de-\\npendence of connected events, and the momentous revolutions which have arisen from it.\\nIt is one advantage in this plan, that it .has very frequently enabled me to collect under one\\nhead, to digest by a single effiart, and present, in one uninterrupted view, materials bearing\\nin reality upon the same point, but which, by the more usual method, arc separated and dis-\\ntracted. It is impossible to ascertain the proportions or to estimate the real weiglit of any\\nsingle subject amidst the events which surround it it is impossible to draw from it those\\nsober and applicable conclusions which alone distinguish history from romance, unless we\\nbring the corresponding portions into contact, in spite of the interval which time may have\\nthi own between them for time has scattered his lessons over the records of humanity with a\\nprofuse but careless hand, and both the diligence and the judgment of irian must be exercised\\nto collect and arrange them, so as to extract from their combined qualities the true odor of\\nwisdom.\\nIt is another advantage in the method which I have adopted, that it affords greater facility\\nto bring into relief and illustrate matters which are really important and have had lasting\\neffects; since it is chiefly by fixing attention and awakening reflection on those great phenom-\\nena which have not only stamped a character on the age to which they belong, but have\\ninfluenced the conduct and happiness of after ages, that history asserts her prerogative above\\na journal or an index, not permitting thought to be dispersed nor memory wasted upon a\\nminute narration of detached incidents and transient and inconsequential details. And, in\\nthis matter, I admit that my judgment has been very freely exercised in proportioning the\\ndegree of notice to the permanent weight and magnitude of events.\\nAs regards the treatment of particular branches of this subject, all readers are aware how\\nzealously the facts of ecclesiastical history have been disputed, and how frequently those\\ndifferences have been occasioned or widened by the peculiar opinions of the disputants. Re-\\nspecting the former, it is sufficient to say that the limits of this work obviously prevent the\\nauthor from pursuing and unfolding all the intricate perplexities of critical controversy. I\\nhave, therefore, generally contented myself, in questions of ordinary moment, with following,\\nsometimes even without comment, what has appeared to me to be the more pr-ob able conclu-\\nsion, and of signifying it as probable only. Respecting the latter, I have found it the most\\ndifficult, as it is certainly among the weightiest of my duties, to trace the opinions which\\nhave divided Christians in every age regarding matters of high import both in doctrine and\\ndiscipline. But it seems needless to say that I have scarcely, in any case, entered into the\\narguments by which those opinions have been contested. It is no easy task, through hostile\\nmisrepresentation, and the more dangerous distortions of friendly enthusiasm, to penetrate\\ntheir real character, and delineate their true history. For the demonstration of their reason-\\nableness or absurdity I must refer to the voluminous writings consecrated to their explanation.\\nThis history, extending to the beginning of the Reformation, Avill be divided into five Parts\\nor Periods. The first will terminate with the accession of Constantine. It will trace the\\npropagation of Christianity it will comprehend the persecutions which afflicted, the heresies\\nwhich disturbed, the abuses which stained the early Church, and describe its final triumph", "height": "4714", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "j^Q LNTRODUCTION.\\nover external hostility. The second will carry us through the age of Charlemagne. We\\nshall watch the fell of the Polytheistic system of Greece and Rome w e shall examine with\\npainful interest the controversies which distracted the Church, and which were not suspend-\\ned even while the scourge from Arabia was hanging over it, and that especially hy which\\nthe East was finally alienated from Rome. In the West, we shall observe the influx of the\\nNorthern barbarians, and the gradual conquest accomplished by our religion over a second\\nform of Paganism. We shall notice the influence of feudal institutions on the character of\\nthat Church, the commencement of its temporal authority, and its increasing corruption.\\nOur third period will conduct us to the death of Gregory VII. And here I must obsei-ve,\\nthat, from the eighth century downwards, our attention will, for the most part, be occupied\\nby the Church of Rome, and follow the fluctuations of its history. About 270 years compose\\nthis period the most curious, though by no m.eans the most celebrated, in the papal annals.\\nFrom the foundations established by Charlemagne, the amazing pretensions of that See\\ngradually grew up; in despite of the crimes and disasters of the tenth century, they made\\nprogress during those gloomy ages, and finally received developement and consistency from\\nthe extraordinary genius of Gregory. Charlemagne left behind him the radiments of the\\nsystem, without any foresight of the strange character which it was destined to assume; Gre-\\ngory grasped the materials which he found lying before him, and put thei^j together with a\\ngiant s hand, and bequeathed the mighty spiritual edifice, to be enlarged and defended by his\\nsuccessors. The fourth part will describe the conduct of those successors, as far as the death\\nof Boniface VIII., and the removal of the seat of government to Avignon. This is the era\\nof papal extravagance and exultation. It was during this space (of about 220 years) that all\\nthe energies of the system were in full action, and exhibited the extent of good and of evil\\nof which it was capable. It was then especially that the spirit of Monachism burst its\\nancient boundaries, and threatened to quench the reviving sparks of knowledge, and to repel\\nthe advancing tide of reason. The concussion was indeed fearful the face of the Church\\nwas again darkened by the blood of her martyrs, and the rage of bigotry was found to be\\nmore destructive than the malice of Paganism. The last division will follow the decline of\\npapal power, and the general decay of papal principles and in this more grateful office, it\\nwill be my most diligent, perhaps most profitable, task, to examine the various attem})ts\\nwhich were made by the Roman Chiu-ch to reform and regenerate itself, and to observe the\\nperverse infatuation by which they were thwarted until the motives and habits which at-\\ntached men to their ancestral superstitions at length gave way, and the banners of reason\\nwere openly unfurled in holy allegiance to the Gospel of Christ.\\nThere is a sober disposition to religious moderation and warm but dispassionate piefy^\\nwith which the book of Ecclesiastical History must ever inspire the minds of those who\\napproach it without prejudice, and meditate on it calmly and thoughtfully. May some\\nportion of that spirit be communicated to the readers of the following pages! May they\\nleam to distinguish the substance of Christianity from its corruptions to perceive that the\\nreligion is not contaminated by the errors or crimes of its professors and ministers, and that\\nall the evils which have ever been inflicted upon the v/orld in tbe name of Christ, have inva-\\nriably proceeded from its abuse The vain appendages which man has superadded to the\\ntruth of God, as they are human so are they perishable some have fallen, and all will grad-\\nually fall, by their own weight and weakness. This reflection will serve^ perhaps, to allay\\neertain apprehensions. From the multitude of others which suggest themselves, I shall\\nselect one only. The readers of this work will observe, from the experience of every age of\\nChristianity, that, through the failings and variety of our nature, diversity in religious opin-\\nion is inseparable from religious belief; they will observe the fruitlessness of every forcible\\nattempt to repress it and they wifl also remark, that it has seldom proved dangerous to the\\nhappiness of society, unless when civil authority has interfered to restrain it. The moral\\neflfect of this great historical lesson can be one only uncontentious, unlimited moderation\\na temperate zeal to soften the diversities vt^hich we cannot possibly prevent a fei-v^ent dispo-\\nsition to conciliate the passions where we fail to convince the reason to exercise that for-\\nbearance which we surely require ourselves, and constantly to bear in mind that in our\\ncommon pursuit of the same eternal object, we are alike impeded by the same human and\\nirremediable imperfections.\\nGeorge Waddington,\\nTtdnily College^ Cambridge.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nPART I.\\nFROM THE TIMES OF THE APOSTLES TO THE ACCESSIOxN OF CONSTANTiNE.\\nChapter I. The Propagation of Christianity.\\nMethod of treating the subject. (1.) Church of Jerusalem Its earliest members Death of St.\\nJames Succession of Symeon Destruction of the city by Titus\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Succession to Pella Bishops\\nof the Circumcision Destruction of the city by Adrian ^lia C^itolina Second succession of\\nBishops Conclusion. (2.) Church of Antioch Its foundation and progress Ignatius Theo-\\nphilus Mesopotaiuia Pretended correspondence between the Saviour and Abgarus, Prince of\\nEdessa. (3.) Church of Ephesus The Seven Churches of Asia The latest years of St. John\\nPiety and progress of the Church of Ephesus Polycrates His opposition to Rome. (4.) Church\\nof Smyrna Polycarp His Martyrdom Sardis Mehto Hierapolis Papias Apolhnaris\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Bith-\\nynia Testimony of the younger Pliny. (5.) Church of Athens Character of the people Quad-\\nratus Aristides Athenagoras Their apologies Other Grecian Churches. (6.) Church of\\nCorinth Character of the peopk Nature of their dissensions Clemens Romanus His Epistle\\n-^Form of Government Dionysius of Corinth Seven general Epistles Remarks. (7.) Church\\nof Rome The persecution of Nero described by Tacitus Martyrdom of St. Paul and St. Peter\\nProbable effect of this persecution Extent of Romish superiority over other Churches Contro-\\nversy respecting Easter Conduct of Victor, Bishop of Rome Irenteus France Church of\\nLyons. (8.) Church of Alexandria St. Marc\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Its increase and importance Epistle of Hadrian\\nRemarks on it Education of the first Christians Pantasnus Clemens Alexandrinus The\\nChurch of Carthage. Page 29\\nChapter II. On the JS^umbers, Discipline, Doctrine, and Morality oftlie\\nPrimitive Church.\\n(1.) General view of the extent of the Church Facility of intercourse favourable to Christianity\\nOther circumstances Miraculous claims of the Church To what limits they ought to be con-\\nfined. (2.) Gx)vernment of the Primitive Church During the time of the Apostles After their\\nDeath Deacons Distinction of Clergy and Laity Earliest form of Episcopal Government\\nIndependence of the first Churches Institution of Synods Their character and uses The evil\\nsupposed to have arisen frojn them Metropolitans Excommunication Supposed community of\\nproperty Ceremonies of religion Feasts and fasts Schools. (3.) Creeds The Apostles\\nCreed Baptism The Eucharist The Agapae. (4.) Morality of the first Christians\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Testimonies\\nof St. Clement Pliny Bardeanes Chastity Exposure of infants Charity The earliest con-\\nverts among the lower orders The progress of the faith was upwards Testimony of Lucian in\\nhistory of Peregrinus Suffering courage. 38\\nChapter III. The Progress of Christianity from the year 200 a.d. till the\\nAccession of Constantine, a.d. 313.\\nIncipient corruption of the Church Reasons for it Its extent External progress of religion in\\nAsia and in Europe Claims, character, and prosperity of the Church of Rome That of Alex-\\nandria. Origen his character Industry Success Defect The Church of Carthage Tertul-\\nlian\u00e2\u0080\u0094 His character\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Heresy Merits. Cyprian Government of the Church Increase of epis-\\ncopal power, or, rather, influence Degeneracy of the Ministers of Religion exaggerated Insti-\\ntution of inferior orders Division of the people into Faithful and Catechumens Corruption of\\nthe sacrament of Baptism Effect of this The Eucharist Daemons\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Exorcism Alliance with\\nphilosophy Its consequences. Pious frauds Their origin Excuses for such corruptions-\\nEclectic philosophy Ammonius Saccas Plotinus Porphyry Compromise with certain philoso-\\nphers The Millennium The writings of the early Fathers Apologies. 49\\nChapter IV. On the Persecutions of several Roman Emperors.\\nClaims of Roman Paganism to the character of tolerance examined Theory of pure Polytheism\\nRoman policy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Various laws of tlie Republic continued under the emperors Mecccnas Re-\\nmarks\u00e2\u0080\u0094The ten persecutions how many general That of Nero its character Of Domitian\\nThe grandsons of St. Jude The epistle of Pliny to Trajan His answer Real object of Trajan\\n-^Letter of Serenius Granianus to Hadrian Antoninus Pius. Marcus Antoninus Gibbon s par-\\ntiality Real character of this persecution compared with those preceding it His principles and\\nknowledge, and superstition His talents and virtues Connection of his philosophy and his\\nintolerance Commodus Decius\u00e2\u0080\u0094 His persecution accoauted for\u00e2\u0080\u0094 its nature Valerian Mar-", "height": "4714", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "22 CONTENTS.\\ntyrdom of Cyprian Persecution of Diocletian Its origin and motives Influence of Pagan\\npriesthood -Progress of the persecution Its mitigation by Constantius, and final cessation at the\\naccession of Constantine. General remarks Unpopularity of the Christians accounted for\\nCalumnies by which they suffered Their contempt of all false gods Change in the character of\\ntheir adversaries Philosophy Excuses advanced for the persecutors their futility General\\ncharacter of persecuting emperors Absurd opinions on this subject Effect of the persecutions\\nupon the whole favourable For what reasons. 57\\nChapter V. On the Heresies of the three first Centuries.\\nMeaning of the word Heresy Charges of immorality brought against Heretics Their treatment by\\nearly Church Number of early Heresies\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Moderation of the primitive Church Three classes of\\nHeretics. (1.) Two kinds of Philosophy Gnosticism Origin and nature of that doctrine its\\nassociation with Christianity Moral practice of the Gnostics Their martyrs Various forms of\\nGnosticism Basilides. Carpocrates Valentinus Cerdo and Marcion Tatian and the Encra-\\ntites. {2.) The Ebionites Eusebius s account of them Conclusions from it The Heresy of\\nArtemon revived by Paul of Samosata his sentence and expulsion how finally enforced He-\\nresy of Praseas\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Doctrines of the Church stated by Tertullian Sabellius his opinions Patro-\\npassians. (3.) Simon Magus Montanus his preaching and success Controversy on the Baptism\\nof Heretics The Novatians their schism and opinions Conclusions respecting the general\\ncharacter of the early Heresie^ and the manner of opposing them On the Fathers of the primi-\\ntive Church Real importance of their writings Shepherd of Hermas Epistle of St. Barna^\\nbas Ignatius Polycarp Clement of Rome Respecting their doctrine Ireneeus. 69\\nPART II.\\nFROM THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE TO THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE.\\nChapter VI. Constantine the Great.\\nThe Luminous Cross Edict of Milan\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Character, Conversion, Policy of Constantine Changes in\\nthe Constitution of the Church Imperial Supremacy Rights of the Church Its internal Ad-\\nministration External Conclusion. ...----82\\nChapter VII. The Arian Controversy.\\nControversies among Christians accounted for Conduct of Constantine Alexander Arius\\nCouncil of Nice Constantius Athanasius Council of Rimini Theodosius Council of Con-\\nstantinople Arianism of the Barbarians\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Justinian Spain Council of Toledo Termination of\\nthe Controversy Observations. 92\\nChapter VIII. The Decline and Fall of Paganism,\\nfolicy of Constantine of Julian Designed Reformation of Paganism Attempt to restore the Tem-\\nple of Jerusalem Gradual Decline of the Superstition and virtual overthrow by Tliedosius 104\\nChapter IX. From the Fall of Paganism to the Death of Justinian.\\nConversion of the Northern Barbarians Superstitions of the Church Leo the Great Papal Ag-\\ngrandizement Justinian his Ecclesiastical Policy Established Laws against Heresy Litera-\\nture, Profane and Christian Causes and Periods of the Decay of either\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Moral Condition of the\\nClergy and People Note on certain Fathers of the Fourth and Fifth Centuries. 115\\nChapter X. From the Death of Justinian to that of Charlemagne.\\n1. Mission of St. Austin to England of St. Boniface to Germany Mahomet and his Successors-:-\\nVictory of Charles Martel Charlemagne. 2. Gregory the Great his Character Policy its per-\\nmanent Results Council of Francfort Depositioii of Childeric Donation of Pepin Charle-\\nmagne s Liberality to the Church. 133\\nChapter XI. The Dissensions of the Church from Constantine to Charlemagne.\\n1, Schism of the Donatists St. Augustin. 2. Priscillian his Opinions, and Death. 3. Jovinian\\nVigilantius St. Jerome. 4. Pelagian Controversy Councils of Jerusalem and Diospolis St.\\nAugustin. 5. Controversy respecting the Incarnation Apollinaris Nestorius Council of Eph-\\nesus Eutyches Second Council of Ephesus Council of Chalcedon The Monothelites\\nCouncil of C. P. 6. Worship of Images Leo the Isaurian The Empress Irene Seventh General\\nCouncil Empress Theodora Observations. ^51\\nChapter XII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Schism hetxveen the Greek and Latin Churches.\\nOrigin of the Dispute Council of Chalcedon Title of GEcumenical Bishop John the Faster-v-\\nGregory the Great Procession of the Holy Spirit\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Photius\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -his Fortunes Michael Ceralarius\\nsrrr-Anathema by the Legates of Leo IX 17^", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. 23\\nChapter XIII. The Constitution of the Church as fixed by Charlemagne.\\nRetrospect of the Condition of the Church at preceding Periods at the Accession of Constantine\\nthe Death of St. Gregory the Accession of Charlemagne The Judicial Rights of the Clergy\\nunder Constantine Justinian Charlemagne The false Decretals Donation of Constantine\\nThe Revenues of the Church their Sources and Objects. 176\\nPART 111.\\nFROM THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE TO THAT OF POPE GREGORY VII. 814\u00e2\u0080\u00941085.\\nChapter XIV. On the Government and Projects of the Church during the\\nJYinth and Tenth Centuries,\\nDivision of the Subject into Three Parts. (I.) Independence of Papal Election Original Law and\\nPractice First Violation Posterity of Charlemagne Charles the Bald Otho the Great Henry\\nHI. Alterations under Nicholas 11. Reflections. (II.) Encroachment of Ecclesiastical on Civil\\nAuthority Indistinct Limits of Temporal and Spiritual Power Till the time of Charlemagne\\nAfter that time Influence of Feudal System Kind of Authority conferred by it on the Clergy\\nMilitary Service of Church Vassals of Clergy latter forbidden by Charlemagne Supersti-\\ntious Methods of Trial by Hot Iron the Cross the Eucharist Political offices of the Clergy\\nInfluence from Intellectual Superiority Plunder of Church Property Lay Impropriators\\nAdvocates Louis le Debonnaire his Penance Council at Paris in 820 Charles the Bald Coun-\\ncil of Aixla Chapelle Lothaire, King of Lorraine his Excommunication Hincmar, Archbishop\\nof Rheims his Conduct on two occasions Charles the Bald accepts the Empire from the Pope\\nGeneral Reflections Robert, King of France his Excommunication and Submission Episcopal\\ndistinct from Papal Encroachment. (III.) Internal Usurpation of the Roman See Its Original\\nDignity Metropolitan Privileges Appellant Jurisdiction of Pope The False Decretals Contest\\nbetween Gregory IV. and the French Bishops between Adrian II. and Hincmar Character of\\nHincmar Consequence of regular Appeals to the Pope Vicars of the Roman See Exemption\\nof Monasteries from Episcopal Superintendence Remarks. 205\\nChapter XV. On the Opinions, Literature, Discipline, and External\\nFortunes of the Church.\\n(I.) On the Eucharist Original Opinions of the Church Doctrine of Paschasius Radbert Com-\\nbated by Ratram and John Scotus Conclusion of the Controversy Predestination Opinions and\\nPeisecution of Gotteschalcus Millennarianism in the Tenth Century Its strange and genexaJ\\nEffect. (II.) Literature Rabanus Maurus, John Scotus, Alfred its Progress among the Saracens\\nSpain South of Italy France\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Rome\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pope Sylvester II. (HL) Disciphne\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Conduct of\\nCharlemagne and his Successors St. Benedict of Aniane. Institution of Canons Regular Epis-\\ncopal election Translations of Bishops prohibited. Pope Stephen VI. Claudius Bishop of Turin\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Penitential System. (IV.) Conversion of the North of Europe of Denmark, Sweden, Russia of\\nPoland and Hungary how accomplished and to what Extent The Normans\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Turks. 219\\nChapter XVI.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 T/ie Life of Gregory VIT.\\nDivision of the Subject. Section I. From Leo IX. to the Accession of Gregory. Section IL\\nThe Pontificate of Gregory. Section HI. Controversy respecting Transubstantiation and Estab-\\nlishment of the Latin Liturgy.\\nSection I.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pope Leo IX.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Early History of Hildebrand\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Succession of Victor II. of Stephen\\nIX. of Nicholas II.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his Measure respecting Papal Election\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the College of Cardinals\u00e2\u0080\u0094 imper-\\nfection of that Measure\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Subsequent and final Regulation Inconveniences of popular Suffrage\\nRestriction of the Imperial Right of Confirmation\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Homage of Robert Guiscard and the Normans\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Dissensions on the Death of Nicholas\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Succession of Alexander II.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 actual Supremacy of\\nHildebrand\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Measures taken during that Pontificate\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Alexander is succeeded by Hildebrand,\\nunder the title of Gregory VII.\\nSection II. Gregory s First Council\u00e2\u0080\u0094 its two objects\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to prevent (I.) Marriage or Concubinage of\\nthe Clergy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (2.) Simoniacal Sale of Benefices\u00e2\u0080\u0094 On the Cehbacy of the Clergy why encouraged\\nby Popes\u00e2\u0080\u0094 LeO IX. Severity and Consequence of Gregory s Edict\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Original Method of appoint-\\nment to Benefices\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Usurpations of Princes\u00e2\u0080\u0094 how abused\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -the Question of Investiture---Ex-\\nplained\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pretext for Royal Encroachments\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Original form of Consecration by the King and\\nCrown\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Right usurped by Otho\u00e2\u0080\u0094 State of the Question at the Accession of Gregory Conduct of\\nHenry\u00e2\u0080\u0094 further measures of the Pope IndiflTerence of Henry\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Summoned before a Council at\\nRome\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Council of Worms\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Excommunication of the Emperor and Absolution of his Subjects\\nfrom their Allegiance\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Consequence of this Edict\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Dissensions in Germany how suspended\\nHenry does Penance at Canossa\u00e2\u0080\u0094 restored to the Communion of the Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 again takes the\\nfield\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Rodolphus declared Emperor Gregory s Neutrality\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Remarks on the course of Gregory s\\nMeasures Universality of his temporal Claims\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his probable project\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Considerations in excuse\\nof his Schemes partial admission of his Claims\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Ground on which he founded them\u00e2\u0080\u0094 power to\\nbind and to loose Means by which he supported them Excommunication Interdict\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Legates\\nk Latere\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Alliance with Matilda\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his Norman allies German Rebels Internal Administration\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Effect of his rigorous Measures of Reform\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his grand scheme of Supremacy within the Church\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094False Decretals Power conferred by them on the Pope\u00e2\u0080\u0094 brought into action by Gregory\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Ap-\\npeals to Pope\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Generally encouraged and practised\u00e2\u0080\u0094 their pernicious Effects\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gregory s Double", "height": "4714", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "24 CONTENTS.\\nScheme of Universal Dominion\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Return to Narrative\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Clement III. anti-Pope Death of Rodol-\\nphus\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Henry twice repulsed from before Rome\u00e2\u0080\u0094 finally succeeds his Coronation by Clement\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthe Normans restore Gregory\u00e2\u0080\u0094 he follows them to Salerno and there dies\u00e2\u0080\u0094 hris Historical impor-\\ntance\u00e2\u0080\u0094his Character\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Public\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his grand principle in the Administration of the Church Private\\nas to Morality\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as to Religion.\\nSection HI. (I.) Controversy respecting Transubstantiation suspended in the Ninth, renewed\\nin the Eleventh Century\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Character of Berenger\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Council of Leo IX.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 of Victor II. at Tours\\nin 1054 Condemnation and conduct of Berenger\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Council of Nicholas II. repeated Retractation\\nand relapse of Berenger\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Alexander II. Council at Rome under Gregory VII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Extent of the\\nConcession then required from Berenger\u00e2\u0080\u0094 further Requisition of the Bishops- -a Second Council\\nassembled -Conduct of Gregory\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Berenger again solemnly assents to the Catholic Doctrine, and\\nagain returns to his own his old Age, Remorse, and Death\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Remarks on his Conduct\u00e2\u0080\u0094 on the\\nModeration of Gregory. (2.) Latin Liturgy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gradual Disuse of Latin Language throughout Eu-\\nrope Adoption of Gothic Missal in Spain Alfonso proposes to substitute the Roman Decision\\nby the Judgment of God\u00e2\u0080\u0094by Combat\u00e2\u0080\u0094 by Fire\u00e2\u0080\u0094 doubtful Result\u00e2\u0080\u0094 final Adoption of the Latin\\nLiturgy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Its introduction among the Bohemians by Gregory\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Motives of the Popes other instan-\\nces of Liturgies not performed in the Vulgar Tongue\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Usage of the early Christian Church. 231\\nPART IV.\\nFROM THE DEATH OF GREGORY VII. TO THAT OF BONIFACE VIII.\\nChapter XVIII. From Gregorij VII. to Innocent III.\\n(T.) Papal history Urban 11. Council of Placentia that of Clermont their principal acts The\\nCrusades their origin and possible advantage Pascal II. Pv,enewed disputes with Henry his\\nmisfortunes, private and public his death and exhumation Henry, his son, marches to Rome\\nConvention with Pascal respecting the regalia its violation Imprisonment of the Pope his\\nconcessions annulled by subsequent Council Henry again at Rome Death and character of\\nPascal Final arrangement of the investiture question by Calixtus II. Observations The first\\nLateran (ninth general) Council Death of Calixtus Subsequent confusion and its causes\\nArnold of Brescia his opinions, fate, and character Adrian IV. Frederic Barbarossa Disputes\\nbetween them, and final success of the Pope Alexander III. his quarrel with Frederic, and\\nadvantages his talents and merits Celestine III. The differences between Rome and the\\nEmpire The internal dissensions at Rome on papal election National contentions between\\nChurch and State. (II.) Education and theological learning Review of preceding ages in Italy\\nand France Parochial schools Deficiency in the material Papyrus Parchment Consequent\\nscarcity of MSS. Invention of paper Three periods of theological literature the characteristics\\nof each Gradual improvement in the eleventh century. _ 252\\nChapter XVIII. Pontificate of Innocent III.\\nPrefatory facts and observations Circumstances under which Innocent ascended the chair Col-\\nlection of Canons Condition of the clergy Ecclesiastical jurisdiction by what means extended\\nInnocent s four leading objects (I.) to establish and enlarge his temporal power in the city and\\necclesiastical states Office of the Prefect Favorable circumstance, of which Innocent avails\\nhimself his work completed by Nicholas IV. (2.) to establish the universal pre-eminence of\\npapal over royal authority His claims to the Empire His dispute with Philippe Auguste of\\nFrance he places the kingdom under interdict submission of Philippe His general assertions\\nof supremacy particular applications of them\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to England and France, Navarre, Wallachia and\\nBulgaria, Arragon and Armenia\u00e2\u0080\u0094His contest with John of England- Interdict the Legate Pan-\\ndulph Humiliation of the King (3.) to extend his authority within the church Italian clergy\\nin England his general success in influencing the priesthood Power of the Episcopal Order~~\\nThe fourth Lateran Council. Canons on transubstantiation on private confession against all\\nheretics (4.) to extinguish heresy. The Petrobrussians their author and tenets. Various other\\nsects, how resisted. The Cathari supposition of Mosheim and Gibbon the more probable opin-\\nion The Waldenses their history and character error of Mosheim Peter Waldus his perse-\\ncution. The Albigeois or Albigenses their residence and opinions attacked by Innocent St.\\nDominic title of Inquisitor Raymond of Toulouse holy war preached against them Simon de\\nMontfort resistance and massacre of the heretics. The crusade of children Continued perse-\\ncution of the Albigeois Death of Innocent, 276\\nChapter XIX. The History of Monacliism.\\n(I.) Early instance of the monastic spirit in the east Pliny the philosopher The Therapeutae or\\nEssenes The Ascetics their real character and origin The earliest Christian hermits dated\\nfrom the Decian or Diocletian persecutions CtEnobites. Pachomius and St. Anthony originated\\nin Egypt Basilius of Caesarea his order and rule his institution of a vow questionable Mo-\\nnasteries encouraged by the fathers of the fourth and fifteenth ages from what motives Vow\\nof celibacy Restrictions of admission into monastic order Original monks were laymen Com-\\nparative fanaticism of the east and west Severity and discipline in the west motives and\\ninducements to it contrasted with the Oriental practice Establishment of nunneries in\\\\he\\neast. (II.) Introduction of monachism into the west St. Athanasius Martin of Tours Most\\nancient rule of the western monasteries their probable paucity and poverty Benedict of Nursia\\nhis order, and reasonable rule, and object Foundation of Monte Cassino France St. Co-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS, 25\\nlumban Ravages of the Lombards and Danes Reform by Benedict of Aniane The order of\\nCluni its origin, rise, and reputation its attachment to papacy and its prosperity^ The order of\\nCiteaux date of its foundation Dependent Abbey of Clairvaux St. Bernard its progress and\\ndecline Order of the Chartreux. (HI.) Order of St. Augustin Rule of Chrodegangus Rule of\\nAix-la-Chapelle subsequent reforms. (IV.) Connexion between the monasteries and the Pope\\nmutual services The military orders\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (1.) The Knights of the Hospital origin of their institu-\\ntion their discipline and character (2.) Knights Templar their origin and object (3.) The\\nTeutonic order its establishment and prosperity. (V.) The mendicant orders causes of their\\nrise and great progress (1.) St. Dominic his exertions and designs (2.) St. Francis and his\\nfollowers compared with the Dominicans apparent assimilation essential differences disputes\\nof the Franciscans with the Popes, and among themselves Inquisitorial office of the Dominicans,\\ntheir learning and influence quarrels with the Doctors of Paris Austerity of the Franciscans\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe Fratricilli (3.) The Carmelites their professed origin (4.) Hermits of St. Augustin Privi-\\nleges of these four orders. (VI.) Various establishments of Nuns their usual offices and char-\\nacter General remarks The three grand orders of the Western Church (suited to the ages in\\nwhich they severally appeared and flourished) The Jesuits The Monastic system one of perpet-\\nual reformation thus alone it survived so long its merits and advantages The bodily labor of\\nthe Monks their charitable and hospitable offices real piety to be found among them super-\\nintendence of education, and means of learning preserved by them limits to their utility their\\nfrequent alliance with superstition their early dependence on the Bishops gradual exemption,\\nand final subjection to the Pope Their profits and opulence, and means of amassing it Luther a\\nmendicant. 296\\nChapter XX. History of the Popes from the Death of Innocent III. to that of\\nBoniface VIII.\\nThe ardor of the Popes for Crusades its motives and policy Honorius III. Frederic s vow to\\ntake the cross, and procrastination Gregory IX. his Coronation he excommunicates the\\nEmperor who thus departs for Palestine Gregory impedes his success, and invades his domin-\\nions\u00e2\u0080\u0094 their subsequent disputes Innocent IV. his previous friendship with Frederic Council\\nof Lyons Various charges urged against Frederic Innocent deposes Frederic and appoints his\\nsuccessor on his own papal authority Civil war in Germany in Italy death of Frederic his\\ncharacter and conduct his rigorous Decree against Heretics Observations Other reasons\\nalleged to justify his deposition this dispute compared with that between Gregory VII. and\\nHenry Taxes levied by the Pope on the Clergy Crusade against the Emperor Exaltation of\\nInnocent his visit to Italy and intrigues his death his qualities as a statesman as a churchman\\nexpression of the Sultan of iEgypt Alexander IV. Urban IV. Clement IV. Introduction\\nof Charles d Anjou to the throne of Naples Gregory X. his piety, and other merits Second\\nCouncil of Lyons Vain preparations for another Crusade Death of Gregory Objects of Nicho-\\nlas II. Martin IV. Senator of Rome Nicholas IV. dihgent against Heresy Pietro di Morone\\nor Celestine V. circumstances of his elevation his previous life and habits his singular inca-\\npacity disaffection among the higher Clergy his discontent and meditations his resignation\\nBoniface VIII. his excessive ambition and insolence on the decline of the papal power his\\ntemporal pretensions Sardinia, Corsica, Scotland, Hungary Recognition of Albert King of the\\nRomans and act of his submission Philip the Fair The Galilean Church origin of its liberties\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094St. Louis and the Pragmatic Sanction Differences between Boniface and Philip Bull Clericia\\nLaicos its substance and subsequent interpretation Affairs of the Bishop of Parmiers Bull\\nAusculta Fill burnt by Philip Conduct of the French Nobles of the Clergy of Boniface. Bull\\nUnam Sanctam other violent proceedings Moderation of Philip further insolence of the Popo\\nPhilip s appeal to a General Council William of Nogaret Personal assault on Boniface his\\nbehavior and the circumstances of his death. 334\\nChapter XXI.\\nOn Louis IX. of France his religious and ecclesiastical acts and projects On the origin and estab-\\nlishment of the Inquisition On some of the principal effects of the Crusades The Pragmatic\\nSanction, and the Liberties of the Galilean Church. 354\\nPART V.\\nChapter XXII. Residence of the Po^oes at Avignon.\\n(I.) History of the Popes Clement V. Council of Vienne Condemnation of the Templars John\\nXXII. his contest with Lewis of Bavaria supposed heresy Benedict XII. Clement VI. the\\nJubilee\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Innocent VI. Urban V. goes to Pv-ome but returns to Avignon Gregory XI. dies at\\nRome. (II.) General history of the Church Decline of papal power Rapacity and profligacy of\\nthe Court of Avignon Attempts at Reform Schism among the Franciscans their disputes with\\nJohn XXII. and other Popes Change in the Imperial- policy The Beghards The Lolhards\\nHeresy and fate of Dulcinus\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Flagellants\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Conclusion. 381\\nChapter XXIII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 T/ie Grand Schism of the Roman Catholic Church.\\nTurbulent election of Urban VI. his harshness secession of the college to Anagni.and election of\\nClement VII. his retreat to Avignon division of Europe Boniface IX. succeeds Urban his\\nextraordinary avarice\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pietro di Luna (Benedict XIII.) succeeds Clement\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Attempts to heal the\\n4", "height": "4714", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "26 CONTENTS.\\nschism Boniface succeeded by Innocent VII. he by Angelo Corrario (Gregory XII.) his repu-\\ntation\u00e2\u0080\u0094Collusion of the two pretenders Council of Pisa their deposition and election of Alex-\\nander v., who is succeeded by John XXIII. Council of Constance escape and deposition of\\nJohn Abdication of Gregory Conference of Perpignan and deposition of Luna Election of\\nMartin V. Fate and character of Gregory Benedict and John. 405\\nChapter XXIV. Attempts of the Church at Self-Reformation.\\nSpirit manifested at the Council of Pisa Testimonies of Churchmen against ecclesiastical corrup-\\ntion extent of their complaints Conduct of Alexander V. Council of Constance Gerson The\\nCommittee of Reform their labors nature of the opposition how their exertions are eluded\\nElection of Martin V. who succeeds in evading all efficient Reform Real objects of the Refor-\\nmers Remarks Assembly of the Council of Basle Eugenius IV. Three objects of the Council\\nCardinal Julian Cesarini Struggle between the Council and the Pope Substance of the enact-\\nments of the Council for Church Reform New differences with Eugenius Council of Ferrara\\nand Florence Cardinal of Aries Deposition of Eugenius Felix V. Confirmation of the liberties\\nof the Galilean Church Conclusion. 434\\nChapter XXV. History of the Hussites.\\nWiclif his opinions introduced into Bohemia John Huss his proceedings arrival at Constance\\nSafe-conduct of Sigismond Various charges and processes of the Council against him His\\nfirmness and execution Jerome of Prague his persecution vascjllation and final execution\\nRemarks Insurrection of the Bohemians their sanguinary and prolonged contest with the\\nChurch. 559\\nChapter XXVI. History of the Greek Church after its Separation from, the Latin.\\nThe Paulicians their history and opinions Various mystics Messalians, Quietists and others\\nDispute on the God of Mahomet Attempts to re-unite the two Churches System of the Greek\\nChurch distinguished from Latin The Latin kingdom of Jerusalem duration and consequences\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Latin conquest of Constantinople Establishment of a Roman Catholic Church in Greece\\nits endowments Embassy to Nice for the re-union its failure other similar endeavors faith-\\nless reconciliation at Lyons attempts renewed in the fourteenth century Negotiations with\\nEugenius IV. Council of Ferrara removed to Florence its deliberations Conditions and decree\\nof union Reception of the Greek deputies on their return to Constantinople Violence of the\\nGreeks unabated till the taking of Constantinople by Mahomet II. 477\\nChapter XXVII. History of the Popes, from JVicholas V. to Leo X.\\nNicholas V. his popular character CallixtusIII. yEneas Sylvius or Pius II. his election exer-\\ntions against the Turks Paul 11. Sixtus IV. his literary pretensions Innocent VIII. Ro-\\nderigo Borgia or Alexander VI. consummation of papal iniquity Pius III. Julius II. his war-\\nlike talents, enterprise and success Leo X. The Lateran Council convoked by Julius and carried\\nto its conclusion by Leo. 493\\nChapter XXVIII. Preliminaries of the Reformation.\\n(1.) A review of the decline of the papal system in respect to its temporal power and pretensions\\nits internal constitution its discipline, and moral instruction and practice its spiritual innova-\\ntions Festivals, controversies, c. the mystics. (2.) On the endeavors of the Church to\\nremove its own abuses to what limits they were confined On the exertions of Sectarians or\\nSeparatists how early they began, and to what objects they tended the treatment which they\\nreceived from the Church Some distinguished Reformers of the fifteenth century A particular\\nreference to the German Church The conclusion of this history. 524", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "27\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH", "height": "4649", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nPART I.\\nFROM THE TIMES OF THE APOSTLES TO THE ACCESSION\\nOF CONSTANTINE.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nThe propagation of Chnstianity.\\nMethod of treating the subject. 1. Church of Jerusalem\\nIts earliest meiiiljers\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Death of St. James Succes-\\nsion of Symeon\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Destruction of the city by Titus\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Suc-\\ncession to Pella\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Bishops of the Circumcision\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Destruc-\\ntion of the city by Adrian\u00e2\u0080\u0094 iElia Capitolina\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Second\\nsuccession of Bishops Conclusion. 2. Church of An-\\ntioch Its foundation and progress Ignatius Theophi-\\nlu3 Jlesopotaniia Pretended correspondence between\\nthe Saviour and Abgarus, Prince of Edessa. 3. Church\\nof Ephesus The Seven Churches of Asia The latest\\nyears of St. John Piety and progress of the Church\\nof Ephesus\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Polycrates\u00e2\u0080\u0094 His opposition to Rome. 4.\\nChurch of Smyrna Polycarp His Martyrdom Sardis\\nMelito Hierapolis Papias Apollinaris Bithynia-\\nTestimony of the younger Pliny. 5. Church of Athens\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Character of the people\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gluadratus\u00e2\u0080\u0094Aristides\u00e2\u0080\u0094Athen-\\nagoras Their apologies Other Grecian Churches. 6.\\nChurch of Corinth Character of the people Nature\\nof their dissensions Clemens Romanus His Epistle\\nform of Goveinment Dionysius of Corinth Seven\\nGeneral Epistles Remarks. 7. Church of Rome The\\npersecution of Nero described by Tacitus Martyrdom\\nof St. Paul and St. Peter\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Probable effect of this per-\\n.secution Extent of Romish supenority over other\\nChurches Controversy respecting Easter Conduct of\\nVictor, Bishop of Rome Irenseus France Church of\\nLyons. 8. Church of Alexandria St. Marc Its in-\\ncrease and importance. Epistle of Hadrian Remarks\\non it\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Education of the first Cliristians\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pantaenus-\\nClemens Alexandrinus The Church of Caithage.\\nIt is our object in this chapter to state what\\nis material in the early history of such of the\\nChurches of Christ, Avhether founded by the\\napostles themselves, or their couipanions, or\\ntheir immediate successors, as were permit-\\nted to attain importance and stability during\\nthe first two centuries. For this purpose we\\nhave not thought it necessary to describe the\\ncircumstances which are detailed in the sa-\\ncred writings, and are familiar to all our\\nreaders. The Cliurches which seem to claitii\\nour principal attention are eight in number,\\nand shall be treated in the following order\\nJerusalem and Antioch, Ephesus and Smyr-\\nna, Athens and Corinth, Rome and Alex-\\nandria but our notice will be extended to\\nsome others, according to tlieu* connexion\\nwith these, their consequence^ or local situa-\\ntion. It is thus that we shall gain our clear^\\nest view of the progress made by infant Chris-\\ntianity, and the limits within which it was\\nrestrained.\\n1. The converts of Jerusalem naturally\\nformed the earliest Christian society, and for\\na short period probably the most numerous\\nbut the Mosaic jealousy which repelled the\\ncommunion of the gentile world, and thus\\noccasioned some internal dissensions, as well\\nas the increasing hostility of the Jewish peo-\\nple and government, no doubt impeded their\\nsubsequent increase. The same causes ope-\\nrated, though not to the same extent, on the\\nChurches established in other parts of Pa-\\nlestine, as in Galilee and Caesarea, and even\\non those of Tyre, Ptolemais, and Caesarea.\\nAbout the year 60 a. d., James, surnamed\\nthe Just, brother of tlie Saviour, who was the\\nfirst President or Bishop of the Church of\\nJerusalem, perished by a violent death\\nand when its members f subsequently as-\\n*Le Clevc, H. E. (vol. i. p. 415) ad ann. 62, in\\nA^hich j ear he places the death of St. James, and af^\\nfirms that nothing is known respecting its manner^\\nThe state of the question is this: Eusebius (lib. jiy\\ncap. 23), on the authority of Hegisippus (a Jewish\\nconvert who ^Tote under the Antonines), gives a very\\nlong and circumstantial narration of tlie Bishop s mar^\\ntyrdorn of the circumstances many are clearly fabu\\nlous, and all may be suspected; but the leading fact,-\\nthat St. James was killed in a tumult of the Jews, it\\nwould not be safe to reject. His violent end, with\\nsome variation in particulars, is confirmed by Jose*\\nphus, Antiq. p. xx. chap. 9.\\nf Eusebius (lib. iv. cap. 11) places the election of\\nSymeon after the destruction of Jerusalem, which he\\nmakes immediately subsequent to St. James s mar-\\ntyrdom; the Jewish rebellion probably was so. lu\\nthe same book (cap. 32) he relates the martyrdom of\\nSymeon during the reign of Trajan, at the age of 120\\nagain on tlie authority of Hegisippus. This author\\nwrote five books of ecclesiastical history. Such a\\nwork, by a judicious writer of that age, would have\\nbeen invaluable but the fragments preserved to us by\\nEusebius persu3.de us that Hegisippus was not so.", "height": "4705", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "30\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsembled for the purpose of electing his suc-\\ncessor, their choice fell on Symeon, who is\\nalso said to have been a kinsman of Jesus.\\nShortly after the death of St. James, an in-\\nsurrection of the Jews broke out, which was\\nfollowed by the mvasion of the Roman ar-\\nmies, and was not finally suppressed until\\nthe year 70, when the city was overwhelmed\\nby Titus, and utterly destroyed. During the\\ncontinuance of this war,_ as well as through\\nthe events which concluded it, the Holy Land\\nwas subjected to a variety and intensity of\\nsuffering, to which no parallel can be found\\nill the records of any people.^\\nA short time before the Roman invasion,\\nwe are informed f that the Christian Church\\nseceded from a spot which prophecy had\\ntaught to hold devoted, and retired to Pella,\\nbeyond the Jordan. From this circumstance\\nit becomes at least probable, that the Chris-\\ntians did not sustain their full share of the\\ncalamities of their country but though their\\nproportion to the whole population may thus\\nhave been increased, their actual numbers\\ncould not fail to be somewhat diminished,\\nsmce they could not wholly withdraw them-\\nselves from a tempest directed indiscrimi-\\nnately against the whole nation.\\nDuring the next sixty years we read little\\nrespecting the Church of Jerusalem, except\\nthe names of fifteen successive presidents,\\ncalled Bishops of the Circumcision four-\\nteen of these only belong to the period in\\nquestion, since they begin with James and\\nthey appear to end at the second destruction\\nof the city by the emperor Adrian.:]: But\\nthe times of these successions are extremely\\nuncertain, as the first Christians had little\\nthought of posterity, nor were any tabula-\\nlaries preserved in their Churches, nor any\\npublic acts or monuments of their proceed-\\nings. The Church over which they presided\\nIt is sufficient to refer to the history of Josephus.\\nf Euseb. lib. iv. c. 5. Le Clerc places this seces-\\nsion in tlie year 66. Semler (sect. 1) fixes the begin-\\nning of the Jewish war in 64. The Christians proba-\\nbly retired, as the war became more obstinate, and\\nadvanced nearer to .Jerusalem.\\nI Euseb. lib. iv. c. 5.\\nThis is the complaint of Le Clerc, ad ann. 135.\\nAnd in fact the two most prominent features in the\\nhistories of Christians, during the three first centuries,\\nare their divisions and their persecutions. These sub-\\njects we shall examine in separate chapters, and all\\nthat can be confidently asserted on other points we are\\ncontented to glean from Eusebius and some writers of\\nambiguous authority who are quoted by him, from the\\napologies, epistles, and treatises of the early fathers,\\nand from a few fragments of profane antiquity.\\nseems to have perished with them 5 but\\nthere is still reason to believe that it was not\\nnumerous, and we may attribute its weak-\\nness partly to the continued action of the\\ntwo causes above mentioned, and partly to\\nthe absolute depopulation of the country*\\nYet it would appear from Scripture that\\nsome sort of authority was at first exercised\\nby the Mother Church over her Gentile\\nchildren; and that the decrees ordained by\\nthe aposdes and elders which were at Jeru-\\nsalem found obedience even among distant\\nconverts.\\nOn the summit of the sacred hill, out of\\nthe ruins which deformed it, Adrian erected\\na new city, to which he gave the new and\\nRoman title of ::^lia Capitolina, thinking\\nperhaps that he should erase from all future\\nhistory the hateful name of Jerusalem, or\\nthat a city with a more civilized appellation\\nwould be inhabited by less rebellious sub-\\njects, or that the contumacy of the Jews was\\nassociated with the name of their capital. A\\nnew Church was then established, composed\\nno longer of Jews, but of Gentiles only, and\\nwas governed by a new succession of bish-\\nops, as obscure and as rapid as that which\\nwe have mentioned. Their names are also\\ntransmitted to us by the diligence of Euse-\\nbius (H. E. lib. V. c. 12), but none with any\\ndistinction except Narcissus, the fifteenth in\\norder, who flourished about the year 180,\\nand of whom some traditionary miracles are\\nrecorded (Euseb. H. E. lib. vi. c. 9).\\nSuch are the imperfect accounts which re-\\nmain to us respecting the early history of\\nthe Church in Palestine but, imperfect as\\nthey are, we are enabled to collect from\\nthem that the progress of Christianity in\\nthat stubborn soil was slow, and its condi-\\ntion uncertain and fluctuating. And this\\nconclusion is confirmed by the direct asser-\\ntion of Justin Martyr, a Samaritan prose-\\nlyte of the second century, our besi authori-\\nEcclesiastical writers differ about the date of this\\nevent. Semler (cent, ii.) places it in the year 119.\\nFleury (liv. iii. sect. 24.) mentions JEIia Capitolina\\nas existing previous to the rebellion of Barcochabas,\\nbut still as the work of Adrian. Le Clerc (ad ann.\\n119) seems to waver^ (ad. ann. 134) decidedly fixes\\ntlie foundation for that year, and attributes the com-\\nmotions of the Jews to that cause. Those commotions\\ncertainly broke out in 132, and were soon quelled but\\nboth Mosheim andBasnage (Ann. Polit. Eccles. A. D.\\n132, vol. ii. 72) consider the foundation of the new\\ncity to have been immediately subsequent to the rebel-\\nlion. Piobably Le Clerc is right as he admits too that\\nthe city was finally established in 174, after the insur-\\nrection (ad ana. 174)\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See Euseb. H. E. lib vi. c. 6.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "CHURCH OF ANTIOCH.\\n31\\nty for that age and country, who expressly\\nassures us that the converts in Judaea and\\nSamaria were inferior, both in number and\\nfidehty, to those of tlie Gentiles. We beliold\\nthe desolation of Judaea, and some from every\\nrace of men who believe the teaching of\\nChrist s Aposdes, and have abandoned their\\nancient customs in which they fell astray.\\nWe behold ourselves, too, and we perceive\\nthat the Christians among the Gentiles are\\nmore numerous and more faithful than among\\nthe Jews and Samaritans. He then proceeds\\nto account for the fact, that none of these\\nhave believed excepting some few, by appeal\\nto the prophetic writers.*\\n2, From the spectacle of the infidelity and\\ndevastation of Palestine, foretold by so many\\nprophecies, and truly designated by Jortin as\\nan event on which the fate and credit of\\nChristianity depended, we turn to the more\\ngrateful office of tracmg its advance, and\\ncelebrating its success. We may consider\\nthe neighboring Church of Antioch to have\\nbeen founded about 40 a. n.f by St. Paul\\nand St. Barnabas. It was there that the con-\\nverts first assumed the name of Christian, and\\nthe first act which is recorded respecting them\\nwas one of charity to their suffering brethren\\nin Judaea. In a mixed population of Greeks,\\nand natives unfettered by the prejudices of\\nJudaism, our holy faith made a rapid and\\nsteady progress. In the residence of the Pre-\\nfect of Syria, under the very eye of the civil\\ngovernment, it is probable that the infant soci-\\nety was protected against the active hatred of\\nthe Jews and there can be no doubt that its\\nearly prosperity was greatly promoted by the\\nzeal of its second bishop, Ignatius. This\\nardent supporter of the faith, the contempo-\\nrary, and, as we are informed, the friend\\nof some of the Apostles, presided over the\\nChurch of Antioch for above thirty years, and\\nat length was led away to Rome, and perished\\nthere, a willing and exulting martyr. He fell\\nin the prosecution of Trajan, in the. year 107|\\nApol. i., ch. 53.\\ntLe Clerc, Hist. Eccl. t. i., p. 347 (ann. 40).\\nSemler places the foundation of the Church in 39. In\\nspite of Scripture (Acts xi. 21, 22, c.) Baronius\\nclaims the honor for St. Peter, and is confuted by Bas-\\nnage, vol. i., p. 502. (ad ann. 40).\\n^Le Clerc (Soec. Sec. ann. 116) fixes this event\\nafter the earthquake in 116, which destroyed a great\\npart of the city, and was attributed by the heathen\\npriesthood to the impiety of the Christians. Pear-\\nson, Pagi, and Fabricius are of the same opinion.\\nBut that of Tillemont, Du Pin and Cave, whicli we\\nfollow, is more probable^, and is confirmed by Lardner\\nDuring his journey through Asia to Rome he\\naddressed epistles to some of the Christian\\nChurches, in which we may still discover the\\nanimated piety of the author, through the in-\\nterpolations with which the party zealots of\\nafter times have disfigured them.\\nThe fourth bishop in succession fi-om\\nIgnatius was Theophilus, a learned convert\\nfrom paganism, more justly celebrated for his\\nbooks to Autolycus in defence of Christianity,\\nthan for his attack on the heresies of Marcion\\nand Hermogenes. Under such guidance the\\nChurch of Antioch became numerous and re-^\\nspectable j and from the ordinary course of\\nevents we may reasonably infer, that the re-\\nligion which was popular in the capital of\\nSyria obtained an easy and general reception\\nthroughout the province.*\\nA correspondence between our Saviour\\nliimself and Abgarus, a prince of Edessa in\\nMesopotamia, is delivered to us at the end of\\nthe first book of Eusebius, as copied from the\\npublic records of the city. The genuineness\\nof the correspondence has long ceased to find\\nany advocate, and this is probably among the\\nearliest of the many pious frauds which have\\ndisgraced the history of our Church; but th-s\\nexistence of the forged record in the archives\\nof Edessa has never been disputed and, as\\nit is clearly the work of a Christian intending\\nto do honor to the founder of his religion, it\\nproves at least how early was the introduction\\nof that religion into the province of Mesopo^\\ntamia.\\n8. The seven Churches of Asia mentioned\\nin the Revelation are, Ephesus, Smyrna, Per-\\ngamus and Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia,\\nLaodicea. Of Pergamus and Thyatira little\\nsubsequent mention is made in history the\\nother five, and especially the two first, are\\ndistinguished among the most fruitful af the\\nprimitive communities. The Church of\\nEphesus, which was founded by St. Paul and\\ngoverned by Timothy, was blessed by the\\npresence of St. John during the latest years\\nof his long life. Of him it is related, on suf-\\nficient authority, that when his infirmities no\\nlonger allowed him to perform the offices of\\nreligion, he continued ever to dismiss the\\nsociety v/ith the parting benediction. My\\n(p. ii., c. V.) But Basnage, after all, is right, when\\nhe candidly places the year of Ignatius s death\\namong the obscurities of Chronology. Hist. Polit,\\nEccles., ann. 107, sect. 6.\\nEven before his journey to Macedonia we read\\nthat Paul went tln ough Syria, and Cilicia, confirm-\\nin the churches. Acts xv\u00c2\u00bb 41v", "height": "4713", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "S2\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nchildren, love one another! and there is\\nnothing in the early history of this Church to\\npersuade us that the exhortation was in vain.\\nIn fact, Ignatius, during his residence at\\nSmyrna, addressed an Epistle to the Epliesi-\\nans, bearing testimony to their evangelical\\npurity, and to the virtues of their bishop\\nOnesimus. And it is important to add, that\\ntwo other Epistles addressed at the same pe-\\nriod to churches at Magnesia and Tralles (or\\nTrallium), of more recent foundation, prove\\nthe continued progress of our faith in those\\nregions, even after the last of the apostles had\\nbeen removed from it. At the end of the\\nsecond century we find that Ephesus still re-\\nmained at the head of the Asiatic churches,\\nand we observe its bishop. Poly crates, con-\\nducting them in firm but temperate opposi-\\ntion to the first aggression of the Church of\\nRome.\\n4. It would appear from the Epistle\\nof Ignatius to the Smyrnceans, that some in\\nthat communion were tainted with heresies,\\nwhich appeared unpardonable to that zealous\\nbishop, and which perhaps might be attend-\\ned with some danger to an infant society.\\nBut when he designates those schismatics as\\nbeasts ir^ the shape of men, we may doubt\\nwhether his exertions in this matter were\\ncalculated to restore the union of the Church.\\nA pious bishop named Polycarp at that time\\npresided over the Church of Smyrna: he had\\nbeen appointed to his ofiice by St. John, and\\ncontinued faithfully to discharge it until his\\naged limbs were affixed to the stake by the\\nbrutality of Marcus Antoninus. Eighty and\\nsix years have I served Christ, and he hath\\nnever wronged me, v/as his reply to the in-\\nquisitorial interrogations of the Roman pro-\\nconsul and it will not be out of place here\\nto transcribe his last beautiful prayer, which\\nhas reached us from the pen of those who\\nwitnessed his martyrdom, f\\nFather of thy beloved and blessed Son\\nJesus Christ, through whom we have know-\\nledge of thee God of angels and powers and\\nof all creation, and of the whole family of the\\njust who live in thy presence I thank thee\\nthat thou hast thought me worthy of this day\\nand this hour, that I may take part in the\\nnumber of the martyrs in the cup of Christ\\nfor the resurrection of eternal life, soul and\\nbody, in the incorruptibility of the Holy Spir-\\nIgnat. Epist. Smyrn. sect. 4.\\nt Epistle of the Church of Smyrna to that of Phil-\\nomel ium. Euseb. iv. 15.\\nit among whom may I be received in thy\\npresence to-day in full and acceptable sacri-\\nfice, as thou hast prepared, foreshown, and\\nfulfilled, the faithful and true God. For this,\\nand for everything, I praise thee, I bless\\nthee, I glorify thee, through the eternal High\\nPriest, Jesus Christ, thy beloved Son. The\\nmartyrdom of Polycarp took place about 166\\nA. D*\\nThe Church of Sardis, whose imperfect\\nfaith is rebuked by St. John, may have profit-\\ned by the reproaches of its founder, for about\\nthe year 177 a. d. we again discover it un-\\nder the government of a learned and eloquent\\nbishop, named Melito. To this writer we are\\nindebted for the first catalogue of the books\\nof the Old Testament compiled by any Chris-\\ntian author, f and it may be useful as well as\\ncurious to quote from Eusebius the titles of\\nsome of his works Two Books concern-\\ning Easter Rules of Life of the Prophets\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nA Discourse of the Lord s Day Of the Na-\\nture of Man Of the Obedience of the Sen-\\nses to Faith Of Baptism Of Truth and\\nof Faith, and the Generation of Jesus Christ\\nOf Prophecy Of Hospitality Of the\\nDevil Of the Revelation of St. Jolin. And\\nleast of all should we omit to mention the\\nApology for Christianity, J which he ad-\\ndressed to M. Antoninus.\\nBefore we take leave of the Asiatic Church-\\nes, we must remark that the early establish-\\nment of Christianity was not confined to the\\nshore of the ^Egean, or to places little re-\\nmoved from it. Hierapolis, an important\\ncity of Phrygia, contained a Christian society,\\nover which Papias presided in the beginning\\nof the second century. Papias was an indus-\\nThis is the opinion of Du Pin, Tillemont, Arch\\nbishop Usher, Lardner (p. ii. 1. 6.) and others. Eu\\nsebius and Jerome also place the event in the time o\\nM. Antoninus. Bishop Pearson (Op. Post Diss. 2.\\nc. 15, 16, 17,) however, aigiies that it took place mi-\\nder Antoninus Pius in 148. Le Clerc advocates as\\nlate a year as 169, vol i. p. 724\u00e2\u0080\u0094730.\\nt Fleui-y, lib. iv. sect. 3, xi. Blelito was, by many\\nancient Christians, accounted a prophet in the\\nsense, no doubt, of an inspired teacher. See Jortin.\\nRem. Eccl. Hist, book ii. part i. end.\\n:j: Fragments of this are preserved by Eusebius. H.\\nE. lib. iv. c. 26. He boldly censured the Emperor s\\ndecree against the Christians, as one which ought\\nnot to liave been promulgated even against barbarous\\nenemies. And, therefore, he expressed a loyal doubt\\nwhether it really proceeded from the councils of the\\nEmperor. Le Clerc supposes the A})ology to have\\nbeen published in 169 Fleury (1. iv. 1.) in 170.\\nWe know from certain documents that the\\nChristian religion was firmly established among the\\nArabs, in the second century. Semler, sect, ii. c. ii.\\n;i", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "CHURCH OF SMYRNA.\\n33\\ntrious collector of all reported acts and say-\\nings of the Apostles, and has been justly de-\\nsignated the Father of Traditions he may\\nhave been a feeble and credulous man, but it\\nis enough that his mere existence as Bishop\\nof Hierapolis proves the very early progress\\nof our religion towards the interior of Asia.\\nClaudius Apollinaris was bishop of the same\\nchurch, in the reign of M. Antoninus, a\\nman of great reputation, as says Eusebius,\\nand celebrated for his Apology for Christiau-\\nity, and his Books against Jews and Pa-\\ngans.\\nThe province of Bithynia was situated at\\nthe south-western extremity of the Euxine\\nSea. We have no record of any x \\\\postolical\\nChurch here founded but we are accident-\\nally furnished with proof that, in the very be-\\nginnmg of die second century, a great por-\\ntion of the population were Christians proof\\nwhich has never been disputed, because it is\\nderived fi om the annals of Pagan history.\\nPliny the younger, a humane and accom-\\nplished Roman, was governor of Pontus and\\nBithynia for about eighteen months, during\\nthe persecution of Trajan and on that sub-\\nject, in the year 107, f a. d., he addressed to\\nthe Emperor his celebrated Epistle. This\\nbeing justly considered as the most impor-\\ntant document remaining to us in early\\nChristian histoiy, we shall here transcribe\\nsome portion of it, the more willingly as we\\nshall have occasion hereafter to refer to it.\\nAfter mentioning the difficulty of his own\\nsituation, and his perplexity in what manner\\nto proceed against men charged with no other\\ncrime than the name of Christian, the writer\\nproceeds as follows: Others were named\\nby an informer, who at first confessed them-\\nselves Christians, and afterwards denied it\\nthe rest said they had been Christians, but\\nhad left them, some three years ago, some\\nlonger, and one or more above twenty years.\\nThey all worshipped your image, and the\\nstatues of the gods these also reviled Christ.\\nThey affirmed that tlie whole of their fault\\nor error lay in this that they were wont to\\nmeet together on a stated day before it was\\nlight, and sing among themselves alternately\\na hymn to Christ, as to God, and bind them-\\nselves by an oath, not to the commission of\\nany wickedness, but not to be guilty of theft,\\nor robbery, or adultery, never to falsify then-\\nword, nor to deny a pledge committed to\\nthem when called upon to return it. When\\nFleiiry, H. E. 1. iv. sect. 4.\\nfLaidnei Test, of Anc. Heathen.\\n5\\nthese things were performed, it was their\\ncustom to separate, and then to come together\\nagain to a meal, which they ate in common\\nwithout any disorder but this they had for-\\nborne since the pubhcation of my edict, by\\nwhich, according to your commands, I pro-\\nhibited assemblies.\\nAfter receiving this account, I judged it\\nthe more necessary to examine, and that by\\ntorture, two maid servants, which were call-\\ned ministers but I have discovered nothing\\nbeside a bad and excessive superstition. Sus-\\npending, therefore, all judicial proceedings, I\\nhave recourse. to you for advice, for it has ap-\\npeared to me matter highly deserving consid-\\neration, especially upon account of the great\\nnumber of persons who are in danger of suf-\\nfering, for many of all ages, and every rank,\\nof both sexes likewise, are accused, and will\\nbe accused. Nor has the contagion of this\\nsuperstition seized cities only, but the lesser\\ntowns also, and the open country neverthe-\\nless, it seems to me that it may be restrained\\nand corrected. It is certain that the temples\\nwhich were almost forsaken begin to be more\\nfi-equented and the sacred solemnities, after\\na long intermission, are revived. Victims\\nlikewise are every where bought up, where-\\nas for a time there were few purchasers.\\nWhence it is easy to imagine what numbers\\nof men might be reclaimed if pardon were\\ngranted to those who repent.\\nSo few and uncertain are tlie records left\\nto guide our inquiries through the obscure\\nperiod which immediately followed the con-\\nclusion of the labors of the Apostles, that the\\nabove testimony to the numbers and vutues\\nof our forefathers in faith becomes indeed in-\\nvaluable. No history of our Church can be\\nperfect without it and its clear and unsus-\\npected voice will be listened to by every can-\\ndid inquirer in every age of truth and histo-\\nry. At present our only concern is wdth the\\nconcluding paragraphs, which show us how\\nextensively our religion was disseminated\\nwithin seventy-five years from the death of\\nits founder, in a province very distant from\\nits buthplace, and where no apostle had ever\\npenetrated and certainly it is not unfau* to\\ninfer that in other provinces more favorably\\nsituated, and more industriously cultivated,\\nas rich a harvest may have gi own up of faith\\nand piety, though unnoticed by the pen of\\nEcclesiastical history discovers lo us no impor-\\ntant event between the death of St. Peter and St.\\nPaul, and that of St. John, excepting the rise of the\\nGnostic heresy, -which Le Clerc places in the year 76.", "height": "4714", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHCTRCH.\\nIhe Roraan officers, whose mere duty requir-\\ned nothing more from them than its extirpa-\\ntion.\\n5. From the churches of Asia we proceed\\nto the description of those of Greece, and\\namong these our first notice shall be directed\\nto Athens. A vain, and light, and learned\\ncity, the theatre of lively wit and loose and\\ncareless ridicule, the school of intellectual\\nsubtlety and disputation sness, the very Pan-\\ntheon of Polytheism, where the utmost efforts\\nof human genius had been exhausted to cele-\\nbrate a baseless and gaudy superstition such,\\nassuredly, was not a place where the homeli-\\nness of the Gospel could hope to find favor.\\nMore curious in the pursuit of theories than\\nin the investigation of facts, the Athenian\\nphilosopher (of whatever sect) would not\\nreadily embrace a faith which required him\\nto believe so much and allowed him to specu-\\nlate so little and, we may add, that he would\\nbring to the inquiry a mind either hardened\\nby previous habits of universal skepticism, or\\nfraught with some sort of theistical notions\\ninconsistent with the truths he was called\\nupon to receive. For these, and similar rea-\\nsons, Christianity made, for some years, very\\ntrifling progress at Athens. We read, indeed,\\nof a succession of bishops, beginning with Di-\\nonysius the Areopagite, the convert of St. Paul.\\nBut it appears that Quadratus, on his acces-\\nsion in Adrian s time, found the church in a\\nstate verging on apostacy,* and to him, per-\\nhaps, may belong the honor of restoring, if\\nwe should not rather say, of establishing it.\\nAfter that period we find it more flourishing\\nand we have the authority of Origen, in his\\nsecond book against Celsus, for believing that,\\nabout the middle of the second century, the\\nChristians of Athens were eminent for their\\npiety; and their industry, if not learning,\\nis attested by the publication of three apolo-\\ngies for their faith. Two were written by\\nQuadratus f and a contemporary philoso-\\nDionys. apud Euseb. iv. 23. The age of Quad-\\nratus is well discussed by Le Clerc, H. E. ad aim. 124.\\nf These Apologies, certaiuly that of Aristides, were\\nextant in the time of Eusebius (1. iv. c. 3) and St.\\nJei ome (Catal. Script. Eccles.) See Fleury, lib. iii.\\nsect. 22. Athenagoras dedicated his Apology to M.\\nAurelius and L. Verus, in tlie year 166, calling it an\\nEmbassy for the Christians. See Le Clerc, ad ann.\\n166 (vol. i. p. 702\u00e2\u0080\u0094710), and Fleury, lib. iii. sect. 47.\\nBayle (vie Athenag.) mentions with surprise that that\\nwriter \\\\vas unknown to Eusebius, Jerome, and most\\nof the ancient fathers. He appears to have held\\nsome erroneous opinions, and is noticed by Epipha-\\nnius. Adv. Hser. num. 64, p. 544, t.\\npher named Aristides, and were pres^ented or\\ndedicated to Adrian. The third was publish-\\ned several years afterwards, by another philo-\\nsopher, named Athenagoras, and is still extant.\\nTo the Philippians an epistle was address-\\ned by Polycarp, about 108, a. d., attesting,\\nat least, the permanency of that apostolical\\nChurch and that that of Thessalonica had\\nalso been perpetuated, and another subse-\\nquently established at Larissa, is proved by the\\ncircumstance that Antoninus Pius addressed\\ncopies of his Order of Toleration to the\\ngovernors of those cities.\\n6. Tracing the footsteps of the apostle of\\nthe Gentiles from Athens, we proceed to\\nCorinth. We still find ourselves surrounded\\nby graceful temples and statues, consecrated\\nto the deities of Paganism. We observe the\\nsame elegance of opulence, the same aban-\\ndonment to fastidious luxury, but there is this\\ndifference, that the character of the people,\\nwith less renown for wit, vanity, and ambi-\\ntious pretension, is even more distinguished\\nfor immorality. Not so warmly attached to\\nthe keen and fruitless contests of the schools,\\nthe Corinthians ratfier sought their happiness\\nin the vulgar excitements of sensuality. It is\\neasier to remove many moral imperfections,\\nthan to convince the self-sufficiency of wit.\\nAnd this may have been one of the reasons\\nwhich decided St. Paul to select Corinth as\\nhis principal residence in Greece. The early\\nyears of this Church are not free from re-\\nproach but we observe that they are distin-\\nguished rather by the spirit of dissension and\\ncontumacy than by that of innnorality it\\nretained the vices* of the Greek character\\nafter it had thrown off those of the Corinthian.\\nCephas and Apollos divided the very converts\\nof the aposde, and, about fifty years after-\\nwards, the disunion had so far increased as\\nto call for the friendly interference of the\\nChurch of Rome. About 95, a. D,,f St. Cle-\\nment, the bishop, addressed to them his first\\nand genuine Epistle, which has fortunately\\nbeen preserved to us, and is probably the most\\nancient of uninspired Christian writings.]: The\\nThey are thus enumerated by St. Clement, c. 35,\\nudtyJa, u) OiUa,7ileove^la, igeig, xa /or^d-eiai,\\nje y.(d doloi, ipid-voiafioi, xal yajaluXtai,\\nd-soaivyla, v7iEqi]Cfuvla, u.Xu ZpvGia xul\\nxsvodo^lu.\\nf There are very wide differences among historians\\nrespecting this date. Lardner (parti, ch. 2.) appears\\nto us to have selected the most probable opinion.\\nt Perhaps -we should except the Epistle ascribed to\\nSt. Barnabas.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "CHURCH OF ROME\\n35\\nauthor is related to be the same Clement\\nwhom St. Paul mentious as one of his fellow\\nlaborers whose names are in the Book of\\nLife. The dissensions of the Corinthians\\nseem to have entirely regarded the discipline,\\nnot the doctrine of the Church they had dis-\\nmissed from the ministry certain presbyters,\\nas St. Clement asserts, undeservedly, and\\nmuch confusion was thus introduced. For the\\npurpose of composing it, five deputies were\\nsent from Rome, the bearers of the Epistle.\\nWe should hei e observe, that the epistle is\\nwritten in the name of the Church sojourn-\\ning at Rome, not in that of the Roman bishop\\nthat its character is of exhortation, not of\\nauthority and that it is an answer to a com-\\nmunication originally made by the Church\\nof Corinth. The episcopal form of govern-\\nment was clearly not yet here established,\\nprobably as being adverse to the republican\\nspirit of Greece. This spirit, naturally ex-\\ntending from political to i-eligious affairs, may\\nhave acted most strongly in the most numer-\\nous society; and to its influence, so dangerous\\nto the concord of an infant community, we\\nmay, perhaps, attribute the evils of which we\\nhave spoken. At what precise moment the\\nconverts of Corinth had the wisdom to dis-\\ncover that their unity in love would be better\\nsecured by a stricter form of Church govern-\\nment, we are not informed, but, about seventy\\nyears after these dissensions, we find them\\nflourishing under the direction of a pious and\\nlearned bishop, Dionysius. This venerable\\nperson is chiefly celebrated for his seven\\nEpistles called, by Eusebius,f Catholic, two\\nof these were addressed to the Churches of\\nRome and Athens, two other to those in Pon-\\ntus and Bithynia, two to those of Gortyna and\\nGnossos in Crete, and one to that at Lacedae-\\nmon. It is thus, incidentally, that we are\\nfiirnished with our best evidence of the grad-\\nual growth of Christianity. From Athens\\nwe proceed to Corinth, from Corinth to\\nLacedsemon established in the capital, we\\nadvance into the towns and villages and we\\ndoubt not that, at that early period, the wild\\nmountaineers of Taygetus received that faith\\nwhich they have through so many centuries\\nso devotedly preserved, and which is, at\\nlength, confirmed to them forever.\\n7. In the Annals of the historian Tacitus\\n(xv. 44), after the description of a terrible fire\\nat Rome, we read with sorrow and indigna-\\nAncient writers, without any doubt or scruple,\\nassert this. Lard. Cred. G. H. p. ii. 1. 2.\\ntH. E. 1. iv. C.23.\\ntion the following passage To suppress the\\ncommon rumor, that he had himself set fire\\nto the city, Nero procured others to be accus-\\ned, and inflicted exquisite punishments upon\\nthose people who were held in abhorrence\\nfor their crimes, and were commonly known\\nby the name of Christians. They had their\\ndenomination from Christus, who, in the\\nreign of Tiberius, was put to death as a crimi-\\nnal by the procurator Pontius Pilate. This\\npernicious superstition, though checked for\\nawhile, broke out again, and spread not\\nonly over Judsea, the source of this evil, but\\nreached the city also, whither flow from all\\nquarters all things vile and shameful, and\\nwhere they find shelter and encouragement.\\nAt first those only were apprehended who\\nconfessed themselves of that sect afterwards\\na vast multitude was discovered by them, all\\nof whom were condemned, not so much for\\nthe crime of burning the city, as for their en-\\nmity to mankind. Their executions were so\\ncontrived as to expose them to derision and\\ncontempt. Some were covered over with the\\nskins of wild beasts, and torn to pieces by\\ndogs some were crucified and others\\nhaving been daubed over with combustible\\nmaterials, were set up as lights in the night\\ntime, and thus burnt to death. Nero made\\nuse of his own gardens as the theatre upon\\nthis occasion, and also exhibited the diversions\\nof the Cuxus, sometimes standing in the\\ncrowd as a spectator, in the habit of a char-\\nrioteer, at others driving a chariot himself^\\ntill at length these men, though really crimi-\\nnal and deserving exemplary punishment,\\nbegan to be commiserated, as people who\\nwere destroyed, not out of regard to the\\npublic welfare, but only to gratify the cruelty\\nof one man. This passage, which will scarce-\\nly be deemed creditable to the philosophy of\\nits author even by those who most extol it,\\nand which is most deeply disgraceful to his\\nhistorical accuracy, to his political know-\\nledge, and to his common humanity, way\\nwritten at the end of the first century, about\\nthirty-six years after the persecution* which\\nit so vividly describes. It was in the midst\\nThat event is placed in the year 64, by a general\\nconsent of Christian antiquity. It is also commonly\\nagreed, that St. Peter, as well as St. Paul, suffered mar-\\ntyrdom under Nero. (Euseb. 1. ii. c. 25, ou the au-\\nthority of Caius an Ecclesiastic, and Dionys, Epist.\\nto Romans.) But there are differences as to the exact\\ntime of that suffering. Le Clerc (vol. i. p. 447. A. D.\\n6S) places it at the end of Nero s reign in the year 68\\nbut the general opinion refers it to the persecution.\\nThe doubt as to fact rests rather on the martjTdoia", "height": "4714", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "m\\nHISTORY OF THE CMURCH.\\n\u00c2\u00a9f this awful scene, that St. Peter and St.\\nPaul* are believed to have suffered. We\\nshall not patise to investigate very deeply the\\ntruth of this opinion, but rather confine our\\nattention to the testimony here afforded as to\\nthe number of Christians existing at Rome\\neven at that very early period. A vast mul-\\niitude was discovered by the eye of persecu-\\ntion, and the compassion excited by their suf-\\nferings would naturally awaken an attention,\\nwhich had never before been directed to\\nthem. The assault of Nero was furious and\\nprobably transient and such is precisely the\\nmethod of aggression, which fails not in the\\nend to multiply its objects and if it be thus\\nprobaHe that, before the end of the first cen-\\ntury, the Church of Rome surpassed every\\nether in power and consideration, we may\\nrest assured that these were rather augment-\\ned than diminished during the century fol-\\nlowing. To this belief we are persuaded,\\npartly by the greater facility of conversion of-\\nfered by the size of the city, and the number\\nof the inhabitants partly by consideration\\nthat the force of opinion would naturally lead\\nthe. feeble Christian societies throughout the\\nempire to look for counsel and protection to\\nthe capital, as we know the Church of Co-\\nrinth to have done and partly by the fact,\\nthat frequent pecuniary contributions were\\ntransmitted by the faithful at Rome, to their\\nless fortunate brethren in the provinces.-f In\\nthis, then, consisted the original superiority\\nof Rome in numbers, in opinion, in w^ealth r\\nto these limits it was entirely confined, and\\n\u00c2\u00a9f St. Peter than of St. Paul, but the authority appears\\nto us sufficient historically to establish the violent end\\nof both.\\n*Eusebius asserts that these two apostles were nni?\\nfounders of the chmxh of Rome, and thus the order\\nof their three immediate successors has been most\\nwarmly disputed. Tl e difficulty is not removed by\\nthe supposition that the Church was originally divided,\\none apostle (or bishop) presiding over the Jewish,\\nthe other over the Gentile converts. According to\\nthis distribution, St. Peter, of course, had the charge\\nof the former.\\nt Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth, thus addresses tlie\\nRoman Church, about the year 156 This is your\\ncustom from the beginnmg to confer benefits on all\\nbrethren, and to send relief to various churches in\\nevery city. By which means, while you assist the indi-\\ngent, and sustain the brethren who are in the mines,\\n?ad while you continually persist in such donations,\\nyou preserve the national custom of Romans that\\nwhich your excellent Bishop S.oter has even carried\\nfurther than usual by making generous donations to the\\nSaints, and edifying by excellent discourse (as a lov-\\ning father his children) the brethren, who visit him\\nfrom abroad. Euseb. lib. iv. c. 23.\\nit was not until quite the conclusion of the\\nsecond century that we hear of any claim to\\nauthority.\\nThe circumstances of that claim arose from\\na very early difference in the Church respect-\\ning the celebration of Easter. It was short-\\nly this the Christians of Lesser Asia observ-\\ned the feast at which the Paschal lamb wag\\ndistributed, in memory of the Last Supper, at\\nthe same time at which the Jews celebrated\\nthen- passover that is, on the 14th day of the\\nfirst Jewish month; and three days afterwards\\nthey commemorated the resurrection, with-\\nout regard to the day of the week. The\\nwestern churches confined the anniversary of\\nthe resurrection to the first day of the week,\\nand kept thek Paschal feast on the night\\npreceding it. Hence arose some inconveni-\\nences and we find that Polycarp had visited\\nRome about lOG, a. n. for the purpose of ar-\\nranging the controversy.* He was not per-\\nmanently successful and about ninety years\\nafterwards (a. n. 196, Fleury, 1. iv. c, 44), Vic-\\ntor, Bishop of Rome, addressed to the Asiat-\\nics an express order to conform to the practice\\nof Rome. They convoked a numerous synod,\\nwhose feelings of independence, and disdain\\nof the assumed authority of the Roman, were\\ntemperately expressed in the answer of Poly-\\ncrates, Bishop of Ephesus.f The insolence\\nof Victor was irritated by the refiisal, and\\nhe published an edict of excommunication\\nagainst the churches of Asia. This was the\\nfirst aggression of a Roman bishop on the\\ntranquillity of the Church of Christ; and we\\nmay reasonably believe that it was disapprov-\\ned by the best Christians of the West, since\\nwe know that it provoked the remonstrance\\nof Irensetis, Bishop of Lyons. The churches\\nof Palestine and Alexandria appear to have\\nunited with those of Asia in an affair so high-\\nly inflamed by the arrogance of Victor, that\\nit advanced from a controversy to a schism,\\nwhich was not finally healed till the Council\\nofNicein325.\\nEuseb. H. E. lib. v., c. 23. See Tillem. vol\\niii. p. 102, c.\\nf It contains these words I, my brethren, who\\nhave lived five and sixty years in the Lord, who have\\nconversed with my brethren dispersed over the whole\\nworld, who had read tlirough the whole Scriptures, am\\nnothing moved by the terrors (of excommunication)\\nwhich are held over us. For I know that it has been\\nsaid by those who are far my superiors, that it is better\\nto obey God than man. See LeClerc, vol. i. p. 800.\\nX Euseb. v., 23 and 25. The church of AJexand-\\nria agreed with that of Rome on the rights of the\\nquestion, but opposed the overbearing insolence with\\nwhich they were asserted.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA,\\n37\\nOuf earBest knowledge of the existence of\\nChristianity in France is derived from its ca-\\nlamities. During the persecution of Marcus\\nAntoninus, the churches of Vienne and Ly-\\nons sent a relation of their sufferings to those\\nof Asia and Phrygia, which is by some as-\\ncribed to the pen of Irenseus, It is v/i itten\\nwith simplicity and beauty, and is one of the\\nmost affecting passages in the ancient history\\nof Christianity. Pothmus, the bishop, with\\nseveral others, underwent the last mfliction\\nstill we have not reason to believe that the\\nreligion was at that time, (a. d. 177,) widely\\ndiffused in the country; probably, indeed,\\nthe same Pothinus first introduced it from\\nthe East, f Irenseus, the learned and zeal-\\nous combatant of heresy, succeeded to the\\ndangerous eminence of Pothinus, and under\\nhis prolonged and vigilant protection Chris-\\ntianity took deep root, and finally fixed itself\\nin the soil of France. According to the best\\nauthorities, he died in the year 202. :j:\\n8. It was an eai-ly belief that St. Mark first\\npreached his gospel at Alexandria, and found-\\ned churches there and he is expressly men-\\ntioned by Eusebius, as the first bishop of\\nthat city. The same writer asserts that a\\nmultitude of converts, both men and women,\\nlistened to his instructions, from their very\\nfirst delivery. The evidence which he brings\\nfor this fact is not quite conclusive, but other\\ncircumstances render it highly probable. The\\npopulation of Alexandria was very numerous,\\nand composed of every variety of race and\\nsuperstition so that no general prejudice\\nagainst the introduction of a new religion\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0could exist there; it was commercial, and\\ntherefore enlightened; and it was also re-\\nmarkable for the ardor with which it culti-\\nvated every branch of hterature, the facility\\nLe Clerc places that event seven years earlier.\\ntDupin, H. E., vol. i. p. 32.\\nThat he died a martyr is the common belief; but\\nas the fact is not mentioned either by TertuUian oi-\\nEusebius, we may be allowed to suspect It-, though as-\\nserted by Tillemont, vol. iii. p. 94.\\nH. E. I. ii. c. 16 and 24. St. Luke is also be-\\nlieved to have visited this city, and the Acts of the\\nApostles to ha^e been written and thence diffused oiver\\nthe Christian world. Sender, c. i. ch. 5.\\nII Le Clerc, (H. E. ann. 1^,) thinks it possible that\\nAdrian was deceived by informers, who mistook the\\nGnostics, many sects of whom were then found at\\nAlexandria, for the Orthodox Christians. But this\\nsupposition is not necessary the very style of the pas-\\nsage argues inaccuracy and exaggeration, if not indif-\\nference. The Emperor erected a number of temples,\\nieithaut ^tatues^ which he intended, no doubt, to be\\nwith which it admitted and reconciled philo-\\nsophical tenets the most dissimilar, and the\\nfreedom which it indulged to every novelty\\nof truth or speculation. Again, through the\\nnumber of Jews originally established there\\nat the foundation of the city, and continu-\\nally increased by their domestic calamities;\\nthrough the moderation and even liberality\\nof those Jews, as compared to their brethren\\nin other countries, and especially through the\\nSeptuagint translation of the Old Testament,\\nwhich was there chiefly circulated, an^\\nstudied by the learned of every sect, the\\nknowledge of the true God was more gener-\\nally diffused in Alexandria than m any other\\nGentile city, and the minds of men in some\\ndegree prepared to receive the second Cove-\\nnant. We do not pretend to assert that they\\nreceived it in entire purity, or with a perfect\\ncomprehension of its true character and ines-\\ntimable advantages; but we doubt not that\\na vast number believed and were baptised,\\nand constituted, under the holy guidance of\\nthe Evangelist and his successors, a respecta-\\nble and powerful community. St. Mark was\\nsucceeded by Anianus, and the Latin names\\nof many of the following bishops persuade\\nus that the same alliance and continued in-\\ntercourse subsisted between the ecclesiastical,\\nas between the civil, governments of Rome\\nand Alexandria.\\nVopiscus, an historian who flourished about\\n300, A. D., has preserved a letter, written by\\nthe Emperor Adrian in the year 134, unme-\\ndiately after his visit to Alexandria. Its con-\\ntents are nearly as follows I have found\\nEgypt in every quarter fickle and inconstant\\nthe worshippers of Serapis are Christians,\\nand those are devoted to Serapis who call\\nthemselves Christian Bishops. There is no\\nruler of the synagogue, no Samaritan, no\\npresbyter of the Christians, no mathematician,\\nno soothsayer, no anointer; even the patri-\\narch himself, should he come into Egypt, is\\ncompelled by some to worship Serapis, by\\nothers Christ a most seditious and turbulent\\nsort of men. However, the city is rich and\\npopulous. They have one God him\\nthe Christians, him the Jews, him all the Gen-\\ntile people worship. We need not be sur-\\nprised or offended by the insolent levity with\\nconsecrated to himself. Hence, some afterwards\\nimagined that they were built for the Christians, but\\nwith little reason. Lampridius, Vit. Alex. Ser. ch.\\nxliii. Eusebius, however, (Prep. lib. iv. c. 17,) as-\\nsures us that it was particularly in the reign of Adi ian\\nthat Revelation made progress*\\nSee note IT, p. 17.", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "S8\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which the profligate imperial philosopher\\nplaces the religion of Serapis on a level with\\nthat of Christ, while, through the numerous\\nmisrepresentations so obvious in these sen-\\ntences, one important truth may be descried.\\nThey manifestly prove, that, within a hundred\\nyears from the resurrection of Christ, his\\nworshippers formed at least an important part\\nof the inhabitants of the second city of the\\nempire and, perhaps, it is not unfair from\\nthis record to conchide, that they were as\\nnumerous as those who remained attached to\\nthe indigenous superstitions.\\nThere is another circumstance which in-\\ncreases the importance we should attach to\\nthe early prosperity of the Alexandrian\\nChurch. Before the birth of Christ, a very\\ngreat proportion of the learning of the East-\\nern world had been transferred from the\\nschools of Greece to those of Alexandria.\\nNot that Athens was entirely abandoned by\\ndisputants, or even by philosophers but the\\nuncertain renown which it still maintained\\nwas surpassed by the splendid institutions of\\na city, whose literary triumph was preceded,\\nand perhaps occasioned, by its commercial\\nsuperiority. The early Christians felt the ne-\\ncessity of education, though they differed as\\nto its proper limits and object. We are told\\nthat St. John erected a school at Ephesus,\\nand Polycarp at Smyrna, and even that St.\\nMark originally established the Catechetical\\nSchool at Alexandria.* There can be no\\ndoubt that these schools, by whomsoever\\nestablished, were useful in the propagation\\nof religion but it was long before any of\\nthem produced any persons of great literary\\nmerit. Pantsenus a convert from stoicism,\\nwho flourished about 180, a. d., directed and\\nadorned for several years that of Alexandria.\\nHe resigned his office in 190, in order more ef-\\nfectually to serve his religion as a missionary.\\nHis exertions were directed, with what success\\nwe know not, to the higher regions of the\\nNile.f He was succeeded by Clemens, com-\\nmonly called the Alexandrian, and Clemens\\nSchraidius de Schol. Catech. Alex: Jeroin. de Vir.\\nillust. c. 36.\\nt From Euseb. H. E. 1. v. c. 10, and Orig. Epist.\\n1. vi. c. 19, Le Clerc infers that Pantaenus resumed\\nhis scholastic office after his return from Ethiopia,\\n(India,) vol. i. p. 757, (ad ann. 179.) Lardner fixes\\nthe earliest date of his return in 192, (p. ii. c. 21.)\\nSt. Jerome, (de Vir. Ill.c. 36,) relates that Pantaenus\\nfound, that the Apostle Bartholomew had already\\npreached in those regions the coming of Jesus Christ,\\naccording to the Gospel of St. Matthew, wiiich he\\nbrought back to Alexandiia, written ia Hebrew.\\nby the celebrated Origen, whose fame, howev-\\ner, belongs to the third century. It is only\\nnecessary here to observe, that these learned\\nChristians being tinctured with certain phi-\\nlosophical notions which they were desirous\\nto reconcile with the Gospel, and influenced\\nby the society of those professing them, have\\nvery frequently distorted and discolored the\\nfeatures of their religion.\\nAt the end of the second century, the\\nChurch of Carthage was already growing in-\\nto eminence but we shall not at present do\\nmore than notice its existence.\\nCHAPTER n.\\nOn the Numbe7 s, Discipline, Doctrine, and\\nMorality of the Primitive Church.\\n1. General view of the extent of the Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Facility of\\nintercourse favorable to Christianity Other circum-\\nstances Miraculous claims of the Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 To what\\nlimits they ought to be confined. 2. Government of\\nthe Primitive Church During the time of the Apostles\\nAfter their Death Deacons Distinction of Clergy\\nand Laity Earliest form of Episcopal Government\\nIndependence of the first Churches Institution of\\nSynods Their character and uses The evil supposed\\nto have arisen from them Metropolitans Excommu-\\nnication Supposed community of property Ceremo-\\nnies of religion Feasts and Fasts Schools. 3. Creeds\\nThe Apostles Creed Baptism The Eucharist The\\nAgapse. 4. Morality of the first Christians Testimo-\\nnies of St. Clement Pliny Bardesanes Chastity\\nExposure of infants Charity The earliest converts\\namong the lower orders The progress of the faith was\\nupwards Testimony of Lucian in history of Peregri-\\nnus Suffering courage.\\n1. From a review of the preceding chapter,\\nwe find that before the year 200, a. d., the\\nreligion of Christ had penetrated into most\\nof the provinces of the Roman empire, and\\nwas very widely diffused m many. By one\\nof those dispositions in the scheme of Divine\\nProvidence, which it is not given us perfectly\\nto comprehend, the people to which the faith\\nwas immediately addressed, was that which\\nwas most reluctant to receive it indeed, its\\nearliest and bitterest enemies,* wherever it\\nLess so, however, at Alexandria than in Greece\\nand Asia, which we may attribute, not so much to\\nany general disposition in that people to engraft for-\\neign superstitious on their national worship, (See Dr.\\nBurton, Bamp. Lect. iii.,) as to the fact, that the\\nAlexandrian Jews were much more enlightened by\\nGreek literature and Platonic philosophy tlian the\\nrest of their race. It was also another and principal\\ncause of their greater moderation, that they had been\\nallowed to build for themselves a temple at Leontopo-\\nI lis, near Alexandria, which tended to disconnect them\\n11 from J.erusaleni, and tJius to soften their prejudice.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "EXTENT OF THE CHURCH.\\n39\\npresented kself, were Jews but heaven pro-\\ntected its weakness, and proved its legitima-\\ncy, and avenged its sufferings, by executing\\non its first persecutor the severest chastise-\\nment ever inflicted on any nation.\\nDuring the few fii-st years of Christianity,\\nthe most flourishing Church was, undoubted-\\nly, that of Antioch until, in the wider pro-\\ngress of the Gospel, it was surpassed by the\\nsuperior populousness of Rome and Alexan-\\ndria.\\nFrom Syria to the shores of the Black Sea,\\nthroughout the rich provinces of Asia Minor,\\nCihcia, Phrygia, Galatia, Pontus, Bithynia,\\nand albng the whole coast of the JEgean Sea\\na considerable proportion of the mhabitants\\nwere Christians, and we find their establish-\\nment ill all the leading cities of Greece.\\nFrom the cities, in each instance, the religion\\nwas silently derived and distributed among\\nthe surrounding towns and villages and ham-\\nlets, pm-ifying morality, and infusing hope\\nand happiness and thus every Church was\\nsurrounded by a little circle of believers,\\nwhich gi-adually enlarged, according to the\\nzeal and wisdom which animated tlie centre.\\nThe earliest converts were to be found\\nchiefly among the middling and lower class-\\nes, which will account as well for their num-\\nbers as for their obscurity, and the little men-\\ntion that is made of them by contemporary\\nwriters.\\nWe shall not enter into any elaborate con-\\nsideration of the various human causes which\\nmay have facilitated the progress of our reli-\\ngion,f nor of the many impediments which\\nhave been opposed to it. Instances of both\\nwill frequently present themselves in the\\ncourse of this histoiy, and some of the former\\nin the present chapter. It would neither be\\nwise nor consistent to deny their existence, or\\nto assert that Providence, which condescends\\nto effect its other eai thly purposes by the\\nagency of man, has wholly neglected such\\nmeans in effecting its great purpose, the pro-\\npagation of Christianity.\\nA very general facility of intercourse, ren-\\ndered still easier by the diffusion of the\\nGreek language through the Eastern provin-\\n*Mosh. Gen. Hist. cent. i. p. i. ch. 5.\\nf Le Clerc, (ad ann. 102-3,) ascribes the rapid pro-\\npagation of Christianity during the second century to\\nfour causes (1.) some remaining miracles performed\\nby the last disciples of the Apostles (2.) open con-\\nfutation of heathenism by Christian apologists (.3.)\\nthe constancy of the martyrs (4.) the morals of the\\nChristians. Others might be added, but these were\\nunquestionably among the principal.\\nce.s, and by the knowledge of the Latin,\\nv/hich was universal in the West, prevailed\\nthroughout the Roman Empire for the con-\\nquerors well knew that without great rapidi-\\nty of communication by sea and by land, so\\nvast a compound of discordant materials\\ncould not long be held together in one mass.\\nThis was the most beneficial result of then-\\npolitical speculations and hence proceeded\\ntheir great diligence in the formation of\\nroads and the construction of bridges. The\\nmeans which were intended to advance the\\nprogress of ai mies, and perpetuate the dura-\\ntion of slavery, were also converted to the\\nmore honorable purposes of commerce and\\ncivilisation; and more than that, they were\\nmade serviceable to an end which was least\\nof all contemplated by their authors, when\\nthey became instrumental in the dissemina-\\ntion of Christianity. But they speedily be-\\ncame so and it was thus that the weak were\\nenabled to obtain support from the more pow-\\nerful, the poor from the more wealthy, the ig-\\nnorant from the more enlightened brethren\\nthat the churches in distant provinces could\\nmaintain an easy and rapid intercourse that\\nthe East could send missionaries to the\\nWest and the more recent converts hold\\nfearless correspondence with the establish-\\nments of the Apostles.* The devoted zeal of\\nthe primitive missionaries, the pure and aus-\\ntere morals of their converts, and the union\\nand discipline of the Church, are universally\\nadmitted. By these and similar considera-\\ntions we are led to believe, that, at least\\nthroughout the Eastern provinces of the em-\\npire, in Syria, Egypt, Asia Minor, and Greece,\\na respectable proportion of the people were\\nChristians, even before the end of the second\\ncentury f and there is strong reason for sup-\\nposing our religion to have been already so\\nfirmly rooted in those parts, that its extirpa-\\ntion by any domestic persecutor would even\\nthen have been wholly impossible. This, at\\nleast, is our opinion if true, it is an impor-\\ntant service to have established it fi om the\\nfair examination of such imperfect records as\\nAs in the case of the Church of Lyons, which\\nseems to have been established by a Greek missionary,\\nPothinus, and continued in correspondence with the\\nChurches of Asia.\\nt The great number of councils assembled about\\nthe j ears 195 and 196, on the controversy about\\nEaster, proves, as Tillemont, (vol. iii. p. 114,) ob-\\nserves, the tranquillity of the Church it proves also\\nits prosperity and the authority of TertuUian has\\npersuaded that historian that the Christians formed\\nat that time almost the majority of ti;e inhabitaatsu", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "40\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nremain to us for infidel writers are fond of\\ninsinuating that Christianity emanated from\\nthe court of ConstantinCy and had nowhere\\nassumed any permanent or consistent form\\nuntil its character was fixed and its stabihty\\ndecided by the poUcy of an emperor.\\nMiraculous claims. In order to rest on\\nground which will not be disputed^ we have\\nbeen contented to seek our proofs of the early\\nstrength and security of Christianity in the\\nordinary records of history, made probable\\nby natural circumstances and human opera-\\ntion. But we should treat the subject imper-\\nfecdy if we were to make no mention of those\\nhigher powers which have been so generally\\nclaimed for the primitive Church, not mere-\\nly through the interposition of Divine Provi-\\ndence at such moments as seemed fit to His\\nomniscience, but as a gift confided by the\\nMost High to the uncertain discretion of his\\nministers on earth, and placed through a\\nsuccession of ages, at their uncontrolled dis-\\nposition. The chain of historical evidence\\non which this claim rests is continued from\\nthe days of St. Irenseus to those of St. Ber-\\nnard, (and even much later,) with much uni-\\nformity of confident assertion and glaring\\nimprobability; it is interwoven in insepara-\\nble folds throughout the whole mass of eccle-\\nsiastical records, and the links which compose\\nit so strongly resemble each other both in\\nmaterial and manufacture, that it appears\\nabsolutely impossible to break the succession,\\nor to distinguish which of the portions were\\nfabricated by the wisdom of God, which by\\nthe impiety of man.* Various writers have\\nassigned various periods to the cessation of\\nsupernatural aids; but they appear for the\\nmost part to have been rather guided by their\\nown views of probability, than by critical ex-\\namination of evidence which would have\\nled them equally to receive or equally to re-\\nject the claims of every age, excepting the\\nfirst. The powers which were undoubtedly\\nThe performance of a pretended miracle for the\\npurpose of delusion is the highest imaginable impiet}\\nand the deliberate propagation of accomits of such\\nperformances, with knowledge of their character, is\\nnot far short of it. But we do not intend to impute\\nthis guilt to all tlie ancient Christian retailers of mir-\\naculous stories, far from it; credulity is the weak-\\nness of some minds, as mendacity is the vice of\\nothers; and the former of these qualities, perhaps\\neven more than the latter, has characterized some\\nEastern nations in every age. And we should recol-\\nlect that to them we are indebted for the fabrication\\nof most of the tales which stain ecclesiastical history,\\nand for the example which led to them all.\\ncommunicated by the Apostles to some of\\ntheir immediate successors probably contin-\\nued to enlighten and distinguish those holy\\npersons to the end of their ministry, and\\nwere eminently serviceable in the foundation\\nof the faith but it is a reasonable opinion,!\\nthat after their departure the possession of\\nmiraculous aids was no longer vouchsafed to\\nthe Church as a community, or to any indi-\\nviduals as its ministers. All miracles which\\nare related to have taken place after that pe-\\nriod must be separately subjected to the usual\\ntests,! ^nd must stand or fall on their owa\\nmerits, according to the degrees of evidence\\nand probability. On the other hand, we are\\nfar from intending to assert that Providence,\\nMosh. Hist. Gen. c. i. p. i. eh. 4.\\nt On such a question as this it is vain to appeal to\\nauthorities and unhappily we have here no space for\\nfull deveioperaent of our reasons We must be con-\\ntented, then, to say, that the argument by which\\nwe are principally moved is this miracles become\\nimprobable in proportion as they seem to be not ab-\\nsolutely necessary and we consider that through the\\nwonders wrought by the Apostles, and those, their\\ncontemporaries, to whom similar power was vouch-\\nsafed, some of whom may have survived them forty or\\nfifty 3 ears, the foundation of the Christian Church was\\nso firmly established as to remove the necessity of the\\nfurther continuance of that power to it. The facts\\nwhich have chiefly decided us are the following In\\ntlie writings of the Apostolical Fathers and those im-\\nmediately succeeding, we read nothing respecting\\napostles, prophets, interpreters, or otlier inspired and\\nextraordinarily gifted ministers we have no record\\nof the perpetuation of any office in the ministry which\\nin its nature and name included the certainty of in-\\nspiration and miraculous powers. Again, the fathers\\nwho succeeded them, those of the second and third\\ncenturies, when they speak of the existence of such\\npowers, confine themselves to the use of general lan-\\nguage; they seldom specify an instance of their ap-\\nplication; and when they do so, it may usually be\\nclassed in that description of miracles which is most\\nliable to misrepresentation or mistake such as the\\nhealing of diseases, or the expulsion of demons. Add\\nto these and similar considerations that which Ave do\\nnot hesitate to call the historical impossibility of\\nassigning any period for the cessation of such gifts in\\nthe Church, if we once exceed the barrier which the\\ninfallibility of the inspired writers has, in our opinion,\\nclearly marked out. See Bishop Kaye on Tertullian,\\nxcvi. 102. In the meantime there is one most im-\\nportant consideration which we should always bear in\\nmind that the truth of Christianity is not at all in-\\nterested in the decision of this question.\\nX Thus, when fairly tried by these tests, the once\\npopular miracle of the Thundering Legion appears at\\nlength to have fallen into universal discredit. One or\\ntwo others will be discussed in the course of this\\nwork. Mosh. Gen. Hist. c. ii. p. i. ch. 1.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "DISCIPLINE OF THE CHURCH.\\n41\\nBistance from His faithful and aflaicted ser-\\nvants and, perhaps^ we may observe gener-\\nally, that the accounts of His interposition\\nwhich we should receive with the least sus-\\npicion are those which describe the super-\\nnatural support afforded to missionaries in the\\nprosecution of their holy labors.\\n2. Church government. We must now pro-\\nceed to examine the discipline and govern-\\nment of the primitive Church, and, in this m-\\nquiry, we shall discover no marks of a loose\\nand passing superstition, but, on the contrary,\\nthe surest prognostics of vigor and immortal-\\nity. There are many reasons which make it\\nnecessary, in the treatment of this subject, to\\ndistinguish clearly between what is historical-\\nly known and what is plausibly conjectured\\nfor it is from the confusion of facts with prob-\\nabilities that most of the difficulties of this\\nquestion have arisen. In the first place it is\\ncertain, that, from the moment in which the\\nearly Churches attained a definite shape and\\nconsistency, and assumed a permanent form\\nof discipline as soon as the death of the last\\nof the Apostles had deprived them of the\\nmore immediate guidance of the Holy Spirit,\\nand left them, under God s especial care and\\nprovidence, to the uninspired direction of\\nmere men so soon had evei^ Church, res-\\npecting which we possess any distinct infor-\\nmation, adopted the Episcopal form of govern-\\nment. The probable nature of that govern-\\nment we shall describe presently but here it\\nis sufficient to mention the undisputed fact,\\nthat the religious communities of the Christ-\\nian world universally admitted the superin-\\ntendence of ministers, called bishops, before\\nthe conclusion of the first centuiy.* In the\\nnext place it is equally true, that neither our\\nSaviour nor his Apostles have left any ex-\\npress and positive ordinances for the admin-\\nistration of the Church ;t desiring, perhaps,\\nthat that which was intended for every age\\nTo save the space which would be occupied by\\nan accumulation of authorities, it will be sufiicient,\\nperhaps, to remind our readers, that this fact is ad-\\nmitted by Gibbon in his 15th chapter.\\nt See Mosh. Gen. Hist., c. i. p. ii. ch. 2 and the\\ntranslator s impartial note. Also Disnage, tom. i.\\nliv. i. c. 8. Principles are given, but no specific\\nrules (Hinds Early Church, vol. ii. p. 100). After\\nall, no form of Church govei-nment now exists, or\\ncould exist, accurately framed on the model of the\\nearliest, since that was regulated by an inspired min-\\nistry, and enlightened by extraordinary gifts. The\\ngovernment which immediately followed that earliest\\nwas episcopal\\n6\\nand condition of man, to be the associate and\\nguardian of every form of civil government,\\nshould have the means of accommodating its\\nexternal and earthly shape to the various\\nmodifications of human polity. It is also\\ntrue that in the earliest government of the\\nfirst Christian society, that of Jerusalem, not\\nthe elders only, but the whole Church\\nwere associated with the Apostles and it is\\neven certain that the terms bishop and elder\\nor presbyter were, in the first instance, and\\nfor a short period, sometimes used synony-\\nmously,* and indiscriminately applied to the\\nsame order in the ministiy. From the com-\\nparison of these facts it seems natural to draw\\nthe following conclusions, that during the\\nlifetime of the apostles they were themselves\\nthe directors, or at least the presidents of the\\nChurch; that, as long as they remained on\\nearth, it was not necessary, in all cases, to\\nsubject the infant societies to the delegated\\nauthority of a single superintendent, though\\nthe instances of Titus and Timothy cieai-ly\\nprove that it was sometimes done and that,\\nas they were severally removed from the\\nActs XV. 2, 4, 22, 23, c.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 still, of course, with\\nsome degree of subjection to apostolical authority.\\nThis, according to Mosheim (c. i. p. i. ch. 2.), vi^as\\nthe model of all the primitive churches.\\nf Theodoret, (Com. on 1 Tim. iii. 1.), a father\\nof the fourtli century, admits and explains that cir-\\ncumstance as follows The same persons were an-\\nciently called botia bishops and presbyters, while those\\nwhich are now called bishops were called apostles;\\nbut, shortly afterwards, the name of apostles waff\\nappropriated to those who were apostles indeed, and\\nthen the name bishop was given to those before called\\napostles. (See also a passage from St. Ambrose,\\ncited by Araalarius and Bingham.) Whatever value\\nwe may attach to this explanation, it is quite certain\\nthat bishops began very early to assume the title of\\nsuccessors of the apostles, which we find to have\\nbeen done by Firmilian, Cyprian, and other bishops\\nof Carthage. See Bingham s Church Antiquities, b.\\nii. c. 2. Le Clerc, ad ann. 44. (vol. i. p. 358), and\\nann. 47. (vol. i. p. 449), places the general institution\\nof elders in the year 47. Bingham (b. ii. c. 19.) and\\nothers, admitting the confusion of names, would still\\npersuade us daat there was no identity of ofiice. Bishop\\nPearson (Vindic. Ignatianse) is of opinion that, in\\nsome churches, ther-e were bishops and not presby-\\nters in others, presbyters and not bishops a plausi-\\nble opinion, strongly confirmed by the assertions of\\nClemens aaid Epiphanius, that in some churches there\\nwei e bishops and deacons, in others only presbyters\\nand deacons; but that the larger communities had\\nall the three orders. Mosheim, however, considers\\nthe two terms as undoubtedly applied to the same\\norder of m.en, (c. i. p. i. ch. 2.) and such is the\\nplain interpretation of the Scripture passages. See\\nHinds Early Prog. Christ., vol. i. p. 349, c.", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "45\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nworld, some distinguished brother was in\\neach instance appointed to succeed, not in-\\ndeed to the name and inspiration, but to the\\necclesiastical duties of the blessed Teacher\\nwho had founded the Cluirch. The concur-\\nrence of ancient records confirms this last\\nconclusion the earliest Church historians*\\nenumerate the first bishops of the Churches\\nof Jerusalem, Antioch, Ephesus, Smyrna, Al-\\nexandria and Rome, and trace them in each\\ncase from the Aposdes. And thus it came to\\npass that, for more than twenty years before\\nthe death of St. John, most of the considera-\\nble Churches had gradually fallen under the\\npresidency of a single person entitled Bishop\\nand that, after that event, there were certainly\\nnone which did not speedily follow the same\\nname and system of administration.\\nProphets. Again, for the first thirty years,\\nperhaps somewhat longer, after the ascension\\nof Christ, the labors of the apostles were\\naided by certain ministers entitled Prophets,f\\nwho were gifted with occasional inspiration,\\nand taught under the influence of the Holy\\nSpirit. This order of teachers was with-\\ndrawn from the Church when their ofiice be-\\ncame no longer necessary for its advance-\\nment, and it appears wholly to have ceased\\nbefore the end of the century, at which peri-\\nod, as we have already observed, ecclesiasti-\\ncal government universally assumed that du-\\nrable shape which has been perpetuated, and,\\nwith certain variations, generally adopted\\nthrough every age of Christianity.\\nDeacons. We have yet made no mention\\nof the deacons, who were the third order in\\nthe Episcopal Church. The word deacon\\n(diuy.ovog^ means minister, and in that sense\\nis sometimes applied to the office of the\\nApostles but in a general sense only, since\\nwe are assured (Acts vi.) that the diaconal\\nHegesippus and Eusebius. It is highly probable,\\nsays Mosheim, (c. l.p. ii. ch. 2.) that the Church\\nof Jerusalem, grown coiisidei-ably numerous, and de-\\nprived of the ministers and the apostles, who were\\ngone to instruct other nations, was the first which\\nchose a president or bishop and it is no less proba-\\nble that the other churches followed, by degrees, such\\na respectable example. And it is certain that, in at\\nleast two instances, such presidents were appointed\\nby an apostle. The Church of Corinth seems, indeed,\\nto have been the only exception. Till the date of St.\\nClement s Epistle, (ch. 47.) its government had been\\nclearly presbyterial, and we do not learn die exact mo-\\nment of the change. See Hinds Early Church, vol.\\nii. p. 163, and Bingham, b. ii. c. 1.\\nfSt. Paul, 1 Cor. xii. 20, c. Ephes. iv. 11.\\nMosheim de Rebus Christ, ante Const. Sosc. 1. s. xl.\\nand Gen. Hist, c, i. p. ii. ch. 2.\\norder was distinct, and instituted for a speci-\\nfic pui-pose. However it seems certain that,\\nin the very beginning, the office of the dea-\\ncons was not confined to the mere ministry\\nof the table, since we read that Stephen dis-\\nputed publicly on the Christian truth with\\nirresistible wisdom and spu it and, moreover,\\nthat he did great wonders and miracles\\namong the people. It is equally clear that\\nattendance on the poor was for several centu-\\nries attached to it even after the office of\\ntreasurer was held by the bishop, the portion\\ndestined to charitable relief continued to pass\\nthrough the hands of the deacon. It is not\\nso easy to ascertain the extent of their spirit-\\nual duties in the earliest Church. Ignatius\\nspeaks of them, with high respect, and, in one\\nplace,* calls them ministers of the mysteries\\nof Christ. Tertullian distinguishes them from\\nthe laity, together with bishops and presby-\\nters. Cyprian asserts that the Apostles ap-\\npointed them as ministers of their episco-\\npacy and Church. By the Nicene Council\\nthey are designated as servants (j$7r?/^\u00c2\u00a3T\u00c2\u00abt)\\nof the bishop. It is certain that they were or-\\ndained by the bishop alone, without any im-\\nposition of hands by presbyters that in some\\nChurches they were admitted to read the\\ngospel, and that they universally assisted in\\nthe distribution of the Eucharist, without any\\nshare in its consecration. Their early ac-\\nknowledgment as members of the ministry is\\nproved by their occasional presence in the\\norigmal synods of the clergy .f\\nClergy and Laity. The origin of the dis-\\ntinction between the clergy and the laity has\\ngiven rise to much controversy. Bingham\\nis of opinion that it was derived fi om the\\nJewish into the Christian Church in its earli-\\nest days. And Clemens Alexandrinus has\\nexpressly declared, that St. John, after his\\nreturn from Patmos, ordained bishops, and\\nappointed such men for clerical ministers as\\nwere signified by the Holy Spirit. If the\\npersons here mentioned were actually set\\nIgnat. Ep., ad Trale. Tertullian de Juge, c. 11.\\nCjTprian Epist. 65. (ad Rogatian) Cone. Nic. c. 18.\\nt On this subject consult Bingham, Ch. Antiq., b.\\nii. ch. 20. The deaconesses, of whom we read in\\nearly Church History, may probably have been wid-\\nows appointed, for the better preservation of the min-\\nistry from scandal and calumny, to superintend the\\ncharitable distribution made to the female portion of\\nthe poor.\\nEccles. Antiq., b. i. ch. 5.\\nAp. Euseb. H. E. lib. iii., c. 23. ^l^Qfa evayi\\nTiva iilr/g(h(T(x)v 7(hv inb lov nrev(iiaTog\\nUij^aivoi-iiroiV,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "DISCIPLINE OP THE CHURCH.\\n43\\napart and consecrated to the ministry, the\\nreality as well as the name of the distinction\\nmight with greater assurance plead apostolic\\nauthority but this does not positively appear.\\nOn the other hand, the separation of the sa-\\ncred order is so commonly mentioned by the\\nearly Fathers, not by Cyprian only, but by\\nhis predecessors* Tertullian and Origen, and\\nso invariably treated as a necessaiy part of\\nthe Christian system, that if its origin was not\\ncoeval with the foundation of the system, it\\nwas at least unrecorded and immemorial.\\nThe fairest supposition respecting this ques-\\ntion appears to be, that the Jirst converts, those\\nwho spread the earhest tidings of redemption\\nbefore the Apostles themselves had quitted\\nJudaea, were commissioned to preach the\\nname, and diffuse the knowledge of Christ\\nindiscriminately. But it seems equally cer-\\ntain, that this commission was of very short\\nduration and that as soon as in any place\\nconverts wer found sufficient to form a soci-\\nety or church, a bishop or presbyter f was\\nordained for life to minister to them. The\\nact of ordination established the distinction of\\nwhich we are treating.\\nAccording to the earliest form of Episcopal\\ngovernment it would appear that the bishop\\npossessed little, if any, power in matters of\\ndiscipline, except with the consent of the\\ncouncil of presbyters that the council pos-\\nsessed no sort of power except in conjunction\\nwith him; I and that, in affairs strictly spirit-\\nual, as the ordination of the inferior clergy\\nThia writer goes so far as severely to censure cer-\\ntaii heretics for following the contrary practice.\\ntiSee Epiphan. Haeres. 75; ^rian. n. 5, as refer-\\nred to by Bingham.\\nt We refer to the passages from the Councils of\\nLaodicea, Aries, and Toledo, from Ignatius s Epis-\\ntles and the Apostolical Canons, and the writings of\\nTertullian, Jerome, and Ambrose, collected by Bing-\\nham, b. ii. ch. 3.\\nIt appears probable (notwithstanding the silence\\nof St. Paul on this subject in his commission to Titus,\\ni. 5.) that, in the ceremony of ordination, even in the\\nearliest church, the imposition of hands was perform-\\ned by certain presbyters, in conjunction with the\\nbishop but the consecration to the ministry was the\\nact of the bishop only, through tlie power derived in\\nthe first instance from the apostles, and at no time\\nclaimed by any inferior order in the church. When\\nJerome (Dissert. 85 ad Evagr.) and Chrysostom, in\\nthe fourth century (Hom. 2 in 1 Tim. iii. 8), are en-\\ndeavoring to exalt presbyterial almost to the level of\\nepiscopal authority, they agree in considering the\\npower of ordination as constituting the grand, and, as\\nthey assert, the only distinction. It has been argued\\nthat the power of preaching was originally confined to\\ntlie bishops, and from them derived, and by their per-\\nand the administration of the sacraments,\\nespecially that of baptism,* he acted as some\\nthink with original, and certainly with inde-\\npendent authority. His office was for life,\\nand the funds of the society were committed\\nto his care and dispensation. Of most of the\\napostolical churches, the first bishops were\\nappointed by the apostles of those not apos-\\ntolical, the first presidents were probably the\\nmissionaries who founded them but, on their\\ndeath, the choice of a successor devolved on\\nthe members of the society. In this election\\nthe people had an equal share with the pres-\\nbyters and inferior clergy, without exception\\nor distinction and it is clear that their right\\nin this matter was not barely testimonial, but\\njudicial and elective, f This appointment\\nwas final, requiring no confirmation from the\\ncivil power or any superior prelate and\\nthus, in the management of its internal affairs,\\nevery church was essentially independent of\\nevery other.\\nThe Churches, thus constituted and regu-\\nlated, formed a sort of federative body of in-\\ndependent religious communities, dispersed\\nthrough the greater part of the empire, in\\ncontinual communication, and in constant\\nharmony with each other. It is towa/ds mid-\\ndle of the second century that the first change\\nis perhaps perceptible: as the numbers of the\\nbelievers and the limits of the faith were ex-\\ntended, some diversities in doctrine or disci-\\npline would naturally grow up, which it was\\nnot found easy to reconcile except by some\\ndescription of general assembly. Accord-\\ningly we find the first instances of such as-\\nmission exercised, by the inferior clergy the reasons\\nadduced for this opinion are plausible, though not,\\nperhaps, conclusive. Bingham s Church Antiq., b.\\nii. ch. 3.\\nMosh. Gen. Hist. (c. i. p. ii. ch. 4. sec. 7 and\\n8.) When the bishop extended tlie right of baptism\\nto pi-esbyters and suftVagan bishops (Chorepiscopi),\\nhe still reserved to himself the exclusive power of\\nconfirmation. Bingham s Church Antiq. c. ii. p. ii.\\nch. 4.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j- This is made very clear, from the comparison of\\nmuch contradictory evidence, by Bingham, Ch. Hist.,\\nb. iv. ch. 2. sec. 2, 3, 4, c. There were some vari-\\nations in the mode of election, according to times and\\ncircumstances, since no rule is laid down in Scripture\\non the subject; but there is a great concun-ence of\\nevidence to show that no bishop was ever obtruded on\\nan orthodox people without their consent. Mosheim\\n(c. i. p. ii. ch. 2.) attributes a great extent of general\\npower to the people, not only in the election of their\\nteachers, but in the control of their conduct, and\\neven extends it to decision on controverted points and\\nexcommunication of unwortliy members. We are not\\naware on what authority he advances these assertions.", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "44\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsembiies (unless that which was summoned\\nby the Apostles may be so called) at this pe-\\nriod. They were composed, either of the\\nbishops only, or of these associated with a\\nparty of the priesthood those ministers pre-\\nsented themselves as the representatives of\\ntheir respective societies nor was any supe-\\nriority claimed by any of them in virtue of\\nthe supposed pre-eminence of particular\\nChurches. These councils were called by\\nthe Greek name Synods, and seem at first to\\nhave been provincial, following in some man-\\nner the political division of the empire. They\\nhad their origin in Greece the land of pub-\\nlic assemblies and popular institutions, of\\nwhich the memory was fondly cherished\\nthere, after the reality had been lost in Ro-\\nman despotism. Their character was essen-\\ntially popular the representatives of equal\\nChurches, elected to their sacred offices by\\nthe whole body over which they presided,\\nassembled to deliberate as equals and we\\nmay reasonably indulge the belief, since the\\nexertion of freedom in any one direction\\nmakes it more ready to act in every other,\\nthat the political emancipation of mankind\\nwas promoted, even thus early, by the free\\nand advancing spirit of Christianity.\\nSuch were the principles on which the\\naffairs of the Churches were conducted for\\nsome time after the period mentioned by us\\nand none can be conceived more favorable to\\nthe progress of the faith. The government of\\na single person protected each society from in-\\nternal dissension the electiveness of that gov-\\nernor rendered probable his merit the meet-\\ning together of the deputies of the Church-\\nes, in occasional assemblies, on equal terms,\\ntaught the scattered members of the faith that\\nthey were animated by one soul, and inform-\\ned and dignified by one spirit. Some evil\\nwill be expected to arise out of much good\\nand evils of some importance have been at-\\ntributed to the necessary frequency of synods.\\nThe first was an early addition to the orders\\nand gradations of the hierarchy; for, as it was\\nsoon discovered that these provincial Coun-\\ncils required the control of a President, the\\nBishop of the capital of the province was\\nusually appointed to that office, under the\\nlofty title of the Metropolitan f from an oc-\\ncasional office he presently assumed a per-\\nmanent dignity, and his dignity was insuf-\\nficient until it was attended by authority.\\nWe believe die view of Mosheim upon this sub-\\nject to be very nearly correct. C. 1. p. i. ch. 2.\\nt Mosh. Gen. Hist. c. iL p. ii. ch. 2.\\nAgain, the ecclesiastics who composed them\\nproperly appeared there in no other charac\\nter, than as the deputies of their Churches\\nbut it may sometimes have happened, that on\\ntheir return home they individually assumed\\nsome part of the poiver which they had pos-\\nsessed collectively at least, it is certain that\\nmany notions respecting the exalted and irre-\\nsistible nature of episcopal authority,* were\\nalready floating about the Christian world,\\nand the Bishop was not likely to disclaim the\\nhomage which would occasionally be offered\\nto him. But it was not until the habit of\\nacting in bodies made them sensible of their\\ncommon interest and real power, that they\\nventured to assert such claims, and assumed\\na loftier manner in the government of their\\ndioceses so that, though these synods were\\ndoubtless indispensable to the well-being of\\nChristianity, they seem to have been the\\nmeans of corrupting the original humility of\\nits ministers and the method which was in-\\ntended to promote only the eternal interests\\nof the Church, promoted, in some degree, the\\nworldly consideration of the order which\\ngoverned it. This change began to show\\nitself towards the end of the second century\\nand it is certain that, at this period, we find\\nthe first complaints of the incipient corruption\\nof the clergy .f On the other hand, there can\\nbe little doubt that the increased authority\\nand influence of the hierarchy was highly\\nsei-viceable to the whole body in periods of\\ndanger and persecution, and that in those\\ntimes it was generally exerted to excite the\\ncourage, and sustain the constancy of the\\nfaithful.\\nExcommunication was the oldest weapon\\nof ecclesiastical authority. Doubtless, every\\nsociety has the right to expel its unworthy\\nmembers and this right was of extreme use\\nto the first Christians, as it gave them frequent\\nopportunities of exhibiting to the heathen\\nworld the scrupulousness of their moral pu-\\nrity. But afterwards we know how danger-\\nous an engine it became when wielded by\\nThe Epistles attributed to Ignatius are the earli-\\nest writings which countenance such claims and they\\nwere afterwards more boldly advocated by Cyprian,\\nBishop of Carthage. In fact, we should remark that\\nIgnatius exalts the presbyterial with almost as much\\nzeal as the episcopal order, and that his object was\\nrather to increase the authority of the whole ministry\\nthan to elevate any branch of it.\\nt From the moment that the interests of the minis-\\nters became at all distinguished from the interests of\\nthe religion, the corruption of Christianity may be\\nconsidered to have begun.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH\\n4\\nweak or passionate individuals, and directed\\nby caprice, or interest, or ambition.\\nThe question has been greatly controvert-\\ned, vsrhether an absolute community of prop-\\nerty ever subsisted in the Church. That it\\ndid so, is a favorite opinion of some Roman\\nCatholic writers, who would willingly dis-\\ncover, in the first apostolical society, the\\nmodel of the monastic system and the same,\\nto its utmost extent, has been partly asserted,\\nand pardy insinuated by Gibbon. The learn-\\ned argument of Mosheim*^ disposes us to the\\ncontrary belief; and if the words of Scrip-\\nture in one placef should seem to prove that\\nsuch community did actually exist among the\\noriginal converts in the Church of Jerusalem,\\nwe are obliged to infer from other passages,!\\nnot only that it did not universally prevail as\\none law of the whole Church, but that it\\ngained no favor or footing in the several\\nChurches which were founded elsewhere.\\nThis inference is generally confirmed by the\\nuninspired records of Christianity and it is\\nindeed obvious that a society of both sexes,\\nconstituted on that principle, could not pos-\\nsibly have had a permanent existence. The\\ntruth appears to be this, that the ministers of\\nreligion, and the poorer brethren, were main-\\ntained by contributions perfectly voluntary,\\nand that a great and general intercourse of\\nmutual support and charity prevailed, as well\\namong the various Churches, as among the\\nmembers of each.\\nIt is probable that the ceremonies of relig-\\nion had somewhat outstripped their primitive\\nsimplicity, even before the conclusion of the\\nsecond centuiy. Some additions were intro-\\nduced even thus early, out of a spirit of con-\\nciliation with the various forms of Paganism\\nwhich were beginning gradually to melt into\\nChristianity but they were seemingly diflfer-\\nent in different countries and it is not easy,\\nor perhaps very important, to detect them\\nwith certainty, or to enumerate them with\\nconfidence. We shall, probably, recur to\\nthis subject at some future period, when we\\nshall have stronger light to guide us.\\nThe first Christians were unanimous in\\nsetting apart the fii-st day of the week, as be-\\ning that on which our Saviour rose from the\\nDissertationes ad Hist. Eccl. pertinentes, vol. ii.\\nMosheim s object is to prove that St. Luke means\\ncommunity of use, not of possession. Some sup-\\npose the passage in Acts v. 4, to be at variance with\\nthat opinion.\\nt Acts iv. 32, 34, 35.\\nt Acts v. 4. After it was sold, was it not in\\nthine own power 1\\nMosb. Gen, Hist., 1. i. p. ii. c. 4.\\ndead, for the solemn celebratioil of public\\nworship. This pious custom was derived\\nfrom the example of the Church of Jerusa-\\nlem, on the express appointment of the Apos-\\ntles. On these occasions, portions of Scrip-\\nture were publicly read to the people from\\nthe earliest age.\\nThe two most ancient feasts of the Church\\nwere in honor of the resurrection of Christ,\\nand of the descent of the Holy Spirit. At a\\nperiod when belief must almost have amount-\\ned to knowledge, the first Christians, the\\ncompanions of the Apostles, perhaps the dis-\\nciples of our Saviour himself, were so seri-\\nously and practically earnest in their belief,\\nand so satisfied of the generality of that\\nbelief, in the truth of those two mighty mi-\\nracles, which have presented, perhaps, the\\ngi eatest difficulties to the skeptical inquir-\\ners of after ages, as to establish their two\\nfii st festivals in solemn commemoration of\\nthem.\\nWe find no mention of any public fast,\\nexcept on the day of the crucifixion. The\\nsuperstitious multiplication of such acts of\\nmistaken devotion was the work of a later\\nage.\\nChristian schools existed in the second\\ncentury, as well at Rome, Ephesus, and\\nSmyrna,* as at Alexandria they were con-\\nducted on the model of the schools of phi-\\nlosophy, and even the terms, by which the\\ndifferent classes of the faithful were designat-\\ned, were borrowed from these latter. There\\nappears to have been as yet no costume pecu-\\nliai to the ministers of religion. The bishops\\nusually adopted the garb of the heathen phi-\\nlosophers.\\n3. Creeds. The first Christians used no\\nwritten Creed the Confession of Faith,\\nwhich was held necessary for salvation, was\\ndelivered to children or converts by word\\nof mouth, and entrusted to their memory.\\nMoreover, in the several independent Church-\\nes, the rule of faith was liable to some slight\\nchanges, according to the opinion and discre-\\ntion of the Bishop presiding in each. Hence\\nit arose, that when the creeds of those nume-\\nrous communities came at length to be writ-\\nten and compared together, they were found\\nto contain some variations this was natural\\nand necessary but when we add that those\\nvariations were for the most part merely ver-\\nbal, and in no instance involved any question\\nof essential importance, we advance a truth\\nIren. ad Florinum, ap. Euseb. 1. v. c. 20,\\nMosh. Gen. Hist.,c. i. p. ii. ck\u00c2\u00ab B.", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "46\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwhich will seem strange to those who are\\nfamiliar with the angry disputations of later\\nages. But the fact is easily accounted for,\\nthe earliest pastors of the Church drew their\\nbelief from the Scripture itself, as delivered\\nto them by writing or preaching,* and they\\nwere contented to express that belief in the\\nlanguage of Scripture. They were not cu-\\nrious to investigate that which is not clearly\\nrevealed, but they adhered firmly and faith-\\nfully to that which they knew to be true\\ntherefore their variations were without schism\\nand their diflferences without acrimony. The\\ncreed which was first adopted, and that per-\\nhaps in the very earliest age, by the Church\\nof Rome, was that which is now called the\\nApostles Creed, and it was the general opin-\\nion, from the fourth century downwards, that\\nit was actually the production of those bless-\\ned persons assembled for that purpose our\\nevidence f is not sufiEicient to establish that\\nfact, and some winters very confidently re-\\nject it. But there is reasonable ground for\\nour assurance that the form of faith which\\nwe still repeat and inculcate was in use and\\nhonor in the very early propagation of our re-\\nligion.\\nThe sacraments of the primitive Church\\nwere two those of Baptism and the Lord s\\nSupper. The ceremony of immersion (the\\noldest form of baptism) was performed in the\\nname of the three Persons of the Trinity\\nit was believed to be attended by the remis-\\nsion of original sin, and the entire regenera-\\ntion of the infant or convert, by the passage\\nfrom the land of bondage into the kingdom\\nof salvation. A gi*eat proportion of those\\nbaptized in the first ages were, of course,\\nadults, and since the Church was then scru-\\npulous to admit none among its members,\\nexcepting those whose sincere repentance\\nIt is expressly affirmed by Eusebius (E. H. book\\nill. c. 24) that the four gospels were collected during\\nthe life of St. John, and that the three received the\\napprobation of that apostle: And though there is\\ngreat difficulty in ascertaining the precise period in\\nwhich all the books of the New Testament were col-\\nlected into one volume, it is unquestionable that be-\\nfore the middle of the second century the greatest\\npart of them were received as the rule of faith m eve-\\nry Christian society. Mosh. c. 1. p. ii. ch. 2.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Ignatius, Justin, and Irenseus make no mention\\nof it, but they occasionally rei: eat some words con-\\ntained in it, which is held as proof that they knew it\\nby heai-t. See Cent. 3Iagdeb., cent. i. lib. ii. c. 4.\\nX As Mosheim, cent. i. p. ii. ch. 3; admitting\\nhowever, (c. ii. p. ii. ch. 3) that the first teachers in-\\nculcated no other doctrines than those contained in\\nwhat is commonly called the Apostles Creed.\\ngave promise of a holy life,* the administra-\\ntion of that sacrament was in some sense\\naccompanied by the remission, not only of\\nthe sin from Adam, but of all sin that had\\nbeen previously committed by the proselyte\\nthat is to say, such absolution was given to\\nthe repentance necessary for admission into\\nChrist s Church. In after ages, by an error\\ncommon in the growth of superstition, the\\nefficacy inherent in the repentance was at-\\ntributed to the ceremony, and the act which\\nwashed away the inherited corruption of na-\\nture was supposed to secure a general impu-\\nnity, even for unrepented offences. But this\\ndouble delusion gained very little ground\\nduring the two first centuries.\\nThe celebration of the sacrament of the\\nEucharist was originally accompanied by\\nmeetings which somewhat partook of a hos-\\npitable, or at least of a charitable character,\\nand were called Agapse or Feasts of Love.\\nEvery Christian, according to his circumstan-\\nces, brought to the assembly portions of bread,\\nwine, and other things, as gifts, as it were, or\\noblations to the Lord. Of the bread and\\nwine such as was required for the adminis-\\ntration of the sacrament was separated from\\nthe rest, and consecrated by the bishop alone ;f\\nits distribution was followed by a frugal and\\nserious repast. Undoubtedly, those assem-\\nblies acted not only as excitements to ardent\\npiety, but also as bonds of strict religious\\nunion and mutual devotion, during the dark\\ndays of terror and persecution. It was pro-\\nbably on those occasions, more than any oth-\\ner, that the sufferers rallied their scattered\\nranks, and encouraged each other, by one\\nsolemn act of brotherly communion, to con-\\nstancy in one faith and association in the\\nsame afflictions. We observe, moreover, that\\nas the dangers passed away from the Church,\\nthat more social form (if we may so express\\nit) of eucharjstical administration gradually\\nfell into disuse.\\n4. Morality. The morality of the primi-\\nWhosoever are persuaded that those things are\\ntrue M hich are taught and inculcated by us, and en-\\ngage to live according to them, are taught to pray to\\nGod, fasting, for the remission of their former sins,\\nwhile we pray and fast with them. Then they are\\nled by us to some place where water is, and are re-\\ngenerated even as we ourselves were regenerated for\\nthey are then immersed in the water, in the name of\\nthe Father of all, the Lord God, and of our Saviour\\nJesus Christ, and of the Holy Ghost. Justin Martyr,\\nApol. i. ch. 61.\\nt Mosh., c. i. p. ii. ch. 4. Justin. Mart. Ap. 2.\\np. 98.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "MORALITY OF THE FIRST CHRISTIANS.\\n47\\ntive Church is the subject to which we pro-\\nceed with high confidence and unalloyed sat-\\nisfaction for since, in the various history on\\nwhich we are entering, our admiration of the\\nexcellence of Christianity will be sometimes\\ninterrupted by sighs for the degeneracy of its\\nprofessors, it is delightful to pause on that\\nperiod when the faith, yet fresh from heaven,\\ndid really carry practice and devotion along\\nwith it a period which preceded the birth\\nof intestine persecution, and was unstained\\nby the furious contests of sectaries which\\ndid not witness the superstitious debasement\\nof the Church, or the vulgar vices of its\\nministers, or the burning passions of its ru-\\nlers. We are taught, indeed, humbly to be-\\nlieve that at some future, and probably distant\\nperiod, the whole world will be united in the\\nirue spirit and practice of Christianity but\\nn reviewing the history of the past, we are\\ncompelled to confess that the only model at\\nall approaching to that perfection is confined\\nto the two first centuries of our faith, and\\nthat it began to fall off in excellence even\\nbefore the conclusion of that period. But\\ntransient as it was, we still recur to it with\\npious satisfaction, and we rejoice both as men\\nand as Christians that our nature has been\\nfound capable of such holy exaltation, and\\nthat our religion was the instrument which\\nexalted it.\\nCertainly the character of the first Christ-\\nians, and we are not without guides who\\nmake us acquainted with it, presents to us a\\nsingular spectacle of virtue and piety, the\\nmore splendid as it was surrounded by very\\nmournful and very general depravity. We\\ncannot read either St. Clement s description\\nof the early condition of the Church of Co-\\nrinth, or Origen s panegyric on that of Athens,\\nwithout recognising a state of society and\\nmorality such as all the annals of paganism\\ndo not discover to us, and such as its princi-\\nples (if it had any fixed principles) could not\\never have created. The following lines are\\na quotation from the former. You were all\\nhumble in spirit, nothing boasting, subject\\nrather than subjecting, giving rather than re-\\nceiving. Contented with the food of God,\\nand carefully embracing his words, your feel-\\nings were expanded, and his sufferings were\\nbefore your eyes so profound and beautiful\\nthe peace that was given to you, and so insa-\\ntiable the desire of beneficence. Every di-\\nvision, every schism was detestable to you\\nyou wept over the failings of your neighbors\\nyou thought their defects your own, and were\\nimpatient after every good work, c.\\nIt is true that soon after the period cele-\\nbrated by this glowing description, some dis-\\nsensions disturbed the peace, and probably\\nthe morality, of the Church of Corinth ^but\\nwe have no reason to believe that they were\\nof long duration, or left any lasting conse-\\nquences behind them.\\nThe above passage refers to the Christians\\nof Greece and there is a sentence in the\\nletter of Pliny to Trajan, already quoted,\\ngiving still stronger testimony to the vktues\\nof the Asiatics. They bind themselves by\\nan oath, not to the commission of any wick-\\nedness, but not to be guilty of theft, or rob-\\nbery, or adultery, never to falsify their word,\\nnor to deny a pledge committed to them\\nwhen called upon to return it.\\nBardesanes,* a learned Christian of Meso-\\npotamia, who lived in the time of Marcus\\nAntoninus, has the following passage, pre-\\nserved to us by Eusebius. Neither do Christ-\\nians in Parthia indulge in polygamy, though\\nthey be Parthians nor do they marry their\\nown daughters in Persia, though Persiansv\\nAmong the Bactrians and the Gauls^ they do\\nnot commit adulteiy but, wheresoever they\\nare, they rise above the evil laws and cus-\\ntoms of the country. This is not only a\\nvery powerful, but almost an universal tes-\\ntimony in favor of Christian morality and\\nthere are some to whom its truth will appear\\nthe less questionable, because it comes from\\nthe pen of a heretic.\\nThe virtue of chastity, which however it\\nmay have been celebrated in the heroic ages\\nof paganism, was certainly little reputed in\\nthe east, during the more enlightened rule\\nof philosophy, was very rigidly cultivated by\\nthe primitive converts. This truth, which\\nis generally attested by the passages above\\nquoted, is made the subject of peculiar exult-\\nation by Justin Martyr.f But the continence\\nof the first Christians did not degenerate into\\nany superstitious practice yet it seems cer-\\ntain that, in the ages immediately subsequent,\\nthe simple principle of the Gospel began to\\nbe unreasonably exaggerated and somewhat\\nlater the progress of monasticism was for-\\nwarded by the exalted value placed on that\\nvirtue. So that excess of admiration blinded\\nenthusiasts as to its real nature and character,\\nand led them to invest it with perfections and\\npretensions which were at variance with the\\nadvancement and happiness of human so-\\nciety.\\nThe heathen governments, even the Ro-\\nEuseb. H. E., 1. iv.,c. 30.\\nt C. 15. Apol. A.", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "48\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nman, in its highest civilisation, tolerated, and\\nperhaps encouraged, the unnatural practice\\nof exposing infants who in that condition\\nwere left, as it might happen, to perish fi-om\\ncold or starvation, or preserved for the more\\ndreadful fate of public prostitution. This\\npractice w^as held in deserved detestation by\\nthe followers of Christ.*\\nCharity was the corner-stone of the moral\\nedifice of Christianity, and its earliest char-\\nacteristic and as this is still the vu*tue by\\nwhich it is most distinguished, both publicly\\nand privately, from every false religion, so\\nwe need not hesitate to avow that this of all\\nits excellences was the most efficient under\\nDivine providence in its original establishment.\\nEvery Christian society provided fbr the\\nmaintenance of its poorer members; and\\nwhen the funds were not suflScient for this\\npurpose, they were aided by the superfluities\\nof more wealthy brethren.f The same spirit\\nwhich preached the Gospel to the poor,\\nextended its provisions to their temporal ne-\\ncessities and so far from thinking it any\\nreproach to our faith that it first addressed\\nitself, by its peculiar virtues as well as pre-\\ncepts, to the lower orders of mankind, we\\nderive from this very fact our strongest argu-\\nment against those who would persuade us\\nthat the patronage of kings was necessary for\\nits establishment it rather becomes to us\\nmatter of pious exultation that its progress\\nwas precisely in the opposite direction. By\\nfar the majority of the early converts were\\nmen of low rank and their numbers w^ere\\nconcealed by their obscurity, until they be-\\ncame too powerful to dread persecution.\\nEvery step which they took was upwards.\\nUntil the middle of the second century, they\\ncould scarcely discover among theii thou-\\nsands one learned man. From the schools\\nthey advanced into the senate, and from the\\nsenate to the throne and they had possessed\\nthemselves of eveiy other office in society,\\nbefore they attained the highest. It is im-\\nportant to attend to this fact, that we may\\nnot be misled it is important to observe, that\\nthe basis fi-om which the pyramid started up\\nwas the faith and constancy of the common\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2people the spirit of the religion, and the ear-\\nliest government of the Church, was popular;\\nand it is in its earliest history that we find\\nthose proofs of general moral purity on which\\nJustin Martyr, Apol. A., c. 27.\\nf Our readers will recollect that Dionysius of Co-\\nrinth, m his Epistle to the Romans, desires them to\\ncontinue the custom established from the beginning,\\nof sending charitable contributions to all cluuxhes.\\nwe now dwell with the more pleasure, be\\ncause, in the succeeding pages, the picture\\nwill never again be presented to us.\\nWe will make one short extract from the\\nwritings of a very witty pagan of the second\\ncentury, which throws great light on the\\ncharacter of the Christians of that age. Lu-\\ncian, who considered every form of worship\\nas equally an object of ridicule, tells a story\\nof one Peregrinus, who had been expelled\\nfrom his country, Armenia, for the most hor-\\nrible crimes who thence wandered into\\nPalestine, became acquainted with the doc-\\ntrine of the Christians, and affected to em-\\nbrace it. Being a man of talents and educa-\\ntion, he acquired gi eat influence among their\\nilliterate body and, in consequence, he soon\\nattracted the notice of the Roman governor,\\nand was thrown into prison for being a Christ-\\nian. In prison he is represented to have\\nbeen consoled by the pious charity of the\\nfaithful: There came Christians, deputed\\nfrom many cities in Asia, to relieve, to en-\\ncourage, and to comfort him, for the care and\\ndihgence which the Christians exert on these\\noccasions is incredible in a word, they spare\\nnothing. They sent, therefore, large sums to\\nPeregrinus, and his confinement was an oc-\\ncasion of amassing great riches for these\\npoor creatures are firmly persuaded they shall\\none day enjoy eternal life therefore they\\ndespise death with wonderful courage, and\\noffer themselves voluntarily to punishment.\\nTheir first lawgiver has taught them that they\\nare all brethren, when once they have passed\\nover and renounced the gods of the Greeks,\\nand worship that Master of theirs who was\\ncrucified, and regulate their manner and con-\\nduct by his laws. They despise, therefore,\\nall earthly possessions, and look upon them\\nas common, having received such rules with-\\nout any certain grounds of faith. Therefore,\\nif any juggler, or cunning fellow, who knows\\nhow to make his advantage of opportunity,\\nhappens to get into their society, he immedi-\\nately grows rich because it is easy to abuse\\nthe simplicity of these silly people. We\\nhave no reason to complain of such descrip-\\ntion from the pen of an adversary for, on\\nthe one hand, it attributes to our ancestors in\\nfaith boundless charity, zeal inexhaustible,\\nbrotherly love, contempt of death, and of all\\nearthly possessions, and a steady adherence\\nto the faith and precepts of Christ on the\\nother hand, it lays no chai-ge against them\\nexcept simplicity, the usual associate of in-\\nnocence.\\nThere is one quality mentioned in the", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "ITS PROGRESS.\\n49\\nabove passage which we shall take occasion to\\nnotice hereafter, without entirely overlooking\\nit now, the suffering courage of the persecuted.\\nWe consider it a strong proof of the lively faith\\nof the sufferers in the atoning merits of their\\nSaviour, since it could seldom proceeti from\\nany other conviction than that the change\\nwhich they were about to undergo would lead\\nthem to a state of recompense a confidence\\nwhich seems scarcely consistent with the\\nconsciousness of unrepented sin. Such, at\\nleast, we know to have been the impression\\nsometimes produced on the more enlightened,\\neven among the heathen spectatoi-s. The\\nancient author of the Second Apology, attrib-\\nuted to Justin Martyr, urges this proof with\\nmuch fervor and reason and the conversion\\nof Justin himself is, in a great degree, ascribed\\nto the persuasion of Christian excellence and\\nsincerity, wrought in him by those awful\\nspectacles.\\nWe shall conclude this chapter by a quota-\\ntion from his First Apology (c. xiv.) We\\nwho formerly rejoiced in licentiousness, now\\nembrace discretion and chastity; we who\\nrejoiced in magical arts, now devote oureelves\\nto the unbegotten God, the God of goodness;\\nwe who set our affections upon wealth and\\npossessions, now bring into the common\\nstock all our property, and share it with the\\nindigent we, who, owing to the diversity of\\ncustoms, would not partake of the same hearth\\nwith those of a different race, now, since the\\nappearance of Christ, live together, and pray\\nfor our enemies.^ and endeavor to persuade\\nthose who unjustly hate us, that, by leading\\na life conformed to the excellent precepts of\\nChristianity, they may be filled -with the good\\nhope of obtaining the same happiness with\\nourselves from that God, who is Lord above\\nall thinsfs.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nThe Progress of Christianity from the year\\n200, A. D. till the Accession of Constantine,\\nA. D. 313.\\nIncipient corruption of the Church Reasons for it Its\\nextent External progress of religion in Asia and in\\nEurope .Claims, character, and prosperity of the Church\\nof Rome That of Alexandria. Origen His charac-\\nter Industry Success Defect. The Church of\\nCarthage.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 TertuHian\u00e2\u0080\u0094 His character Heresy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Mer-\\nits. Cyprian. Government of the Church Increase\\nof episcopal power, or, rather, influence Degeneracy\\nof the Ministers of Religion exaggerated Institution\\nof inferior orders Division of the people into Faithful\\nand Catechumens Corruption of the sacrament of\\nBaptism \u00e2\u0080\u0094Effect of this The Eucharist Demons\\n7\\nExorcism Alliance with philosophy Its conse-\\nquences, Pious frauds\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Their origin Excuses for\\nsuch corruptions Eclectic philosophy Ammonius\\nSaccas Plotinus Porphyry Compromise with cer-\\ntain philosophers The Milennium\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The writings of\\nthe early Fathers Apologies.\\nRiESERviNG for subsequent consideration the\\npersecutions and the heresies by which the\\nearly Church was disturbed, we shall now\\npursue its more peaceful annals as far as its\\nestablishment by the first Christian emperor.\\nWe have found it almost necessary to sepa^\\nrate, and indeed widely to distinguish the\\nevents of the two first from those of the third\\ncentury, for nearly at this point are we dis-\\nposed to place tlie first crisis in the internal\\nhistory of the Church. It is true that the first\\noperations of corruption are slow, and gener-\\nally imperceptible, so that it is not easy to as-\\ncertain the precise moment of its commence-\\nment. But a candid inquirer cannot avoid\\nperceiving that, about the end of the second\\nand the beginning of the third century, some\\nchanges had taken place in the ecclesiastical\\nsystem which indicated a departure from its\\npriinitive purity. Indeed, such a state of so-\\nciety as that which we have recently described\\ncould scarcely hope for permanent endurance,\\nunless through a fundamental alteration in\\nhuman nature and in the necessary course of\\nhuman affairs. In addition to this, the very\\nprinciples of Christianity prevented it from\\nremaining stationary the spirit of the faith is\\nactive, penetrating, and progressive and thus,\\nas it expanded itself in numerical extent as\\nit rose in rank, in learning, in wealth as it\\ncame in contact with the people of all nations,\\nand with all classes of the people, a great\\nvariety of human passions and motives was\\ncomprehended by it, which had no place in ita\\nearly existence. As it increased in the num-\\nber of converts, the zeal of brotherly love and\\nardent charity became more contracted, since\\nit could no longer be universally exerted. As\\nit rose in rank, it lost that perfect equality\\namong its members which formed the very\\nessence of its original and best character\\nfalse learning corrupted its simplicity, and\\nwealth undermined its morality. If it gain-\\ned in prosperitj^ and worldly consideration, it\\nresigned the native innocence and freshness\\nof childhood.\\nWe are far from intending to assert that\\nany sudden demoralization or violent apostasy\\nfrom its first principles took place in the\\nChurch during the third century far fi-om\\nit we feel even strongly assured that it still\\ncontinued to embrace the great proportion of\\nwhatever was tt uly virtuous and excellent iu", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "ba\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe Roman empire. But, in closely attend-\\ning to its history, we observe that it becomes\\nthenceforward the history of men rather than\\nof things the body of the Church is not so\\nmuch in view, but the acts of its ministers\\nand teachers are continually before us. We\\nread little of the clergy of the two first cen-\\nturies they appear to have discharged their\\npastoral duties with silent diligence and dis-\\ninterested piety. We learn their character, for\\nthe most part, from the effects of their labors\\nand we find its ample and indisputable record\\nin the progress of their religion, and in the\\nvirtues of their converts.\\nThe progress of religion, indeed, continued,\\nunder easier circumstances, with equal rapid-\\nity and we have reason to believe that, be-\\nfore the time of Constantine, it was deeply\\nrooted in all the eastern f provinces of the Ro-\\nman, as well as in the Persian empire. Gib-\\nbon I has candidly acknowledged his error in\\nattributing the conversion of Armenia to the\\nreign of that emperor and, perhaps, a more\\nimpartial reflection on the mission of Pan-\\ntsenus, which we have no reason to believe\\nfruitless,, would have led him to doubt his own\\naccuracy when he makes a similar assertion\\nrespecting ^.thiopia. The light of Christian-\\nWho wiU not confess (says Origen to Celsus)\\nthat the worst members of the Church,, who are few in\\ncomparison with the better, are much more virtuous\\nthan those who compose the popular assemblies 1\\nThe Church of God, at Athens, if you will, is tranquil\\nand peaceable, searching only to do God ^s pleasure\\nthe Assembly of the Athenians is seditious, and bear-\\ning no comparison to it. The same is true of the\\nChurches of Corinth and Alexandria, compared to the\\npopular assemblies of tliose cities. So that if\\nwe compare the senate of the Church with the senate\\nof every city, we shall find the senators of the Church\\nworthy to govern the city of God while the others\\nhave nothing in their morals which fits them for their\\nrank, or places them above the ordinary qualities of\\ncitizens. And, if we carry the comparison further,\\nwe shall observe the immense moral superiority of the\\nmost dissolute and imperfect of the bishops and pres-\\nbyters over the civil magistrates. See Fleury, lib.\\nvii., sec. 18.\\nt Dionys. ap. Euseb., H, E., vii. 5. Dionysius\\nwas Bishop of Alexandria during the middle of the\\nthird century. Tillemont (vol. iii. p. 405), on the\\nauthority of Origen, asserts that the Christians, before\\nthe middle of the second century, not only had built a\\nnumber of churches, but had ventured in some places\\nan assault upon temples, altars, and idols.\\nt Vindication, p. 74. We give him credit for this\\nadmission, because the error was of his own discovery.\\nHe adds, The seeds of the faith were deeply sown\\nhere during the last and greatest persecution. Tiri-\\ndates may dispute with Constantine the honor of\\nbeing the first Christian sovereign.\\nity had certainly penetrated, with varying\\nsplendor, among the Bactrians, the Parthians,\\nthe Scythians, Germans, Gauls, and Britons\\nthe Goths of Mysiaand Thrace were convert-\\ned by missionaries from Asia, and laid aside,\\non the reception of the faith, the primeval\\nbarbarity o-f their mannerSr*\\nWhile the Church of Antioch retained,\\nafl;er the fall of Jerusalem, a nominal supre-\\nmacy among the Christians of the east, that\\nof Rome continued to advance, among the\\nwestern churches, certain vague asserliona\\nof authority. Gn one occasion indeed, in the\\nconviction of a heretical bishop, Paul of Sam-\\nosatay its claims appear to have been indirect-\\nly encouraged f by the Emperor Aurelian\\nbut they were ^ot then acknowledged by\\nany Christian Church, and were very warm-\\nly contested by Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage.\\nThat prelate maintained with equal zeal and\\ntruth the primitive equality of the churches.\\nIf the early Christians had for the most part\\nderived the rudiments of their learning from\\nAlexandria, their charitable exertions had been\\nprincipally animated by the wealth and mu-\\nnificence of Rome. These two cities appear\\nstill to have maintained their respective advan-\\ntages. During the suspension of persecution,\\nin the reign of Commodus, many great and\\nopulent families were converted and we learo\\nfi-om an epistle of Cornelius, Bishop of Rome,\\nthat it was among his duties to provide for\\nthe maintenance of more than 1500 widows\\nand mourners. The excellences of the reli-\\ngion contributed to its progress, and so rapid\\nat this period was that progress, that at the\\nsynod assembled at Rome in the year 251 to\\npronounce upon the heresy (or schism) of\\nNovatian, sixty bishops, and a greater num-\\nber of presbyters and deacons were present,\\nthough the rustic pastors in the other districts\\nheld their separate meetings respecting the\\nB losh. Gen. Hist., c. iii., p. i., ch. 1. The\\nprogress of Christianity in Gaul was not rapid. Even\\nas late as the reign of Decrus, we observe that it was\\nnecessary to send fresh missionaries from Rome for\\nthe complete conversion of that country.\\nt Euseb. H. E., 1. vii., c. 30. Pagi. ad ann. 271,\\nn. 3, 4.\\nI The Catechetical School there established, wag\\nclearly the most important among the early literary\\ninstitutions of Christianity.\\nOliBof-ie.rai. See Semler, vol. i., p. QQ. The\\nclergy of Rome then consisted of forty-six presbyters,\\nseven deacons, seven sub-deacons, besides the inferior\\nordei s. Euseb. lib. vi., c. 43.\\nII Euseb., H. E., vi. 43. Novatus originated the\\nheresy Novatian carried it into a schism. See\\nTillem. vol. iii., p. 433 to 493.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "ITS PROGRESS.\\nSi\\nsame question. Under such of the emperors\\nas \\\\v\u00e2\u0082\u00acre not decidedly opposed to Christianity,\\na considerable number of its professors were\\nto be found in the army and even at the court,\\nsince their profession did not exclude them\\nfrom public preferment and then* assemblage\\nfor divine worship, in certain houses set\\napart for that pui*pose, was permitted by the\\nconnivance of the civil magistrate, f\\nOrigen. The best history of the Church\\nof Alexandria durmg the first half of the third\\ncentury, is furnished by the life of Origen.\\nThat extraordinary person, the most eminent\\namong the early fathers, was a native of\\nEgypt, the son of one Leouidas, who suffered\\nmartyrdom in the year 202. When in prison\\nhe received an epistle from his son, of which\\none sentence only is preserved to us. Take\\nheed, father, that you do not chaiige your\\nmind for our sake. Origen was then about\\nseventeen years old his religious instructions\\nhe had received from Clemens Alexandrinus,\\nhis philosophical lore from Ammonius Saccas,\\nand such proficiency had he made in both\\nthose studies, that he was called to preside\\never the Catechetical School of Christianity\\nat the age of eighteen. He filled that office\\nfor nearly thirty years, and discharged its\\nduties with zeal and genius so distinguished,\\nwith such fruitful diligence of composition,\\nsuch persuasiveness of oral eloquence, as to\\nmake it a question whether our religion was\\never so much advanced, in point of numbers,\\nby the mere intellectual exertions of any other\\nindividual.! He merited the honor of per-\\nsecution, and had the double fortune to be\\nexpelled from his chair and country by the\\njealousy of the Bishop Demetrius, and to\\nbe tortured in his old age hj the brutalitj^ of\\na Roman emperor. The works of Origen\\nexhibit the operation of a bold and compre-\\nMosh. cent, iii., p. ii., cli. 4.\\nt Mosh., c. iii., p. i., ch. 1. The emperors during\\ntills age who were most favorable to Christianity were\\nCaracalla, Heliogabalus, Alexander Severiis, Gordian,\\nand his two successors, the Philips. Respecting the\\nfirst of these two, a gi-eat mass of authorities is adduced\\nto prove that he had actually, tliough secretly, embrac-\\ned the religion.\\n4: The diligent distribution of his translation of the\\nScriptures was among the most certain means of ac-\\ncomplishing that work.\\nMosheim appears to think that, because Demetrius\\npatronised Origen in his youth, it is not probable that\\nhe was jealous of him afterwards.\\nII Decius. The reader may find a satisfactory ac-\\ncount of the life and writings of Origen in Tiilem.\\nMem., vol. iii. p. 494, 495. He was followed bv\\nhensive mind, burnmg with religioiis vvarmth^\\nunrestrained by any low prejudices or inter-\\nests, and sincerely bent on the attainment of\\ntruth. In the main plan and outline of his\\ncourse, he seized the means best calculated to\\nhis object, for his principal labors v/efe di-\\nrected to the collection of correct copies of\\nthe Holy Scriptures, to their strict and faithful\\ntranslation, to the explanation of their numer-\\nous difficulties. In the two first of these\\nobjects he was singularly successful but in\\nthe accomplishment of the last part of his\\nnoble scheme the heat of his imagination and\\nhis attachment to philosophical speculation\\nearned him away into en*or and absurdity\\nfbr he applied to the explanation of the Old\\nTestament the same fanciful method of alle-\\ngory by which the Platonists were accustomed\\nto veil the fabulous history of their gods.\\nThis error, so fascinating to the loose imagin-\\nation of the East, was rapidly propagated by\\nnumerous disciples, and became the founda-\\ntion of that doubtful system of theology, called\\nPhilosophical or Scholastic.\\nThe fame of Origen was not confined to his\\nnative countrj^, or to the schools of philosophy,\\nor to the professors of the Faith. Mammsea,\\nthe mother of the Emperor Alexander, sought\\na conference with him in Syria he was held\\nin high repute at Rome his personal exertions\\nw^ere extended to Greece, and among the most\\nfortunate efforts of his genius we may be\\nallowed to mention, that when a numerous\\nsynod was twice convoked in Arabia on two\\noccasions of heresy, Origen, who was present\\nby invitation^ was twice successful in convinc-\\ning his opponents. His school gave birth\\nto a number of learned men, Plutarch,\\nSerenus, Heraclides, Heron, who proved the\\nsincerity and multiplied the follov/ers of their\\nreligion, by the industry with which they\\nadonied life, and the constancy with which\\nthey quitted it.\\nTertullian. The Latin Church of Carthage\\nattained little celebrity till the end of the\\nsecond century, when it was adonied by Ter^\\nthe same fate (says that audior) after his death as\\nduring his life. The saints themselves were divided\\non that subject. Martyrs have made his defence, and\\nmartyrs have written his condemnation. The one\\nparty has regarded him as the greatest doctor possessed\\nby the Church since the apostles the other has exe-\\ncrated him as the parent of Arius and every other\\nheresiarch, c. Tillemont takes the favorable side.\\nEuseb. H. E. vi. 19 and 37. Origen had also\\nthe credit of converting various other heretics, espe-\\ncially one Ambrose, whose errors had some celebrity\\nat the moment.", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "62f\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nfiiUian and we find tbat, about that period,\\nChristianity, which had already scattered its\\nblessings along the banks of the Nile, and\\ninto the adjacent deserts, also made great\\nprogi-ess along the northern coast of Africa.\\nTertuUian is described by Jerome f as a man\\nof eager and violent temper and he appears\\nto have possessed the usual vice of such a\\ntemperament inconstancy. The same is\\nthe character of his writings they contain\\nsome irregular eloquence, much confidence\\nof assertion, and a mixture of good with very\\nbad reasoning. He wrote many tracts against\\nheretics, and then adopted the opinions of the\\nleast rational of all heretics, the Montanists.\\nBat in spite of many imperfections, his gen-\\nius, his zeal, and his industry place him at the\\nhead of the Latin fathers of that period his\\nJnoral writings must have been eminently\\nserviceable to converts who had been educated\\nwith no fixed principles of morality and his\\nApology is among the most valuable mon-\\numents of early Christianity. He appears to\\nhave been made a presbyter of the Church of\\nCarthage about 192 a. d., at the age of forty-\\nfive. His secession from the Church may\\nhave taken place seven years afterwards, and\\nsome of his most valuable works were proba-\\nbly composed during the period of his heresy .J\\nThe fame of TertuUian was succeeded in\\nthe same Church, but not surpassed^ by that\\n\u00c2\u00a9f Cyprian, an African and a heathen, who\\nwas converted to Christianity late in life, and\\nTertuUian in several places indulges in somewhat\\nexaggerated descriptions of the multitude and power\\nof the Christians throughout the empire. But when\\nhn tells Scapula, proconsul of Africa, that tlie effect\\nof continuing the persecution against the Christians\\nwould be to decimate the inhabitants of Carthage, he\\nprobably does not exceed the truth. Yet Carthage\\nwas at that time one of the youngest among the\\nChurches. See Bishop Kaye, p. 92.\\nt Catalogus Script. Ecclesiast.\\nWe acknowledge great obligations to Bishop\\nKaye for tlie manner in which he has brought within\\nthe reach of ordinary readers of theology the works of\\nJustin and TertuUian, Whoever shall imitate his ex-\\nample in the treatment of the odier principal Fathers,\\nexamining with the same learning, judgment, and mo-\\nderation their merits and defects, and sifting from the\\nvarious contents of their folios what is really valuable\\nto the history and right understanding of religion, will\\ncomplete an undertaking of incalculable use in the\\nstudy of early Clu-istianity. And at the same time he\\nwdll perform a secondary, but not unworthy, office\\nthat of placing those writers in their just rank in\\nliterature a rank from which they are equally far\\nremoved by the enthusiasm of those who reverence\\nthem too highly, and by the ignorance of the more ini-\\naierous party who scorn them altogether.\\npresently raised to the see of Carthage about\\nthe year 250. It is said that he was exalted\\nto that dangerous honor rather by the popular\\nvoice of the Church than by his own inclina-\\ntion it is certain that, after a very short and\\ndisturbed possession of it, he suffered mar-\\ntyrdom with great fortitude in the reign of\\nValerian. An interesting and probably faithful\\naccount of his suiFerings will be found in a\\nlater page.\\nGovernment. The government of the Chnrcb\\nat the beginning of the third century was\\nnearly such as we have described in the last\\nchapter. The more important Churches were\\nseverally superintended by a bishop, possessed\\nof a certain, but pot very definite degree of\\nauthority, who ruled in concert with the body\\nof presbyters, and even consulted on matters\\nof great moment the opinion of the whole\\nassembly. The provincial synods, of which\\nwe have spoken, composed of those bishops,\\nassisted by a few presbyters, now began to\\nmeet with great regularity* and to publish\\ncanons for the general ordination of ecclesi-\\nastical affaii s. The Metropolitans gradually\\nrose in consequence. Their dignity seems to\\nhave been conferred for life but their legiti-\\nmate power was confined to the calling and\\npresiding in councils, and the fi-aternal admo-\\nnition of offenders. Still it was the natural\\nconsequence of this system, acting on human\\nimperfection, that the occasional presidents\\ninsensibly asserted a general preeminence\\nover the other bishops, which it became their\\nnext step to dispute with each other and that\\nthe other bishops, being now constantly dis-\\ntinguished from their presbyters by these\\nsynodical meetings, assumed both over them\\nand the people a degree of ascendency not\\noriginally acknowledged, but which it was not\\ndifficult gradually to convert into authority.\\nTf we are to bestow on any individual the\\ncredit of having accomplished a change so\\nnatural and so nearl)^ insensible, that distinc-\\ntion may possibly be due to Cyprian certain\\nit is, that he pleaded for episcopal supremacy\\nwith much more zeal and vehemence than\\nhad hitherto been employed in that cause, f\\nIt seems clear, indeed, from several of his\\nepistles, especially that addressed to Roga-\\nTwice every year in the spring and autumn.\\nt Mosh. Gen. Hist. c. iii. p. ii. ch. 2.\\n:j: Bingham, Ch. Antiq. b. ii. ch. 3. The apostol-\\nical canons confirm these pretensions, and so do certain\\ncanons of the councils of Nice, Sardica, Antioch,\\nChalccdou, and others but, according to the first\\nand second councils of Carthage, the consent of three", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "ITS PROGRESS,\\n53\\ntian, that bishops possessed hi his time, or at\\nleast in his Church, the power of suspending\\nor deposing delinquents among the clergy^\\nyet even this was liable to some indefinite\\nrestrictions as to circumstance and custom,\\nand to a direct appeal to a provincial council.\\nAnd it does not appear that such power\\nwas frequently exerted without the consent\\nof the presbyterial college, or senate of tlie\\nChurch. From these facts, compared with\\nthe assertions afterwards made by St Jerome\\nand St. Chrysostora, (which we have already\\nmeniioned,) we infer that the actual progress\\nof episcopal usurpation, during the third cen-\\ntury, was much less than some have imagined\\nor at least, that the power of the bishops\\ngi*ew cliiefly through the growth of their\\ninfluence, and was not yet publicly acknow-\\nledged by the constitution of the Church.\\nWe admit, however, with sorrowful reflec-\\ntion, that the individual conduct of some,\\nperhaps many, among the directors of the\\nChurch, during the course, and especially the\\nconclusion, of this century, desei-ved the rep-\\nrehensions of contemporary and succeeding\\nwriters.f Some assumption of the ensigns of\\ntemporal dignity the splendid throne, the\\nsumptuous garments, the parade of external\\npomp indicated a departure from apostolical\\nsimplicity and a contentious ambition suc-\\nceeded to the devoted humility of former days.\\nAnd though we believe this evil to have been\\nexaggerated by all the writers who have dwelt\\nupon it, since the abuses which w^e have\\nnoticed could scarcely be carried to violent\\nexcess by an order possessing no legally re-\\ncognised rights or property, we may still be\\nfcishops was necessary for the censure of a deacon,\\nof six for that of a presbyter, of twelve for that of\\na bishop. Reliquorum Clericorum causas solus Epis-\\ncopusloei agnoscatet fieiat. Cone. Carth, iii. Can.\\n8^ Cyprian himself (Epist. v. p^ IL Ep. xiii. p.\\n23. Ep. xxiHii. p. 29, and in many other places)\\navows tliat he cannot act M ithout his council of pres-\\nbyters and deacons, and the consent of the people.\\nSee Mosb. (De Reb. Christ, ant. Const, sec. iii. sec.\\nxxiii. xxiv.) for a full examination of the principles\\nand conduct of Cyprian. The writings of that prelate\\nseem to have been more effectual in exalting tlie epis-\\ncopal dignity in following times than during his own.\\nWe are disposed to attribute much of this increase\\nof influence to a cause not sufficiently attended to by\\necclesiastical writers, the judicial, or rather arbi-\\ntrative, authority originally vested in the bii^ops by\\nthe consent of their people, and which would naturally\\nextend its limits, as it was confirmed by time and usage.\\nt Origen. Coram, in Matthseum, par. i. app. p.\\n420. 441, 442 Euseb. H. E. 1. viii. c. 1. Cyprian\\nhimself rates his contemporary prelates with great\\nseverity. (Laps. p. 239, Stc.) The language of\\nconvinced, by the institution of certain inferior\\nclasses in the ministry, such as subdeacons,\\nacoluthi, readers, exorcists, and others, that\\nthe higher ranks had made some advances in\\nluxurious indolence.*\\nCatechumens, This deterioration in the\\ncharacter of the ministers was attended bj a\\ncoiTesponding change in the ceremonies of\\nthe Church. The division of the people into\\ntwo classes, the Faithful and the Catechu-\\nmens, was the practice, if not the invention,\\nof the third century. It was borrowed from\\nthe pagan principle of initiation and the out-\\nward distinction between those classes was\\nthis that after the performance of public\\nworship the latter were dismissed, while the\\nformer, the true and initiated Christians, re-\\nmained to celebrate the mysteries f of their\\nreligion and this term is by some thought to\\nhave expressed not only the administration\\nof the sacraments, but the delivery of some\\ndoctrinal instructions. The original simpli-\\ncity of the office of baptism had already un-\\ndergone some corruption. The symbol had\\nbeen gradually exalted at the expense of the\\nthing signified, and the spirit of the ceremony\\nwas beginning to be lost in its form. Hence\\na belief was gaining ground among the con-\\nverts, and was inculcated among the heathen,\\nthat the act of baptism gave remission of all\\nsins X committed previously to it. It was not\\nfit, then, that so important a rite should be\\nhastily performed or inconsiderately receiv-\\ned and, therefore, the new proselytes were,\\nin tlie first instance, admitted into a proba-\\ntionajy state under the name of Catechumens,\\nMosheim, who is always extremely violent OB tlids .s\u00c2\u00abl\\nject, will not bear careful examination. Gren. Hist,\\ncent. iii. p. ii. ch. 2. See alsoTillem. vol. iii. p. 306.\\nThe praise which Origen has bestowed on Christians\\ngenerally, may be contrasted with his censures on the\\nclergy, and they will serve to moderate each other.\\nMosh. de Reb. Ch. ante Const, sec. iii. sect. 23.\\nf The term mystery is in die Greek Church synon-\\nymous with sacrcment. See Semier, Cent. iii. p.\\n63; and particuhiily Le Clerc, cent. ii. ann. Mil. and\\nad ann. 118. Neither were the catechumens allowed to\\nuse the Loi:d s Prayer, which was even denominated\\nsv/T] TTidTOn the prayei- of the faithful. Chrysost.\\nHorn. ii. in 2 Cor. p. 740, and Horn. x. in Coloss.\\nFor other references see Bingham, Ch. Antiq. b. i.\\nch. 4.\\nX Cyprian, Epistle 73. It is manifest when and\\nby whom the remission of sins, which is conferred in\\nbaptism, is administered. They who are presented to\\nthe rulers of the Church obtain, by our prayers and\\nimposition of hands, the Holy Ghost. See also Euseb.\\nH, E. i. vii. c. 8. Mosh. c. iii. p. ii. c. 4. Compare\\nCyprian s language with tlie passage of Justia Martyr,\\non the same subject.", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "M\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwhence they were chosen, according to then-\\nprogress in grace, into the body of the Faith-\\nful. As long as they remained in that class,\\ngreat care was taken to instruct them in the\\nimportant truths, and especially in the moral\\nobligations, of religion yet doubtless there\\nwould be some among them in whom the\\nlove of sin survived the practice of supersti-\\ntion,* and such would naturally defer their\\nbaptism and their pardon until the fear of\\ndeath, or satiety of enjoyment, overtook them.\\nIt is true, that baptism was not supposed to\\nbestow any impunity for future sins on the\\ncontrary, the first offence committed after it\\nrequired the expiation of a public confession, f\\n^nd the second was punished by excommuni-\\ncation. But if the hope and easy condition\\nof pardon for the past tended, as it may have\\ndone, to fill the ranks of the catechumens,\\nwe may reasonably indulge the belief that the\\ngreat majority were amended and perfected\\nby the religious instruction which was then\\nopened to them.\\nAbout the same time, and fi-om causes con-\\nnected with this misapprehension of the real\\nnature of baptism, and the division of the con-\\nverts, a vague and mysterious veneration be-\\ngan to attach itself to the other Sacrament\\nits nature and merits were exaggerated by\\nthose who administered and partook of it it\\nwas regarded with superstitious curiosity by\\nthose to whom it was refused and reports\\nwere already propagated of the miraculous\\nefficacy of the consecrated elements.\\nAn opinion at this time became prevalent\\nin the Christian world, that the demons, the\\nenemies of man, were, in fact, the same be-\\nmgs whom the heathen worshipped as gods,\\nwho inhabited tlieir temples and animated\\ntheir statues. It became, therefore, the duty\\nof the soldiers of Christ to assail them under\\nevery form, and expel them from every resi-\\ndence. That, indeed, which they are related\\nmost frequently to have occupied was the\\nbody of man, J and from this refuge they were\\nperseveringly disturbed by the pious exor-\\ncisms of the clergy and this practice was\\ncarried to such superstitious excess, that none\\nOrigen, however, assures us, that among his con-\\nverts there were more who had previously led a moral life\\nthan of the opposite description a fact which may\\nserve as an answer to one of Gibbon s insinuations. See\\nGels. 1. iii. p. 150, 151. TiUem. Mem. vol. iii. p. 116.\\nt Called l^o/uoloyrjo-ig.\\nCelibacy, though under no circumstances consid-\\nered as a duty eitlier by clergy or laity, acquired some\\nunmerited honor during tliis age, tlirough the absurd,\\nbut general persuasion, tliat tliose who had wives were\\nwere admitted to the ordinance of baptism\\nuntil they had been solemnly delivered from\\nthe dominion of the Prince of Darkness.\\nThe Sign of the Cross, which was already in\\nmuch honor in the time of Tertullian, f was\\nheld to be of great effect in the expulsion of\\ndemons, and in other miracles. We also find\\nthat the use of prayers for the dead obtained\\nvery general pi-evalenee during this age.\\nPhilosophy. A dispute had divided the\\nChurch during the second century, as to the\\npropriety of adopting, in its contests with the\\nheathen, the weapons of philosophy, and it\\nwas finally decided by the authority of Ori-\\ngen, and the superior loquacity of the phi-\\nlosophical party. By this condescension the\\nChristians gained.,great advantages in the dis-\\nplay of argument, in subtlety of investigation,\\nin plausibility of conclusion, in the abuse and\\neven in the use of reason but they lost that\\nmanly and simple integrity of disputation\\nwhich well became, in spite of its occasional\\nrusticity, the defender of truth. It is to this\\nalliance X that some are disposed to trace the\\nbirth of those pious frauds which cover the\\nface of ecclesiastical history. The original\\nsource of this evil was at least free from any\\nstain or shame. It had long been a practice\\namong ancient philosophical writers to as-\\ncribe their works to some name of undisput-\\ned authority, in order to secure attention to\\ntheir opinions, though the opinions were well\\nknown to be only those of the writer but the\\nconsequences which flowed from it have in-\\nfected the Church of Christ with some of\\nits deepest and most dangerous pollutions.\\nBooks written in later ages were zealously\\npeculiarly liable to the influence of malignant demons.\\nAt least Mosheim (cent. iii. p. ii. ch. 2) asserts this\\non the authority of Porphyry, negl ^tto/tj?- 1. iv.\\np. 417. In the time of Irenteus, (1. i c. 24.) the\\nprofession of celibacy was a heresy.\\nMosh. Gen. Hist. cent. iii. p. ii. ch. 4.\\nf De Corona, cap. iii. Sem.ler, Hist. Eccl. cent,\\niii. cap. 3.\\nX Le Clerc adjudges to an earlier year (ann. 122)\\nthe celebrated forgery, under the name of Hermes\\nTrismegistus, of which tlie object was to trace the\\ndoctrine of Christ to a much higher period than his\\nincarnation, and thus to increase its sanctity. The\\ninterpolation of the Sibylline Books is referred by the\\nsame historian to the year 131. This latter impos-\\nture, as foolish as shameful, was warmly patronised by\\na host of Fathers, including Clemens Alex., Tertullian,\\nEusebius, Jerome, Augustin, c. and thus occasioned\\nmuch scandal to Christians in general among their ene-\\nmies in that age, and no little disrepute to its ancient pa-?\\ntrons among candid writers of every age. See Le Cl\u00c2\u00bbn-c,\\nvol. i. p. 106. Jortin, Remarks, c. vol. i. p. 188,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "ITS PPvOGHESS.\\nm\\ncirculated as fhe writings of the Apostles, or\\nof the ApostoUcal Fathers.* The wori^s of\\nthese last were altered or interpolated, accord-\\ning to the notions of after times or the capri-\\nces of the interpolator but usually for the\\npurpose of proving the antiquity of some new\\nopinion, some iuiTOvation in discipline, some\\nusurpation in authority. The practice was\\njustified by the detestable, but popular prin-\\nciple, that truth may be defended by false-\\nhood it was encouraged by the difficulties\\nof detection in ignorant ages and it contin-\\nued for more than six centuries to disgrace\\nthe Roman Church. It was. the same princi-\\nple, pushed a little farther, which has stained\\nthe writings of so many among the early Fa-\\nthers with statements at least doubtful, if not\\nwith palpable falsehood. But, on the other\\nhaaid, we should ever recollect that Christian-\\nity in those days was chiefly in the hands of\\nGreeks and Africans,f men of subtle intel-\\nlects and violent passions, whose habits and\\nwhose climate too often earned thein into the\\nextreme either of metaphysical sophistry or\\nwild enthusiasm ^men who could speculate\\non their faith, or who could die for it, but\\nwho were little calculated for the tranquil\\nesquanimity of sober and reasonable belief.\\nWe should recollect also, that some of our\\nSest and commonest principles of action were\\nthen unkno^vn or partially received and that,\\nin fact, many of them are the result of the\\npatient operation of Christianity on the human\\ncharacter, through a long succession of ages.\\nWe shall never do justice to the history of\\noiu- religion, unless we continually bear in\\nmind the low condition of society and mor-\\nals existing among the people to whom it was\\nfirst delivered.\\nDuring the concluding part of the second\\ncentury, a philosophical sect arose at Alex-\\nandria, who professed to form their own teu-\\nSuch, in tlie second century, were the celebrated\\nApostolical Canons; and, afterwards, the Apostolical\\nConstitutions, attributed to the diligence of Clemens\\nRomanus; and such were the False Decretals in tlie\\neighth. Mosh. G. Hist. c. i. p. ii. ch. 2. Le Clerc\\n(sec. i. ad. ann. 100) supposes the Canons to be of\\nthe third, the Constitutions of a later age. Jortin,\\nsupposing that the Canons may have been forged,\\nsome in tlie second and some in the third centurj\\nTefers the Constitutions to some period after Constau-\\ntine, vol. i. pp. 152, 185.\\nf It is certainly very I emarkable, that for the first\\nthree centuries Rome produced no ecclesiastical writer\\nof any merit, excepting Clement; and the westein\\nprovinces not one of any description: Rome was very\\nfiesu ly as barren during the tliree which followed.\\nets, by selecting and reconcirmg what was\\nreasonable in the tenets of all others, and re-\\njecting what was contrary to reason they\\nw^ere called the new Platonics, or Eclectics.\\nWhat they pi-ofessed respecting philosophy,\\nthey easily -extend-ed to religion, since with\\nthem rehgion was enti)-ely founded on philo-\\nsophical principles. It is strange that the\\ngreat founder of this sect, Ammonius Sac-\\ncas,* had been educated in Christianity and\\nhe seems never to have abandoned the namef\\nof the faith, while he was disparaging its doc-\\ntrines and its essence. A sect, which was\\nfounded on the seductive principle of univer-\\nsal concord, soon made extraordinary pro-\\ngress. In his eminent disciple Plotinus, Am-\\nmonius left a successor not inferior to him-\\nself in subtlety of genius, and power of pro-\\nfoimd and abstruse investigation and next\\nto Plotinus in age and reputation, is the cele-\\nbrated name of Porphyiy. i The efforts of\\nthese philosophers were for the most part di-\\nrected against Christianity, and the contest\\nwas waged with gi-eat ardor during the third\\ncentury. But as Origen and his scholars, on\\nthe one hand, adopted into the service of re-\\nligion some of the peculiar principles of their\\nadversaries, so, on the other, certain disciples\\nof Plotinus assiuned the name and professed\\nthe faith of Christians, at the same time\\nthat they retained some favorite\\nopinions of then* master an accession\\nwhich was only valuable in so far as it swell-\\ned the body and mcreased the lustre of the\\nchurch, jl\\nMosh. Gen. Hist- c. ii p. ii. ck 1. Meinoires\\nde Tillem. tom, iii. p. 279.\\nt Porphyry asserte that Ammonius deserted Cliris-\\ntianity, Eissebius that he adliered to it. To these\\ntwo opinions, variously advocated by most modera\\ndivines, others have added a third, that Eusebius mis-\\ntook a Christian wiiter of the same name for the hea-\\nthen philosopher and this is warmly maintained by\\nLardner (Collection of Heathen and Jewish Testimo-\\nnies.) The question was not worth one page of con-\\ntroversy and, in our mind. Christian writers would\\nact a more politic, as well as a more manly part, if\\nthey at once disclaim their ambiguous defenders.\\nI Mosh. de Reb. Cli. ante Constant, sect. iii..\\nxxi.\\nAugust. Epist. 56, ad Dioscor. Mosh. c, iii. p\\nii. ch. 1.\\nII To give some idea of the nature of Cliristian lit-\\nerature in this age, it may be worth while to mention\\nthe subjects of some of the most celebrated productions\\nOn Temptations The Baptism of Heretics\\nPromises Chastity\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Creation\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Origin\\nof Evil The Vanity of Idols The Dress ofVir-\\ngins The Unity of the Chuixh\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Circumcision", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "56\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nMillennium. It has been too hastily assert-\\ned by some historians, and too readily admit-\\nted by others, that the expectation of the Mil-\\nlennium, or presence of Christ on earth to\\nreign with his elect, was the universal opinion\\nof the ancient church. The fair statement\\nof that much -disputed question appears to\\nbe this Eusebius informs us that Papias,\\namong certain parables and sermons of the\\nSaviour, and other seemingly fabulous records\\nwhich he professed to have received tradition-\\nally, said, that there would be a thousand\\nyears after the resurrection of the dead, during\\nwhich Christ was to reign bodily upon the\\nearth in which I think that he misunderstood\\nthe apostolic narrations, not penetrating what\\nwas mystically spoken by them for he ap-\\npears to have been exceedingly limited in\\nunderstanding (^afjixgug top voir), as one\\nmay conjecture from his discourses/ The\\nhistorian then proceeds to attribute the gen-\\neral reception of this opinion among ecclesi-\\nastics, and particularly by Irenseus, to their\\nrespect for the antiquity of the man. f To\\nClean and Unclean Animals The Lapsed, or those\\nwho had fallen from the Faith dm-ing Persecution\\nThe Millennium besides numerous books against\\nheretics.\\nH. E. lib. iii. c. 39. On this important subject\\nsee Whitby s excellent Treatise on the Millevmium,\\nat the end of vol. ii. of his Commentaries. This ob-\\nscure doctrine was probably known to very few except\\nthe Fathers of the Church, and is very sparingly men-\\ntioned by them during the two first centuries. And\\nthere is reason to believe that it scarcely attained\\nmuch notoriety even among learned Christians until it\\nwas made matter of controversy by Origen, and then re-\\njected by the great niajority. In fact, we find Origen\\nhimself, in his Prolegomoia to the Canticles (69 B.),\\nasserting that it was confined to those of the simpler\\nsort; and, in his Philocalia (c. xxvi. p. 99) he di-\\nrectly declares that the few [rvvsq^ who held it did\\nso with such secrecy, that it had not yet come to the\\nears of the heathen In all fairness, then, we must\\nconsider the opposite declarations of Origen and Euse-\\nbius either to have been applied to different pans of\\nChristendom, or to qualify each other always recol-\\nlecting that the latter is confined to ecclesiastics, while\\nthe former extends to all classes.\\nt The words are these tiItiv y.al roTg fisr^\\navTOv Txletarolg oaoig za)v exitlrjaiaaTixcbp\\ni^g ufiolag aviG do^rig nagaijiog y^yovs,\\nrriv dcgxatdTTjTa zdvdgdg TCQo8\u00c2\u00a3\u00c2\u00a7h]i.dvolQ\\na7T6Q ovv EiQ-qvam xal el Tig cHlXog ru o^uoiu\\n(f)Qov{bv dcvenicpr^vev.\\nPapias, then, we may attribute the origin of\\nthe behef. It was fii st adopted by Justin\\nMartyr,* next by Irenseus^ and connected\\nby both of them with the resurrection of the\\nflesh. But the passage of the latter f plainly\\ndeclares that there were some in the churchy\\nin divers nations and by various works, who,\\nbelieving, do consent with the just, who do\\nyet endeavor to turn these things into meta-\\nphors which proves that even the orthodox\\nwere divided on the question at that early age^\\nthough the names of the disputants have not\\nreached us. The first distinguished opponent\\nof the doctrine was Origen, who attacked it\\nwith great earnestness and ingenuity, and\\nseems, in spite of some opposition, to have\\nthrown it into general discredit and, proba-\\nbly, we shall not have occasion to notice the\\nopinion again until we arrive at the tenth\\ncentury.\\nDr. Whitby expresses his belief that the\\nFathers who adopted that doctrine received\\nit from the traditions and notions of the\\nJews and he proceeds very truly to assert\\nthat that error will not invalidate their au-\\nthority in any thing delivered by them as wit-\\nnesses of what they have seen, or declared to\\nhave been then the practice of the Church of\\nChrist. In these points, indeed, consists a\\ngreat portion of the direct value of their works%\\nBut they are also greatly, i erhaps principally,\\nuseful to us, as they prove, by numerous quo-\\ntations, the early existence of the books of the\\nNew Testament as we now read them^ and\\ntheir reception in the primitive Church. J\\nDial, cum Tryph.\\nt Adv. Haer. 1. v. c. 33.\\ni The Apologies for Christianity, published by the\\nearly Fathers, however imperfect as specimens of\\nreasoning or even as representations of i-eligion, were\\nprobably, at the time, the most useful of their labors,\\nnot only because they brought Christianity into notice,\\nand challenged examination, and put forward some of\\nits leading excellences, but also because they publicly\\nassaulted the tottering temples of Paganism, and expos-\\ned to irresistible contempt and contumely its origin,\\nits rites, its morals, and its mythology. And those\\nApologies were very numerous to those of Justin,\\nAthenagora?, Tatian, Melito, Quadratus, Aristides,\\nand Tei tuUian, already mentioned, we may add others\\nby Clemens Apollinaris, and Theophilus of Antioch.\\nMosh, G. Hist. c. ii. p. ii. chap. 3. Fleury, I. iv.\\nsect. 4, c.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "PERSECUTIONS OF THE EMPERORS.\\n67\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nPersecutions of several Roman Emperors.\\nClaims of Roman Paganism to the character of tolerance\\nexamined Theory of pure Polytheism Roman\\npolicy Various laws of the Republic continued un-\\nder the emperors MecEcnas Remarks The ten\\npersecutions how many general That of Nero its\\ncharacter Of Domitian The grandsons of St. Jude\\nThe epislle of Pliny to Trajan His answer Real\\nobject of Trajan Letter of SereniusGranianus to Ha-\\ndrian Antoninus Pius Marcus Antoninus Gib-\\nbon s partiality Real character of this persecution\\ncompared with those preceding it His principles and\\nknowledge, and superstition His talents and virtues\\nConnexion of his philosophy and his intolerance\\nCommodus Decius His persecution accounted for\\nits nature Valerian Martyrdom of Cyprian\\nPersecution of Diocletian Its origin and motives\\nInfluence of Pagan priesthood Progress of the per-\\nsecution Its mitigation by Constantius, and final\\ncessation at the accession of Constantine. General\\nRemarks Unpopularity of the Christians accounted\\nfor Calumnies by which they suffered Their con-\\ntempt of all false gods Change in the character of\\ntheir adversaries Philosophy Excuses advanced\\nfor the persecutors their futility General character\\nof persecuting emperors Absurd opinions on this sub-\\nject Effect of the persecutions \u00e2\u0080\u0094upon the whole fa-\\nvorable For what reasons.\\nCERTAiivr writers have industriously exerted\\nthemselves to display the mild and tolerant\\nnature of the religion w^hich prevailed in the\\nRoman world at the introduction of Christian-\\nity and then, when its seeming claims to\\nthis excellence have been established, they\\nhave placed it in contrast with the persecuting\\nspirit which has occasionally broken out from\\nthe corruptions of our faith insomuch that\\nsome persons may possibly have been per-\\nsuaded that there was some latent virtue in\\nthat superstition, which Christianity does not\\npossess. We shall not here pause to show,\\nwhat none can seriously deny, that the intol-\\nerance of Christians, like all their other vices,\\nis in spite, and not in consequence, of then-\\nbelief; but it is worth while shortly to ex-\\namine the pretensions of Polytheism to one\\nof the virtues in which we are most disposed\\nto exult, and which we are accustomed to\\nconsider most peculiarly our own.\\nThe religion called Polytheism means the\\nworship of many gods. Now the observation\\nwhich first occurs to us is this that, when\\nthe number of gods is not limited, the easy\\nreception of an additional divinity does little\\nmore than satisfy the definition of the word\\nit is not the endurance of a new religion, but\\nthe slight extension of that already establish-\\ned. The intrusion of one stranger would\\nscarcely be noticed in the numerous synod\\nof Mount Olympus the golden portals were\\never open useful virtue or splendid vice\\n3\\ngave an equal claim to admission and the\\npolicy or servility of Rome bowed with the\\nsame pliancy to the captive gods of her ene-\\nmies or the manes of her imperial tyrants.\\nThis was not a virtue, but a part of Polythe-\\nism the new deities became new members\\nof the same monstrous body they assisted\\nand sustained each other and the whole\\nmass was held together by ignorance, and an-\\nimated by the gross spirit of superstition. It\\nseems, indeed, that a Pagan statesman, who\\nmay have permitted additions to the calendar\\nof his gods, deserves no higher description\\nof praise than that which we should bestow\\non a pope, who has been zealous in the ca-\\nnonization of saints. For one idol will pres-\\nently become as holy as another idol nor\\ncould there be any reason why Jove should\\nscorn the society of Serapis, since their re-\\nspective divinity was founded on the same\\nevidence, and their worship conducted on the\\nsame principles.\\nSuch is the real theoiy of pure Polytheism.\\nBut we should be doing it much more than\\njustice, if we were to confine ourselves to its\\nabstract nature, without mention of the po-\\nlitical uses to which it was converted and\\nwhich, indeed, subjected it to so much re-\\nstraint and limitation, that we shall be unable\\nto discover in its practice even that ambiguous\\nvirtue which some have supposed to be in-\\nherent in it.\\nThe belief or infidelity of the statesmen of\\nantiquity, who were left to wander over the\\nfields of conjecture, with no better guide than\\nreason, may have varied in individuals, ac-\\ncording to the understanding, or the passions,\\nor the wishes of each but those were certain-\\nly very rare, who admitted into their closet\\nthe various and irrational worship which they\\nencouraged in the people. They supported\\nreligion only as one of the easiest means of\\ngoverning and valued devotion to the gods\\nas they supposed it naturally connected with\\nobedience to man a just supposition, in a\\ncase where the gods were little removed from\\nthe nature, and generally tainted with the\\nvices, of humanity. Our short inquiry into\\nthe manner in which the ancients wielded\\nthis engine of state shall be confined to the\\nHistory of Rome, as being immediately con-\\nnected with the subject of the present chapter.\\nCicero (de Legibus, c. ii. s. 8.) gives us the\\nfollowing exti-act from the most ancient laws\\nof Rome. Let no one have any separate\\nworship, nor hold any new gods neither to\\nstrange gods, unless they have been publicly\\nadopted, let any private worship be offered", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "68\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH\\nmen should attend the temples erected by\\ntheir ancestors, c. From Livy (b. iv. c.\\n30.) we learn that about 430 years before\\nChrist, orders were given to the ^diles to see\\nthat none except Roman gods were worship-\\nped, nor in any other than the established\\nforms, Somewhat more than 200 years af-\\nter this edict, to crush certain external rites\\nwhich were becoming common in the city,\\nthe following edict was published, that who-\\never possesses books of oracle, or prayer, or\\nany written act of sacrifice, deliver all such\\nbooks arid writings to the Pretor before the\\nCalends of April and that no one sacrifice\\non public or sacred ground after new or for-\\neign rites. But it may seem needless to pro-\\nduce separate instances, when from the same\\nhistorian (b. xxxix. c. 16.) we learo, that it\\nhad been customary in all the early ages of the\\nrepublic to empower the magistrates to pre-\\nvent all foreign worship, to expel its ministers\\nfrom the forum, the circus, and the city, to\\nsearch for and burn the religious books (vati-\\ncinos libros), axid to abolish every form of\\nsacrifice except the national and established\\nform.\\nThe authority of Livy is confirmed by that\\nof Valerius Maximus, who wrote under the\\nemperor Tiberius, and bears testimony to the\\njealousy with which all foreign religions were\\nprohibited by the Roman republic (b. i. c. 3.).\\nThat the same principle, which had been\\nconsecrated by the practice of seven hundred\\nyears, was not discontinued by the emperors,\\nis clearly attested by the historian Dio Cassi-\\nus (p. 490-2.). It appears that Blecsenas, in\\nthe most earnest terms, exhorted Augustus\\nto hate and punish all foreign religions, and\\nto compel all men to conform to the national\\nworship and we are assured that the scheme\\nof government thus proposed was pursued\\nby Augustus and adopted by his successors.\\nNow, from the first of the passages before\\nus it appears that all right of private judgment\\nin matters of religion was expHcitly forbidden\\nby an original law of Rome which never\\nwas repealed. We know not what stronger\\nproof it would be possible to adduce of the\\ninherent intolerance of Roman Polytheism.\\nThe four next references prove to us that the\\nancient law, subversive of the most obvious\\nright of human nature, was strictly acted upon\\nduring the long continuance of the common-\\nwealth. The established form of Paganism\\nmight not be violated by individual schism\\nor dissent the gods whom the government\\nIn the year U. C. 701 the temples of Isis and\\nOsiris were destroyed by order of the Senate (B. 40.)\\ncreated the people were compelled to worship\\naccording to the forms imposed by the gov-\\nernment. Under the early emperors the same\\nwas still the maxim of state and if the influx\\nof idolaters fi-om every nation under Heaven\\nmade it difficult to preseiTC the punty of the\\nRoman religion, that religion became more\\ndomestic and (let us add) more Roman by the\\nsuccessive and easy deification of some of the\\nmost vicious of mankind.\\nThese few lines may suffice for the present\\nto disprove the plausible theory of the toler-\\nance of Paganism, and they may lead us,\\nperhaps, to discover the true reason why the\\nworship of Christ was forbidden in that city\\nwhich acknowledged the divinity of Nero.\\nAt least, we shall have learnt from them, that\\nthe religion which Christianity supplanted\\nwas very far from possessing the only point\\nof superiority which its admirers have ever\\nclaimed for it. And we shall not forget, in\\nthe following pages, to direct to the religious\\nsystem of Rome some portion of the abhor-\\nrence which is usually confined to the indi-\\nviduals who administered it,\\nJVumber of persecutions. Hitherto we have\\nfollowed the progress of Christianity through\\nnearly all the provinces of the Romar. em-\\npire, and some countries without its limits,\\nas if we had been attending a triumphal pro-\\ncession. The less pleasing duty remains to\\ndescribe its difficulties and its afflictions.\\nAnd in so doing it is not easy to ascertain the\\nprecise path of truth, entangled as it is, on\\none side, by the exaggerated fictions of en^\\nthusiasts, and perplexed, on the other, by the\\nperversity of skepticism.\\nEarly, though not the most ancient, eccle-\\nsiastical historians, followed by many mod-\\nerns, have fixed the number of persecutions\\nat ten and if we thought proper indiscrimin-\\nately to designate by that name every partial\\noutrage to which Christians were subjected\\nfrom the reign of Nero to that of Constan-\\ntine, perhaps even this number might be con-\\nsiderably extended. On the other hand,\\nMosh. Gen. Hist. Cent. i. p. i. ch. 5. Idem de\\nChr. Ant. Const. Saec. i. sect. xxvi. The number\\nof ten persecutions was an invention of the fifth cen-\\ntury, derived from ai-bitrary interpretation of proph-\\necy rather than historical evidence. Lactantius, in\\nthe fourth age, enumerates only six. Eusebius specifies\\nno number, though he appears to mention nine. The\\nsame number is adopted by Sulpicius Severus, in the\\nfifth century, who prepares his readers, however, for\\nthe infliction of the tenth and last by Antichrist at the\\nend of the world; from tliis time fen became the pop\u00c2\u00ab\\nular computation.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "PERSECUTIONS OP THE EMPERORS.\\n69\\nGibbon has so carefully palliated the guilt,\\nand softened down the asperity of those suc-\\ncessive inflictions, that in his representation\\nnot one of them wears a serious aspect, ex-\\ncepting that of Diocletian though he admits\\nthat some transient excesses may be charged\\nupon Nero, Domitian, Decius, and perhaps\\none or two others.\\nDiffering in many respects from that author\\nin our view of this portion of history, and an-\\nimated, perhaps, by a more general and im-\\npartial humanity, we are still willing, in this\\nmatter, to make some concessions to his\\nopinion and though other occasions to prove\\nthe sincerity and constancy of Christians were\\nabundantly presented, yet we are not disposed\\nto impute the shame of deliberate unrelenting\\npersecution to more than four or five among\\nllie emperors but in one important respect\\nour estimate of these events will still differ\\nfrom that of the philosophical historian, as\\nwe shall bestow a much gi-eater share of at-\\ntention on the conduct of Marcus Antoninus.\\nOur reasons will appear in the progress of\\nthe narrative.\\nJVero. The persecution of Nero was the\\nfirst to which the Christian name was subject-\\ned, and the best account which has reached\\nus respecting it is that of the historian Tacit-\\nus, which we have translated in a former\\nchapter. From his description it appears,\\nthat the suflTerings of the Christians did not\\noriginate in any evil that had been committed\\nby them, nor even in the general calumnies\\nwhich blackened their character,* but in a\\nspecific charge, which was notoriously false,\\nthat they had occasioned the destructive con-\\nflagration so generally attributed to the mad-\\nness of the Emperor himself The nature\\nof their tortures is related, and the very spots\\nparticularized on which they were inflicted.\\nBut their duration is not mentioned, nor the\\nextent to which the persecution prevailed (if\\nIt at all prevailed) in other parts of the empire.\\nThe fact, that it arose in the first instance\\nfrom a charge which was necessarily confined\\nto the inhabitants of Rome, is certainly not a\\nconclusive argument that it might not after-\\nwards spread beyond the boundaries of the\\ncity and yet both the words and the silence\\nof Tacitus are such as indirectly persuade us,\\nthat the calamity, which he is describing, was\\nSuetonius, Vit. Neronis, cap. 16., mentions the\\nsame .event, in the midst of some trifling details of\\nsumptuary restrictions, in these few words Afflicti\\nsuppliciis Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis\\nuovae et laaleficse. But we must follow the circum-\\nstaDtial narrative of Tacitus.\\nboth local and transient. The imperfect ac^\\ncount of Eusebius throws little more lighl\\non these questions, which have in vain divid\\ned the opinions and exercised the ingenuity\\nof a multitude of critics, f For our own\\npart, if that were sufiiciently proved whicU\\nis continually asserted, that the persecution\\nlasted for four years, until the death of Nero,:|\\nwe should very readily admit the probability\\nthat it was general. But whatever uncertain-\\nty may rest on this point, the expressions of\\nthe Pagan historian unhappily convey suffi-\\ncient evidence that the assault was exceed-\\ningly destructive and attended by every c ir-\\ncumstance of barbarity.\\nMuch diflTerence has also existed respecting\\nthe laws supposed to have been enacted by\\nNero against the Christiajis, and their contin-\\nuance or repeal by subsequent emperors.\\nAnd this question is so far at least connected\\nwith the preceding, that the mere existence\\nof any general edicts against Christians as\\nsuch, proves that the particular charge on\\nwhich the persecution was founded had been\\ngradually lost in more general accusations^\\nwhich had been followed by general inflic-\\ntions. But even in this case, it becomes a\\nquestion, whether Nero s edicts proceeded any\\nfurther than to enforce against Christians\\nspecifically the ancient statutes universally di-\\nrected against religious innovation whether\\nit was not rather a precedent which that\\nemperor establishe(?, than a law which he\\nenacted a precedent which would be fol-\\nlowed or disregarded by his successors, as\\ntheir character and religious policy might lead\\nthem to execute or suspend the standing stat-\\nutes of the empire. At least it ig strange that,\\nwhen his other laws were repealed, that\\nagainst the Christians should alone remain in\\nforce, unless we conclude that that alone had\\nexisted before his time, and had been appUed\\nor perverted, but not enacted, by him.||\\nEuseb. H. E. lib. ii. c. 25.\\nf In this question, which involves the historical ac-\\nciu-acy of Tertullian, compare the reasoning of Sem-\\nler (ssec. i. cap. 6.) with that of Mosheim(Gen. Hist.\\nCent. i. p. 1. ch. 5.) The forgery of the Lusitanian\\ninscription, according to which Nero purged that\\nprovince from the new superstition, is now universal-\\nly admitted.\\n4: In the year 68. Mosh. de Re. Christ, ante\\nConst, saec. i. sect, xxxiv.\\nSome declare them to have been repealed by the\\nSenate (Mosh. de. R. Christ, ante Const, ssec. ii\\nsect, viii.), and Tertullian (lib. i. ad Nationes, c. 7.\\nasserts that while all Nero s otlier institutes were re-\\npealed, that against the Christians alone remained.\\nII Tertullian (lib. i. ad Nationes, c. 7.) calls Nero s\\nedict Institiitiun Neroaianuin, and in other places (aa", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "60\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nDomitian. After this first affliction, tbe\\nChristians passed about thirty years in the\\nsilent and undisturbed propagation of tlieir\\nreligion. In the year 94 or 95, they again at-\\ntracted the attention of the civil power, by\\nexciting, as it would seem, the political fears\\nof the emperor. Domitian was no doubt ac-\\nquainted with an ancient prophecy prevalent\\nthroughout the east, and probably an imper-\\nfect adumbration of the prophecies of the\\nOld Testament, that the imperial sceptre was\\ndestined one day to pass into the hands of a\\nJew. This led to some inquiries into the\\nactual condition of the royal family of Jeru-\\nsalem and the grandsons of St. Jude the\\nApostle, the brother of the Saviour, are said\\nto have been brought before the throne of the\\ntyrant: but his jealousy was disarmed by\\ntheir poverty and simplicity, their hands\\nwere hardened with daily labor, and their\\nwhole property consisted in one small farm\\nof about twenty-four acres. And when the\\nemperor inquired respecting the nature of\\ntheir prophetic hopes, and the character of\\nthe monarch who was to rise up from among\\nthem, he was informed, that his kingdom\\nwas not of earth, but heavenly and angelic-\\nal and that in the completion of time he\\nwould come in glory to judge both the liv-\\ning and the dead, according to their merits.\\nThey were dismissed without injury and\\nsoon after this event, some severities, which\\nhad lately been exercised against the Christ-\\nApol. cap. 5, and 7,) speaks of laws existing, and\\noccasionally enforced against Christians still we sus-\\npect him of error, if he intended to attribute to Nero\\nthe invention of those laws an error very naturally\\nrising from the fact, that that Emperor was the first\\nwho applied them to Christianity. See, however.\\nBishop Kaye on this subject, (Lee. on Tertull. pp.\\n115, et seq,) Certainly Gibbon is rather presumptu-\\nous in his manner of concluding, that the effects, as\\nwell as the cause, of Nero s persecution were confined\\nto the walls of Rome, and that the religious tenets of\\nthe Christians were never made a subject of punish-\\nment or even of inquiry. (Chap. 16.) Still we ai e\\ndisposed to assent at least to the first of his conclusions,\\nas we are aware of no express authority for the contra-\\nly opinion earlier than the fifth century. (Sulp. 1. ii.\\np. 146. Oros. 1. vii. c. 7, c.) And if, on the one\\nhand, Tillemont enumerates a great variety of martyrs\\nwho perished in that persecution (tom. u p. 71, et\\nseq.) on the other, Le Clerc has anticipated Gibbon\\nin both his positions, and argues very plausibly in fa-\\nvor of thera. (Hist. Eccles. ad ann. 64.)\\nHegesippus apud Euseb. iii. 20. Le Clerc,\\nwho is generally and justly suspicious of the authority\\nof Hegesippus, is persuaded of the truth of this narra-\\ntive, by its simplicity and candor. Hist. Eccl. ad\\nann. dQ.\\niang, were suspended by the prudence or\\nthe death f of the emperor.\\nTrajan. The celebrated epistle of Pliny to\\nTrajan was written ten or twelve years after-\\nwards, and proves that the Christians in\\nBithynia (and probably in every province of\\nthe east) were subjected to many vexations\\nand sufferings. The emperor s answer\\namounted to this that the Christians are\\nnot to be sought for, nor molested on anony-\\nmous information but that on conviction\\nthey ought to be punished. l From a com-\\nparison of these tvi^o documents, we collect,\\nfirst, that the spirit of persecution in this in-\\nstance originated rather in their heathen\\nfellow-subjects than in the character of the\\nemperor; and secondly, that the laws by\\nwhich they were punished were not any re-\\ncent edicts issued by an express act of leg-\\nislation against Christians, but the original\\nstatutes of the republic continued and applied\\nto them, jj The object of Trajan, in this re-\\nscript, was their mitigation it is probable\\nthat he knew little respecting the nature and\\nevidence of the new religion, but was desir-\\nous somewhat to soften the practical intol-\\nerance of his own but the effect was not in\\nthe end favorable to the Christians, 1[ since it\\ngave a sanction to legal persecution, and es-\\nTertull. Apol. c. 5. This author is the rather to\\nbe believed on this point, because it does not go to\\nsupport his favorite theory, that the only persecutors\\nwere the bad emperors a fancy to which he has un-\\nfortunately sacrificed many indisputable facts. See\\nalso Heg. ap. Euseb. loc. cit.\\nt Mosheim (Gen. Hist. c. i. p. i. ch. 5.) In\\nanother place, after adducing the authorities of Lac-\\ntantius (cap. iii. De. Hist. Persec), and Xiphjlinus\\nin Nerva (De Reb. Christ, ante Const, ssec. i. sect.\\n36.), he leaves the question doubtful. Gibbon follows\\nthe opinion which shortens the persecution.\\nX Tertull. Apol. c. ii., exposes with great vehe-\\nmence and reason the injustice and inconsistency ex-\\nhibited in this rescript. If Christians deserved con-\\ndemnation, they should be sought after; if not sought\\nafter, they should not be condemned. Si daranas, cur\\nnon et inquiris; si non inquiris, cur non et absolvigl\\nEuseb, H.E. lib. iii. c. 32., confirms this posi-\\ntion.\\nII From the moment that a precedent existed for\\nthe application of those statutes to the religion of the\\nChristians, their condition would at all times be very\\nprecarious, as being dependent not only on the policy\\nof the emperor, but on the caprice of the provin-\\ncial governors since it would naturally seem to rest\\nat their discretion to enforce, or not, the standing\\nlaws against a sect which had akeady felt their se^\\nverity.\\nIF Mosh. de Reb. Chi ist. ante Const, sgec, ii,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "PERSECUTIONS OF THE EMPERORS.\\n61\\ntablished on high authority the fatal maxim,\\nthat the mere profession of Christianity was\\na criminal offence.*\\nThe truth of the first of the above conclu-\\nsions is confirmed by the annals of succeeding\\nreigns. About the year 120, Serenius Gran-\\nianus, Proconsul of Asia, wrote to Adrian,\\n*that it seemed to him unreasonable that\\nChristians should be put to death merely to\\ngratify the clamors of the people, without\\ntrial and without any crime proved against\\nthem. And there is a rescript of the empe-\\nror, addressed to Minucius Fundanus, in\\nwhich this letter is noticed, and in which it\\nis enjoined that Christians should not be\\nsacrificed to the clamors of the multitude.\\nDuring the long reign of Antoninus Pius\\n(from 138 to 161 a. d.), no deliberate injuries\\nwere inflicted upon the Christians and it\\nappears that they suffered much more from\\nthe violence of popular tumult than from the\\noperation of the ancient laws. It became\\ncommon about this time to attribute national\\ncalamities of every description to the con-\\ntempt of the national religion exhibited by\\ntlie Christians. If the Tiber has overflowed\\nits banks, (exclaimed Tertullian in the next\\ngeneration,) or the Nile has not overflowed\\nif Jieaven has refused its rain if the earth\\nhas been shaken if famine or plague has\\nspread its ravages, the cry is immediately\\nraised Away with the Christians to the\\nhons. f The emperor, influenced, as some\\nhave supposed, by the Apologies of Justin\\nMartyr, published one, possibly two,:|: edicts\\nfor their protection against such outrage and\\nduring this reign especially they grew and\\nextended in dignity as well as number, and\\nbecame more generally known by writings\\nnot devoid of energy and eloquence. Pius\\nwas succeeded by Marcus, of whom Gibbon\\nhas said, that during the whole course of\\nhis reign he despised the Christians as a phi-\\nlosopher, and punished them as a Sovereign.\\nMarcus Antoninus. It seems singular, that\\na historian, who makes gi-eat profession of\\ncandor and universal humanity, should al-\\nmost have excepted from the number of per-\\nsecutors the only name (as far at least as this\\npart of our inquiry) to which that iguomin-\\nIllud solum expectatur, confessio nominis, non\\nexaminatio criminis. Tertull. Apol. c. ii.\\nt Tertull. Apol. cap. 40.\\nJ That mentioned by Justin Martyr at the end of\\nhis 1st Apol., and by Eusebius, 1. 4, c. 13. (if it\\ncould establish its claims to be genuine) would, with\\nmuch more probability, be ascribed to Pius than to\\nM. Antoninus.\\nious designation appears justly and certainly\\nto belong for under all the preceding empe-\\nrors, the injuries inflicted upon the Christians\\nhad either been occasional, as arising from\\nsome casual circumstance, or staining only a\\nportion of their reign or partial, as confined\\nto a few provinces, or perhaps cities of the\\nempire. Moreover, they had been sometimes\\nexcited, and generally encouraged, by popu-\\nlar uTitation they had been directed against\\na small and obscure and calumniated sect,\\nthrough the operation, and according to the\\nseeming intention, of the ancient statutes.\\nAnd the efforts of individual emperors were,\\nfor the most part, turned rather to the suspen-\\nsion or mitigation of those statutes than to\\nthe rigid enforcement of them. In addition\\nto this, let us not forget, that those individu-\\nals possessed little means or opportunity to\\ninform themselves respecting the peculiar\\nprinciples, doctrines, or habits of Christians\\nstill less to examine the foundation of their\\nbelief, or even to understand that it had any\\nfoundation if they permitted the work of\\ndestruction to proceed, it was in ignorance\\nand blindness. On the other hand, Marcus\\nAntoninus undertook the task of punish-\\nment or persecution among the earliest of\\nhis imperial duties, and he continued to fulfil\\nit with unremitting diligence throughout the\\nnineteen f years of his splendid administra-\\ntion. He acted on deliberate principles, and\\nhis principles were not of partial or local op-\\neration, but were equally applicable to every\\nprovince of his empire. And thus he every\\nwhere enforced the laws in their full severi-\\nty the lives and the property of the con-\\nvicted were forfeited by the most summary\\nprocess of justice and the search which\\nMosh. de Reb. Ch. ante Const, saec. ii. sect, xv*\\nxvi.\\nt From 161 A. D. to ISO.\\nX Euseb. H. E. lib. v. c. 1. Tlie Emperor s edict\\nwas, that those who denied the charge of Christianity\\nshould be spared, but the rest put to death by torture.\\nMovie on Marcus Antoninus. We do not ac-\\ncuse him of promulgating any new laws against the\\nChristians, though Melito tells us of a violent persectr-\\ntion in this reign by new edicts. In fact, such a\\nstep was perfectly unnecessary, for the origina;! stat-\\nutes, to which the Christians were made liable, con-\\ntained every penalty. His letter to the Assembly of\\nAsia seems indeed to be a forgery. Moyle certainly\\nmakes out this point, and Jortin is of the same opin-\\nion. It is attributed by Eusebius to Antoninus Pius,\\nand his rescript it must be, if it be genuine at all.\\nWe should add, that Moyle believes Adrian s letter to\\nFundanus to be as arrant a juggle as that of Anto-\\nninus, though the conveyance be a little more cleanly,\\nbut he does not prove this opinion.", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "62\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwas made after the suspected, and which the\\nuninformed humanity of Trajan had so nobly\\ndiscouraged, sufficiently proves the activity\\nof the pursuit, and the earnestness of the\\npursuer. But the most important point of\\ndistinction is probably this Marcus Antoni-\\nnus knew much better the nature of the evil\\nwhich he was committing he was acquaint-\\ned, to a certain extent at least, with the opin-\\nions of the Christians, and the innocence of\\ntheir character and it is not likely that he\\nhad entirely neglected to examine the grounds\\nof their faith. He watched the process of\\nhis own inflictions, and when he perceived\\nthe fortitude with which all endured, and the\\neagerness with which many courted them, he\\ncoldly reproved the unphilosophic enthusiasm\\nof the Martyrs.* And yet, perhaps, his own\\nphilosophy was not quite devoid of enthusi-\\nasm, or, at least, it was not strictly regulated\\nby reason, when it led him to labor for the\\ndestruction of the most moral and loyal por-\\ntion of his subjects, only because they dis-\\nclaimed the very superstitions which he\\nplaced his pride in despising. Nor again\\nwas his practice consistent with his professed\\ncontempt of these for it is said, and seem-\\ningly on good foundation, that Marcus Anto-\\nninus was frequent in consultation with the\\nChaldaean sages, deeply conversant with the\\nmysteries of astrology, credulously attentive\\nto oracular prophecy, obedient to the pre-\\nmonitions of dreams, which he believed to\\ndescend from Heaven assertions not in-\\ncredible, nor inconsistent with his studies or\\nhis principles and there is ground to hesi-\\ntate whether we should not rather convict\\nhim of superstition than hypocrisy. But it\\nis certain that his understanding was of\\nthe broadest and most comprehensive de-\\nscription; that it was enlightened by every\\nworldly knowledge, and fortified by frequent\\nmeditation that his character was founded\\nin excellent dispositions, confirmed by the\\nbest principles which were known to the\\nPagan world. His general regard for justice\\nhas never been questioned even his human-\\nity is commonly celebrated and if the rep-\\nresentations of history be not exaggerated, he\\nreached as high a degree both of wisdom\\nB. xi., sec. iii. He asserts that men should meet\\ntheir death, not through mere ostentation as do the\\nChristians, but considerately and with dignity, and\\nwithout theatrical display. -JV/Vj xaiu ipiXriv\\nnag(jcia^iv, cbg ol XqiaTiavol, d.lla Xeloyi^cf-\\nfiivbig, xal aef.iv(bg, xal (xigayadrng. The\\nword which we have rendered ostentation, parade\\n(^nagdcra^iv^^ is in this passage usually interpreted\\nobstinacy.\\nand of moral excellence as is attainable by\\nthe unassisted faculties of man and yet\\nthis prince polluted every year of a long\\nreign with innocent blood.\\nIn our natural anxiety to honor every form\\nof human excellence, we search for his ex-\\ncuse in the religious policy so long established\\nin the empire. But we find that those of his\\npredecessors who were disposed to soften or\\nsuspend its operation upon Christians, pos-\\nsessed the power to do so and we cannot\\ndoubt that the despotic authority of Marcus\\nwould have enabled him to revise or repeal\\nthose oppressive statutes, if he had learnt\\nfrom the books of his philosophers the virtue\\nor the meaning of Toleration. This, indeed,\\nis the real ands only ground of his defence\\nand we shall regard his conduct with less in-\\ndignation, if we reflect how feeble were the\\nmightiest principles of conduct with which\\nhe was acquainted on what a loose and\\nshifting foundation they rested how large\\nwas the class of virtues which they did not\\ncomprehend, and how imperfect were the\\nmotives which they proposed for the practice\\nof any. And thus considered, we shall dis-\\ncover, perhaps, some trace of heavenly prov-\\nidence in the circumstance, that the imperial\\nphilosopher, flourishing in the maturity of his\\nscience, and deficient in nothing which na-\\nture or man could bestow, was armed with\\nthe highest temporal authority and permitted\\nto direct it against the infancy of our faith.\\nFrom the splendid imperfection of Marcus\\nAntoninus, from the perseverance of his\\npowerful enmity, from its final failure, we\\nmay learn what narrow limits have been as-\\nsigned to the virtue and wisdom and power\\nof unassisted man and we derive a new mo-\\ntive of gratitude for that heavenly aid, which\\nhas fixed our social happiness on a certain\\nand eternal foundation.\\nThe greatest prince of antiquity was suc-\\nceeded by a son, who neither inherited his\\nvirtues, nor imitated his crime so far from\\nthis, that we might almost imagine it to have\\nbeen the object of Commodus to redeem his\\nnumerous vices by his humanity towards the\\nChristian name.\\nSeverus ascended the throne in the year\\n193, and is represented by Tertullian to\\nTertul. ad Scap., cap. iv. Sed et clarissimas\\nfeminas et clarissimos viros Severus sciens hujus\\nsectse esse non mode non Isesit verum et testimonio\\nornavit, c. His affection for the Christiajis is at-\\ntributed to a cure formerly performed on him, by the\\napplication of oil, by a Christian named Proculus.\\nWe must be careful not to confound this medical use", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "PERSECUTIONS OF THE EMPERORS.\\n63\\nhave bestowed testimonies of approbation on\\nseveral distinguished Christians, and openly\\nto have withstood the popular fury which as-\\nsailed the sect. But this account will apply\\nonly to the earher part of his reign for in\\nthe year 202 (about the time of the publica-\\ntion of Tertullian s Apology) he issued an\\nedict, which indirectly occasioned a variety\\nof inflictions, the most barbarous of which\\nappear to have been perpetrated in Egypt.\\nThe professed object of that edict was only\\nto prevent conversion either to Judaism or\\nChristianity; for the fears of the emperor\\nbegan to be awakened by the extraordinary\\nprogress of the latter. Its effect was to op-\\npress and torture the most zealous ministers\\nof the faith, and to inflame the prejudices of\\nthe people against all believers. This enact-\\nment contmued in force for about nine years,\\nuntil the death of Severus and from that\\nperiod, if indeed we except the injuries in-\\nflicted by Maximin (from 235 to 238 a. d.),\\nand directed chiefly against the instructers\\nand rulers of the churches, the Christians,\\nthough occasionally liable to popular outrage,\\nhad not much reason to complain of the in-\\njustice of the government until the accession\\nof Decius, in the year 249.\\nDeems. Decius, like Marcus Antoninus,\\nis also ranked, and justly ranked, among the\\nmost virtuous of the emperors. The virtues\\nof a pagan were usually connected with his\\nphilosophy, and his philosophy taught him\\nto despise every form of worship. Perhaps,\\ntoo, an imperial eye might view with natural\\ndistrust the free and independent principles\\nof Christianity, which were now spreading\\ninto more general operation and notice\\nprinciples which acknowledged an authority\\nsuperior to the throne of man and though\\nthey devoted the body to Csesar, yet set apart\\nthe soul for God. It would be observed, loo,\\nwith some jealousy, that the progress of that\\nworship was rapid and universal, in spite of\\nancient law, popular opposition, and imperial\\nedict. Its truth was seldom investigated, be-\\ncause it was not yet sufficiently distinguished\\nfrom suiTounding superstitions, which laid no\\nclaim to truth, nor even professed to rest on\\nany evidences; and thus the prejudices of\\nthe schools at once assumed that the worship\\nof Christ was no better founded than those\\nof Jove and Serapis.f\\nof oil with the practice of extreme unction, which did\\nnot then exist.\\nEuseb., H. E., lib. vi. c. 28. Tillem., torn. iii.\\np. 305.\\nt In tlie entire pagan scheme (could we properly\\nThese reasons, carefully considered, wiB\\npartly account for the peculiar suspicion\\nwhich armed itself against the Christian su-\\nperstition, and at the same time will exhibit\\nto us the motives, through the influence of\\nwhich some of the wisest and best among\\nthe emperors unhappily numbered them-\\nselves among our adverearies.*\\nThe persecution of Decius proceeded on a\\nbroader principle than that of Severus, as it\\npretended no less than to constrain all sub-\\njects of the empire to return to the religion\\nof their ancestors;! it was also strictly uni-\\nversal, as neither confined to particular prov-\\ninces nor classes, but extending from the\\nlowest confessors to the highest authorities\\nof the Church. Several were consigned to\\nexile or death Fabienus, bishop of Rome,\\nAlexander of Jerusalem, Baby las of Antioch,\\nwere among the latter; and the celebrated\\nOrigen was subjected to imprisonment and\\ntorture.! At Alexandria, in the year preced-\\nconsider it as one scheme), religion and philosophy\\ntogether professed to furnish that, which Christianity\\nsupplies to us: the mysteries, which also held thg\\nplace of doctrines, the ceremonies, and the name were\\nprovided by the religion the ediics by philosophy.\\nWe need not particularize the numerous points of ad-\\nvantage which both branches of the Christian system\\npossess over the corresponding departments of pagan-\\nism. But the distinctions chiefly to be remarked, are,\\nthat the religion demanded no belief, proposed no\\ncreed, inculcated no faith, but was, in fact, identified\\nwith its ceremonies, procession and sacrifice;, and\\nthat the philosophy which undertook fhe whole\\ncharge of morals, in vain proposed an elaborate series\\nof barren rules and lifeless exhortations, since it pos-\\nsessed no substantial motive whereby to enforce them.\\nWhen we reflect how essential are these distinctions,\\nwe shall see reason sufficient for the jealousy with\\nwhich Christianity v/as assailed both by the one and\\nthe other. But their incongruity and incoherence\\nwith each other formed the most striking and hope-\\nless deformity of the system for philosophy lived in\\nopen w^arfaie with her senseless associate, and em-\\nployed a great portion of her diligence and her wit in\\nexposing the multifoi m absurdities of polytheism.\\nQuinimo et Deos vestros palam destruunt. laud-\\nantibus vobis! Tertul. Apol., c. 46.\\nEusebius (H. E., lib. vi. c. 39.) very concisely\\nattributes the persecution of Decius to the hatred\\nborne by that emperor to his predecessor Philip\\nCyprian considers it as a divine chastisement for the\\nsins of the Church.\\nt Tillemont, vol. iii. p. 310, on the authority of\\nGreg. Nyssensis, who gives a very vivid description\\nof the effects of the edict.\\nX Alexander and Babylas died in prison. Some\\nof the sufferings of Origen are particularized in Euse-\\nbius, loc. cit. and those of the most celebrated mar-\\ntyrs who perished on this occasion occupy above a\\nhundred pages in the Memoires de Tillem. vol. iii\\np. 325\u00e2\u0080\u0094428. Ed. 2.", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "64\\ntttSTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ning the accession of Decius, some Christians\\nhad been massacred by the hatred or the ava-\\nrice of the Pagan mob and as su(;h fatal\\noutrages, in addition to authorized injustice,\\nwere rather tolerated than promptly repress-\\ned by the government which succeeded that\\nsanguinary reign, it was much more calami-\\ntous to the faith than its short duration of\\nthree years would lead us to apprehend. In-\\ndeed, the unusual number of those who fell\\naway from their profession in the hour of\\ntrial, by which this persecution is distinguish-\\ned fi-om those preceding it, is a sufficient\\nproof of its intolerable barbarity.*\\nValerian. We pass over the comparatively\\nlenient inflictions of Gallus and Volusianus\\nbut the sceptre of Valerian was more darkly\\nstained by the blood of Cyprian,f bishop of\\nCarthage, a man of learning and eloquence\\nand piety, whose blameless life and final\\ncalmness and constancy have escaped the\\ncensure and almost the sarcasm of history.\\nIt will be instructive, as well as interesting,\\nto transcribe the simple narrative of his mar-\\ntyrdom.\\nOn the 13th of September, 258, an officer\\nwith soldiers was sent to Cyprian s gardens\\nby the proconsul to bring him into his pres-\\nence. Cyprian then knew his end was near\\nand with a ready and constant mind and\\ncheerful countenance he went without delay\\nto Sexti, a place about six miles from Car-\\nthage, where the proconsul resided. Cypri-\\nan s cause was deferred for that day. He\\nwas therefore ordered to the house of an\\nofficer, where he was detained for the night,\\nbut was well accommodated and his friends\\nhad free access to him. The news of this\\nhaving been brought to Carthage, a great\\nnumber of people of all sorts, and the Christ-\\nians in general, flocked thence to Sexti and\\nCyprian s people lay all night before the door\\nof the officer, thus keeping, as Pontius ex-\\npresses it, the vigil of their bishop s passion.\\nOn the next morning, the 14th of Septem-\\nber, he was led to the proconsul s palace,\\nsurrounded by a mixed multitude of people\\nand a strong guard of soldiers. After some\\ntime, the proconsul came out into the halJ,\\nand Cyprian being placed before him, he\\nsaid, Art thou Thascius Cyprian Cyprian\\nThe fable of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus be-\\nlongs to this persecution the supposed martyrdom of\\nthe Theban legion to the reign of Diocletian.\\nt It appears from Cyprian s Epistles that, in his\\nChurch at least, the full severity of the persecution\\necarcely raged for more than one year. See Tillem.,\\nvol. iii. p. 324.\\nthe bishop answered, I am. Galerius Max-\\nimus the proconsul said, The most sacred\\nemperors have commanded thee to sacrifice.\\nCyprian the bishop answered, I do not sac-\\nrifice. Galerius Maximus said, Be well\\nadvised. Cyprian the bishop answered, Do\\nas thou art commanded in so just a cause\\nthou needest no consultation. The procon-\\nsul having advised with his council, spoke to\\nCyprian in angry terms as being an enemy\\nto the gods and a seducer of the people, and\\nthen read his sentence from a tablet, It is\\ndecreed that Thascius Cyprian be beheaded.\\nCyprian the bishop said, God be praised;\\nand the crowd of his brethren exclaimed,\\nLet us too be beheaded with him.\\nThis is the account given in the acts of\\nCyprian s passion, and that of Pontius is to\\nthe same purpose.*\\nDiocletian. For nearly fifty years after this\\noutrage, the peace and progress of religion\\nwere not seriously interrupted. The earliest\\nportion even of the reign of Diocletian was\\nfavorable to its security, and it was through\\nthe weakness of that prince, rather than his\\nwickedness, that his name is now inscribed\\non the tablets of infamy as the most savage\\namong our persecutors. Two circumstances\\nmay be mentioned as having engaged his\\ntardy consent f to the commencement of a\\nplan into which he appears to have entered\\nwith the most considerate calmness, though\\nit is also true that during its progress some\\nincidents occurred which enlisted his pas-\\nsions in the cause, and even so inflamed\\nthem that, in the height of his madness, he\\ncertainly proposed nothing less than the\\nextermination of the Christian name. The\\ninfluence of the Csesar, Galerius, who was\\nanimated, from whatsoever motive, by an\\nunmitigated detestation of the worshippers\\nof Christ, and who thirsted for their destruc-\\ntion, was probably the most powerful of\\nthose circumstances. But the second must\\nnot be forgotten. In the disputes, now be-\\ncome general, between the Christian minis-\\nters and the pagan priests, the teachers of\\nLardner, vol. iii. p. 141. The more usual date\\nof Cyprian s martyrdom is 257.\\nf Galerius represented to him that the permanence\\nof the Roman institutions was incompatible with the\\nprevalence of Christianity, which should therefore be\\nextirpated. Diocletian proposed the subject to a sort\\nof Council, composed of some eminent military and\\njudicial officers. They assented to the opinion of\\nGalerius; but the emperor still hesitated, until the\\nmeasure was sanctioned and sanctified by the oracle\\nof the Milesian Apollo.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "PERSECUTIONS OF THE EMPERORS.\\n65\\nphilosophy are ahnost invariably found on\\nthe side of the latter and as it is not denied\\nnot even by Gibbon that those learned\\npersons directed the course and suggested the\\nmeans of persecution, we need not hesitate\\nto attribute a considerable sliare in tlie guilt\\nof its origin to their pernicious eloquence.\\nDiocletian published his first edict in the\\nFebruary of 303. Three others of greater\\nseverity succeeded it and, during a shame-\\nful period of ten yeai-s, they were veiy gen-\\nerally and rigorously enforced by himself, his\\ncolleagues, and successors. It is needless to\\nparticularize the degrees of barbarity by\\nwliicli those edicts were severally distin-\\nguished; the substance of the whole series is\\nthis.* The sacred books of the Christians\\nwere sought for and burnt; death was the\\npunishment of all who assembled secretly\\nfor religious worship imprisonment, slavery,\\nand infamy were inflicted on the dignitaries-\\nand presidents of the Churches every art\\nand method was enjoined for the conversion\\nof the believers, and among those methods\\nwere various descriptions of torture, some of\\nthem fatal. During the preceding ninety\\nyeai S, the Church had availed itself of the\\nconsent or connivance of the civil govern-\\nment to erect numerous religious edifices,\\nand to purchase some landed property these\\nbuildings were now demolished, and the\\nproperty underwent the usual process of\\nconfiscation. A more degi ading, but less\\neffectual, measure attended these Christians\\nwere excluded from all pubhc honors and\\noffices, and even removed Avithout the pale\\nof the laws and the protection of justice\\nliable to all accusations, and inviting them\\nby their adversity, they were deprived of\\nevery form of legal redress. Such were the\\npenalties contained in those edicts and\\nthough it be true that in some of the western\\nprovinces of the empire, as in Gaul and per-\\nhaps Britain, their asperity was somewhat\\nsoftened by the character and influence of\\nthe Caesar, Constantius, we are not allowed\\nto believe that their execution even there\\nwas generally neglected, and we have too\\nmuch reason to be assured that it was con-\\nducted with very subservient zeal throughout\\nthe rest of the empire. In process of time\\nIhe sufferings of the Christians were partially\\nsUeviated by the victories of Constantine\\nNearly the whole of Eusebius s 8th book is de-\\nToted to this subject; on which he possesses, indeed,\\nthe authorit}^ of a contemporary, as he is believed to\\nhave been bora about the year 270 A. D. See, too,\\nLactant. de xMorte Persecut. cap. 13.\\n9\\nbut they did not finally termmate till his\\naccession.\\nAccession of Constantine. That event, which\\ntook place in the year 313, and which marks\\nthe first grand epoch in ecclesiastical history,\\nended at the same time both the fears and\\nthe sufferings of the foUowej-s of Christ, and\\nestablished his worship as the acknowledged\\nreligion of the Roman empire.\\nAs the account here given of the persecu-\\ntions of the early Christians differs in some\\nrespects from the views usually taken of this\\nimportant portion of our histoiy, it may be\\nproper to close this chapter with a few addi-\\ntional remarks.\\nUnpopularity of Christians. 1st. Contem-\\nporary evidence obliges us to admit, that the\\nChristian name was for many years (so late\\nat least as the reign of Decius) an object of\\ndecided aversion to many of those who did\\nnot profess it whether of the learned, who\\nscorned the origin, were ignorant of the prin-\\nciples, and feared the progress, of the new\\nreligion, or of the vulgar, who believed the\\ncalummies so industriously propagated against\\nits professors. Hence proceeded those popu-\\nlar tumults, which, during the first two cen-\\nturies (if we except fi-om them the reign of\\nMai-cus Antoninus), may have destroyed as\\nmany victims as the deliberate policy of the\\nemperors, or the established system of relig-\\nious government. Still it must appear singu-\\nlar that a body of persons, distinguished by\\nthe moral qualities which are almost univer-\\nsally attributed to the first Christians, should\\nhave incurred the hatred of their fellow-\\nsubjects, rather than the admiration, or at\\nleast the sympathy, which was claimed by\\nthe character of their virtues. There are\\nseveral reasons by which we may account\\nfor this strange circumstance. The prejudices\\nand passions of mankind were opposed to the\\nnew religion it contradicted their received\\nways of worship, the dictates and practices\\nof their forefathers, their own indulged lusts\\nand evil habits. Even the fame and sem-\\nblance of peculiar sanctity are ever objects\\nof bitter jealousy to those who are incapable\\nof its practice, and who consequently dispute\\nits reahty. Again, when it was observed that\\nChristians w^ere not contented with mere\\ninactive profession, but were animated with\\nindustrious zeal for the extension of their\\nfaith, a disposition to suspect and resist it, as\\nit were in self-defence, w-as excited among\\nmany and those who might have tolerated", "height": "4654", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nan indifferent or merely speculative supersti-\\ntion, armed themselves against the active and\\nconverting spirit of Christianity. Another,\\nperhaps the most effective, and certainly the\\noriginal cause of that aversion, was the perse-\\nvering hostility of the Jews to the name of\\nChrist^ In some of the more populous and\\ncommercial cities, the Jews formed no incon-\\nsiderable portion of the inhabitants, and they\\nwere scattered in smaller numbers over the\\nwhole face of the East. The destruction of\\nthen* capital increased the crowd of exiles,\\nand inflamed the angry spirit by which they\\nwere animated. It is true that, in their at-\\ntempts at open outrage, they were sometimes\\nrestrained by the civil power but they were\\nmore successful in their secret endeavors to\\nexcite against the rising sect the contempt or\\nmalice of the heathen. To their malignity we\\nmay probably attribute those monstrous cal-\\numnies which tainted the Christian name, at\\nthe very period when its professors were\\nfarthest removed from corruption. It was\\nrumored and believed that the religious meet-\\nings of the faithful were polluted by alternate\\nexcesses of superstition and debauchery the\\nmysteries especially were invested with the\\nmost revolting character the Eucharist was\\nsaid to be celebrated by the sacrifice of an\\ninfant, and the Feast of Charity was repre-\\nsented to be a revel of cannibals.* These\\nstories contained nothing incredible to a\\npagan, whom the external piety of the new\\nreligionists rendered still more suspicious of\\ntheir private conversation. Without difficul-\\nty he believed in the perpetration of rites\\nwhich bore some resemblance to the darker\\nparts of his own superstition and his belief\\nwas followed by insult and outrage.\\nThe notorious malevolence of the Jews did\\nnot prevent the prevalence of another veiy\\nearly and very injurious opinion respecting\\nChristianity that it was merely a form, and\\na rejected form, of Judaism. This was a nat-\\nural error since the religion proceeded from\\nJud?ea, and many among its original preach-\\ners, and all its most active enemies were Jews\\nit was indeed gradually, though slowly,\\nremoved by the writings of the early fathers,\\nand the progress of the faith but the preju-\\ndice arising from it was the chief cause of\\nthat contempt with which the worship was\\nregarded for above one hundred years both\\nby philosophers and statesmen.\\nAgain, in the scenes of public festivity, in\\nthe temples, and at the sacrifices of the gods,\\nthe Christian was never present; he partook\\nSee Justin Martyr, Apul. i. So., ii. 14.\\nnot in triumphs and rejoicings of which relig-\\nion formed any portian, and appeared not at\\nthe sports of the amphitheatre, except as a\\nvictim. This seclusion from the amusements\\nof his fellow-countrymen was mistaken for\\nindifference to the happiness and interests of\\nhis country it was mistaken for disaffection\\nto the government, for moroseness or misan-\\nthropy its real motive was never estimated\\nor even conceived for the careless temper\\nof polytheism was unable to comprehend an\\nexclusive religion, or to understand why the\\nworship of Jupiter was not consistent with\\nthat of Christ. Another difficulty was cre-\\nated by the spiiitual nature of our religion.\\nIt was in vain that the Roman magistrate\\ninquired for the .images and statues of the\\nGod of the Christians, for the altars and tem-\\nples consecrated to him. Unwilhng, or una-\\nble to believe that an Invisible Being could\\nbe the immediate object of adoration, he\\npronounced that to be atheism, which differ-\\ned so widely from the genera} appearance of\\ntheism and thus, among the ignorant at\\nleast, the Christians were liable to the double\\nimputation, not only that they repudiated the\\nnational divinities, but that they substituted\\nnone other in their place. It was probably\\nthis last charge which inflamed and enven-\\nomed the rest for the same moral enormi-\\nties which were pardonable in the devotee of\\nApollo, became infamous in those who par-\\ntook of no devotion, and the worshippers of\\nevery idol under heaven united their clamors\\nagainst the impiety of the atheists and un-\\nhappily, among the impassioned natives of\\nthe East, clamors are seldom unattended by\\nviolence, and violence is only satisfied with\\nblood.\\nThere is, perhaps, no chai-acteristic by 1\\nwhich Christianity was so early and sq f\\nstrongly distinguislied, as the pious horror of\\nevery approach to idolatry f this singularity\\nwould be more commonly forced on the at-\\ntention of pagans than any other, and no\\ndoubt, in the opinion of the vast majority,\\nwith whom the image was in fact the object\\nof worship, it would be sufficient alone to\\nconstitute irreligion. Again, it led them into\\na second and scarcely less dangerous impu-\\ntation, that of disloyalty since the image\\nof the emperor, which was usually exalted\\namong the standards and in public places,\\nThis extreme aversion from every form of idol-\\natry is ascribed to a prevalent belief, that the statues\\nwere actually animated Ijy those supposed bemgs\\nwhom the pagans \\\\voislii})ped as gods, and whom tha\\nChristians abominated as devils", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "PERSECUTIONS OF THE EMPERORS.\\n67\\nwas not honored by the devout sakitation of\\nthe Christian and this omission naturally\\ngave pretext to a political ciiarge.\\nAs another cause of the early unpopularity\\nof the Christians, we may mention the un-\\nceasing opposition of all w^hose personal in-\\nterests wei-e concerned in the support of\\npaganism. The magnificent temples and\\ngorgeous ceremonies of that superstition were\\na source of unfailing profit, not only to a\\nnumerous race of priests and hierodules, of\\narchitects and statuaries, but to multitudes\\nof citizens, who lived, like the craftsmen of\\nEphesus, on the treasury of the temple, and\\nwere engaged by their most immediate ne-\\ncessities to maintain the worship; and not\\nthese only, but the whole mass of the popu-\\nlace, were in some degree gainers by the\\nsacrificial profusion which distinguished their\\nreligion; to say nothing of the share which\\nthey took in those splendid processions and\\nrites, which converted the practice of religion\\ninto mere sensual eujoyment and careless\\nfestivity. When, in the place of this pomp-\\nous pageantry, it was proposed to substitute a\\nsimple spiritual worship, recommended, not\\nby the display of external ceremony, which it\\nscorned, but by inward purity and the sanc-\\ntity of moral excellence, in opposition at the\\nsame time to the passions of all men, and to\\nthe immediate interests of many, it would\\nhave been strange indeed if the popular voice\\nhad not been raised against it.\\nTo the many causes of excitement already\\nmentioned we may add one more the sub-\\nstantial motive of avarice since we invaria-\\nbly find that the Christians, who were the\\nobjects of these popular commotions, sustain-\\ned, among other injuries, the loss of their\\nproperty. And we must not forget that, in\\nmany instances,* the Roman police tolerated,\\nDuring the whole course of these persecutions,\\nwith the exception of those few in which the emperor\\npronounced his will by an express specification of the\\npenalties, very much rested on the discjetion of the\\nnragrstrates, and, undoubtedly, many among these\\nwere guided by the comrrion feelings of humanity.\\n(Tcrtul. Apo].,c. 27. Ad Scapulam, c. 4. Scorpiace,\\nc. 1.) But the clamors of an importunate populace\\nalso demand more than common firmness, to be inva-\\nriably resisted. Gibbon, in his endeavor to exaggerate\\nthe liumanity of the Roman magistrates, has forgotten\\nhis own: They were far from punishing with death\\nall those who were convicted of an obstinate adherence\\nto the new superstition; contenting themselves for the\\nmost part with the milder chastisements of imprison-\\nment, exale, or slavery in the mines, they left tlie\\nunhappy -victims of their justice some reason to hope\\nfor a prosperous event the accession, the marriage,\\nperhaps encouraged, excesses which it might\\npossibly consider as an innocent exercise of\\npopular feeling, or as a part of a religious\\nceremony.\\nThe evils which we have here noticed, or\\nat least, the causes which produced them,\\nwere most prevalent in the earliest age of the\\nreligion, and seem gradually to have died\\naway during the third century. For they\\nwere chiefly founded in ignorance of the real\\nprinciples of Christianity^, aided by contempt\\nfor the weakness of its professors circum-\\nstances which were gradually removed as the\\nmembers of the Church advanced innumbei-s\\nand its ministers in learning. But this pro-\\ngress of the faith (as we have had occasion to\\nobserve) did not immediately reconcile or\\ndisarm its adversaries, but rather changed\\ntheir character and their weapons. For in-\\nstance, during the first ages we do not ob-\\nserve that the pagan priesthood were distin-\\nguished by any systematic exertions against\\nthe new worship, and they may possibly have\\ndespised and overlooked it but presently\\ntheir seeming indifi:erence was changed into\\nsuspicious jealousy, and then into active and\\npersevering hatred and we may be assured\\nthat the influence which they possessed over\\nthe people (whatsoever that may have been)\\nwas exerted to the prejudice of the rival re-\\nligion. In the next place, philosophy de-\\nscended from the contempt with which she\\nhad professedly viewed the earliest efforts of\\nChristianity, and proceeded to distinguish it\\nfrom all other superstitions by her malice\\nand enmity and slie knew not in so doing\\nhow honorable a distinction she had confer-\\nred on it. This coalition of philosophy with\\npaganism, though strange, was not unnatural\\nnor would any evil consequences have fol-\\nlowed it, had it not engaged the concurrence,\\nand advanced imder the banners, of civil au-\\nthority .f And if it be true that from her\\nnumerous chastisements and inflictions our\\nreligion may have somewhat profited in\\nptu ity, we must admit that she learnt one\\nhateful lesson in the school of adversity,\\nor the triumph of an emperor, which might restore\\nthem by a general pardon to their former state.\\nChap. xvi.\\nSee Mosh. de Reb. Christ. Ant. Const. Scec. iv.\\nsec. 1.\\nt There seems reason to believe that this alliance\\nwas fortified by the powerful addition of the Roman\\nbar at least we are assured that the proconsuls felt\\nthemselves so interested in the defence of ancient laws,\\nduring Ulpiaa s time, as to endeavor to excite Alex-\\nander Severus against an illegal religion. This took\\nplace about 223. Baron. Ann. t. ii. p. 367, 369.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "68\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\nwhich in after ages she did not forget to\\npractise it was deeply ingrafted on her in-\\nfancy by her sufferings, and it brought forth\\nin her maturity the bitter fruits of crime and\\nmisery. However, the poisonous plant was\\nnot the native of her own vineyard, and it is\\nnow, for the most part, rooted up and cast\\naway and she accounts it the severest\\namong the wrongs of her pagan oppressors\\nthat they instructed her in the maxims, and\\naccustomed her to the spectacle, of persecu-\\ntion.\\nII. As an excuse for the rigor of the Ro-\\nman government, it has been argued that the\\nChristians were not punished for their wor-\\nship of Christ, but for their refusal to sacrifice\\nto the gods of their ancestors and their gov-\\nernment;* and that the crime for which\\nthey suffered was not in fact their religion,\\nbut their contumacy and some set great\\nvalue on this argument. In our opinion it\\namounts to nothing more than this the laws\\nof Rome punished all religious dissent with\\ndeath openly to oppose those laws was sedi-\\ntion and thus the punishment was inflicted\\non the sedition, not on the dissent. This is\\nfoolish and unvv^orthy sophistry and its\\nutmost consequence could go no farther than\\nThe dialogue, which is supposed to have taken\\nplace during the reign of Severus (about 200) be-\\ntween Saturninus, proconsul of Africa, and Speratus,\\none of the famous Scyllitan martyrs, whether genuine\\nor not, is very ancient and perfectly consistent with\\nprobability. You may hope for the pardon of the\\nemperors our masters, if you come to your senses and\\nobserve the ceremonies of tJ-ie gods. We have never\\ndone any evil, nor partaken in injustice. We recol-\\nlect not to have injured anyone; on the contrary,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0when we suffer we render thanks to God: in vvhich\\nrespect we obey our Emperor, who has ordained that\\nrule for us. We also have a very simple religion\\nv/e swear by the genius of the emperors, and make\\nvows for their health; you must do as much. If\\nyou will listen to me calmly, I will tell you the myste-\\nry of Christian simplicity. I will not thus allow\\ninsults to be introduced 1 Swear rather by the ge-\\nnius of the emperors our masters, that you may con-\\ntinue to live. I recognise not the genius of the\\nemperor of this world, but I serve the God of Heaven,\\nwhom no man hath seen or can see. I have never\\ncommitted any crime punishable by the laws. They\\nwere remanded, and on the following day brought up\\nagain. Do you persevere in being a Cluistiaul\\nYes, I persevere: I call you all to witness I am a\\nChristian. All those who had lieen arrested with\\nhim heard him, and cried, We also are Christians.\\nYou will neither deliberate then nor receive pardon.\\nWe need no pardon with justice on our side; do\\nwhat you will; we die with joy for Jesus Christ.\\nc. c. Art. Mart. Scyll. p. 87. Fleury, H. E.,\\n1 V sect. 2.\\nto excuse the individual who executed the\\nlaws, and to throw the whole odium upon\\nthe system.* But to allow it even this weight\\nis too much concession for we perceive, by\\nthe very different manner in which the law\\nv/as enforced by different emperors, that they\\npossessed, in fact, an authority superior to it,\\nand power to suspend or revise it and that\\nthere was not one of whom it can be truly said\\nthat he was barbarous on compulsion. But\\non the other hand, if any will persist to justify\\nthe personal character of certain emperors at\\nthe expense of the religious policy of the em-\\npire, they give us only additional reason to\\nrejoice at the triumph of Christian principles\\nover the inherent depravity of the pagan\\nsystem.\\nAnother and a very fruitless dispute has\\nbeen raised respecting the general virtues or\\nvices or fortunes of those sovereigns who are\\nmost remarkable for severity towards the\\nChristians and while some have asserted\\nthat our persecutors are to be found only\\namong the most odious and vicious of the\\nemperors, and while others endeavor to es-\\ntablish a sort of temporal retribution which\\novertook, by violent or untimely deaths, all\\nwho were hostile to our name there are\\nagain other writers who have been willing to\\ninsinuate that the wisest and most virtuous\\nmonarchs were those most sensible of the ne-\\ncessity to repress the growing religion. All\\nthese writers are almost equally remote fi ora\\ntruth. The former are obliged to qualify the\\nunrelenting injustice of Marcus Antoninus\\nout of respect to his various virtues and his\\nnatural end and the last must extenuate the\\noutrages of Nero only, or Domitian, or Max-\\nimin, but of Galerius and the stupid barbarian\\nLicinius. But if the insinuation were really\\nfounded in fact, the only important conclu-\\nsion which could be derived from it is one\\nwhich we are not anxious to dispute that\\nthe noblest human wisdom was not exera})t\\nfrom shameful folly, and that the highest\\nprinciples of justice discoverable by man\\npermitted the perpetration of revolting enor-\\nmities. In the mean time, the truth appears\\nto be nearly this that, in the want of any\\nfixed and substantial rule of action, the impe-\\nrial character fluctuated between the extreme\\nPrecisely of the same value is another excuse,\\nderived from the admission that it was difficult or im-\\npossible lor a pagan to comprehend even the meaning\\nof toleration, according to the latitude which we give\\nto it. Its only effect can be to turn away our indigna-\\ntion from the individuals upon the system which made\\ntliem tyrants and persecutors.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "PERSECUTIONS OF THE EMPERORS,\\n69\\nlimits of depravity and (what was called)\\nvirtue; that the motives of all our enemies\\n(except M. Antoninus and Diocletian) and of\\nmany of our protectors are to be sought either\\nin accidental cii cumstances or in their own\\ncaprices and that in both those classes we\\nmay number princes of the highest moral and\\nmtellectual excellence and of the lowest im-\\naginable turpitude.*\\nIII. Without giving our universal assent\\nto the popular paradox, that the effect of per-\\nsecution is to nourish that which it seems to\\nconsume, we may admit that the pagan per-\\nsecutions were not, perhaps, upon the whole\\nmifavorable to the progress of our religion.f\\nAmong many reasons for this opinion, there\\nare three which appear to us important.\\ni. The first of these is the nature of the\\npersecutions themselves which, in the first\\nplace, were usually of short duration, and re-\\nlieved by longer intermissions, if not of secu-\\nrity, at least of repose and hope, so that the\\nsurvivors had space to refit theii* shattered\\nvessel against the tempests which were still\\nin the horizon and which, in the next, were\\ngenerally signalized by such extreme barbar-\\nity, and such obvious injustice as civil pun-\\nishments, as not only to revolt whatever\\nhumanity might be found among the specta-\\ntors, but to harden and fortify the obstinacy\\nAnother question has been raised concerning tlie\\nprobable number of the martyrs and this has led to\\nwider difference, as it is less capable of accurate\\ndetermination. (Dodvvell, Dissert, in Cypr. XI.\\nRuinart, Pref. Act. Martyr.) The spirit of exag-\\ngeration or credulity on the one hand has excited tliat\\nof disparagement or skepticism o)i the other and the\\ntruth, if it could be ascertained at all, would be found\\nto lie between them. It is certain, however, that\\nwhen Gibbon estimates the whole number of Diocle-\\ntian s victims throughout the provinces of the Eastern\\nempu e according to the trifling portion who perished\\nin Palestine, he infers neither very fairly nor very con-\\nsistently for in other places he is forward enough to\\nacknowledge the narrow limits and to extenuate the\\npopulation of Palestine, and he was not ignorant that\\neven the proportion of Christians in that country was\\nJess than in any other province. Sender (sec. 1. c. 6.)\\ninclines to the opinion of Dodwell, admitting the dif-\\nficulty of tbe question and Bishop Ka3-e (Lect. on\\nTertull. p. 138.) remarks that though the number\\nmay have been greater than Dodwell was willing to\\nallow, it is certain that his opinion approaches much\\nnearer to truth than that of his opponents. It has\\nbeen one cause of the exaggeration, that the term\\nmartyr (witness) was in the early Church indiscrim-\\ninately extended to all whose religion had exposed\\nihem to any infliction, as loss of property or liberty\\nclass of sufferers now usually called confessors,\\nt The same was the professed opinion even of Ter-\\ntullian himself.\\nof the sufferers. 2. The noble and devoted\\nconstancy with which martyrdom was gene-\\nrally endured, excited the admiration of the\\nbest portion of the Gentile world; and not\\ntheir admiration only, for those who reflected\\non what they beheld were persuaded, first,\\nof the piety of the sufferers, and next of their\\nsincerity 4 and this persuasion led some\\namong them to examine the foundation of\\nthose motives and principles which seemed\\nto infuse an original energy into the human\\nsoul. If a new crime was invented for the\\naffliction of the Christians, a new virtue ap-\\npeared to be sent down to them for their\\nsupport; and it became a serious question,\\nwhether that virtue could otherwise have\\nsustained them, than by the direct interfer\\nence of Heaven. 3. Several driven from\\ntheir country by persecution, carried with\\nthem into distant and barbarous exile the\\nfaith of the Christian, and the zeal of the\\nmissionary and the martyr. And thus the\\nvictims of man s blind and insensate impiety\\nbecame instruments in the scheme of Provi-\\ndence for the advancement of his great\\npurposes in the propagation of faith and\\nknowledge.\\nCHAPTER V.\\nOn the Heresies of the first three Centurtes,\\nMeaning of the word Heresy Charges of immoralils\\nbrought against Heretics Their treatment by early\\nChurch Number of early Heresies Moderation of\\nthe primitive Church Three classes of Heretics.\\n1. Two kinds of philosophy Gnosticism Origin\\nand nature of that doctrine its association with\\nChristianity Moral practice of the Gnostics Their\\nmartyrs Various forms of Gnosticism Basilides\\nCarpocrates Valentinus Cerdo and Marcion Ta-\\ntian and the Encratites. 2. The Ebionites Euse-\\nbius s account of them Conclusions Svom it \u00e2\u0080\u0094The\\nHeresy of Artemon revived by Paul of Samosata\\nhis sentence and expulsion how finally enforced\\nHeresy of Praseas Doctrines of the Church stated by\\nTertuUian Sabellius his opinions Patropassians,\\n3. Simon Magus Montanus his preaching and\\nsuccess Controversy on the Baptism of Heretics\\nThe Novatians their schism and opinions Conclu-\\nsions respecting the general character of the early Her-\\nesies, and the manner of opposing them On the\\nFathers of the primitive Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Real importance of\\ntheir writings Shepherd of Hermas Epistle of St\\nBarnabas Ignatius Polycarp Clenrent of Rome\\nRespecting their doctrine\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Irenae us\\nThe original meaning of the word heresy is\\nchoice it was long used by the philosophers\\nto designate the preference and selection of\\nsome speculative opinion^ and in process of", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "70\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntime was applied without any sense of re-\\nproach to every sect a term Avith which it\\nthus became nearly synonymous. From\\nphilosophy it passed into the service of relig-\\nion, and we find it applied both by St. Luke\\nand Josephusf to the Pharisees and Saddu-\\ncees, with no imputation of censure or error.\\nNext we observe, that it was employed by\\nthe Jews to distinguish the new opinions of\\nthe Christians St, Paul is accused of being\\nthe ringleader of the heresy of the Naza-\\nrenes, and confesses that he worships the\\nGod of his fathers, after the way which they\\ncall heresy an expression which indicates,\\nthat some reproach had been intended by the\\nterm. The word was then adopted by\\nChristians and though it still continued for\\nsome ages to be used, in its first and most\\ngeneral sense, to designate every denomina-\\ntion, not only of sects but of false rehgions,|\\nyet for the most part it was employed in\\nspeaking of those who, professing Christiani-\\nty, had departed from the doctrine which\\nwas taught by the Apostles. In the mouth\\nof an orthodox Christian it could not, in any\\nof these senses, be a term of indifference\\nsince, according to the necessary exclusive-\\nness of our principles, the faith which was\\nrevealed through Christ and interpreted by\\nhis Apostles is alone truth every other be-\\nlief is error.\\nWe next observe, that the notion of wilful-\\nness and perversity (perhaps a much worse\\nnotion) was very early attached to it; and\\neven by the writers of the New Testament it\\nis sometimes so used, that a somewhat indefi-\\nnite idea of evil appears to have been affixed\\nto it. Some, indeed, have supposed that it\\nwas understood by early Christian writers to\\ncontain the imputation of immorality,^ and\\nCicero. (Paradox I. vol. vii. p. 845. Ed. Oxon.)\\nPhilo Judseas. (Fragtn. e lib, II. in Exod.) Burtou,\\nBarapt. Lect. 1.\\nt Acts of Apostl. V. 17. XV. 5. Joseph. Antiq.\\nxiii. 5. 9.\\nX Epiphanius, in his Book on Heresies, men-\\ntions BagSaoia(j,6g, J^xvdia/iidg, Ellrivia/Lwg,\\nlovda icrfidg, ^a^uaoeiTicrjiidg, all under the name\\nof heresy. Balsanion (Comment. 14th Can. Council\\nof Clialcedon) expresses himself thus: Heretics are\\ndivided into two kinds; 1. Those who receive the\\nCin-istian i-eligion, but err in points, who, when they\\ncome over to the Church, are anointed with oil\\n2. those \\\\^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ho do not receive it at all, and are unbe-\\nlievers, such as Jews and Greeks; and these we bap-\\ntize. See Burton s Bampt. Lect. I.\\nThe argument amounts to this; heresy is opposed\\nby St. Paul to faith, and is commensurate Avith it;\\nand as faith comprehends as its essence and sends\\nforth as its emanation purity of heart and excellence\\nthus we may partly account for the exceeding\\nzeal with which many of them labored for\\nits extirpation, and the language which they\\napplied to those who bad deviated into it.\\nCharges, indeed, or insinuations of the gross-\\nest impurities are sometimes thrown out by\\nthe orthodox writers against the early here-\\ntics but we are bound to receive them with\\ngreat caution because the answers which\\nnjay have been given to them are lost and\\nbecause they are not generally justified by\\nany authentic records which we possess\\nrespecting the lives of those heretics. The\\ntruth appears to be this that some flagrant\\nimmoralities were notoriously perpetrated by\\nsome of the wildest among their sects, and\\nthat these have giyen coloring to the charges\\nwhich have been thrown upon them too in-\\ndiscriminately.\\nBut whatsoever uncertainty may rest on\\nthis inquiry, it cannot be disputed, first, that\\nthe Apostolical Fathers, following the foot-\\nsteps of the Apostles themselves, regarded\\nwith great jealousy the birth and growth of\\nerroneous opinions and next, that they did\\nnot authorise, either by instruction or exam-\\nple, any severity on the persons of those in\\nerror. They opposed it by their reasoning\\nand their eloquence, and they avoided its con-\\ntagion by removing from their communion\\nthose who persisted in it but they were also\\nmindful that within these limits was confined\\nthe power which the Church received from\\nthe Apostle who founded it over the spiritual\\ndisobedience of its members.\\nThe heretics or seceders from the primitive\\nChurch were extremely various, at least in\\nname, and there is no period in ecclesiastical\\nhistory in which dissent has appeared under so\\nmany denominations as the earliest. But it\\nseems doubtful whetlier many of those sects\\nhad very niunerous adherents, or were at all\\ngenerally dispersed over the surface of Chris-\\ntendom some of them were merely local,\\nscarcely extending beyond the spot which\\ngave them birth, and others were chiefly con-\\nfined to the controversial writers, as the differ-\\nence Avas on points too abstruse to create much\\ninterest in those days among the body of the\\ni people. Many, again, have left behind them no\\ntraces of their existence, and their very names\\nhave only been preserved through the labors\\nof their adversaries so that we may fairly\\npresume, in spite of the display and parade of\\ndenominations, that the great majority of the\\nearly Christians remained attached to the\\nof conduct, so heresy must contain, of necessity, the\\ncontrary qualities.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY HERESIES.\\n71\\nprimitive faith. In the meantime, the mere\\nfact of the existence of so many different\\nforms of Cliristianity certainly proves, not\\nonly the zeal, but also the numbers of the ear-\\nly converts for if these had been mconsid-\\nerable- vs^e should have heard little either\\nabout dissenters from the orthodox body, or\\nof their divisions among themselves. The\\npaucity and weakness of the faithful would\\nLave been a sufficient guarantee for their una-\\nnimity.\\nThat many of those eiTors gained footing\\nat a veiy early period, long before the conclu-\\nsion of the first century, has not been disputed\\nwith any probability and the fact is attrib-\\nuted with gi-eat appearance of truth to the\\ntwelve or perhaps fi.fteen years which inter-\\nvened between the ascension of Christ and\\nthe departure of the Apostles from Judaea.\\nDuring this period, partly through the disper-\\nsion of the converts after the martyrdom of\\nStephen, partly through th\u00c2\u00ab periodical reli-\\ngious communications of foreign Jews with\\ntheir native country, some imperfect accounts\\nof the history and doctrine of the Saviour\\nwere spread abroad, even before the fulness\\nof the truth was delivered by the Apostles.\\nThis circumstance will assist us in account-\\ning for the great variety of forms in which\\nerror present-ed itself^ especially if we consid-\\ner the vast extent of country and the widely\\nseparated regions over which the faith was\\ndiffused. But the cause to which we should\\nmore directly ascribe the multiplicity of her-\\nesies is the philosophical subdivisions of the\\nheathen world, and the facility of combining\\nopinions the most incongruous. Thus, while\\nall parties were desirous to adapt the particu-\\nlar tenets of Christianity to their own precon-\\nceived opinions, which again materially dif-\\nfered in different sects, the forms created by\\nsuch associations were necessarily very nu-\\nmerous, and frequently very monstrous.\\nAgain, the manner in which the differences\\nbetween the Church and those at variance\\nwith it were conducted, was not entirely free\\nfrom violence of feeling and invective the\\ncontrary would have been wonderful indeed,\\nwhen we consider the situation and character\\nof the parties. For, in the first place, as we\\nshall presently see, a very large proportion of\\nTittmaiij De Vestig. Guosticorum, c. has, in\\nour opinion, entirely failed in his learned attempt to\\nfix llie origin of the Gnostic heresies in the second\\ncentury. The passages which seena most in his favor\\nare Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. vii p. 764. Ed. Sylburg.\\nHegisipp. ap. Euseb. 1. iii. c. 32. But the general\\nvoice of history is ou the other side.\\nthe early heresies were divided from the doc-\\ntrine of the Gospel, not by slight or partial\\ndeviations, but by delusions so extravagant\\nand irrational as to place them almost in di-\\nrect opposition to the true spirit of Christiani-\\nty. But this was not all in themselves the/\\nwere pitiable and pardonable, but in their\\neffects on the Church they were fraught with\\ninjury and danger. Because the real charac-\\nter of the religion was not yet generally com-\\nprehended, and the heathens formed their\\nestimation of it according to the specimen\\nwhich was presented to them and when\\nthey observed that absurdities were professed,\\nand perhaps immoralities practised, in the\\nname of Christ, they extended their contempt\\nand indignation to the whole body of his fol-\\nlowers.* The individual expression of those\\nsentiments would naturally retard the pro-\\ngress of the faith but neither was this the\\nwhole evil, for calumnies springing from that\\norigin not only tainted the Christian name,\\nbut contributed to call down upon it, during\\nthe moments of its most perilous weakness,\\nthose visitations of populai fury and imperial\\ninjustice, which threatened to crush and ex-\\nterminate it. Under such circumstances we\\nshall scarcely condemn some intemperance\\nof expression into which the early defenders\\nof the apostolical doctrine were occasionally\\nbetrayed. At the same time we maj^ remark,\\nthat as the controversies of those days were\\nat least exempt from personal infliction, so\\nreligious dissent, being unrepressed by civil\\npenalties, was less rancorous, as well as less\\nconsistent and less permanent.\\nThe great multitude of those heresies was\\nnot only reconcilable with the moderation of\\nthe primitive Church, but may, in some de-\\ngree, have proceeded from it. For as the\\nimperfection of human nature will not allow\\nus to hope, under any circumstances, for per-\\nfect unanimity in religious opinion, so the\\nnames of dissent will generally become more\\nnumerous as its expression is less discouraged.\\nBut as the differences of dissenters from each\\nother are generally greater than their devia-\\ntions from the Church, from which they\\nbranch out in all directions as from a common\\ncentre, so any lasting coalition is little to be\\nSee Orig. Contr. Celsiim, lib. iii. p. 119. 1. v. p.\\n271. Le Clerc, H. E., ad ann. 83. Notwithstand-\\ning, Gibbon supposes the exertions of the heretics to\\nhave promoted, upon the whole, tiie progress of\\nChristianity; because (as he thinks) the heathen, to\\nwhom they communicated an imperfect knowledge of\\nthe faith, subsequently threw off their eiTors and melt-\\ned into the body of the Church,", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "72\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\napprehended, and least so, when no temporal\\nauthority is exerted to chastise, and by chas-\\ntisement to multiply and unite them.\\nIt would be tedious and unprofitable suc-\\ncessively to enumerate all the heresies and\\ndissensions of the early Christians and it is\\nvery difficult to classify them with accuracy\\nfor several, which were distinct in their ori-\\ngin, arrived by different roads so nearly at\\nthe same conclusions, that they may there\\nseem to be identified while others are so ob-\\nscure in their own nature, or from defects in\\nour information, as to make it neither very\\ncertain, nor perhaps very important, to which\\nclass they most properly belong.\\nMosheim distinguishes three classes of ear-\\nly heretics 1. those who associated Christ-\\nianity with Judaism, who were the Nazarenes\\nand Ebionites; 2. those who engrafted some\\nof its doctrines on the system of the orien-\\ntal philosophy, among whom are accounted,\\nof the Asiatic school, Elxai, Simon Magus,\\nMenander, Saturninus, Cerdo, and Marcion\\nof the Alexandrian, Basilides, Carpocrates,\\nand the perfecter of the system, Valentinus\\n3. those who endeavored to explain certain\\nof the Christian mysteries by the principles\\nof the Grecian philosophy, among w^hom\\nare placed Praxeas, Artemon, Theodotus,\\nand others. It has been objected to this di-\\nvision, that it is not supported by the author-\\nity of the ancient fathers, who, in no instance,\\nderive the opinions which they combat from\\nthe oriental philosophy. Tertullian, indeed,\\nexpressly calls the philosophers the parents\\nor patriarchs of the heretics, but it is to the\\nGrecian school that he intends to confine that\\ncharge, and especially to the sects of Pytha-\\ngoras and Plato, against which he constantly\\nalleges it. Other writers hold the same lan-\\nguage, and Irenseus goes so far as to derive\\nthe doctrine of the succession of JEons, pro-\\nmulgated by Valentinus, from the Greek The-\\nogonies, not from the speculations of the\\neastern sages. From this circumstance we\\nare at liberty to infer, either that the eastern\\nphilosophy had no share in the origin of the\\nearly heresies, or that those fathers were en-\\ntirely unacquainted with its existence.\\nA different view is taken of this subject by\\nDr. Burton.* He ascribes the rise of all the\\noldest heresies to the Gnostic philosophy.\\nBut at the same time under that coujpreheu-\\nsive name, we understand him directly or\\nindirectly to combine almost every form of\\nphilosophy which was professed throughout\\nSee Bainpt. Lect. H. and HI. and note 7.\\nthe whole extent of the eastern and western\\nempire. The three sources which contribut-\\ned to form this heterogeneous mixture, were^\\n1. the eastern doctrine of the two princi-\\nples 2. the Jewish Cabala 3. the Platonic\\nphilosophy the last of these, under its vari-\\nous modifications, supplied the most abundant\\nstream and the point of their conflux and\\ncommixture is naturally supposed to have\\nbeen that vast emporium of commerce and lit-\\nerature, Alexandria. In this city principally\\nGnosticism, such as it is here described, is\\nbelieved to have been amalgamated into one\\nsubstance, and hence distributed over the\\nvarious provinces of the Roman empire not\\nvery long before the birth of Christ.\\nWe have no space to state the learned ar-\\nguments by which that opinion is supported,\\nnor those which might reasonably be urged\\nagainst it but the fact is indisputable, that,\\nbefore the period of which we are treating,\\nthe theological speculations of the eastern\\nphilosophers had been received in Europe\\nwith favor and attention, in so far that even\\nthe worship which was founded on them was\\nin very common practice. But whether we\\nshould still continue to distinguish the Gre-\\ncian from the Oriental, as peculiarly the\\nGnostical philosophy, or whether we should\\nemploy the term Gnosticism to designate a\\nsingle system formed from then- union, is a\\nquestion which it is not necessary for us to\\ndiscuss, since it is admitted that Gnosticism,\\nm its more extended sense, embraced a mul-\\ntitude of ill-assorted opinions, impregnated\\nmore or less deeply with the character of the\\nsoil out of which they respectively rose.\\nFor our own part, in the concise view\\nwhich we are here enabled to present of the\\nmultiform family of heresies, we shall rather\\nbe directed by their subject than by their\\nsupposed origin by the common character\\nwhich runs through them, than by the source\\nwhence that character may have been deriv-\\ned. And with this intent, we shall ^r^f men-\\ntion those wherein some of the Christian\\ndoctrines were corrupted by association with\\nthat extended philosophical system which\\ntook its root in the vain inquiry respecting\\nthe origin of evil secondly, we shall notice\\nthose which laid the foundation of the great\\ncontroversies respecting the Trinity and In-\\ncarnation, which broke out in succeeding\\nages; and, lastly, we shall mention one or\\ntwo of those which appear to have been ex-\\ncited by mere individual enthusiasm or mad-\\nness. In the meantime, we readily admit\\nthe imperfection of this division in the light", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY HERESIES.\\n73\\nof an absolute distinction, since some of the\\nopinions held by those whom we shall place\\n4n the second class, might be traced to the\\nI)rinciples which will be treated in the first\\nand there is so much wiidness in the ravings*\\nof certain in both those classes, that they\\nmight perhaps, without much error, be ad-\\njudged to the third. The mention of the\\nManichfeans we shall entirely defer until a\\nlater period in our history.\\nI. The Oriental philosophy, which is com-\\nmonly confounded with Gnosticism,f proceed-\\ned from the hopeless inquiry into the nature\\nand origin of evil. Convinced that this could\\nnot possibly be ascribed to the divine agen-\\ncy, the speculators embraced what appear-\\ned to be the only alternative, and attributed\\nit to matter; and matter must of consequence\\nbe eternal. And then, when they proceeded\\nto consider the various forms of matter, sense-\\nless and animal, exhibited in the visible\\nworld, and their seeming imperfections, they\\nfound it impossible to account for so many\\nmodifications of evil, except by the supposed\\nagency of some being, superior indeed to\\nman, but subordinate to the Author of all\\ngood. At this point ceased the uniformity of\\nthe fanciful theory, and it branched off into\\ninquiries Hke the following: What was this\\nmighty, though inferior, being of what\\norigin, power, attributes one and alone, or\\nassisted or served by others, equal or inferior\\nAll these points were disputed all how-\\never agreed as to the independent existence of\\nthe two principles, good and evil and nearly\\nall that the latter was the Creator of the\\nworld. Such were the philosophical notions\\nof these persons and such was their attach-\\nment to them, that even when they became\\npersuaded of the divine mission of Christ,\\nthey were unwilling entirely to sacrifice them,\\nbut rather strove to associate them with the\\ndoctrines and engraft them on the history of\\nthe Bible. The first consequence of so per-\\nverse a misapplication of human reason was\\nthis the monstrous conclusion that the God\\nof the Jews was the evil principle, and that\\nJesus Christ was sent down by the good prin-\\nciple to put an end to his reign on earth;\\nSee Ireneeiis, lib. i. c. 29, et seq. Le Clerc, H.\\nE., ann. 76-\\nt The word is derived from yviaaig, signifying\\nmerely knowledge, erudition. But its later sense\\namong Christian writers implies some acquaintance\\nwith mysterious doctrines or occult interpretations,\\n1 not possessed by ordinary persons. See Le Clerc on\\n[l the subject of Gnosticism, Hist. Eccl. ad ann. 76.\\n10\\nthat the former was the God of tlie Old, and\\nthe latter that of the New Testament. At\\nthis point the philosophy of the Gnostics end-\\ned, and their heresy began and the errors\\nwhich Ave have mentioned, speedily led them\\ninto others: after rejecting such was the\\nnecessary consequence of their opinions the\\ninspiration and authority of the Old Testa-\\nment, they applied themselves to the misrep-\\nresentation of the New. They denied the\\nhumanity of Christ, asserting that he came\\nnot in the flesh that he suffered not, that he\\ndied not that what seemed to be material in\\nhis nature was a fantastic, incorporeal sub-\\nstance. The same principles obliged them\\nalso to dispute the resuiTection of the body,\\na substance too gross for an eternal destiny.\\nThis opinion again variously affected their\\nmoral practice for while there were undoubt-\\nedly some who mortified the sensual portion\\nof our nature, for the greater pefection of the\\nsoul, there are also said to have been others,\\nof more violent enthusiasm or fieiy tempera-\\nment, who permitted every license of impuri-\\nty to that which lay so far beneath considera-\\ntion and respect. It is chiefly to the Gnostic\\nheretics of Egypt (who were distinguished\\nfrom their brethren by greater wiidness in\\ntheir speculations) that these excesses are\\nattributed we cannot now determine how\\ntruly. But on the other hand it is just to men-\\ntion that, in professing the Christian name,\\nthose heretics did not always shrink from the\\ndangers which surrounded it and we have\\nevidence that many among them encounter-\\ned persecution with the same courage which\\ndistinguished their brethren of the Chiu ch,\\nand endured it with the same unbending\\nconstancy.*\\nAmong the Gnostic heretics (thus we shall\\ncontinue to denominate those who associated,\\nhowever variously and diversely, the Eastern\\nor Persian system with some belief in Christ)\\nit is usual to account the followers of Simon\\nMagus, f the first corrupter of the Christian\\nIn Diocletian s persecution, Peter and Asclepias,\\nthe former a member of tlie Church, the latter a Mar-\\ncionite Bishop, were burnt. Peter, says Tille-\\nmont, went to Heaven, and Asclepias to hell-fire.\\nThat intemperate bigot might have taken a lesson of\\nmoderation even from the language of Eusebius\\nWith Peter suffered Asclepias through a zeal, as\\nhe thought, for piety, but not for that which is accord-\\ning to knowledge however, they were consumed in\\none and the same fire. Jortin, Rem. Eccl. Hist., book\\nii. p. ii.\\nt^ Simon Magus taught in Samaria that he was\\nthe Father, in Judaea that he was the Son, among the", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "74\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ndoctrine these are said to have been miraer-\\nous, especially at Rome and the celebrity\\nof their master has been considerably in-\\ncreased by an error of Justin Martyr, re-\\npeated by several of the fathers, who mistook\\na statue inscribed to Semo, a Sabine deity,\\nfor a proof of the deification of that heresi-\\narch. Nicolas, one of the seven deacons\\nmentioned in the Acts, is asserted to have\\nmisled the sect called Nicolaitans f Menan-\\nder, the pupil of Simon, perpetuated his\\nteacher s errors, and through him they w^ere\\ntransmitted to Saturninus, who disseminated\\nthem in the Asiatic, and to Basilides, who\\nmay have introduced them into the Egyptian\\nschool. In this prolific soil, equally favorable\\nto the growth of evil and of good, they be-\\ncame, among the gross disciples of Carpocra-\\ntes,\u00c2\u00a7 the principles of deliberate immorality,\\nwhile they received from the ingenuity of\\nValentinus such refinement, as to call on that\\nwriter the particular attention both of Irense-\\nus and Tertullian. H Cerdo, and after him\\nMarcion, the most distinguished among the\\nheretics of his day, introduced the same de-\\nlusion, with certain** variations, into Rome\\nduring the reign of Antoninus Pius. Here\\nGentiles that he was the Holy Spirit. Iren., i. c.\\n20. TertuU.de Prsescr. Her., c. 45. Simon Magus\\nausus est summam se dicere virtutem, i, e. suinmum\\nDeura, post huric Menander, discipulus ipsius, eadem\\ndicens quae Simon ipse. He denied that any one could\\nbe saved unless baptized in his name.\\nJustin asserts that a stijtue was erected in his\\nhonor bearing the following inscription in Latin,\\nSimoni Deo Sancto. This was generally believed\\nuntil, in the year 1574, a statue was discovered in the\\nisland of the Tiber having an inscription begirming\\ntlius Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio Sacrum. We\\ncannot think Dr. Bm ton successful in his attempt to\\ndefend Justin,\\nt This appears to have been the same with the\\nheresy of Cerinthns, against which St. Jolin is by\\nmany believed to have written his Gospel.\\nX See Le Clerc, H. E., adann. 78 and 118.\\nIren. lib. i. c. 25. Enseb. lib. iv. c. 7. This\\nreproach is shared with the Nicolaitans. Burton,\\nBampt. Lect. V., conclusion.\\nII Le Clerc places Carpocrates at the year 120 A. D.,\\nand Valentinus in the year following ant non inulto\\nserius.\\nIT Our information respecting Gnosticism is chiefly\\ncollected from the writers who opposed Valentinus,\\nand especially from Irenaeus.\\nCerdo and Marcion appear to have asserted the\\ndoctrine of the two principles with more boldness\\nthan the Valentinians but both parties agreed in\\nteaching that die Father of Jesus Christ was not the\\nCreator of the world nor the God of the Old Testa-\\nment. Tertull. c. Marc, lib. i. c. 15, 16. Iren., lib.\\ni. C.47. Burton, Bauipt-. Lcct., p. 50.\\nthe doctrines were immediately disclaimed\\nby the prelates of that Church, and confuted\\nby the ablest Christian writer, Justin Martyr.\\nThey were aftefwards made the subject of a\\nseparate treatise by Tertullian. It has been\\ninferred from the discovery of some Gnostic\\nmedals in France that the heresy was at one\\ntime generally disseminated in the western\\nprovmces. But this fact, Hable as it is to\\nsome dispute, is not sufficient to counterbal-\\nance the silence of history confirmed by the\\ncertainty of the early disappearance of the\\nsect. In the mean time we do not dispute\\nthat the philosophy of the Gnostics had some\\nprevalence throughout that part of the em-\\npire during the first and second centuries,\\nbut it was not u;itil the end of the second that\\nChristianity can be said to have made any\\nprogress there.\\nSoon afterwards, in the year 172, Tatian, a\\nman of some learning, and a disciple of Justin\\nMartjT, built on the basis of Gnosticism the\\nheresy of the Encratites. These sectarians\\nprofessed the simplest principles of the mo-\\nnastic life, meditation and bodily austerity.\\nIt may be said, perhaps, that under the names\\nof Essenes and Therapeutae such enthusiasts\\nexisted in the very earliest age of Christian-\\nity, and even before its foundation but it is\\ncertain that it was at this period, and under\\nthis designation, that they first attracted seri-\\nous attention and it is not disputed that they\\nmet with utter discouragement and condem-\\nnation from the Church. For the birth of\\nmonasticism was not destined to take place\\nin an age of piety and sincere devotion and\\nwhen at length it was produced by fanaticism\\ninfuriated by persecution, its growth was still\\nslow and unequal, keeping pace with the\\ncorruption of religion and the degradation\\nof the Church.\\nIt is a strong, but scarcely exaggerated ex-\\npression of St. Jerome, f that the body of\\nour Lord was declared to be a phantom while\\nthe Apostles were still in the world, and the\\nblood of Christ was still fresh in Judtea.\\nThe Phantastics, under the denomination of\\nIt appears that one of the grounds on which\\nMarcion resisted was the refusal of the Church to\\nmake any concession to the Jews, or conciliate them\\nby any compromise of the piu e faith. This appears\\nto prove that the principal success of the Gnostic\\nheresy had been among the Jewish converts. Proba-\\nbly it was most prevalent in Judeea and JEgypt; but\\nwe also learn that the Church of Ephesus was early\\ntainted by it, and probably it had gained some foot-\\ning throughout Asia Minor. Marcion was a native\\nof Pontus. The work of Justin is lost.\\nt Advers. Lucif. c viii. vol. ii. p. 203,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY HERESIES.\\n75\\nDocetae, were, indeed, a sect of very early\\norigin, and we connect their opinions with\\none peculiarity of the Gnostic system which\\nwe have not yet mentioned. Certain among\\nthose philosophers, in order to remove the\\nAuthor of good to an immeasurable distance\\nfrom the contact of matter, imagined a vast\\nsuccession of created but superhuman beings,\\nas the agents of communication between the\\nSupreme God and the world, or at least its\\nCreator. These were emanations from the\\nDeity and they appear, when their office was\\ndischarged, to have been restored to the Ple-\\nroma, to the presence of Him who sent them\\nthese beings were called ^ons. Among\\nthem a very high rank, possibly tiie highest,\\nv/as assigned to Christ but from this point\\nthe Gnostics broke off into two different and\\nalmost opposite theories many imagined that\\nJesus was a mere man, and maintained that\\nthe seou Christ descended upon the man Je-\\nsus at his baptism and left him immediately\\nbefore his crucifixion, so that Christ was not,\\nin fact, subjected to pain and death while\\nothers held that the body, with which Christ\\nappeared to be invested, was not really human\\nand passible, but unsubstantial or sethereal,\\nor at least immaterial these last were called\\nDocetse. At the same time, both parties\\nalike misunderstood that which the Church\\nconsidered to be the peculiar doctrine and\\nobject of Christianity; for they agreed in be-\\nlieving that the mission of Christ had no fur-\\nther intention than to reveal the knowledge\\nof the true God they denied the resurrection\\nand the final judgment, and by explaining\\naway the death of Christ they deprived his\\nreligion of the doctrine of the Atonement.\\nFrom the above brief and very general out-\\nline of the. Gnostic Heresies which differed\\nagain widely from each other in many subor-\\ndinate opinions we perceive how very far\\nthey were removed from the precincts of rea-\\nson and truth. Indeed, they retained so much\\nmore of Gnosticism than they assumed of\\nChristianity, that it was only in the ancient\\nand very broad acceptation of the term that\\nthey could be fairly denominated Heresies,\\nand thus we are less disposed to censure the\\nseverity of those Fathers who refused them\\nthe name of Christian. For however cau-\\ntious we sho4.dd be in withholding that appel-\\nlation from those whose errors are founded\\non the mere perversion of reason, we may\\nsafely disclaim our fraternity with men, who\\nsubstitute for the fundamental doctrines and\\nthe clearest truths of the Gospel, wild visions\\nend theories which have not any ground or\\nexistence, except in vain and lawless imagi-\\nnation. We shall do well to conclude this\\nsubject in the words of Le Clerc one of the\\nmost rational and faithful among our histori-\\ncal guides. I am weary of the Valentinians,\\n(thus he begins his account of the year 145,)\\nand so I imagine are my readers but the\\nhistory of the second century is so crammed\\nwith them, and the Fathers, both of those\\nand of later times, so often refer to them, that\\nit is necessary to expose monstrous opinions,\\nwhich in themselves do not merit one mo-\\nment s attention. In truth, their principal,\\nif not their only claim on our attention, is,\\nthat the Books of the New Testament appear\\nto contain some allusions to them, which it\\nis our duty to examine and understand.\\nII. We have just observed, that among the\\nearliest corrupters of the Christian doctrines,\\nthere were some who disputed the human\\nnature of Christ. It appears to us equally\\nclear there Avere also others who denied his\\ndivinity. The oldest and perhaps the most\\nnumerous among these were the Ebionites.\\nEhionites. Tertullian considers them as\\na sect of Judaizing Christians, named from\\ntheir founder Ebion, who strictly maintained\\nthe observance of the ceremonial law, and\\nrejected the miraculous conception and the\\ndivine nature of the Saviour, f Eusebius, in\\nhis Ecclesiastical History, (book iii. c. xxvii.)\\ndescribes them in these words\\nThe Ebionites were so called from the\\npoverty and meanness with which they dog-\\nmatized concerning Christ for they consid-\\nered him as a mere man born of the connex-\\nion of a man and Mary. And they thought\\ntoo that the ceremonial law (^vo^i at^ dgr)av.eia\\\\\\nwas to be followed as neither faith in Christ,\\nnor the life led through that faith, was suf-\\nficient for salvation. But there were others\\nbearing the same appellation, who escaped\\nthe extravagant absurdity of these former,\\nAny one desirous of more ample details respect-\\ning the Gnostic Heresies may safely consult the learn-\\ned author in the Encycl. Britan., pp. 24, 25, 26.\\nt De Prescript. Heret. c. 38.; De Virgin. Veland.\\nc. 6. Quam utique Virginem fuisse constat, licet\\nEbion resistat. De Carne Christi, c. 14. 18, 19.\\nThe Ebionites are classed by Mosheim among the\\nJudaizing sects and Ebion, if he existed at all, was\\nprobably a Jew: the numbers and influence of those\\nsects diminished so rapidly during the second century,\\nafter the promulgation of Adrian s Edict, and are\\nconsequently so little noticed by the fathers of the\\nthird and following ages, that it seems unnecessary to\\nbestow a separate notice on them.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "76\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsince they did not deny that the Lord was\\nborn of a virgin and the Holy Spirit, But\\nneither did these, acknowledging his preex-\\nistence, and that he was Logos and Sophia,\\n(the Word and the Wisdom,) turn entirely\\naway from the unrighteousnessof the former,\\nchiefly because they too were careful about\\nthe bodily service (^aojy.aTLKriv l iQsiav^ of\\nthe law. These then did not receive the\\nepistles of the apostle, calling him an apostate\\nfrom the law, and only used the gospel ac-\\ncording to the Hebrews but they observed\\nSunday in commemoration of the resurrec-\\ntion, keeping the Jewish sabbath.\\nThis description agrees in all material\\npoints with the account of TertuUian and\\nwithout proceeding to deeper investigation,\\nwe may safely infer from it two historical\\ntruths that the peculiar opinions of the\\nEbionites were confined (or nearly so) to the\\nJewish converts and that they were neither\\nwholly nor in part the doctrines of the ante-\\nNicene Church.\\nIt is well known that the high antiquity of\\nthe opinions of the Ebionites has been held\\nby some to be an evidence of their truth but\\nthe same inference might be drawn, with the\\nsame reason, respecting the delusions of the\\nPhantastics, which had at least as early an\\norigin. The Ebionites probably arose after\\nthe publication of three of the gospels. The\\nGnostic errors of the Docetae may even have\\npreceded the preaching of the Apostles they\\nwere certainly contemporary with it. Again,\\nif it be admitted that the Apostles were the\\ninterpreters of God s word, and if it be not\\nproved that the sect of the Ebionites was\\nfounded by any one of them, and if it be\\ncertain that the fathers who subsequently\\ndirected the Church, and explained its doc-\\ntiine, did invariably disclaim that sect, we\\nmay fairly conclude, that its opinions were\\nneither favorably received, nor at all com-\\nmonly adopted. On the other hand, it is en-\\ndeavored, by confounding the Ebionites with\\nthe Gnostic Heretics, to make them in some\\ndegree accountable for all the absurdities of\\nthe latter and these, it is truly urged, had all\\nLe Cleic distinguishes the early from the more\\nrecent Ebionites, placing them respectively at ann. 72\\nand 103. Tlie former he considers, on the authority\\nof Jerome, to have been merely Jiidaizing Christians\\nwho, as that Father remarks, in their wish to be\\nboth Jews and Christians, were neither. Le Clerc\\nconsiders the Nazarenes to have been the same sect as\\nthe early Ebionites, ann. 72. Mosheim (De Reb.\\nChrist, ant. Const. Sec i. sect. Iviii. and Sec, ii.,\\nsect, xxxix., xl. c.) refers the rise of the Ebion-\\nites to the second century.\\na tendency to the opposite extreme, to spirit-\\nualize the body rather than to degrade the\\ndivine nature of Christ. And it is hence in-\\nferred, that it was Jesus alone to whom the\\nEbionites attributed a human nature, while\\nthey acknowledged the uncontaminated di-\\nvinity of Christ. It is possible that there\\nwere some, calling themselves Ebionites, who\\nwere in fact merely Gnostics. But in the\\nface of our direct authorities we cannot ad-\\nmit the hypothesis in question. What Ter-\\ntuUian and Eusebius* expressly tell us to\\nhave been the Ebionitical opinions respect-\\ning Christ, we camiot suppose to be meant\\nof Jesus as opposed to Christ. And we feel\\nobliged to believe, that those are as far re-\\nmoved from truth on the one hand, who dis-\\npute the early existence of the Unitarian opin-\\nions, as those are, on the other, who assert\\ntheir early reception by the Church they\\nhave existed from the beginning, and from\\nthe beginning they have been condemned.\\nAgain, the doctrine of the mere humanity\\nof Christ, separated from the Judaism of the\\nEbionites, w^as advanced towards the end of\\nthe second century by Theodotus and Arte-\\nmon and during the episcopacy of Victor,\\nthe former was expelled from the Church of\\nRome for that error. Eusebius in this place\\ndesignates him as the ^father of an impious\\napostasy, and in so far as he had divested\\nthe old opinion of its Judaism, and advanced\\nit nakedly in the very face of the Church,\\nthe assertion is true. For any claim, which\\nit may have advanced to a previous existence\\nat Rome, or in any of the European Church-\\nes, is sufficiently answered by reference to\\nthe writings of Justin, and Miltiades, and j\\nTatian, and Clement, and Irenseus, and Melito, I\\nby all of whom (says Eusebius) the divinity\\nof Christ is asserted. f\\nArtemon. In the next century the heresy\\nof Artemon (it became more generally known\\nby his name) was revived by Paul of Samos-\\nata. Bishop of Antioch. A synod of Bish-\\nops, Presbyters and deacons was convoked at\\nAntioch in the year 269, to take cognizance\\nSee also Irenseus L. iii. c. 24, and Epiphanius.\\nHjeres. 30.\\nf iv olg d.Tiaai S-sqloysliav 6 Xqiuxbg.\\nEnd. of ch. 5.\\nX We follow in this statement the authority of Eu-\\nsebius, and the opinion almost universally received.\\nBut it is fair to mention that Dr. Burton ingeniously\\nargues, from a careful examination of contemporary\\nevidence, compared chiefly with the assertions of\\nAthanasius, that Paul believed Jesus to be a mere\\nhuman being, but conceived him to become Christf", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY HERESIES.\\n77\\nof the offence and Eusebius notices the\\neagerness with which they hurried from all\\ndirections against the defiler of Christ s flock.\\nIn a numerous assembly, in his own metrop-\\nolis, the Bishop found many defenders, but\\nhe was at length convicted and sentenced to\\nexpulsion from his throne. But as he resist-\\ned the execution of the sentence, and as the\\nChurch was not yet able to enforce its own\\njudgments, application was made to the Em-\\nperor Aurelian, whose authority finally re-\\nmoved the refractory offender. These facts\\nare sufficient to prove beyond controversy,\\nthat the opinion in question, whatever may\\nhave been the zeal or number of its indi-\\nvidual supporters, was not at any period ac-\\nknowledged by the Church.\\nPraxeas. The controversy respecting the\\nnature of Christ s existence on earth, which\\npresently so branched out, as to mvolve the\\ndoctrine of the Trinity as well as the Incar-\\nnation, may be said to have first assumed a\\ntangible form under the pen of Praxeas, a\\nwriter of the Grecian school. He published\\nhis opinions about the year 200 a. d., and was\\nanswered very soon afterwards by the great\\nchampion of the church, Teitullian. The\\nopinions of Praxeas (as is natural in a ques-\\ntion capable of so much metaphysical sub-\\ntilty) are variously represented f but the doc-\\ntrine of the Church is very clearly stated in\\nIhe following words of his antagonist.:]: We\\nDy being xmited to the eternal Logos of God.\\n(Bampt. Lect. viii. notes 99. 102.) It does not ap-\\npear tliat the contemporaries of the Heretic placed\\nthat construction upon his doctrine. And Eusebius\\n(H. E. L. vii. c. 27) expressly says JOvrou de\\nTan iv k X(xl ^a^uainerri negl lov Xgiarov\\nTiaqa f^v i^nh^uiaaiLKriP dtdaaxaliav\\nfgov^aaviog, (hg xoivov tt^v cpvoiv avd oihnov\\npi O^iBVOV, c. c. See Mosheim, De R. Christ,\\nante Const. Saec. iii. sect. 35.\\nTills was the first instance of the interference of\\nIhe secular power in the internal affairs of the Church\\nand consequently Baronius is warm in his praise of\\nAurelian\u00e2\u0080\u0094 He was the first to point out^ that the im-\\nperial authority should be called in to chastise those\\nwho did not acquiesce in episcopal decision. Ad\\nann. 314. Sect. xxxv. We shall have occasion to\\nrecur to this subject hereafter.\\nt They are chiefly to be divined from the treatise\\nwritten against TertuUian. It should be mentioned\\nalso, that Praxeas had declared very strongly against\\nMontanism, before TertuUian attacked him.\\nX To us it is tlie great use of these controversies,\\nthat we learn from them the original doctrine of the\\nChurch. Thus during that respecting Paul of Sam-\\nosata, the Council declared, (as we learn from Athan-\\nasiiis,) that the Son existed before all things, and\\nbeheve in one God, but under the following\\ndispensation or economy that there is also a\\nSon of God, his Word, who proceeded from\\nHim by whom all things were made, and\\nwithout whom nothing was made who was\\nsent by him into the Virgin, and was born of\\nher being both man and God, the son of\\nman and the son of God, and called Jesus\\nChrist he suffered, died and was buried,\\naccording to the Scriptures and was raised\\nup again by the Father and was taken up\\ninto Heaven, there to sit at the right hand of\\nthe Father and thence to come to judge the\\nquick and the dead who sent from Heaven,\\nfrom his Father according to his promise, the\\nHoly Ghost, the Comforter, the Sanctifier of\\nthe faith of all who believe in the Father,\\nSon and Holy Ghost. Such, according to\\nthis author, was the faith handed down in\\nthe Church, from the first preaching of the\\nGospel and we consider this to be historical\\ntrutli of no small importance.*\\nSahellius. The heresy of Praxeas was suc-\\nceeded, (or revived,) in the course of about\\nfifty years, by that of Sabellius. Both pro-\\nceeded, in appearance, from the difficulty of\\nreconciling the trinity with the unity of the\\nGodhead in reality, from our human and\\nnecessary incapacity to comprehend the na-\\nture of the union. But Greek philosophy\\nwas too vain to admit any limits to the\\nhuman comprehension, and too disputatious\\nto quit so fine a field for sophistry as was\\nopened to it by an abstruse and inexplicable\\nquestion. And certainly that philosophy lost\\nnothuig either in minuteness or pertinacity,\\nwhen it ascended to the climate, and em-\\nployed the genius of Africans, f Sabellius\\nwas an Afi-ican, and seemingly either Bishop,\\nor Presbyter at Barce, the capital of the Cy-\\nrenaica he denied the distinct personality\\nof the second and third persons of the Trin-\\nity, and mamtained that a certain energy\\nonly, proceeding from the supreme Parent,\\ntliat he did not become God from being human, but\\nthat being God he took upon him the form of a ser-\\nvant, and being the Logos he became flesh.\\nIt appears too from the examination of Irenaeus\\nwritings against the Valentinians, that that more an-\\ncient Father maintained, as far as he particularizes\\nthem, the same opinions. It has been observed, that\\nTertuUian was the first author who used the words\\nTrinitas and Persona in the theological sense.\\nt See Mosheim, De R. Christ, ante Const. Saec.\\nIII. sect. 33. The different opinions, or rather the\\ndifferent shades of the same opinion, which have\\nbeen ascribed to Sabellius, are there accurately\\ntreated.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "78\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nor a certain portion of the divine nature, was\\nunited to the son of God, the man Jesus.\\nAnd in the same manner he considered the\\nHoly Ghost to be a portion of the everlasting\\nFather. This error, into which he was led by\\nan excessive fear of Tritheism, (the acknow-\\nledgment of three Gods.) was liable to the in-\\nference, that the Being who suffered on the\\nCross was in fact the Father hence his fol-\\nlowers were called Patripassians. He was\\nconfuted by Dionysius, Bishop of Alexan-\\ndria.\\nin. We shall not dwell upon the varying\\nshapes of mere frenzy. The deliberate er-\\nrors of an informed and serious mind, how-\\never in appearance remote from reason, al-\\nways merit some sort of consideration but\\nthe dreams of an ignorant fanatic can have\\nno claims on our time or reflection. Perhaps\\nwe should place under this head some of the\\nwilder of those heresies usually called Gnos-\\ntic and some would refer to the same origin\\nthe opinions of the Manichaean sect but we\\nshall here confine ourselves to those of the\\nMontanists. About the year 170 a. d., a vain\\nand superstitious enthusiast, named Montan-\\nus, began to prophesy in Phrygia and other\\nprovinces of Asia Minor he professed to be\\nthe Paraclete or Comforter, the same f who\\nhad descended upon the Apostles, and whose\\nreturn on earth before the second coming of\\nChrist, for the purpose of completing the di-\\nvine Revelation, was expected by many of\\nthe faithful and his trances, and ecstatic\\nraptures, and fanatic ravhigs, were probably\\nregarded by the credulous and wondering\\nmultitude as the surest signs of divine inspi-\\nration. Certainly there were many in those\\nregions who followed him; and his success\\nwas promoted by his association with two\\nprophetesses, named Maxim ilia and Priscilla,\\nwho confirmed his mission, and shared his\\nspirit. Another cause of the temporary\\nfame of Montanism was the severity of the\\nmorality inculcated by it the strictest celiba-\\ncy and the most rigid fasts were exacted from\\nthe proselytes, and this circumstance threw\\nan appearance of sanctity round the sect,\\nwhich seems to have deadened the penetra-\\nWe perceive how nearly this opinion approaches\\nto the old Gnostic heresy, which considered Christ as\\nan JEon or Divine Emanation. united for a time to\\nJbe man Jesus but for a time only the Gnostics\\ntvithdrew the JEon before the Crucifixion, and thus\\nvoided the conckislon charged against the Patripas-\\nsians.\\nt See Bishop Kaye on TertuUian, p. 23, et seq.\\ntion of Tertullian, for jhe presendy professed\\nhimself its advocate. To that circumstance\\nperhaps this heresy may be indebted for most\\nof its celebrity; for it was condemned by\\ncertain Asiatic councils at the time of its\\neruption and it appears to have made very\\nlittle progress after the second century, and at\\nno time to have found general reception be-\\nyond the precincts of its birth-place, though\\nsome remains of it subsisted there for two\\nor three ages.*\\nBefore we quit the subject of Heresy, we\\nmust mention a controversy which divided\\nthe Chuixh during the third century, respect-\\ning the form of receiving a converted here-\\ntic into the number of the orthodox. The\\nChurches of the west f were, for the most\\npart, of opinion, that the baptism of Here-\\ntics was valid, and that the mere imposition\\nof hands, attended by prayer, was form suf-\\nficient to solemnize their introduction within\\nthe pale: whereas the less moderate Chris-\\ntians of Asia decided in council, that their\\nadmission must be preceded by repetition of\\nbaptism and this decision was approved and\\nenforced by Cyprian in the Churches of Af-\\nrica. I Stephen, Bishop of Rome, who was\\nat the head of those who held the contrary\\nopinion, conducted his opposition with in-\\njudicious violence he excommunicated all\\nwho differed from him, and discovered, even\\nthus early, the germs of papal arrogance.\u00c2\u00a7\\nThe mention of this controversy is impor-\\ntant, at least on one account, as it gives\\nus an additional proof of the very serious\\nview m which Heresy was regarded by the\\nChurchmen of those days, and the scrupu-\\nlousness of their care to preserve the purity\\nof the true faith.\\nJVovatians. We may conclude with some\\nnotice of the sect of the Novatians, who\\nwere stigmatized at the time, both as schis-\\nWe observe the name of Montanism among the\\nheresies stigmatized in the Theodosian Code.\\nt We may account for this greater moderation of\\nthe western Churches, by their having escaped some\\nof the most extravagant and revolting among tlie eaily\\nheresies these, as they chiefly originated in the fa-\\nnatic imaginations of the east, were for the most part\\nconfined to those regions.\\nThe council of Carthage held by Cyprian, on\\nthis question, was in the year 256. Mosh. Gen. H.\\nc. iii. p. ii. chap. iii.\\nThis controversy resembles, in two points,\\nthat before mentioned, respecting the celebration\\nof Easter. The Roman was right peihaps in the\\nprinciple, but overbearing and insolent in the\\nmanner.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY HERESIES.\\n79\\nmatics and heretics but who may perhaps\\nbe more properly considered as the earhest\\nbody of ecclesiastical reformers. They arose\\nat Rome about the year 250 a. d. and sub-\\nsisted until the fifth century throughout every\\npart of Christendom, f Novatian, a Presby-\\nter of Rome, j: was a man of great talents\\nand learning, and of character so austere,\\nthat he was unwilling under any circumstan-\\nces of contrition, to readmit those who had\\nbeen once separated from the communion\\nof the Church. And this severity he would\\nhave extended not only to those who had\\nfallen by deliberate transgression, but even\\nto such as had made a forced compromise\\nof their faith under the terrors of perse-\\ncution. He considered the Christian Church\\nas a society, where virtue and innocence\\nreigned universally, and refused any longer\\nto acknowledge, as membei s of it, those who\\nhad once degenerated into unrighteousness;\\nThis endeavor to revive the spotless moral\\npurity of the primitive faith was found incon-\\nsistent with the corruptions even of that early\\nage: it was regarded with suspicion by the\\nleading prelates, |1 as a vain and visionary\\nscheme and those rigid principles, which\\nhad characterized and sanctified the Churchy\\nin the first century, were abandoned to the\\nprofession of schismatic sectaries in the third.\\nFrom a review of what has been written\\non this subject, some truths may be derived\\nof considerable historical importance the\\nfollowing are among them 1. In the midst\\nof perpetual dissent and occasional contro-\\nversy, a steady and distinguishable line, both\\nCornel, ap. Cypr. Ep. 50 (or 48); Cyprian,\\nEp. 54. As to the latter charge, even their adversa-\\nries do not advance any point of doctrine on which\\ntliey deviated from the Church. See Note 4, or p.\\n33. supr.\\nt (Mosh. Gen. Hist. Cent. iii. end) Especially, as\\nit would seem, in Plirygia where their rigid prac-\\ntices brought thein into danger of being confounded\\nwith the Montanists. Lardner, Cred. Gosp. Hist. p.\\nii. ch. 47.\\nt Euseb. H. E. L. vi. c. 43.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Jerom. de Vir. lUust.\\nc. 70. He is believed to have been a convert ft-om\\nsome sect of philosophy, probably the Stoic. Lard-\\nner perseveres in calling him Novatus; not, however,\\nintending to confound him with an unworthy associate,\\npresbyter of Cartilage, also named Novatus and\\nseverely censured by Cyprian.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See Tillem. Mem. H.\\nEccles. vol. iii. p. 433, 435, ad. ann. 251.\\nHis followers called themselves Cathari\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Puri-\\ntans.\\nII It should be mentioned that Cornelius, Bishop\\nof Rome, the principal opponent of Novatian s opin-\\nions, had motives for personal enmity against that\\nEcclesiastic.\\nin doctrine and practice, was maintained by\\nthe early Church, and its efforts against those,\\nwhom it called Heretics, were zealous and\\npersevering, and for the most part consistent.\\nIts contests were fought with the sword of\\nthe Spirit, with the arms of reason and elo-\\nquence and as they were always unattended\\nby personal oppression, so were they most\\neffectually successful successful, not in es-\\ntablishing a nominal unity, nor silencing the\\nexpression of private opinion, but in main-\\ntaining the purity of the faith, in preserving\\nthe attachment of the gi-eat majority of the\\nbelievers, and in consigning, either to imme-\\ndiate disrepute, or early neglect, all the un-\\nscriptural doctrines which were successively\\narrayed against it. 2. The greater part of\\nthe early heresies was derived from the im-\\npure mixture of profane philosophy with the\\nsimple revelation of the Gospel. Hence pro-\\nceeded those vain and subtle disputations\\nrespecting things incomprehensible, which\\nwould indeed have been less pernicious, had\\nthey only exercised the ingenuity of men,\\nwithout engaging their passions their bitter\\nfruits were not fully gathered until a later\\nage but they served, even in their origin, to\\nperplex the faith, and disturb the harmony\\nof many devout Christians. 3. No pubhc\\ndispute had hitherto risen respecting the\\nmanner of salvation for the conclusions de-\\nducible from the Gnostic hallucinations are\\nnot worthy of serious consideration the\\ngreat questions respecting predestination and\\ngrace had not yet become matter of contro-\\nversy, nor had any of the fundamental doc-\\ntrines Df Christianity been assailed, excepting\\nthe Trinity and the Incarnation. 4. There\\nwas yet no dissent on the subject of Church\\nGovernment. It was universally and undis-\\nputedly Episcopal even the reformer Nova-\\ntian, after his expulsion from the Church,\\nassumed the direction of his own rigid sect\\nunder the title of Bishop and if any dissatis-\\nfaction had existed as to the established\\nmethod of directing the Church, it would\\ncertainly have displayed itself on the occa-\\nsion of a schism, which entirely respected\\nmatters of practice and discipline.\\nEarly Fathers. As we have made frequent\\nmention of the principal writers, commonly\\ncalled Fathers, of the ancient Church, we\\nshall subjoin to this chapter a very short ac-\\ncount of some of the eai-liest among them.\\nWe do not profess any blind veneration for\\ntheir names, or submission to their opinions\\nbut we are very far removed from the con-", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "80\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntempt of either. For if we are to bend to\\nany human authority (as in such matters some\\nof us must always do, and all of us some-\\ntimes,) those are assuredly the safest objects\\nof our reverence, who stood nearest to the\\nsource of revelation, and received the cup of\\nknowledge from the very hands of the Apos-\\ntles. They were erring and feeble mortals,\\nlike ourselves much inferior in intellectual\\ndiscipline, and vitiated by early prejudices\\nnecessarily proceeding from the oblique prin-\\nciples and perverse systems of their day.\\nNevertheless they were earnest and ardent\\nChristians in respect at least to their religion\\nthey had access to infallible instructers, and\\nthe lessons which they have transmitted to\\nus, howsoever imperfectly transmitted, should\\nbe received with attention and respect.\\nThe Apostolical Fathers are those who\\nwere contemporary with the Apostles some\\nof whom are known, and all of whom may\\nbe reasonably believed, to have shared their\\nconversation, and profited by their instruction.\\nThese are St. Barnabas, Clement of Rome,\\nHermas, Ignatius and Polycarp. They were\\nall (excepting probably Clement) natives of\\nthe east, and all originally wrote in the Greek\\nlanguage. The works which have reached\\nus under their names are not numerous and\\nthough the genuineness of some of them has\\nbeen justly suspected, there is no reason to\\ndoubt the very high antiquity of all. They\\nwere composed with various objects, accord-\\ning to the dispositions or circumstances of\\ntheir writers. The design of the epistle at-\\ntributed to St. Barnabas was to abate the res-\\npect for the peculiar rites and institutions of\\nthe Jewish laws, and to show that they were\\nnot binding upon Christians. The Shepherd\\nof Hermas consists of three books, in the\\nfirst of which are four visions, in the second\\ntwelve commands, in the third ten similitudes.\\nThe first and third parts are of course very\\nfanciful, yet were they not perhaps unsuited\\nto the genius of the countries and the age to\\nwhich they were addressed the second con-\\ntains some excellent moral precepts and all\\nabound with paraphrastical allusions to the\\nbooks of the New Testament. The epistles\\nof Ignatius have suffered many obvious in-\\nterpolations and corruptions but learned\\nand candid critics, who have distinguished\\nand rejected these, still leave us much behind\\nof undisputed origin. The author was Bish-\\nop of Autioch he suffered martyrdom about\\nthe year 107 a. n., and the opinion that he\\ninvited, rather than shunned this fate, seems\\nto l)e consistent with the ardor of his charac-\\nter. The genuineness of Polycarp s epistle\\nto the Philippians has scarcely been ques-\\ntioned it was written (soon after the death\\nof Ignatius) in the spirit of sincere piety it\\nabounds with scriptural expressions and fre-\\nquent quotations of the recorded words of\\nChrist. Polycarp was Bishop of Smyrna on\\nthe appointment (as is asserted without any\\nimprobability) of the Apostle St. John and\\nhe suffered martyrdom, as we have already\\ndescribed, in the reign of Marcus Antoninus.\\nBut the most important record of the apos-\\ntolical age remaining to us is the Epistle of\\nthe Church of Borne to the Church of Co-\\nrinth, written about the year 96 a. d. by Cle-\\nment Bishop of Rome. Its object was to\\nallay some internal dissensions of the Corin-\\nthians, and it contains many useful and noble\\ntruths, flowing from a vigorous mind and\\npurely Christian spirit, in language never\\nfeeble, and occasionally eloquent.\\nThose pious persons wrote before any as-\\nsociation had taken place between philosophy\\nand religion, and were better instructed in\\nthe knowledge of Scripture than in the. les-\\nsons of the Schools and their method of\\nreasoning, no less than their style, attests the\\nwant of profane education still it possesses\\na persuasive simplicity well suited both to the\\nchareCcter of the writers, and the integrity of\\ntheir faith. The fundamental doctrines of\\nChristianity are clearly and scripturally incul-\\ncated by them and these are every where\\nso interwoven with the highest precepts of\\nmorality, as to prove to us that the belief of\\nthose men was inseparable from their prac-\\ntice, and that it had not ever occurred to them\\nto draw any verbal distinction between these\\nthey delivered the truths which had been en-\\ntrusted to them, and associated their moral I\\nand doctrinal instructions as uiseparable parts f\\nof the same scheme. This perhaps is the\\nmost peculiar feature in their compositions,\\nand that in which they most resemble the\\ninspired writings. Another is the utter neg-\\nlect of formal arrangement in the display\\nof theu arguments, or the delivery of their\\nrules of conduct a neglect which unques-\\ntionably exposed them to the contempt of the\\nphilosopher, who sought in vain for a system\\nin their lore, but which well accorded with\\nthe plain and unpretending character of truth.\\nBut that merit by which they have conferred\\nthe most lasting advantage on Christianity,\\n(at least the three last of them,) and whicJi\\nwill make them very valuable monuments, in\\nevery age, is their frequent reference to al-\\nLardner. Cred. of Gosp. Hist. p. ii. cli vi.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY HERESIES.\\n1\\nmost all the books of the New Testament,\\nsuch as we now possess them. Thus they\\nfurnish us with decisive evidence of the gen-\\nuineness of those books and their testimony\\nis hable to no suspicion, because it was not\\ngiven with any such view.\\nThe principal Greek writers, who imme-\\ndiately succeeded the apostolical Fathers,\\nwere Justin Martyr and Irenseus. Justin\\nMartyr was a learned Samaritan, who, after\\nhaving successively attached himself to the\\nStoics, the Peripatetics, the Pythagoreans,\\nand the Platonists, discovered the insufficien-\\ncy and emptiness of philosophy. His atten-\\ntion was called to Christianity by the suffer-\\nings inflicted upon its profession, and the\\nfirmness with which he had beheld them en-\\ndured. He inferred that men so contemptu-\\nous of death were far removed fi-om the\\nmoral degradation with which they were\\ncharged and that the faith for which they\\ndied so fearlessly must stand on some foun-\\ndation. He examined that foundation, and\\ndiscovered its stability.* The sincerity of\\nhis conversion is attested by his martyrdom.\\nHe was executed by the Emperor, whose\\nphilosophy he had deserted and he perhaps\\nnever was so strongly sensible of the superi-\\nority of that which he had preferred, as at\\nthe moment when he died for it.f He wrote\\ntwo apologies for Christianity, the first proba-\\nbly addressed to Antoninus Pius, the second\\nto Marcus and a (supposed) dialogue with\\na Jew named Trypho. This last contains\\nmany weak arguments, and trifling and even\\nerroneous interpretations of Scripture, mixed\\nup with some useful matter. The two form-\\ner are more valuable compositions they were\\nso in those days ^l)ecause they contained the\\nbest defence of religion which had then been\\npublished, maintained by arguments veiy\\nwell calculated to persuade those to whom\\nthey were addressed and they are still so,\\nbecause we find in them many quotations\\nfrom the same four Gospels which we now\\nacknowledge they relate many interesting\\nfacts, respecting the religious customs and\\nceremonies of the Christians of those times\\nand they prove the general acceptance of all\\nthe fundamental articles of our belief. As\\nSee Jortin Remarks, c. B. ii. p. i. A. D.\\n150. Also supra pp. 30, 31.\\nI It has been often asserted, and we believe without\\ncontradiction, that no man ever died in attestation of\\nthe truth of any philosophical tenet. But those who\\nlay much stress on this fact shoiild show, tliat an op-\\n^\u00c2\u00bbortunity for martyrdom has ever been afforded to any\\nphilosophical sect.\\n11\\nJustin flourished only one century after the\\npreaching of Christ, (his conversion is usually\\nplaced at the year 133 from the birth of our\\nSaviour,) we are not extending the value of\\ntradition beyond its just limits, when we con-\\nsider his opinions as receivmg some addition-\\nal weight from their contiguity to the apos-\\ntolical times and if it were possible to mark\\nby any decided limit the extent of ti*adition-\\nary authority, we should be disposed to trace\\nthe line immediately after his name for ad-\\nmitting that Irenaeus, who presently succeed-\\ned him, by his oriental birth and correspond-\\nence may have received some uncorrupted\\ncommunications transmitted through two gen-\\nerations from the divine origm, we shall still\\nfind it very difficult to distinguish these from\\nthe mere human matter with which they may\\nbe associated and this difficulty will increase,\\nas we descend lower down the stream so\\nthat we may safely detach the notion of pe-\\nculiar sanctity or conclusive authority from\\nthe names and writings of the succeeding\\nFathers, though they contain much that may\\nexcite our piety, and animate our morality,\\nand confirm our faith.\\nIrenseus was Bishop of Lyons, about the\\nyear 178 a. d. He is chiefly celebrated for\\nhis five books Against Heresies containing\\nconfutations of most of the errors which had\\nthen appeared in the Church. Though the\\nlanguage which he employs in this contest is\\nnot always that best adapted either to per-\\nsuade or to conciliate, his sincere aversion\\nfrom religious dissension is not questioned.\\nIt is proved indeed by the epistle which he\\naddressed to Victor, Bishop of Rome, on his\\ninsolent demeanor in the controversy respect-\\ning Easter, and which breathes a generous\\nspirit of Christian moderation. And in good\\ntruth the individual exertions of Churchmen\\nagainst the progress of unscriptural opinions\\nwere in those days the more necessaiy, and\\nthen- wannth the more excusable, as there\\nWe might divide the first 313 years of the Christ-\\nian tera into tliree periods, in respect to its internal\\nhistory. The first centurj was the age of Clirist and\\nthe Apostles, of miracles and inspiration inherent in\\nthe Church; the next fifty years we may consider as\\nthat of the Apostolical Fathei s, enlightened by some\\nlingering rays of the departed glory, which were suc-\\ncessively and insensibly withdi awn the third was\\nthe period of severe probation and bitter anxiety,\\nunalleviated by extraordinary aids, and so far removed\\nfrom human consolation, that the powers of the earth\\nmight seem to have conspired with the meanest of its\\nprogeny, in order to oppress and desolate the Church\\nof Ck ist yet even this was not Avithout the Spirit of\\nGod.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "82\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwere yet no articles of faith to trace out the\\nlimits of orthodoxy, nor any acknowledged\\nhead, nor any legally established system of\\necclesiastical government. The unity and\\npurity of the Church were chiefly preserved\\nby the independent labors of its most em-\\ninent and influential ministers, divided as\\nthey were both by language, and manners,\\nand distance, and entirely unsupported by\\nany temporal authority. So that, if we were\\nstill disposed to feel any surprise at finding\\nsuch numerous forms of heresy, so very near\\nboth to the time and place where the Reve-\\nlation was delivered, the above considerations\\nwould tend to remove it while they certain-\\nly teach us, that such errors cannot perma-\\nnently or generally prevail against scriptural\\ntruth, as long as they are steadily opposed\\nby temperate and reasonable argument, and\\nby no other weapon than argument only.\\nPART II.\\nFROM THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE TO, THE DEATH OF\\nCHARLEMAGNE.\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nConstantine the Great.\\nVictory over Maxentius supposed conversion the\\nmiracle of the luminous Cross evidence for and\\nagainst it the latter conclusive The Edict of Milan\\nits nature and effects union of the whole Empire\\nunder Constantine His moral character sincerity\\nof his conversion unjustly disputed Remarks on\\nhis policy power of the Christians Alterations in-\\ntroduced into the constitution of the Church Its na-\\nture at Constantine s accession spiritual and tempo-\\nral power union and strength of the early Church\\nhow cemented View of the Church probably taken\\nby Constantine he sought its alliance Three periods\\nof the ecclesiastical life of Constantine How circum-\\nstanced with regard to the state Constantine found the\\nChurch He assumes the supremacy Rights of the\\nChurch Its Internal administration little altered in\\ntheory permission to bequeath property to the Church\\nIndependent jurisdiction of the Bishops on what\\nfounded External subject to the Emperor-\u00e2\u0080\u0094 what\\nparticulars included in it General observations\\nConstantine usurped nothing from the Church Inde-\\nterminate limits of the civil and spiritual authority\\nAlterations in the titles and gradations of the Hierarchy\\npreeminence unattended by authority Conclusion\\nNote on Eusebius.\\nDuring the early part of Diocletian s per-\\nsecution Constantius Chlorus ruled, with as\\nmuch humanity as circumstances permitted\\nhim to exercise, the provinces of the West.\\nOn his death, at York, in the year 306, the\\narmy proclaimed Constantine, his son. Em-\\nperor. In the meantime, the provinces\\neastward of Gaul were distracted by the\\ndissensions of rival emperors which favored\\nthe growing strength of Constantine. In\\n311, Galerius, the fiercest among the assail-\\nants of Christianity, died, and his dominions\\nwere divided between Maximin and Licini-\\nus Maxentius had already usurped the\\ngovernment of Italy and Africa. Presently\\nConstantine, justified, as most assert, by suf-\\nficient provocation, marched into Italy and\\noverthrew Maxentius in the immediate neigh-\\nborhood of Rome that tyrant (as all admit\\nhim to have been) was drowned in the Tiber,\\nand his doramions were added to the posses-\\nsions of the conqueror. This event took\\nplace in the year 312 and it has been usually\\nassigned as marking the period of Constan-\\ntine s conversion to Christianity. A mirac-\\nulous story is connected with this epoch in\\nour history. As the Emperor w^as marching\\ntoward Rome, at the head of his army, he\\nbeheld a luminous Cross, suspended about\\nnoonday in the air, and inscribed with the fol-\\nlowing words TovTU) viaa ^By this conquer.^\\nThe phenomenon confirmed his uncertain\\nfaith, and afforded him the surest omen of\\nvictory. But this was not ail during the\\nensuing night the form of Christ himself\\npresented itself with the same Cross, and\\ndirected him to frame a standard after that\\nshape. And it is certain that, about that\\nperiod, and possibly on that occasion, a\\nstandard v/as so framed, and continued for\\nmany following years to be displayed, when\\never it became necessary to excite the en-\\nthusiasm of the Christian soldiers but the\\nextraordinary appearances to whicJi its adop\\ntion is ascribed demand the most rigid exam\\nination.\\nIn the firet place, the story which we have\\nshortly given is related by no contemporary\\nauthor, excepting Eusebius next, it is relat-\\nIn the relation of this story we have ventured to\\nomit the dream published by the uncertain author of\\nthe book De Mortibus Persecutorum, as well as Naz-\\narius s army of divine warriors. We confine our-\\nselves to that, which appears under the more respec-\\ntable authority of Eusebius. See Gibbon, chap, xx.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "CONSTANTINE.\\n83\\ned in his Life of Constantine, and not in\\nhis Ecclesiastical Histoi-y it is related in the\\nyear 338, or six-and-twenty years after the\\nsupposed appearance it is related on the\\nauthority of Constantine alone, though it\\nmust have been witnessed by his whole army,\\nand notorious tliroughout his whole empire\\nand lastly it was published after the death\\nof Constantine. In an age, wherein pious\\nfrauds had already acquired some honor by a\\nwi iter, who, respectable as he undoubtedly is,\\nand faithful in most of his historical records,\\ndoes not even profess those rigid rules of ve-\\nracity which command universal credit f in\\na book, which rather weai S the character of\\npartial panegjaic, than of exact and scrupu-\\nlous history a flattering fable might be pub-\\nlished and believed but it can claim no\\nplace among the authentic records of history,\\nand by writers, whose only object is truth, it\\nmay very safely be consigned to contempt\\nand oblivion.\\nThe defeat of Maxentius was followed by\\na conference between Constantine and Licin-\\nius, which led to the pubhcation, in the\\nMarch of 313, of the celebrated Edict of\\nMilan.\\nEdict of Milan. This Edict was a proc-\\nlamation of universal toleration but its ad-\\nvantages were of course chiefly or entirely\\nreaped by the Christians, as theirs had been\\nthe only religion not already tolerated. It\\ngave back to them the civil and religious\\nrights of which they had been deprived it\\nrestored without dispute, delay or expense,\\nthe places of worship which had been de-\\nEuseb. Vit. Const. 1. l.,c. 28, 29, 80, 31.\\nt Eusebius says, that Constantine related the story\\nto himself on oath^ May we not believe Eusebius in\\nthis 1 And may we not also suppose, that the Empe-\\nror deceived him in some moment, when enthusiasm,\\nor indisposition, or mere human weakness had brought\\nhim first to deceive himself 1 He may really have re-\\ncollected some uncommon appearance about the Sun,\\nnot strongly noticed at the moment, but which the im-\\nagination of memory heated by exciting events, or\\nby passion, or by feverish sickness, may have convert-\\ned into a miracle. The story of tlie vision (which\\nstands indeed on rather better authority) might be\\nmerely the exaggeration of a dream. At least this\\nsupposition has nodiing in it unnatural and it is tlie\\nonly supposition which can save both the intention\\nof the Emperor and the veracity of the historian.\\nSee Note at the end of the chapter.\\nt It is somewhat singular, that on this same occasion,\\nBlaxentius is related by the Pagan historian, Zosimus,\\n(who makes no mention of the Christian miracle, lib.\\nii.,) to have carefully consulted the Sibylline books,\\nand credulously applied to his own circumstances a\\nprediction v-hich he found there.\\nmolished, and the lands which had been\\nconfiscated\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and free and absolute power\\nwas granted to the Christians, and to all oth-\\ners, of following the religion which every\\nindividual might think proper to follow.\\nImmediately afterwards, Liciidus, who was\\nno fi-iend to Christianity, overthrew the east-\\nern Emperor IMaximin, who had been its\\nsavage adversary, and became master of the\\nempire of the east. A war followed between\\nthe conqueror and Constantine, wdiich ter-\\nminated, in 315, to die advantage of the\\nlatter, who on that occasion extended his\\nempii e to the eastern limits of Europe eight\\nyears of peace succeeded, which were em-\\nployed by the Christian Emperor in securmg\\nthe real interests and legislating for the hap-\\npiness of his subjects. This period of rare\\ntranquillity was succeeded by a second war*\\nwith Licinius, which terminated in 3.24 by\\nhis submission and death, and by the conse-\\nquent union of the w^hole empire under the\\nsceptre of Constantine.\\nThe year which followed the final success\\nof Constantine was disgraced by the execu-\\ntion of his eldest son and it is not disputed,\\nthat the progress of his career was marked\\nby the usual excesses of intemperate and\\nworldly ambition. Some of his laws f were\\nsevere even to cruelty, and the general pro-\\npriety of his moral conduct cannot with any\\njustice be maintained. Hence a suspicion\\nhas arisen as to the sincerity of his conver-\\nsion chiefly, as it appears to us, or entirely\\nfounded on the inadequacy of his chai-acter\\nto his profession. But is there any page in\\nChristian history, or any form of Chrisdan\\nsociety, which does not mournfully attest the\\npossibility of combining the most immoral\\nconduct with the most unhesitating faith\\nOr is this a condition of humanity, from\\nwhich monarchs are more exempt than their\\nsubjects We should recollect, moreover,\\nthat the character of Constantine, notwith-\\nstanding its grevious stains, will bear a com-\\nThis is considered by Eusebius (Vit. Constant,\\nlib. ii.) almost in the light of a religious war the\\nfirst, if it was so, among the many by which the name\\nof Clu-ist has been profaned.\\nf Nevertheless, the general spirit of his laws was\\ndecidedly humane and favorable to the progress of\\ncivilisation for instance, he made decrees tending to\\nthe termination of slavery; he abolished some barba-\\nrous forms of punishment, as branding, for instance;\\nhe restrained exorbitant usury, and endeavored to\\nprevent the exposure of children, by relieving the\\npoor. See Jortin, Ecc. Hist, book iii. Fleurj\\nHist. Eccl. L. X. Sect. 21. Baronius, ad ann. 315.\\nSect. SO.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "84\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nparison with some of the best among his\\npagan predecessors while it was fi-ee from\\nthose monstrous deformities which distin-\\nguished not a few of them, and which have\\nindeed been rarely paralleled in Christian\\nhistory. But even had his conduct been\\nmore reprehensible, than in truth it was, it\\nwould have furnished very insufficient evi-\\ndence against the sincerity of bis belief.\\nAgain, it was usual in those days, in contin-\\nuance of a practice of which we have men-\\ntioned the cause and origin, to defer the sac-\\nrament of Baptism until the approach of\\ndeath, and then once to administer it, as the\\nmeans of regeneration and the assurance of\\npardon and grace. In compliance with this\\ncustom* the emperor was not baptized (he\\ndid not even become a Catechumen f until\\nhis last illness but no argument can hence\\nbe drawn against his sincerity, which would\\nnot equally apply to a large proportion of the\\nChristians in his empire. In his favor the fol-\\nlowing facts should be obsei-ved. For many\\nyears he had publicly and consistently pro-\\nfessed his belief in Christianity: in a long\\ndiscourse, which is still extant, he even expa-\\ntiated on its various proofs; he began his\\nreign by protecting the believers in its pro-\\ngress he favored and honored them he\\ninscribed the cross on the banners of the\\nempire he celebrated the festivals, of tlie\\nChurch he associated in the closest intima-\\ncy with Christian writers I and prelates he\\ninquired into all the particulars of their faith,\\nand displayed what some have thought an\\ninconsiderate zeal for its purity. By such\\nreasons, according to every fair principle of\\nhistorical inference, we are precluded from\\nany reasonable doubt on this subject nor\\nConstantius in like manner put off his Baptism\\ntill his last illness, (Athanas. lib. de Synodis) so did\\nTheodosius the Great, until the illness which he mis-\\ntook for his last. Socrat. 1. v. c. 6.\\nt From Euseb. de Vit. Const, lib. iv. c. 61., it\\nappears that tlie Emperor, just before his baptism, re-\\nceived for the first time the imposition of hands, usual\\nin making a Catechumen. But in the same work,\\n(lib. i. c. 32,) it would seem that he was yaTi]/7]delg\\non his first profession of Clu-istianity, immediately\\nafter the vision. We are disposed to attach greater\\ncredit to tlie former account. See Fleury, 1. xi.\\nsect. 60.\\nX Lactantius possessed his confidence, while his\\ncommand was confined to the West, and Eusebius en-\\njoyed tluroughout his life great influence at the Court\\nof Constantinople. The respect which he paid to the\\nfestivals of the Church, his diligence in prayer, the\\nissuing of medals throughout the Empire, in which he\\nis represented in tlie attitude of devotion, are facts\\nmentioned by Euseb. Vit. Const. 1. iv. c 15 22.\\nneed we hesitate for a moment to acquit a\\nwise and, in many respects a virtuous Prince\\nof the odious charge of the foulest descrip-\\ntion of hypocrisy.*\\nAt the same time, we are willing to ad\\nmit that his conduct to the Christians was\\nstrictly in accordance with his interests and\\nit is very probable, that the protection with\\nwhich he distinguished them may in the Jirsl\\ninstance have originated in his policy. But\\nthis is perfectly consistent with his subse-\\nquent conversion. And we may here re-\\nmark, that those who assign policy as his\\nchief or only motive, bear the strongest evi-\\ndence to the power and real importance\\nwhich the Church of Christ had acquired\\nbefore his time thpy attest, that its stability\\nhad not been shaken by the sword of Diocle-\\ntian that by its own unassisted and increas-\\ning energy it had triumphed over the fury of\\nthe most determined of its persecutors, and\\nthat its claims on the justice and respect of\\nthe Throne, though only urged by perse-\\nverance in suffering, could no longer be over-\\nA vain dispute has been raised as to the proba-\\nble moment of his conversion, into which we shall not\\nenter, because the truth is not discoverable, and if it\\nwere, would still be unprofitable. Gibbon affects to\\nset some value on it, because he would willingly prove\\nthat Constantine was no real proselyte. Two facts he\\nmentions in support of his suspicion that Constantine\\npersevered till he was near forty years of age in the\\npractice of the established religion, especially in the\\nworship of Apollo; and that in the same year (321)\\nhe published two Edicts, the fiist of which enjoined\\nthe solemn observance of Sunday, (Euseb. Vit. Const.\\n1. iv. c. 18,) and tlie second directed the regular con-\\nsultation of aruspices. Both are literally true; but\\nthe inferences drawn from both are felse Constantine\\ndid not profess his religion, perhaps he did not adopt\\nit, until the campaign against Maxentius in 312 he\\nhad previously protected and favored the Christians,\\nbut till then he did not proclaim, nor could he perhaps\\nsafely have proclaimed, his own belief; but he seized\\ntlie earliest moment to do so, and during the twenty-\\nfive following years, he maintained his profession with\\nardent and active perseverance. By bringing for-\\nward the second facias an argument against his belief,\\nthe historian has forgotten that tlie Edict of Milan\\nwas an Edict of universal toleration, protecting al!\\nPagan, as well as all Christian, ceremonies; so that\\nthe two proclamations, which he is willing to expose\\nas inconsistent, were only the necessary consequence\\nof that generous policy, which had been so little un-\\nderstood by the Pagan Emperors. Before we quit\\nthis subject we should mention, that Zosimus (lib. ii.)\\nattributes Constantine s change of faith to the persua-\\nsion, instilled into him by one ^Egyptius, a Spaniard,\\nthat the remission of sine attended the act of conver-\\nsion to Christianity. Thus it appears, at least, that\\nthe Pagan Historian did not doubt the reality of the\\nconversion, tliough he may have mistaken its motive.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "CONSTANTINE.\\n85\\nlooked with safety. And this fact is of much\\ngreater historical importance, than the mo-\\ntives or sincerity of any indiyidual can possi-\\nbly be.\\nLet us now proceed to ascertain what was\\nthe condition and constitution of the Church,\\nas Constantino found it what were the prin-\\ncipal alterations introduced by him, and in\\nwhat form and attitude he left it.\\nConstitution of the Church, We have al-\\nready described the free and independent\\nconstitution of the primitive Church; the\\nBishops and teachers were chosen by the\\nclergy and people the Bishop managed the\\necclesiastical affah s of his diocese, in council\\nAvith the Presbyters, and with a due regard\\nto the suffrages of the whole assembly of the\\npeople. Again, the great ecclesiastical di-\\nvisions of the empire appear from the ear-\\nliest period naturally to have followed the\\npolitical and thus for the regulation of mat-\\nters relating to the interests of a whole Pro-\\nvince, whether they were religious contro-\\nversies, or the forms and rites of divine ser-\\nvice, or other things of like moment, the\\nBishops of the Provmce assembled in coun-\\ncil, and deliberated and legislated.\\nWe have also remarked, that during the\\ncourse of the third century this constitution\\nwas so far changed, that the episcopal au-\\nthority was somewhat advanced, at the ex-\\npense of that of the inferior ministers and\\nthe people. But in all other respects the\\ngovernment of the Church remained in real-\\nity the same, and perhaps even in this respect\\nit was apparently so for the forms of the les-\\nser or diocesan councils were still preserved,\\nthough the relative influence of the three par-\\nties composing them had undergone a change.\\nAnd here it will be proper to examine how\\nfar those are correct who consider the Church\\nat that period, as a separate Republic or Bo-\\ndy-politic distinguished from the empire. In\\nthe first place the synods which we have\\nmentioned, local as well as provincial, as-\\nsumed the office and power to arrange ec-\\nclesiastical affairs, and to punish ecclesiastical\\noftences. But neither was their power ac-\\nknowledged by the civil Government, nor\\nwere their awards or censures enforced by it.\\nAgain, the Bishop, through an authority\\nwhich professed to be derived from Scripture,\\nand which may certainly be traced to the\\nearliest age, exerted a kind of mediative in-\\nterference throughout his diocese, in the civil\\ndisputes of the Christians, to which tliey very\\nfrequently appealed, and admitted his decis-\\nions as conclusive but no such jurisdictioii\\nwas recognised by the Government, nor were\\nany such decisions legally valid. Bloreover,\\nsome of the Churches had become possessed,\\nas corporate bodies, of considerable property\\nin land or buildings purchased from the com-\\nmon fund, and applied to the purposes of the\\nsociety but the Government never formally\\nacknowledged the legality of those acquisi-\\ntions, and availed itself, as we have already\\nseen, of the first pretext to confiscate them.\\nIt is in this condition of ecclesiastical af-\\nfairs, that we may discover perhaps the ear-\\nliest vestige of the distinction, which will\\nhereafter become so famiUar to us, between\\nspiritual and temporal power though in the\\npresent indefinite shape and imperfect de-\\nvelopement of the former, we can scarcely\\ntrace any intimation of its future proportions\\nand magnitude. We perceive also, on how\\nstrange and UTegiilar a foundation the secu-\\nrity of the early Church was established in\\nfact, to a statesman of those days, before the\\nforce of religious union and the intensity of\\nreligious attachment were generally known\\nand understood, the society or communion\\nwhich rested not on a political basis, would\\nnaturally appear to possess no pi-inciple of\\nstability. To the eye of a Pagan its strength\\nwas imperceptible, as the elements which\\ncomposed it were concealed from him and\\nit was this circumstance which encouraged\\nDiocletian to an aggression, of which the\\nbarbarity indeed shocked him, but of which\\nhe never, perhaps, doubted the success, since\\nthe power which resisted it was unseen and\\nincomprehensible. In the mean time, the\\npublic discipline, which had been made ne-\\ncessary by the neglect of the civil power, was\\ncemented and fortified by its opposition and\\nthe private smcerity of belief, which could\\nnot be understood by a Pagan, because Pa-\\nganism had nothing to do with Truth, was\\nanimated into contumacy by the sense of in-\\njustice and injury.\\nIt is even probable, that the union of the\\nscattered Churches was facilitated by the in-\\ncrease of the episcopal authority in each for\\nthey thus acquired that decision and steadi-\\nness of continuous exertion, which marks\\nindividual superintendence, and which would\\nscarcely have been so constant and uniform,\\nhad the government of the dioceses retained,\\nin its utmost strictness, its original popular\\ncharacter. The power of the Bishops made\\nthem formidable only to the persecutor their\\ninterests demanded their union and their\\nunion was then the only security for that of\\ntlie whole Church, and thereby (without the", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "86\\nHISTORY OF THE CJIURCH.\\ndirect interposition of Providence) for its ac-\\ntual preservation.\\nTo us, indeed, it seems nearly certain, that\\nthese pov^ erful but latent principles of eccle-\\nsiastical stability, which repelled the assault\\nof Diocletian, would have preserved the\\nChurch through a much severer trial, if the\\ngenius of Constantine had not discovered its\\nreal strength, and courted its friendship and\\nalliance. It is true, that in becoming ac-\\nquainted with its strength, he also discovered\\nits virtues; in the excellence of the Christian\\nsystem, he perceived a great omen of its per-\\npetuity\u00e2\u0080\u0094he saw too, that, as a rule for civil-\\nized society, it was more efficient than any\\nhuman law, because more powerful in its\\nmotives to obedience; and perhaps he re-\\nmarked also, that the energy of Christians\\nhad hitherto been confined to submission and\\nendurance to unoffending, unresisting per-\\nseverance and this outward display of loy-\\nalty might lead him to overlook that free\\nspirit, which pervaded both the principles\\nof the religion and the government of the\\nChurch, and which in later ages was so com-\\nmonly found in opposition to despotism.\\nCoiistantine admired the morality of the\\nChristians, he loved their submission to arbi-\\ntrary power, and he respected that internal\\nand advancing vigor, which had triumphed\\nover so many persecutors. These, we doubt\\nnot, were the motives which induced him to\\nseek the alliance of the Church, and to con-\\nfer on it advantages, not more substantial,\\nperhaps, than those which he received from\\nit.\\nWe are disposed to divide the ecclesiastical\\nlife of Constantine into three periods. In\\nthe first of these he confined himself, at least\\nostensibly, to the impartial toleration of all\\nreligions, though he legally established that\\nof the Christians. This extends from the\\nEdict of Milan to the council of Nice in the\\nyear 325. His next occupation was to define\\nthe doctrines, and thus to preserve the unity\\nof the Chnrch, which he had established. It\\nwas not till the third and latest period of his\\nlife, that he attacked the superstition of his\\nforefathers, l)y edicts directly levelled against\\nPaganism. The Arian controversy and the\\noverthrow of Paganism will form tlie sub-\\njects of separate chapters at present we shall\\nendeavor to point out the. most important\\nalterations introduced during this reign into\\nthe constitution of the Church, and their im-\\nmediate effects upon its ministers and mem-\\nbers. Constantine found the Church an in-\\nilependeiit body, a kind of self-constituted\\ncommonwealth, which might sometimes be\\nat peace, and sometimes at variance with the\\ncivil government, but wliich was never ac-\\nknowledged as any part of the whole body\\npolitic it had a separate administration, sep-\\narate laws, and frequently (through the per-\\nversity of its persecutors) separate interests\\nalso. The Christian, as a citizen of the em-\\npire, was subject of course to the universal\\nstatutes of the empire as a member of the\\nChurch, he owed a distinct allegiance to the\\nspiritual directors of the Church; and though\\nthis allegiance was never inconsistent with\\nhis civil obedience, except when that obedi-\\nence would have deprived him of his relig-\\nion, it was founded on more commanding\\nmotives, and was one from which no earthly\\nauthority was sufficient to absolve him. Thus\\nfar, and thus far only, his ecclesiastical divid-\\ned him from his civil duties to this extent\\nthey placed him, at all times, in divergency\\nfrom the State, and, in times of persecution,\\nin actual opposition to it. And so long as\\nthe Church which he honored was disclaimed\\nas a part, or associate, of the State so long\\nas the space between them was broad and\\ndistinguishable, so long the limits of his al-\\nlegiance to either were very clearly marked.\\nConstantine comprehended the nature, and\\nperceived the inconveniences and the danger,\\nof this disunion and he therefore employed\\nthe earliest exertion of his power and policy to\\nacknowledge the existence, to consolidate the\\nelements, to establish the authority, and to\\ndiminish the independence of the Church.\\nTo accomplish the first of these three objects,\\nhe received that body into strict alliance with\\nthe state ^to effect the last, he so received it,\\nas to constitute himself its director as well\\nas its guardian, and to combine in his own\\nperson the highest ecclesiastical with the\\nhighest civil authority. His right to this\\nauthority (if he condescended to consider\\nthat point) he might derive with some plausi-\\nbility from the original institutions of Rome.\\nFrom the earliest ages of its history, the\\nchief magistrate of the nation had been en-\\ntrusted with the superintendence of the na-\\ntional religion; and it seemed fair that he\\nshould impose the same, as the condition of\\nthe establishment of Christianity. And yet a\\ngreat distinction is to be observed even in\\nthis point. For, according to the principles\\nof Polytheism, the most sacred functions of\\nreligion might be performed by the hands of\\nthe civil magistrates but the consecration\\nof a separate order to those purposes by the\\nChristian system excHided the Emperor froin", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "CONSTANTINE.\\n87\\nthe administration of the rites of rehgion\\nand the Prince and the Priest became hence-\\nforward characters wholly distinct, and inde-\\npendent. It was perhaps by this restriction,\\nthat the first avowed and legal limitation was\\nimposed upon the autliority of the former\\nand it was not a trifling triumph to have ob-\\ntained from a Roman Emperor the acknow-\\nledgment of any right in a subject, or any\\nrestraint upon himself\\nNotwithstanding this assumption of ec-\\nclesiastical supremacy by the Emperor, the\\nChurch retained in many respects its separate\\nexistence, or at least the freedom of its au-\\ntonomous constitution indeed, had nottliis\\nbeen so, the term Alliance, which is used to\\ndesignate the union of Church and State un-\\nder Constantine, as it implies a certain degree\\nof independence in both parties, would be\\nunmeaning and out of place. Some imme-\\ndiate advantages were also reaped by the\\nChurch much that it had formerly held by\\nsuflferance, it now possessed by law many\\nprivileges, wliich.had hitherto existed through\\nthe connivance only, or the ignorance, of the\\nGovernment, were now converted into rights,\\nand as such confirmed and perpetuated.\\nConstantine divided the administration of\\nthe Church into 1. Internal, and 2. External.\\n1. The former continued, as heretofore, in\\nthe hands of the Prelates, individually and in\\nCouncil little or no alteration w^as intro-\\nduced into this department and it compre-\\nhended nearly every thing which was really\\ntangible and available in the power of the\\nChurch before its association with the State,\\nnow confirmed to it by that association. The\\nsettlement of religious controversies was re-\\ncommended to the wisdom of the Hierarchy;*\\nthe forms of Divine worship, the regulation\\nof customary rites and ceremonies, or the\\ninstitution of new ones, the ordination and\\noffices of the priesthood, which included the\\nunrestrained right of public preaching, and\\nthe formidable weapon of spiritual censure\\nwere left to the exclusive direction of the\\nChurch. The freedom of episcopal election\\nwas not violated and the Bishops retained\\ntheh power to convoke legislative synods\\ntwice a year in every Diocese, uncontrolled\\nby the civil magistrate. We have already\\nmentioned, that, by the Edict of Milan, the\\npossessions of the Church were restored, and\\nA rescript of Constantine to the Provincial Bish-\\nops on the disputes between Athanasius and Eusebius\\nof Nicodemia, admits Vestri est, non mei judicii,\\nde ea re cognoscere. See Baronius ad aim.. 329,\\nsect. 8.\\nits legal right to them for the first time ac-\\nknowledged and this act of justice was fol-\\nlowed, in the year 321, by another Edict\\nwhich permitted all subjects to bequeath\\nproperty to that Body.* Exemption from all\\ncivil offices was granted to the whole body\\nof the clergy f and, perhaps, a more impor-\\ntant privilege, about the same time conferred\\non the higher orders, was that of independent\\njurisdiction, even in capital charges, over\\ntheir own members so that the Bishop, alone\\namong the myriads of the subjects of the em-\\npire, enjoyed the right of being tried by his\\nPeers. This was not granted, however, with\\nai^y intention of securing his impunity for,\\nthough degi adation was the severest punish-\\nment which could be inflicted by a spiritual\\ncourt, the penalty was liable to increase, afi;er\\ncondemnation, by the interference of the sec-\\nular authority. While we may consider the\\nfree trial of the Bishops, in a political light,\\nas another important inroad into the pure\\ndespotism of the imperial system, we are also\\nassured that on the Body, thus exclusively\\npossessing it, it conferred no inconsiderable\\nadvantages. But another privilege, even\\nmore valuable than this, and one which will\\nmore constantly be present to us in the histo-\\nry of succeeding ages, is traced with equal\\ncertainty to the legislation of Constantine.\\nThe arbitration of Bishops in the civil differ-\\nences referred to them in their diocese was\\nnow ratified by law and their decisions, of\\nwhich the validity had formerly depended on\\nthe consent of the parties, were henceforward\\nenforced by the civil magistrate. On this\\nfoundation was imperceptibly established the\\nvast and durable edifice of ecclesiastical ju-\\nrisdiction from this simple legalization of\\nan ancient custom, in process of time, the\\nmost substantial portion of sacerdotal power\\nproceeded, and the most extravagant preten-\\nsions of spiritual ambition. But those conse-\\nquences convey no reflection on the wisdom\\nof Constantine, since they were produced\\nby circumstances which he could not possi-\\nbly foresee and which, besides, never influ-\\nConstantine s personal generosity to the Church,\\nas well as his deference to the Episcopal Order, is\\nmentioned by Eusebius, (Vit. Const., lib. i. c. 42.,\\nlib. ii., and Hist. Eccles., 1. x.) and was continued\\nthroughout his whole reign- The Pagan Zosimus\\n(lib. ii.) mentions the profusion which he wasted upon\\nuseless persons.\\nI Baronius, ad ann. 319. sect. 30.\\nt Fleury, Hist. Eccl. 1. x. sect. 27. on authority of\\nSozomen (1. i. c. 8 and 9) and Const. Apostol. (lib\\nii. c. 46) Baronius, ad ami. 314. sect. 38, with refer-\\nence to Cod. Theodos.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "88\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nenced, to any gi*eat extent, the eastern division\\nof Christendom.\\nIn the separate view, which we have taken\\nof the internal constitution of the Church,\\nwe perceive a powerful, self-regulated body,\\narmed with very ample and extensive author-\\nity, and supported, when such support was\\nnecessary, by the secular arm. Let us pro-\\nceed to the seiiond division, or the external\\nadministration of the Church.\\n2. Of this department tlie Emperor as-\\nsumed the entire control to himself.* It\\ncomprehended every thing relating to the\\noutward state and discipline of the Church\\nand was understood to include a certain de-\\ngree of superintendence over such contests\\nand debates as might arise among the minis-\\nters, of whatsoever rank, concerning their\\npossessions, their reputation, their rights and\\nprivileges, as well as their pohtical, or other\\noffences against the laws of the Empire.\\nEven the final decision of religious contro-\\nversies was subjected to the discretion of\\njudges appointed by the Emperor :f the\\nsame terminated any differences which might\\narise between the Bishops and people, fixed\\nthe limits of the ecclesiastical provinces, took\\ncognizance of the civil causes subsisting be-\\ntween ministers, and lent his power to the ex-\\necution of the punishment due to their crim-\\ninal offences. And though the right of con-\\nvoking local and provincial synods remained\\nwith the Church, that of assembling a General\\nCouncil was exercised only by the Prince.\\nWhen we consider in succession these ar-\\nticles of imperial supremac}^, we perceive, in\\nthe first place, that Constantino did not trans-\\nfer to himself from the Church any power\\nwhich had before belonged to it: most of\\nthe cases, there provided for, must by neces-\\nsity have always fallen under civil cognizance\\nfor whenever it happened, either that the\\nexternal encroachments of the Church, or\\nthe differences among Christians, or their\\nministers, proceeded to endanger public tran-\\nquillity, such offences fell, of course, under\\nthe cognizance of the secular, which was\\nthen the only acknowledged, jurisdiction.\\nThere appear, indeed, to be two cases in\\nwhich the Emperor assumed a power not\\nbefore belonging to the State interference\\nfor the arrangement of religious controver-\\nsies by the appointment of judges, and the\\nconvocation of General Councils. Respect-\\nThe authority assumed by the Emperors appears,\\nunder various titles, in the 16th book of the Tlieodo-\\nsian Code, as also in the Code of Justinian.\\nt Mosbeim, Cent. iv. part ii. ch. ii.\\ning the Jirst of these which proved indeed\\nthe least effectual part of his ecclesiastical\\nauthority it was not probable that the Em-\\nperor would be anxious to exert it, unless\\ncalled upon to undertake the office by one or\\nboth of the parties in controversy. If invited\\nto enforce the sentence of the Church against\\na condemned Heretic, he might reasonably\\nplead the interference of Aurelian in the\\naffair of Paul of Samosata if solicited to\\ndecide between two opinions dividing the\\nBody of the Church itself, he would natural-\\nly have recourse to the second of the methods\\nintrusted to him, the calling of a General\\nCouncil. But the authority to do so was not\\nthe usurpation of a power before possessed\\nby another, but tlte creation of a new power.\\nFor as a General Council of all the leading\\nministers of the Church neither had been,\\nnor could have been, assembled in times\\nwhen the Church, if haply not persecuted,\\nwas at least unacknowledged, so the new\\ncondition of its establishment gave birth to\\nnew circumstances, for the regulation of\\nwhich a new authority was necessary and\\nthat authority was properly vested in the\\nhighest civil magistrate.\\nIn the next place, in comparing the privi-\\nleges remaining to the Church with those\\nassumed by the Emperor in his connexion\\nwith it, and in tracing the consequences to\\nwhich either might be extended, we cannot\\nfail to observe, that their limits are often\\nvague and indeterminate and that, when\\nthey are not so, the points of contact and\\nintersection are very numerous, offering fi-e-\\nquent means and temptations to mutual inno-\\nvation. We shall see that, in after ages, they\\nled to much aggression and injustice in both\\nparties but as matters then stood, with so\\nlarge a portion of the population still uncon-\\nverted, and even adverse to the Faith, under\\nan Emperor possessed of undivided and\\nseemingly unbounded authority, we should\\nbe suiprtsed, perhaps, to find so many privi-\\nleges confirmed to a distinct religious com-\\nmunity, if we were not acquainted with the\\nbold and vigorous character of Constantine,\\nand also persuaded of his attachment to\\nChristianity.\\nWe should not omit to mention some\\nchanges at that time introduced into the titles\\nand gradations of the Hierarchy, in order to\\nassociate their administration more intimate-\\nly with that of the civil officers. To the\\nthree Prelates of Rome, Antioch and Alex\\nandria, who enjoyed a certain degree of pre-\\neminence in the Church, was added the", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "CONSTANTINE\\n89\\nPatriarch of Constantiuople\u00e2\u0080\u0094 these four cor-\\nresponded with the four Praetorian Prefects\\nthen also created. After these followed the\\nExarchs,* who had the inspection over\\nseveral provinces, and answered to the ap-\\npointment of certain civil officers of the same\\nname. The Metropolitans had the govern-\\nment of one province only, and under them\\nwere the Archbishops, whose inspection was\\nconfined to certain districts. The Bishops\\nwere the lowest in this gi*adation, but many\\nof them possessed ample extent of authority\\nand jurisdiction. Their number at this time\\nwas. one thousand eight hundred, of whom\\na thousand administered the Eastern, eight\\nhundred the Western Church. In this whole\\nBody, the Bishop pf Rome possessed a cer-\\ntain indeterminate precedence, or preemi-\\nnence, unattended by any authority and this\\nprecedence is attributed, first, to the Imperial\\nname of Rome, and next to the superiority\\nin wealth, which he seems to have acquired\\nat a veiy early period to the splendor and\\nextent of his religious administration, and the\\ninfluence naturally rising from these causes.\\nThe simple establishment of the Church,\\nsuch as we have now described it without\\nanticipating the measures of State afterwards\\napplied, or misapplied, to the support of it,\\nwas favoi-able not only to the progi-ess of\\nChristianity, but also to the concord of Chris-\\ntians; the former has never been disputed;\\nas to the latter, we have seen by what a\\ncloud of heresies the religion was overshad-\\nowed before its establishment; and no one\\ncan reasonably doubt, that the additional\\nsanction given to the gospel by imperial\\nadoption, and the greater dignity and influ-\\nence and actual power thus acquired by its\\nregular ministers in every province of the\\nEmpire, would conduce to dissolve and dis-\\nperse them. They did so but while the\\nnumerous forms of error, of which we have\\ntreated, fell for the most part into silence\\nand disrepute, there was one, of which we\\nhave yet made no mention, which grew up\\ninto such vigor and attained so much consis-\\ntency, that there seemed to be danger lest it\\nshould possess itself of the high places, and\\noccupy the sanctuary itself. Its progi-ess,\\nand the means adopted to oppose it, form the\\nsubject of the following chapter. We shall\\nconclude the present with one or two obser-\\nvations.\\nIt is one favorite opinion of most skep-\\ntical writers, that Christianity is entirely in-\\ndebted for its general propagation and stability\\nMosheim, loc. cit.\\n12\\nto the Imperial patronage of Constantine\\nit is another, that the establishment of the\\nChurch led to the disunion of its mem-\\nbers, and its prosperity to its corruption.\\nThe first of those theories is falsified by the\\nhistory of the three first centuries during\\nwhich we observe the religion to have been\\ngradually but rapidly progressive throughout\\nthe whole extent of the Roman Empire, in\\nspite of the persecution of some Emperors,\\nthe suspicious jealousy of others, and the\\nindiflTerence of the rest. We need not dwell\\nlonger on this fact especially as it is virtu-\\nally admitted by those same writers, when it\\nsuits them to attribute Constantino s pretended\\nconversion to his policy. The second of\\ntheir assertions has a greater show of truth,\\nbut is, in fact, almost equally eiToneous. A\\nfairer view of that question, and, if we mis-\\ntake not, the correct view, is the following\\nthe establishment of the Church was in itself\\nhighly beneficial both to the progress of reli-\\ngion, and to the happiness of society the\\nmere pacific alliance of that Body with the\\nState was fraught with advantage to the\\nwhole Empire, with danger to no member of\\nit. Many evils indeed did follow it, and\\nmany vexations were inflicted by Christ-\\nians upon each other in the perverse zeal of\\nreligious controversy. But such controver-\\nsies, as we have sufficiently shown, had ex-\\nisted in very great abundance, very long\\nbefore Christianity was recognised by law;\\nand the vexations were not at all the neces-\\nsary consequence of that recognition. They\\noriginated, not in the system itself, but in the\\nblindness of those who administered it they\\nproceeded -fi-om the fallacious supposition\\nthat which afl:erwards animated the Romish\\nChurch, and which has misled despots and\\nbigots in every age that unanimity in reli-\\ngious belief and practice was a thing attain-\\nable and they were conducted on a notion\\nequally remote from reason, that such una-\\nnimity, or even the appearance of it, could\\nbe attained by force. Many ages of bitter\\nexperience have been necessary to prove the\\nabsurdity of these notions, and the fruitless\\nwickedness of the measures proceeding from\\nthem. But a candid inquirer will admit that\\nthey were not at all inseparably connected\\nwith the establishment of the Church and\\nthat that Body would not only have continued\\nto exist and to flourish, without any interfer-\\nence of civil authority to crush its adversa-\\nries, but that it would have subsisted m that\\ncondition with more dignity, and more honor,\\nand much more security.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "90\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nThe prosperity of the Church was unques-\\ntionably followed by an increase in the num-\\nber and rankness of its corruptions. But\\nunhappily we have already had occasion to\\nobserve, that several abuses had taken\\nroot in all its departments, during at least\\nthat century which immediately preceded\\nthe reign of Constantine ^to the fourth we\\nmay undoulitedly assign the extravagant hon-\\nors paid to Martyrs, and the shameful super-\\nstitions which arose from them. But we\\nshould also recollect, that many among the\\nRomish corruptions are of a much later date,\\nand that several may be directly referred to\\nthe influence of expiring Paganism, not to\\nthe gi-atuitous invention of a wealthy and\\ndegenerate priesthood. Indeed, we should\\nadd, that in respect to the moral character of\\nthe clergy of the fourth century, they seem\\nrather chargeable with the narrow, conten-\\ntious, sectarian spirit, which was encouraged\\nand inflamed by the capricious interference\\nof the civil power, than with any flagrant de-\\nficiency in piety and sanctity of life. {Euseb,\\nH. E.lib.viLe. i.)\\nJVote on Ensehius. The name of Eusebi-\\nus has been so frequently referred to in this\\nHistory, that being now amved at the age in\\nwhich he flourished, we are bound to give\\nsome account of his life and character. He\\nis believed to liave been born at Csssarea in\\nPalestine, about the year 270 he was raised\\nto that See about 315, and died in 339, or 340\\nbeing thus (within two or three years) con-\\ntemporary with his Emperor, and his friend,\\nin the three circumstances of his birth, his\\ndignity, and his death. He was extremely\\ndiligent and learned, and the Author of in-\\nnumerable volumes. And among those\\nwhich still exist, his Ecclesiastical History,\\nand his Life of Constantine, furnish us with\\nthe best lights which we possess respecting\\nhis own times, and with our only consecutive\\nnarrative of the previous fortunes of Christi-\\nanity. Eusebius admits, in the first chapter\\nof his History, that he has entered upon a\\ndesolate and unfrequented path and in\\ngleaning the scattered records of preceding\\nwriters, and presenting them for the most part\\nin their own language and on their own au-\\nthority, he has indeed very frequently dis-\\ncovered to us the scantiness of the harvest\\nand the poverty of the soil. Still in that\\nrespect he has faithfully discharged his histo-\\nrical duties, and has rescued much valuable\\nmatter from certain oblivion. In this indeed\\nconsists one peculiar merit of his Histoiy,\\nJerome de Vir. lUust. c. xxxi.\\nthat it unfolds to us a number of earlier\\nmemoirs, written immediately after the events\\nwhich they describe, and on all of which we\\nare at liberty to exercise our critical judg-\\nment, as to the credit which may be due to\\nthem, without also involving that of Eusebi-\\nus in our conclusion. But respecting the\\nhistorical candor of the Author, when he\\nspeaks in his own person, and the fidelity with\\nwhich he has delivered such circumstances\\nas were well known to him, a few words are\\nnecessary, because the question is not usually\\nstated with fairness.\\nIn describing the sufferings of the Chris-\\ntians during the last persecution, Eusebius\\n(H. E. lib. viii. c. ii.) admits that it does not\\nagree with our plan to relate their dissensions\\nand wickedness before the persecution, on\\nwhich account we have determined to relate\\nnothing more concerning them than may\\nserve to justify the Divine Judgment. We\\nhave therefore not been induced to make\\nmention, either of those who were tempted\\nin the persecution, or of those who made\\nutter shipwreck of their salvation, and were\\nsunk of their own accord in the depths of the\\nstorm but shall only add those things to our\\nGeneral History, which may in the first place\\nbe profitable to ourselves, and afterwards to\\nposterity. And in another passage he asserts,\\nthat the events most suitable to a History of\\nMartyrs are those which redound to their\\nhonor. From these two passages it appears\\nthat Eusebius in his relation of that persecu-\\ntion has suppressed the particulars of the\\ndissensions and scandals which had prevail-\\ned among the faithful, because he judged\\nsuch accounts less productive of immediate\\nedification and future profit, than the cele-\\nbration of their virtues and their constancy.\\nWe may remark that in this determination, his\\nfirst error was one of judgment if indeed\\nhe imagined that the great lessons of History\\nwere more surely taught by the records of\\nwhat is splendid and glorious, than by the\\npainful, but impressive story of human im-\\nperfection, and of the calamities which man\\nhas gathered from his own folly and wicked-\\nness. But his second and less pardonable\\ndeviation was from principle there is a di-\\nrect and avowed disregard of the second fun-\\ndamental precept of historical composition.\\nHowever, the crime is less dangerous because\\nit is avowed, and more excusable because\\nless dangerous and at any rate, if we shall\\nperceive, in the general course and character\\nIn Vit. Constant, cap. ix., he makes the same\\nsort of profession.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "CONSTANTINE.\\n91\\nof the work, a disposition to inveetigate dili-\\ngently, and represent faithfully, we shall be\\ndisposed to confine our doubts to those por-\\ntions only, which the writer has not even\\nprofessed to treat with entire fidelity and in\\nthe vast multitude of circumstances, in which\\nthe honor of the Martyrs is not concerned,\\nwe shall approach our only fountain of infor-\\nmation with a confidence not much impaired\\nby a partial dereliction of principle, which is\\nfairly admitted.\\nBut that delinquency of Eusebius which\\nwe have just mentioned is confined to the\\nsuppression of truth it does not proceed to\\nthe direct assertion of falsehood we shall\\nnow notice a still more serious suspicion,\\nto which he has rendered himself liable.\\nThe thirty-first chapter of the twelfth book\\nof his Evangelical Preparation bears for its ti-\\ntle this scandalous proposition* How it may\\nbe lawful and fitting to use falsehood as a\\nmedicine, for the advantage of those who re-\\nquire such a method. We have already de-\\nplored, with sorrow and mdignation, the fatal\\nmoment, when fraud and falsehood were\\nWe purposely copy the language of Gibbon\\n(Vindication, p. 137, 2d ed.) Still we should fail in\\ndoing perfect justice to Eusebius, if we did not pub-\\nlish, together with the proposition, the very short\\ncliapter in which it is treated. It begins with a quo-\\ntation from Plato (De Leg. 2.) A legislator of any\\nvalue even if the fact were not such as our discourse\\n_ has just established it if in any case he might make\\nbold to deceive young persons for their advantage;\\ncould he possibly inculcate any falsehood more profit-\\na!ble than this, or more potent to lead all without force\\nor compulsion to the practice of all justice 1 Truth,\\nmy friend, is honorable and permanent; but not, it\\nwould seem, very easy of persuasion. To this some-\\nwhat hypothetical passage of Plato, Eusebius adds\\nYou may find a thousand such instances in the Scrip-\\ntures, where God is described as jealous, or sleeping,\\nor angry, or liable to other human affections, so ex-\\npressed for the advantage of those who require\\nsuch a method (en (hcpsXsiq. rbw dsojUEvaiv tov\\nlOiovTOV TQOTtov.y This is all that is said on the\\nsubject, and it shows us perhaps to what limits Euse-\\nbius intended to confine the application of his propo-\\nsition. And thus Gibbon s account of the chapter,\\nthough it may be literally true, is calculated to mis-\\nlead. In this chapter (says he) Eusebius alleges a\\npassage of Plato, which approves the occasional prac-\\ntice of pious and salutary frauds nor is he ashamed\\nto justify the sentiments of the Athenian Philosopher\\nby the example of the sacred writers of the Old\\nTestament.\\nfirst admitted into the service of religion.\\nPhilosophy, in the open array of her avowed\\nhostility, was not so dangerous as when she\\nlent to her undisciplined adversaries her own\\npoisoned weapons, and placed them in unskil-\\nful hands, as implements of self-destruction.\\nIt was disgraceful to the less enlightened fa-\\nthers of the second and third centuries, that,\\neven in the midst of trial and tribulation, they\\nborrowed a momentary succor fi-om the pro-\\nfession of falsehood but the same expe-\\ndient was still more shameful to Eusebius,\\nwho flourished during the prosperity of the\\nChurch, whose age and more extensive learn-\\ning left him no excuse in ignorance or inex-\\nperience, and whose great name and unques-\\ntionable piety gave sanction and authority to\\nall his opinions. There can be no doubt\\nthen, that the publication of that detestable\\nprinciple in any one of his writings, however\\nmodified and limited by his explanation,\\nmust, to a certain extent, disturb our confi-\\ndence in the rest the mind which does not\\nprofess to be constantly guided by truth pos-\\nsesses no claim to our implicit submission.\\nNevertheless, the works of Eusebius must at\\nlast be judged by the character which seve-\\nrally pervades them, not by any single prin-\\nciple which the Author has once only laid\\ndown to which he has not intended (as it\\nwould seem) to give general application, and\\nwhich he has manifestly proposed rather as\\na philosophical speculation, than as a rule for\\nhis own composition. At least we feel con-\\nvinced, that whoever shall calmly peruse his\\nEcclesiastical History will not discover in it\\nany deliberate intention to deceive in the\\nrelation of miraculous stories, he is more\\nsparing than most of the Church Historians\\nwho succeeded him, and seemingly even\\nthan those whom he has copied and upon\\nthe whole, we shall not do him more than\\njustice, if we consider him as an avowed,\\nbut honest advocate, many of whose state-\\nments must be examined with suspicion,\\nwhile the greater part bear direct and incon-\\ntestable marks of truth.*\\nDr. Jortin (vol. i. p. 209) has corrected a mis-\\ntake of Dr. Middleton, who had attributed to Eusebi-\\nus an absurd respect for the Erythrean Sibyl which\\nseems, in fact, to have been entertained by Constan-\\ntine.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "92\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nThe Arian Controversy,\\nControversies among Christians their origin how\\ndistinguished from philosophical disputations their\\ncharacter accounted for. Constantine s conduct to-\\nwards Heretics and origin of the Arian controversy\\nAlexander Arius his opinions followers Inter-\\nference of the Emperor Council of Nice various\\nmotives of those assembled \u00e2\u0080\u0094their proceedings and\\ndecision Proposal of Eusebius of Caesarea Gib-\\nbon s account of this Council Temporal Penalties\\nto what extent carried. Conduct of the successors of\\nConstantine Constantius. Athanasius his history\\ntwice exiled his triumphant restoration contests\\nwith Constantius\u00e2\u0080\u0094 methods taken by the latter to se-\\ncure success remarks on them third banishment\\nof Athanasius\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Council of Rimini progress of Ari-\\nanism. Theodosius Council of Constantinople.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nArianism of the Northern Barbarians the conquerors\\nof the West its effects. Justinian Spain Council\\nof Toledo. Termination of the controversy. Obser-\\nvations examination of Arian claims to greater puri-\\nty of faith to greater moderation Progress of Ari-\\nanism in the West to what cause attributable confu-\\nsion of sectarian and national enmity conduct of\\nCatholics and Arians under persecution Note on cer-\\ntain Christian Writers.\\nWhen Constantine established Christianity\\nas the religion of the Empire, he probably\\ndid not foresee how soon he should be called\\nupon to interpose his authority, in order to\\nprescribe and define the precise tenets of\\nthat religion, which he had established.\\nDoubtless he was well acquainted with\\nthe numerous opinions by which Christians\\nbad ever been divided but he saw that, in\\nspite of them, the Body had continued to ad-\\nvance in vigor and magnitude, with the show\\nof iieaitb and unity. The Church was strong\\nin the midst of heresy, as well as of oppres-\\nsion and when he gave her his protection\\nagainst the latter, he imagined, perhaps rea-\\nsonably, that she could have nothing to ap-\\nprehend from the former. But, whether it\\nwas, as some suppose, that the evil passions\\nof Christians were inflamed by their present\\nsecurity, or, as we rather believe, that the\\nexpression of dissent had been softened by\\nthe impunity which attended it during form-\\ner reigns, it is certain that scarcely ten years\\nfrom the Edict of Milan had elapsed, before\\nthe Christian world beheld the beginning\\nof a convulsion, which continued for some\\nyears to increase in violence, and which was\\nnot finally composed without a long and des-\\nolating struggle.\\nIt had been the vice of the Christians of\\nthe third century, to involve themselves in\\ncertain metaphysical questions, which, if\\nconsidered in one light, are too sublime to\\nbecome the subject of human wit if in an-\\nother, too ti-ifling to gain the attention of rea-\\nsonable men. The rage for such disputa-\\ntions had been communicated to religion, by\\nthe contagion of philosophy but the manner\\nin which it operated on the one and on the\\nother was essentially different. With the\\nphilosopher such questions were objects of\\nthe understanding only, subjects of com-\\nparatively dispassionate speculation, whereon\\nthe versatile ingenuity of a minute mind\\nmight employ or waste itself. But with the\\nChristian they were matters of truth or false-\\nhood, of behef or disbelief; and he felt assur-\\ned that his eternal interests would be influ-\\nenced, if not decided, by his choice. Hence\\narose an intense anxiety respecting the result,\\nand thus the passions were awakened, and\\npresently broke loose and proceeded to every\\nexcess.\\nFrom the moment that the solution of\\nthese questions was attempted by any other\\nmethod than the fan* interpretation of the\\nwords of Scripture as soon as the copious\\nlanguage of Greece was vaguely applied to\\nthe definition of spiritual things, and the ex-\\nplanation of heavenly mysteries, the field of\\ncontention seemed to be removed from earth\\nto air where the foot found nothing stable\\nto rest upon where arguments were easily\\neluded, and where the space to fly and to\\nrally was infinite so that the contest grew\\nmore noisy as it was less decisive, and more\\nangry as it became more prolonged and com-\\nplicated. Add to this the nature and genius\\nof the disputants for the origin of these\\ndisputes may be traced, without any excep-\\ntion, to the restless imaginations of the East.\\nThe violent temperament of orientals, as it\\nwas highly adapted to the reception of reli-\\ngious impressions, and admitted them with\\nfervor and earnestness, intermingled so close-\\nly passion with piety, as scarcely to conceive\\nthem separable. The natural ardor of their\\nfeelings was not abated by the natural subtil-\\nty of their understanding, which was sharp-\\nened in the schools of Egypt and when this\\nlatter began to be occupied by inquiries in\\nwhich the former were also deeply engaged,\\nand when the nature of those inquiries as-\\nsumed an indeterminate and impalpable\\nform, it was to be expected that many extrav-\\nagances would follow. We must also men-\\ntion the loose and unsettled principles of that\\nage, which had prevailed before the appear-\\nance of Christianity, and had been to a certain\\nextent adopted by its professors those, for\\ninstance, which justified the means by the\\nWarburton, Post, to 4th ed. of t^ Alliance of\\nChurch and State.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE ARlAN CONTROVERSY.\\n93\\nend, and admitted fi-aud and forgery into the\\nservice of religion. From these considera-\\ntions we perceive, that disputations on such\\nsubjects, conducted by minds such as have\\nbeen described, and on the vrorst principles,\\ncould not possibly hope for moderation, and\\ncould not speedily terminate; and it is not\\nuseless to have premised them to our ac-\\ncount of those controversies, for thus we shall\\nneither attribute them (as some have done)\\nto mistaken causes nor be so much scandal-\\nized by their intemperance, as to take any\\noffence against religion itself, because such\\nevils have been done in its name.\\nConstantine appears to have enlisted him-\\nself very early under the banners of the\\nChurch which he had established very soon\\nafter the Edict of Milan, we find him pub-\\nlishing Laws against Heresy, which went so\\nfar, in menace at least, as to transfer the\\nproperty of heretical bishops or ministers to\\nthe orthodox. In the list of the proscribed\\nwe find the followers of Paul of Samosata,\\nthe Unitarians of those days we find the\\nMontanists, who were the Enthusiasts, the\\nNovatians, who were the Reformers, and two\\ndenominations of Gnostics but the opin-\\nions of the Arians were not yet attacked\\nperhaps they had not yet assumed a tangible\\nform, ar at least were not distinguished and\\nstigmatized by a name.\\nIn the freedom exercised by individual\\nopinion on abstruse mysteries under the early\\nChurch, it is possible that many may have held\\nthe doctrine afterwards called Arian but the\\ncontroversy seems to have been awakened\\nabout the year 319, by the zeal of a Bishop\\nof the Church, and the scene of its explosion\\nwas that hot-bed of heresy and dissension,\\nAlexandria, f Alexander was the Bishop,\\nArius a Presbyter, in that city and the\\nformer, in an assembly of his clergy, felt it\\nThe Marcionites and Valentinians See Sozomen,\\nlib. ii. c. 32; and the beginning of Gibbon s 21st\\nchapter we should rather conclude, however, from\\nEusebius a account (Vit. Const. 1. iii. c. 63 66)\\nthat Constantine s Edict against those Heretics was\\nposterior to the Council of Nice. Sozomen asserts\\n(not very accurately) that the effect of the Edict was\\nthe destruction of all excepting the Novatians, against\\nAvhom it was not seriously enforced.\\nt Even after the Council of Nice we learn from\\nEusebius (Vit. Const. 1. iii. c. 23) that while all the\\nrest of the world was disposed to concord, among the\\nEgyptians alone there prevailed immitigable dissen-\\nsion. Some anecdotes respecting the character of\\nthis people, which had engrafted Greek principles on\\nAfi-ican character, are given by Jortin. Eccl, Hist.,\\nbook iii. A. D. 364.\\nhis duty strongly to impress on them his\\nsentiments respecting the nature of the God-\\nhead maintaining, among other things,\\nthat the Son was not only of the same emi-\\nnence and dignity, but also of the same es-\\nsence with the Father. Arius disputed this\\ndoctrine, and this dispute led him to the\\npromulgation of his ow^n opinions they were\\nthese, or nearly these f that the Son had\\nbeen created by the Father before all things\\nbut that time had existed before his creation,\\nand that he was therefore not coetemal with\\nthe Father that he was created out of noth-\\ning that he was not coessential with the\\nFather; that, though immeasurably supe-\\nrior in power and in glory to the highest\\ncreated beings, he was still inferior in both to\\nthe Father. These opinions found many and\\nrespectable advocates:}: in Asia as well as\\nEgypt, among the clergy as well as the laity,\\nand even in the highest ranks of the clergy\\nand their number was probably increased,\\nwhen the Bishop, after condemning the tenets\\nof Arius in two Councils held at Alexandria,\\npronounced against him the sentence of ex-\\ncommunication.\\nThe quaiTel now became so violent, that it\\nwas judged necessary to invite the interfer-\\nence of the Emperor. Constantine viewed\\nthe whole question as trifling and utterly un-\\nimportant he regretted that the peace of\\nthe Church should be so vainly disturbed\\nhe lamented that the harmony of Christians,\\nThe opinions of Alexander himself have not es-\\ncaped the charge of heresy his notions respecting the\\ndistinct persons of tlie Trinity were so imperfect,\\nthat Arius accused him, with seeming justice, of in-\\nclination to the error of Sabellius. And again, some\\nof his expressions respecting the nature of the second\\nperson place him upon the very borders of the error\\nsubsequently denominated semi-Arianism. So diffi-\\ncult was it in those days even for the most pious pre-\\nlate to discover, and preserve uudeviatingly, the\\nprecise path of orthodoxy.\\nI Mosh. Gen. Hist. c. iv. p. ii. ch. 5. Maimb.\\nHist. Arian. book i. p. 16. Gibbon, chap. 21.\\nThe original materials from which tlie history of Ari-\\nanism is chiefly composed, are Eusebius s Life of\\nConstantine, the writings of Athanaslus (particularly\\nthe first volume) and the Ecclesiastical Histories of\\nSocrates, Sozomen and Theodoret. We may also\\nmention the 69th (or 49th) Heresy of Epiphanius.\\nI Sozomen i. 15. iii. 18.\\nConstantine s epistle appears in Euseb. Vit.\\nConst. 1. ii. c. 64\u00e2\u0080\u009472. In c. 69 the Emperor de-\\nscribes the origin of the controversy, and exposes its\\ndangerous tendency; and in c. 71 he rebukes the par-\\nties for disputing i57Te^ /uiHQ(bv xal liav eXa/laTUV\\nabout trifling, and most truly insignificant matters.*\\nThis account is confirmed by Sozomen, H. E. k i. C.\\n15 and 16. Socrates, H. E. lib. i. c. 7.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "94\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwho were united on so many subjects of infi-\\nnite weight, should be interrupted by such\\nunprofitable speculations and in the Epistle\\ncontaining those sentiments he enjoined peace\\nto both parties. Constantino knew not the\\nnature of the tempest which was excited,\\nfor neither experience nor history had yet\\npresented to him any thing resembling it.\\nHowever he had adopted the only measure\\nwhich offered any hope of appeasing it, and\\nhad he persisted in his neutrality, it is proba-\\nble that the Arian controversy, after some\\nnoisy debates and angry invectives, would\\nhave discharged its passion in words, and the\\nheresy itself would have fallen into dishonor,\\nalmost into oblivion, like so many others, f\\nBut the firmness of the Emperor was not\\nproof against the importunity of the orthodox\\nprelates, seconded, as some think, by his own\\ntheological vanity; a General Council was\\nsuggested as the only remedy for the evil, and\\nthe Emperor would, of course, preside over\\nits deliberations. Still the matter was some\\nlittle time in suspense and that was perhaps\\nthe most critical moment in ecclesiastical\\nhistory, in which Constantino determined to\\nconvoke the Council of Nice.\\nIt would appear Indeed from the following pas-\\nsage in his Epistle, that he was very imperfectly in-\\nformed even respecting the nature of the question\\ncontroverted. Wherefore, says he, let an unguarded\\nquestion, and an inconsiderate answer mutually exxuse\\neach other for neither does the cause of your conten-\\ntion regard tlie chief among the commandments of the\\nlaw, nor has any new heresy been introduced by\\nyou respecting the worship of God, but both of you\\nhold one and the same opinion so that there is noth-\\ning to prevent your concord and communion. Vit.\\nConst. 1. ii. c. 70. There was nothing, indeed, to pre-\\nvent their concord and communion yet the opinions\\nwhich they held were widely and essentially different.\\nt Jortin has suggested another method in the follow-\\ning very rational passage (Eccles. Hist. B. iii.)\\nIf, when the quarrel between Alexander and Arius was\\ngrown to such a height as to want a remedy, the Fa-\\nthers of the Church had, for the sake of peace, agreed\\nto draw up a Confession of Faith in words of Scrip-\\nture, and to establish the divinity of Christ on the ex-\\npressions used by tlie Apostles, every one might have\\nassented to it, and the Arian party would most certainly\\nhave received it. The difference of sentiments, in-\\ndeed, and of interpretation, would not have ceased, but\\nthe controversy would have cooled and dwindled away,\\nafter every champion had discharged his zeal upon pa-\\nper and written to his heart s content. The Arian no-\\ntion that the Son was created in time, and that there\\nwas a time when he existed not, would probably have\\nBunk, as not being the language of the New Testament\\nand the Macedonian notion, that the J/o/y Ghost urns\\ncreated in time, would have sunk witJi the other for\\nthe same reason; at least these opinions would never\\nIrave been obtruded upon us as Articles of Faith.\\nCouncil of JVice. In the year 325 a. d.\\nabout three hundred and eighteen Bishops\\nassembled at Nice (Nica^a) in Bithynia,for the\\npurpose of composing the Arian Controversy\\nLet us consider (says Dr. Jortin) by what\\nvarious motives these various men might be\\ninfluenced; by reverence to the Emperor, or\\nto his counsellors and favorites, his slaves and\\neunuchs by the fear of offending some great\\nprelate, who had it in his power to insult,\\nvex and plague all the Bishops within and\\nwithout his jurisdiction by the dread of\\npassing for Heretics, and of being calumniat-\\ned, reviled, hated, anathematized, excommu-\\nnicated, imprisoned, banished, fined, beggar-\\ned, starved, if they refused to submit; by\\ncompliance with some active, leading and im-\\nperious spirits by a deference to the majori-\\nty; by a love of dictating and domineering, of\\napplause and respect by vanity and ambition\\nby a total ignorance of the question in debate\\nor a total indifference about it by private\\nfriendship, by enroJty and resentment, by old\\nprejudices, by hopes of gain, by an indolent\\ndisposition, by good-nature, by the fatigue of\\nattending, and a desire to be at home, by the\\nlove of peace and quiet, and a hatred of con-\\ntention, c. c. To these considerations,\\nwhich comprehend perhaps the usual mo-\\ntives of human action, we should add that\\namong so many assembled, many there must\\nhave been of sincere intention and earnest\\npiety, and certainly several well instructed in\\nthe learning of that age and the excellence\\nof these persons doubtless so influenced the\\ngeneral character of the Council, that, though\\nunable to repress the intemperate violence of\\nsome of its members, they were sufficient to\\nconduct it to that decision, which has now\\nbeen followed by the great majority of Chris-\\ntians for fifteen centuries.\\nThe Bishops began by much personal dis-\\nsension, and presented to the Emperor a\\nvariety of written accusations against each\\nother the Emperor burnt all their libels, and\\nPersons not more widely separated and diversi-\\nfied in sentiments, than in person, residence and race,\\nhere met together and one City received them all,\\nas it were an ample garland variegated with beautiful\\nflowers. Such is tlie light in which this assembly ap-\\npeared to Eusebius, who was one of its members. Vit.\\nConst. 1. iii. cap. 6. Respecting the number of Bish-\\nops, Eusebius, as the passage has come down to us,\\nmakes it more than two hundred and fifty. Socrates\\n(lib. i. c. 8.), professing to follow Eusebius, describes\\nit in oi\\\\e place as above three hundred, in another as\\nthree hundred and eighteen. And tliat number is\\ngenerally received by modern writers, on the additional\\nauthority of Athanasius, Hilary, Jerome and Rufiiras.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY.\\n95\\nexhorted them to peace and unity. They\\nthen proceeded to examine the momentous\\nquestion proposed to them. It was soon dis-\\ncovered that the differences, which it was in-\\ntended to reconcile, might in their principle\\nbe reduced to one point, and that that point\\nmight be expressed by one word and thus\\nthe question appears to have been speedily\\nsimplified (as indeed was necessary, that so\\nmany persons might come to one conclusion\\non so mysterious a subject) and reduced to\\nthis whether the Son was, or was not, con-\\nsubstantial with the Father Many of the\\nleading Bishops hesitated, or even held in the\\nfirst instance the negative opinion, and among\\nthem were Eusebius* of Csesarea, the histo-\\nrian of Constantine, and Eiisebius of Ni-\\ncomedia, from whose hands the Emperor\\nafterwards received baptism. The former\\nproposed to the assembly a Creed, in which\\nthe word consubstantial f (Homoousian) was\\nomitted but in which he anathematized\\nevery hupious heresy, without particularizing\\nany. His advice was not followed. Then\\narose subtile disceptations respecting the\\nmeaning of the word, about which some\\nconflicted with each other, dwelling on the\\nterm and minutely dissecting it it was like\\na battle fought in the dark for neither party\\nseemed at all to understand on what ground\\nthey vilified each other. However, the\\nresult was perfectly conclusive they finally\\ndecided against the Arian opinions, and es-\\ntablished, respecting the two fii-st persons of\\nthe Trinity, the doctrine which the Church\\nstill professes in the Nicene Creed.\u00c2\u00a7\\nJortin (Eccl. Hist. b. iii.) has discussed the reli-\\ngious opinions of Eusebius very reasonably.\\nf He objected to the term as unscriptural and to\\nthe use of such terms, he attributed nearly all the con-\\nfusion and disorder of the Churches (See Socrates,\\nlib. i. c. viii. near the end.) We may observe that\\nthis was the most tenable ground in which the Arians\\nof every denomination intrenched themselves in the\\ncourse of their subsequent disputes with the Consub-\\nstantialists. See Maim. Hist. Arian. b. iv. (vol. i.\\np. 223.) The distrust of tradition which they ven-\\ntured to express even in that early age, was closely\\nconnected with it\u00e2\u0080\u0094 yet it proved also, that the early\\ntradition of the Church was favorable to the Catholic\\nopinion.\\nX See Socrates, 1. i. c. xxiii. This passage has\\nrather reference to the differences on the same subject\\nwhich continued after the Council; but it well des-\\ncribes the nature of the disputations. Sit ista in\\nGraecorum levitate perversitas qui maledictis insectan-\\ntur eos a quibus de veritate dissentiunt. Cic. Fin. 11.\\nGibbon s account of this Council does not seem\\nto rest on evidence sufficient to counteract its im-\\nprobability. He divides the Christian world, as\\nTheir labors being completed, the Bishops\\ndispersed to their respective provinces be-\\nsides the solemn declaration of their opinion,\\non a most important point of doctrine (since\\nit established the equal divinity of the Son,)\\nthey finally set at rest the question respecting\\nthe celebration of Easter, and enacted some\\nprofitable regulations relating to Church dis-\\ncipline.* Thus fai then, we can have no\\njust reason to condemn the result of their\\nmeeting, or to pronounce such assemblies\\neither pernicious or useless. The doctrine\\nof the majority of Christendom was proclaim-\\ned by a public act, on a subject hitherto un-\\ncontroverted, and henceforward it was reason-\\nably considered the doctrine of the Church.\\nAnd if matters had rested here, perhaps the\\ndissentients would either have concealed their\\nopinions, or gi adually melted away into the\\nmass of the orthodox. But Constantine\\nthought the work of ecclesiastical legislation\\nincomplete, until the spiritual edict was en-\\nforced by temporal penalties. Immediate\\nexile was inflicted on those who persisted in\\nerror and the punishment of a Heretic by a\\nChristian Prince was defended by the same\\nrepresented at Nice, into three classes or parties,\\nall Heretical Arians, Sabellians and Tritheists;\\nand tlien he asserts that the two last (professing opin-\\nions diametrically opposite to each other) combined\\nagainst the Arians. Without affecting to believe,\\nthat the majority of the Nicene Bishops would have\\nexplained the mystery of the Trinity in the precise\\nlanguage of the Athanasian Creed, we think it very\\nirrational to suppose, that there were none (that there\\nwere not many) among them, impressed with notions\\nof the Trinity very far removed either from Sabellian-\\nism or Tritheisra. Those, who know the pertinacity\\nwith which men adhere to their own previous notions\\non such matters, will not easily believe, that two nu-\\nmerous parties, professing opinions not only contrary\\nbut adverse, should immediately waive those opinions,\\nand assume, and persist in, other opinions essentially\\ndifferent from either, and then unite, merely for the\\nsake of outvoting a third party, against which they\\nwere not inflamed by any personal animosity. It is\\npossible that there may have been some Sabellians as\\nwell as Tritheists among tlie members of the Council,\\nnotwithstanding ihe repeated condemnations of those\\nheresies by the Church writers but it is impossible\\nto believe, that the opinions, which were finally sanc-\\ntioned by the great majority of tiie Bishops, and were\\never afterwards followed as the rule of orthodoxy,\\nwere not previously very general among the ministers\\nof the Church.\\nThe three written monuments of this Council were\\nthe Rule of Faith a number of Canons and the\\nSynodical Epistle which was addressed to the Church-\\nes on its dissolution. Socrates, E. Hist. lib. i., c.\\nix. See Semler, Cent. iv. cap. iii. De Conciliis\\nMosheim. E. H. Cent. iv. p. ii. c. v.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "96\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nplea of rebellious contumacy, which is urged\\nby the apologists of his Pagan predecessors\\nto justify the execution of a Christian.*\\nIn justice, however, to the character of\\nConstantine, we must admit, that he was ani-\\nmated throughout these perplexing dissen-\\nsions not by any private or sectarian animosi-\\nty against the Arian party, but by a smcere\\ndesire to restore peace to the Church. It\\nwas his object to correct and chastise the\\nperversity of the Heretics, and thus to force\\nthem into communion with the great body of\\nhis Christian subjects but he had no design\\nor wish for their extermination. And as soon\\nas he discovered that his first severities were\\nineffectual; that the Arians, under the epis-\\ncopal guidance of Eusebius of Nicomedia,f\\nlost little strength in Asia and even maintain-\\ned the contest in Alexandria itself, and that\\nthey were not without support in his own\\nCourt and Household, he perceived the inu-\\ntility of his measures, and chose rather to re-\\ntrace the steps which he had taken, than to\\nadvance more deeply into the paths of per-\\nsecution. He therefore recalled Eusebius in\\nthe year 330, and six years afterwards Arius\\nhimself, after presenting to the Emperor a\\nmodified profession of faith, was released\\nfrom the sentence of banishment. That\\nHeresiarch perished soon afterwards by a\\nsudden, but probably a natural, death and\\nso far from joining in the anathemas, which\\nare commonly heaped upon him, we shall\\nperform a more grateful office in bearing\\ntestimony to the purity of his moral life, and\\nthe probable sincerity of his religious opin-\\n*ln a formal Edict addressed to the Bishops and\\nPeople, Constantine compares the blindness of Arius\\nto that of Porphyry, and commands his followers to\\nbe designated by the ignominious name of Porphyri-\\nans. He then pi oceeds to consign the books of Arius\\nto the flames, nearly in the following terms: If any\\nman be found to have concealed a copy of those Books,\\nand not to have instantly produced it and thrown it\\ninto the fire, he shall be put to death. The moment\\nhe is convicted of this he shall be subjected to capital\\npunishment. The Lord continue to preserve you.\\nSocrates, Hist. E., lib. i., p. 32.\\nfPhilostorgius, the Arian historian, attributes mi-\\nracles to this Eusebius; and Athanasius (Orat. 2,)\\nseems to consider him rather as the master than the\\ndisciple of Arius. See Tillemont. Sur les Ari^ris.\\nArt. VI.\\nX It is another, perhaps a more probable opinion,\\nthat Eusebius was recalled in 328, and Arius even\\nsooner; but that the Emperor did not invite Arius to\\nConstantinople until 336 Mosh. Ecc. Hist., Cent.\\nIV, p. ii. c. V. See also Tillem. loc. cit., who dates\\nthe real rancor of the contest from the refusal of\\nAthanasius still to communicate with his adversary.\\nions. Respecting the less important circum-\\nstances of his manners and conversation, we\\nshall be contented to adopt the language of a\\nwriter who has seldom treated either him or\\nhis followers with any show of candor or\\njustice.* Arius made use of the advanta-\\nges he was master of, by art and by nature,\\nto gain the people\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for it is certain that he\\nhad a great many talents, which rendered\\nhim capable of nicely insinuating himself into\\ntheir good opinion and affections. He was\\ntall of stature and of a very becoming make,\\ngrave and serious in his carriage, with a cer-\\ntain air of severity in his looks, which made\\nhim pass for a man of great virtue and aus-\\nterity of life. Yet this severity did not dis-\\ncourage those who accosted him, because it\\nwas sofl;ened by an extraordinary delicacy in\\nhis features that gave lustre to his whole per-\\nson, and had something in it so sweet and\\nengaging, as was not easily to be resisted.\\nHis garb was modest, but withal neat, and\\nsuch as was usually worn by those who were\\nmen of quality as well as learning. His\\nmanner of receiving people was very cour-\\nteous, and very ingratiating, through his\\nagreeable way of entertaining those who\\ncame to him upon any occasion. In short,\\nnotwithstanding his mighty seriousness, and\\nthe severity and strictness of his mien, he\\nperfectly well understood how to soothe and\\nflatter, with all imaginable wit and address,\\nthose whom he had a mind to bring over to\\nhis opinion, and engage in his party.\\nOn the death of Constantine in 336 a. d.\\nthe Empire was partitioned among his sons.\\nConstantius occupied the eastern throne, and\\nConstantine and Constans divided that of the\\nwest. These two Princes (in compliance\\nperhaps with the inclinations of their sub-\\njects) supported the Nicene faith in their\\ndominions but Constantius loudly proclaim-\\ned his adhesion to the Arian or Eusebian f\\ndoctrine and, perceiving that a numerous\\nsect already professed it, he proceeded by\\nevery art to impose it upon the body of his\\npeople. It is admitted that Constantius pos-\\nsessed a vain and feeble mind, alike inca-\\npable of being moderated by reason or fixed\\nby faith.| Instead of reconciling the parties\\nby the weight of his authority, he cherished\\nand propagated by verbal disputes the differ-\\nMaimbourg, Hist. Arian., b. i. Epiphanius,\\nHseres. 69.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Eusebius of Nicomedia died in the year 342, af-\\nter gaining some advantages over his great antagonist\\nAthanasius.\\nt Gibbon, c. 21.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY.\\n97\\neuces which his vain curiosity had excited.\\nAnd it is the complaint of Amniianus, a con-\\ntemporary historian, that the highways were\\ncovered, and the estabhshment of posts ahnost\\nexhausted, by the troops of Bishops, who were\\nperpetually hurrying from synod to synod.\\nThese measures served onl}^ to animate dis-\\nsension and the evils and the odium which\\nit produced are more justly charged upon the\\nPrince who inflamed, than upon the parties\\nwho blindly waged it.\\nIn the year 350 Constans was assassinated,\\nand soon afterwards Rome and Italy, with a\\ngreat part of the western Empire, fell into the\\nhands of Constantius. Hitherto the Church-\\nes of the West had not been deeply agitated\\nby the controversy, but having willingly em-\\nbraced, had steadily maintained, the doctrine\\nof Nice but the first attention of the Empe-\\nror was directed to the disturbance of their\\nrepose and their faith.\\nAthanasius. In the meantime, an adversa-\\nry, dangerous to the opinions, and not wholly\\nsubject even to the power, of the Sovereign,\\nhad been raised up in the person of Athana-\\nsius. That great champion of Catholicism,\\nthe most distmguished among the Fathers of\\nthe Church, not by his writings only but by\\nhis adventures and his suflerings, steadily de-\\nfended the Nicene doctrine during forty -six\\nyears of alternate dignity and persecution.*\\nHe succeeded Alexander in the See of Alex-\\nandria in the year 326 he succeeded also to\\nhis enmity against the opinions and person\\nof Arius, and boldly raised his voice against\\nhis recall from banishment by Constantine.\\nSome intemperance in his zeal seems soon\\nafterwards to have given a pretext to the\\nAsiatic Bishops, many of whom were still\\nArian; and in a Synod held at Tyre,f they\\npronounced the sentence of degradation and\\nexile, which was enforced by the Emperor.\\nAt the end of twenty-eight months, soon after\\nthe death of Constantine, he was restored but\\nin 341 he was once more exiled by the Synod\\nof Antioch,J acting under the influence of\\nHis character is admirably described by Gibbon\\n(chap. 21,) and the history of his constancy and his\\nmisfortunes is written with splendor and imparliality,\\neven when Julian becomes his persecutor.\\nt It was held in the year 335. The most important\\nof the charges brought against Athanasius were mani-\\nfestly confuted, and the justice of his sentence is at\\nleast very questionable.\\nXAt this time, or soon afterwards, the Arians drew\\nup a Creed in which they omitted the offensive word\\nConsubstanlial; but the terms which they applied to\\nthe Son, calling him arqinxuv te yal ara?J.oiwToi\\nTtjg QtoTrjToc, ovoiag Te y.al ^ovlT.c y.al dvrauiwg\\n13\\nConstantius. The place of his former ban-\\nishment was France that of his second was\\nItaly, and chiefly Rome so that he became\\nfamiliar Avith the language of the West, with\\nthe discipline and Primates of its Church, and\\nwith the Court of its Emperor. He profited\\nby all these advantages, and availed himself\\nso effectually of the last, that Constans* at\\nlength prepared to interfere with arms in his\\nfavor. Threatened by the horrors of a reli-\\ngious war, Constantius reluctantly consented\\nto his restoration.! In the year 349 he reoc-\\ncupied his former throne. The entrance of\\nthe Archbishop into his capital was a trium-\\nphal procession absence and persecution had\\nendeared him to the Alexandrians his au-\\nthority, which he exercised with rigor, was\\nmore firmly established, and his fame was\\ndiffused from Ethiopia to Britain, over the\\nwhole extent of the Christian world.\\nIt was immediately after this event that\\nConstantius succeeded to the Western Em-\\npire; and in his zeal for the propagation of Ari-\\nanism he presently renewed his attacks on\\nAthanasius. He summoned Councils of the\\nWestern Bishops he menaced and caressed\\nand corrupted the Bishops whom he had\\nsummoned, and at length (in the year 356)\\nwith great difficulty succeeded in deposing for\\nthe third time his spiritual adversary.\\nThis struggle must not be passed over with\\ny.ul Sohjg urcuou7.luy.xov iiy.ova, yai rcqwroroyov\\nnaaijg y.TiOsojg are such as might have been sub-\\nscribed by the most zealous Catholic. See Le Clerc,\\nap. Jortin, E. H. b. iii. and Tillemont. Sur les\\nAriens. Article xxxii. Also, Sozomen, 1. 3. c. 5;\\nand Athanas. de Synodis.\\nThe celebrated Council held at Sardica, in Thrace,\\nin 347, in which the great majority were Catholics,\\nprobably encouraged the Emperor of the West to this\\nresolution.\\nt It was on this occasion, that Constantius request-\\ned Athanasius to grant to the Arians one Church at\\nAlexandria. This request the Patriarch answered by\\nanother, proposing a similar concession to tlie Catho-\\nlics at Antioch. From this Conference we learn not\\nonly what high ground was assumed by the Prelate, in\\nhis transactions with the Emperor, but also with what\\ndifferent success the measures of the latter had been\\nattended in the Capitals of Syria and of Egypt.\\nX The most numerous Council assembled on this oc-\\ncasion appears to have been that of Milan in 355,\\nwhich was attended byabave 300 Western, as well as\\nmany Eastern Bishops. (See Maimb., Hist. Arian.,\\nb. iv. vol. i., p. 174., et seq.) In the same year Li-\\nberius, Bislwp of Rome, was banished for his faithful\\nattachment to the doctrine and cause of Athanasius\\nbut he was presently recalled, tlirough the intercession\\nfirst of the matrons, and afterwards of the populace, of\\nRome. Sozom., lib. iv. c. 2. Theod. lib. ii. c. 17.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nslight notice, since it presents to us an event,\\nof which there had yet been no experience in\\nthe history of the Church, or in the history\\nof Rome, or perhaps in the history of man.\\nHitherto, at least till a very short time pre-\\nvious, the Church had been a despised and\\nseemingly defenceless community, subject, as\\na Body, to the capricious insults of every ty-\\nrant, and liable, in its individual members, to\\nhis arbitrary inflictions. Until very lately,\\nthe Emperor of the Roman world possessed\\nauthority uncontrolled over the liberty and life\\nof his subjects, undisputed by any, except as\\nrebels, or rivals for the throne. And certainly\\nthe monstrous evils of despotic government\\nhave never been more signally displayed, than\\nduring the dreary interval which separated\\nAugustus and Constantine. Still at the end\\nof that period the rules of government re-\\nmained the same as at the beginning no civil\\nrevolution had assigned limits to the authority\\nof the Prince, or introduced any counteract-\\ning power no political change had given\\nweight to popular opinion or honor to free\\nprinciples. And yet scarcely forty years from\\nthe accession of Constantine had elapsed,\\nwhen we behold his son and successor reduc-\\ned to the employment of intrigue and artifice,\\nfor the deposition of a Magistrate whom he\\ndetested. The singularity of this circum-\\nstance is even increased by two other consid-\\nerations one of which is, that the Emperor\\nhad the cordial support of a considerable por-\\ntion of his subjects, the Arian party, in this\\ncontest and the other, that his adversary was\\nnot sustained by any armed force of soldiers\\nor followers nor is it probable even that his\\nviolent execution would have been followed\\nby any serious insurrection.* Yet Constan-\\ntius, with a prudent respect both for the spi-\\nritual authority of the Bishop and the rights\\nof the Church, proceeded to the accomplish-\\nment of his object by indirect and tedious and\\nunworthy methods. Such circumstances be-\\ncome indeed familar to us in the pages of lat-\\ner history but we should not for that reason\\noverlook their first occurrence, nor fail to re-\\ncord with pleasure and gratitude the earliest\\nproof w^e possess of the political effect of\\nChristianity in moderating the despotism\\nwith which it was associated.\\nThe thu-d banishment of Athanasius lasted\\nsix years, until the death of his persecutor in\\nIt is true that some popular commotions did at\\nlast attend the execution even of the legal order for the\\ndeposition of the Bishop, which were suppressed by\\nforce; but they were of very short duration, and en-\\ntii ely eoniined to Alexandria.\\n362.* They were passed in the deserts of\\nUpper Egypt, in concjealment and depen-\\ndence and they were consoled by the pious\\nexertions of the exile for the opinions for\\nwhich he suffered exertions, which the vi-\\ngilance of tlie Imperial police could neither\\nprevent nor neutralize. After his final resto-\\nration he enjoyed his See without interrup-\\ntion for eleven years, and at length died in\\npeace and dignity.\\nDivisions of the Brians. In the meantime,\\nas is natural among those who indulge in any\\nlaxity of speculation respecting mysteries\\nreally inscrutable, the Arians were divided\\namong themselves almost as widely as the\\nmore moderate among them varied from the\\nChurch. The original and pure Arians, fol-\\nlowing the opinioiis of their founder, main-\\ntained not only that the substance of the\\nWord was different from that of the Father,\\nbut that it did not even resemble it while\\nothers, pretending the authority of Eusebius\\nof Nicomedia, denied with equal confidence\\nthe Consubstantiahty of the two Persons, but\\nat the same time affirmed their perfect likeness.\\nThese last are commonly called Semiarians\\nand their doctrine appears to have been first\\nproclaimed at the Synod of Ancyra in Galatia,\\nheld by Basil, the Bishop of tliat place, in the\\nyear 358 but the Council of Seleucia, by\\nwhich their tenets v/ere sanctioned in the fol-\\nlowing year, holds a more prominent place in\\necclesiastical annals.f They were very nu-\\nmerous during the reign of Constantius, who\\nwas their protector and proselyte but they\\nafterwards yielded in some measure to the\\npure Arianism of Valens and his Patriarch,\\nEudoxius. Again the Semiarians were not\\nthemselves entirely united; several among\\nthem maintained the preeternity of the Word\\nwhile others believed that, though it had sub-\\nsisted before all ages, it had once had a begin-\\nning and that party| was not inconsiderable\\nwhich, admitting a general likeness between\\nthe Father and the Son, denied that there was\\nany similarity of substance. Athanasius, in\\nIt is asserted by Tillemont (Sur les Ariens, Art.\\n108) that during the neutrality of Julian, the Catholics\\ngained considerable ground upon their adversaries.\\nt In the fourth century were held thirteen Councils\\nagainst Arius, fifteen for him, and seventeen for the\\nSemiarians; in all forty-five. Jortin, Ecc. Hist., b,\\niii.\\nX It would appear that Constantius himself belonged\\nto this sect of the Semiarians. See Gibbon, chap. 21.\\nThe Consubstantialists are known in history by\\nthe Greek term Homoousians those who asserted\\nthe similarity of the substances, by tlie name of Ho-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY.\\n99\\nhis Epistle respecting the Synods of Seleucia\\nand Rimini exposes the gi-eat variety of the\\nArian Creeds, and the subject has been en-\\nlarged upon by Cathohc Historians, to show\\nthe inevitable perplexities of those who have\\nonce permitted themselves to deviate from the\\nestabhshed doctrine.\\nCouncil of Rimini. Having succeeded in\\nhis attack on the Consubstantialists (and, v/e\\nmight add, on the pure Arians) of the East,\\nConstantius removed the scene of action to\\nthe Western Provinces, and convoked a Coun-\\ncil at Rimini in the year 360: by nearly the\\nsame arts which he had employed to procure\\nthe condemnation of Athanasius,* supported\\nby a moderate, but firm exertion of the civil\\nauthority, he succeeded in influencing the\\nmembers to the subscription of a Creed, con-\\ntaining some expressions capable of heretical\\nmterpretation. The whole world gi oaned\\n(says St. Jerome) and wondered to find itself\\nArian But this conversion was neither\\nsincere nor lasting and however opinions\\nmay have been divided in the East for even\\nMOiousiANs; those who denied any sort of resem-\\nblance Avere called Anomoians and, to complete the\\nconfusion, the last mentioned Sectai ians are some-\\ntimes denominated fiom the name of one of their\\nmost popular teachers Eunomians. The unimpor-\\ntance of the verbal difference might provoke our ridi-\\ncule, did we not reflect how much the angrj applica-\\ntion of those terms tended to prolong and imbitter\\nthe controversy. See Semler, cent. iv. chap. 4., ad\\nfinem. The distinction which Tillemout (Sur les\\nAriens, Art. 66) draws between the Arians and Euse-\\nbians refers rather to their situation in respect to the\\nChurch than to their doctrine. By the Arians we\\nmean those who were expelled from the Quirch by the\\nCouncil of Nice by the Eusebians those who remain-\\ned in communion with the Church, but who bent\\nthemselves insidiously to ruin its doctri;.3, by the in-\\nvention of new formularies, Avho endeavored to expel\\nAthanasius, and who communicated with the original\\nArians. So that these two formed only one sect in\\nintrigue, and perhaps in belief too though the one\\nparty appeared in the Church, and the other was visi-\\nbly separated fi-om it. The word ouoovaioc is in-\\nterpreted habens simul essentiam, i. e. eandem es-\\nsentiam.\\nHe directed Taurus, tlie Governor of the Pro-\\nvince, to confine the Bishops, until they should be all\\nof one mind, that is, until they should be all of the\\nEmperor s mind. The conditions of concord on\\nwhich they at length agreed amounted to this: that\\nthe Catholics conceded the .offensive term (Consub-\\nstantialism,) and the Arians to all appearance the\\ndoctrine; at least all parties agreed in anathematiz-\\ning the name of Arius, while they professed, as it\\nwould seem, the Semiarian opinions. Sulpic. Sever.\\nlib. ii. Maimb. Hist. Arian., b. iii. Gibbon, chap.\\n21.\\nthere, though the majority of the Bishops\\nfollowed the faith of the Emperor, there is\\nreason to believe that many among the peo-\\nple remained Catholic f we may safely infer\\nfrom the small number of Arian prelates who\\nwere fomid willing to proclaim that doctrine,\\neven under an Arian Emperor, that it had yet\\nmade little progi-ess in the Latin Church.j:\\nFor we should alwaj s bear in mind, that any\\nsudden change in the, opinions of the vulgar\\nrespecting an abstruse mystery must neces-\\nsarily be preceded by the same change in their\\nspiritual directors.\\nThe path of intolerance, which had been\\npointed out and abandoned by Constantine,\\nbut so steadily followed by his heretical suc-\\ncessor, was trodden with equal diligence in\\nthe Eastern Emph-e by Valens. That Prmce,\\nwho is believed to have been converted to\\nArianism by the influence of his Empress\\nDominica, in the year 367, permitted consid-\\nerable license against the Catholics to his\\nPatriarch Eudoxius,even during the beginning\\nof his reign, and proceeded, after a few years,\\nto more direct and intemperate measures.\\nThe throne and principal Churches of Constanti-\\nnople were occupied by Arian Patriarchs from the year\\n342 till their restoration to the Catholics by Theodo-\\nsius nearly 40 jears afterwards. Semler, Epit. sec. iv.\\nAt Antioch at least the dissent of the people from\\nthe established Arianism was strongly and violently\\nexpressed, and at Constantinople itself, the very cita-\\ndel of the heresy, in spite of the savage edicts of Con-\\nstantius, some very sanguinary tumults still proved the\\nsteady perseverance of many Catholics. In one of\\nthese 3150 persons were killed.\\nOf the four hundred Bishops assembled at Rimiui\\neighty only were Arians.\\nThe Arians had no cause to blush at the obliga-\\ntions which they likewise owed to tAvo preceding Em-\\npresses. Constantia protected their infancy and their\\nmisfortunes during the reign of Constantine, and Eu-\\nsebia promoted their prosperity under the sceptre of\\nConstantius. The Catholics could also boast of simi-\\nlar patronage; but Maimbourg (Book vi.) establishes\\na very broad distinction as to the agency by which\\nsuch aid w as in each case administered; as the devil\\n(says that very rigid Cadiolic) had employed the as-\\nsistance of Princesses to introduce Arianism into the\\nCourt of Constantine, of Constantius and Valens, so\\nGod made use of the Empress ^lia Flaccilla in order\\nto prevent it from creeping into the Court of Theodo-\\nsius. In a later page (b. xii. A. D. 590) the same\\nauthor again alludes to the diabolical agency which\\nintroduced the Arian heresy into the East by the means\\nof three women, and which was afterwards compen-\\nsated by the divine benevolence in raising up three\\nPrincesses, Clotilda, Indegonda and Thpodelinda for\\nthe purification of France, Spain and Italy.\\nII They are enlarged upon by Tilleniont, Sur les\\nAriens, Art. 115.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "100\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nAlexandria, by whose pernicious fertility the\\ncontroversy was first engendered, remain-\\ned however, through the influence of Alex-\\nander and Athanasius, strongly attached to\\nthe Nicene faith. It became the scene of\\nfrightful disorder, as soon as the civil authori-\\nties added strength to the malignity of the\\nArians, and proceeded again to expel Peter,\\nthe othodox Patriarch. The calamities thus\\noccasioned were undoubtedly heightened by\\nthe zealous interference of the Jews and\\nPagans, who derived their best argunient\\nagainst Christianity from the furious dissen-\\nsions of its professors, and who were, on all\\noccasions, anxious from other motives to join\\nin the assault on the stronger and wealthier\\nparty. On the other hand, the Monks, a new\\nbut numerous Body, continued faithful to the\\ndoctrine of Athanasius, and loved it the more\\nbecause they suffered for it. Peter avoided\\nthe tempest by a hasty retreat to Rome, and\\nthe success of the Arians does not appear\\npermanently to have increased either their\\nnumbers or their popularity. However, there\\ncan be no doubt that the profession of Arian-\\nism was common, and even general, through-\\nout the East during the reign of Valens, and\\nthat in some of the Asiatic Provinces, espe-\\ncially Syria, such may have been the real be-\\nlief of the majority; but its progress was\\nattended with perpetual tumults, and at the\\ndeath of Valens in 378 it had reached the\\nhighest point of prevalence which it was des-\\ntined in those regions to attain.\\nTheodosius the Great. Two years after-\\nwards, Theodosius the Great proclaimed his\\nadhesion to the doctrine of Nice, and imme-\\ndiately prepared to establish it as the Creed\\nof his subjects. I will not permit (thus he\\naddressed certain Arians in the year* 383)\\nthroughout my dominions any other religion\\nthan that which obliges us to worship the Son\\nof God in unity of essence with the Father\\nand Holy Ghost in the adorable Trinity as\\n1 hold the Empire of Him, and the power\\nwhich I have to command you, he likewise\\nwill give me strength, as he hath given me\\nthe will, to make myself obeyed in a point so\\nabsolutely necessary to your salvation, and to\\nthe peace of my subjects. The peace of his\\nsubjects was not indeed the immediate re-\\nward of his violent measures, but, on the con-\\ntrary, general confusion and much individual\\nsuffering was occasioned- by them. Still, as\\nhe persevered inflexibly, as he was supported\\neven in the East by the more zealous, and, in\\nSee Maimb..\u00c2\u00bb Hi^t. Arian., b, vi.\\nsome places, the more numerous party, and\\nas he was seconded almost by the unanimity\\nof the Western Empire, his severities were\\nattended by general and lasting success, and\\nthe doctrine of Arius, if not perfectly extir-\\npated, withered from that moment rapidly\\nand irrecoverably throughout the Provinces\\nof the East.\\nThe work of Theodosius was considerably\\npromoted by the Council which he assembled\\nat Constantinople in the year 381, and which\\nstands in the history of the Church as the\\nSecond General Council. Its object, besides\\nthe regulation of several points of ecclesiasti-\\ncal discipline, was to confirm the decision of\\nNice against the Arians, and especially to pro-\\nmulgate the dqctrine of the Divinity of the\\nThird Person, against the Macedonian Here-\\ntics. The Doctrine on those fundamental\\npoints, which was then established, is the\\nsame (if we except the maimer of the Holy\\nProcession) which is still professed in our\\nChurch: by the Oriental Church it has been\\nunceasingly maintained, without any varia-\\ntion, to the present moment.\\nArianism of the Barbarians. We turn to\\nthe consideration of the Western Empire.\\nWhile Valens was disturbing his subjects with\\nfruitless persecution, the Western Empire was\\nadministered by his brother Valentinian with\\njustice and moderation. Those, and they\\nwere few in number, among the Western\\nBishops, who had openly deserted to the faith\\nof Constantius, were now concealed in ob-\\nscurity, or removed by death Damasus, the\\nBishop of Rome, was an ardent supporter of\\nthe Nicene doctrine, and the Church pre-\\nserved the general appearance, if it could not\\nquite secure the reahty, of concord. At Mi-\\nlan, during the reign of Theodosius, the cele-\\nbrated St. Ambrose exerted his genius in the\\nsame cause, and at the end of the fourth cen-\\ntury the proselytes of Arianism formed an\\ninconsiderable and a declining party. Sud-\\ndenly it received a new and extraordinary\\nimpulse from a quarter which could not have\\nbeen suspected, from accidents which could\\nnot be averted, nor immediately controlled j\\nand which prolonged the existence of that\\nheresy beyond the duration which seemed\\nMacedonius, in common with other Arians (or\\nrather Semiarians,) denied the Consubstautiality, and\\naffirmed the likeness of the two first Persons but he\\npositively asserted that the Holy Ghost was xrioror,\\nci eated. He is said to have published this notion\\ntwenty years before the General Council which con-\\ndemned it. Le Clerc, Compend. Hist ap. Jort., b.\\niii, Mosh. H. E., Cent, iv^ p. ii^ ch v", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY.\\n101\\notherwise to have beeu assigned to it. Dur-\\ning the course of the fifth century numerous\\ntribes of Barbarians, Goths, Huns, and Van-\\ndals, Suevi and Alani and Sahi, overran and\\noccupied the provinces of the west. Of these\\nsome had beeu previously converted to Christ-\\nianity in their native forests, before their emi-\\ngration to the south, though others for the\\nmost part adopted the rehgion of the van-\\nquished and while they professed generally\\nthe name of Christianity, they followed in its\\nparticular tenets the faith of then- Prince or\\nleader. Now it so happened that all these\\ntribes, excepting probably the Salii, imbibed\\nin the first instance the notions of Ai ius.\\nThis circumstance is thus accounted for\\nThe Goths, who were the earUest and most\\nzealous among the converts, were directed in\\ntheir religious creed by theh Bishop Ulpnilas,\\na man of great talents and influence. This\\nprelate, in the course of two missions to Con-\\nstantinople, during the reigns of Constantius\\nand Valens, accommodated his opinions\\n(whether sincerely or not, is questionable) to\\nthose of the Imperial Court, and he returned,\\nat least from his second embassy, the zealous\\nproselyte of Arianism. This doctrine he\\nrapidly propagated among his compatriots,\\nand diffused it through the whole nation.\\nThe example of the Goths was respected by\\nthe leaders of tribes of subsequent invaders\\nand converts in embracing the religion of\\nthe provinces which they conquered they\\npreferred that form of it which was professed\\nby their predecessors in conquest and thus\\nthe tenets of Arius were disseminated among\\nthe barbarian colonists in every province of\\nthe western empire. Other means of spread-\\ning those tenets were the persecutions of the\\northodox Emperors, especially Theodosius\\nby scattering the followers of the heretic\\namong distant and populous nations they dif-\\nfused to the same extent the knowledge of\\nhis doctrine, and multiplied the number of\\nits professors.\\nAgain, those of the barbarian princes who\\nembraced Christianity after their success,\\nwhen they saw the great controversy by\\nwhich the Christian world was divided,\\nwould be guided also by political motives as\\nto the side they chose in it, and one of these\\nwould probably be opposition to the Eastern\\nthrone and, as they were litde versed in the\\narguments by which the question was contest-\\ned, and probably blind even to its real nature\\nand importance, the mere effect of their igno-\\nrance would be to direct them to what might\\nseem the simpler creed. Their soldiers and\\nfollowers, still blinder than themselves, nat\\nurally acquiesced ui their belief; and even\\namong the vanquished natives, the many who\\nwere indifferent would turn to the same pro-\\nfession. On the other hand, the Church re-\\nmained firm the exertions of its most eminent\\ndirectors were bent almost without exception\\non the maintenance of the IN icene faith, and\\nwith such success, that the gi-eat majority of\\nzealous and influential Christians probably\\nretained, even under foreign and Arian rule,\\ntheir attachment to the established doctrine.\\nThis reaction in favor of Arianism, as it\\nwas sudden and somewhat violent, was not\\nof long duration indeed we may fairly con-\\nsider the sixth century as having brought\\nabout its termination. The conversion of\\nClovis to the Catholic faith in the year 496,\\nand his subsequent zeal in its favor, are\\ncommonly mentioned as having first opened\\nthe path to the conclusion of the dispute and\\nas it is sometimes the pleasure of Divine\\nProvidence to select the vilest instruments for\\nthe accomplishment of His mysterious de-\\nsigns, so we may believe without astonish-\\nment that He deigned to bring about a great\\ngood even by the impure and flagitious min-\\nistry of Clovis. A more effective agent in\\nthe same work was Justinian. That Emper-\\nor began his long and active reign in 527, and\\nhis rigid orthodoxy was disgraced by the\\nmost violent proceedings against every de-\\nscription of heresy. His victories extended\\nhis means of extirpation into the West, and\\nbefore his death he had very generally\\nstrengthened, though he had not universally\\nrestored, the authority of the Church.\\nThe Ai-ians still retained a very powerful\\nparty in Spain, which was not destined to be\\notherwise extinguished than by the accession\\nof an orthodox monarch. In the year 585\\nRecared assembled the leaders of the two\\nparties in a conference, which concluded in\\nthe triumph of the Catholics and that Prince\\npursued his victory both in Spain and Nar-\\nbonese Gaul, with so much diligence and\\nrigor, that after some sanguinary tumults and\\nbai barous executions,* the great body of his\\nsubjects ranged themselves under his doc-\\ntrine, and never afterwards relapsed into\\nheresy. The celebrated Council of Toledo,\\nwhich was held by the same King in 589,\\nmay be considered as having completed the\\nMaimb. Hist. Ai ian., b. xi. The fact is admit-\\nted and justified by Mariana, Hist. Hispan., lib. v.,\\nch. xiv. See Basde s Diet., Arius. The facility\\nwith which tlie Arians yielded to this persecution has\\ngiven great matter of exultation to Catholic writers.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "102\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nextirpation of Arianism from the soil of\\nSpain.\\nThe Lombards. In Italy the victories ob-\\ntained by the Generals of Justinian gave\\nstrength and confidence to the Catholic\\nChurch, and w^eakened the opposition of its\\nadversaries and the heresy appears to have\\nbeen falling into discredit, when it received\\na fresh but momentary impulse from the\\ninvasion and triumphs of the Lombards.\\nThose Arian vv^arriors crossed the Alps in the\\nyear 569, and presently became masters of\\nthe greater part of the country. Their con-\\nquests were attended by unusual circumstan-\\nces of barbarity, and the necessary horrors of\\nuncivilized warfare were inflamed by sectari-\\nan animosity. But the sufferings of the Cath-\\nolics were not of long duration they were\\nspeedily and effectually terminated by the\\nconversion of the conquerors. This event is\\nascribed, in the first instance, to the diligence\\nand fidelity of the orthodox Bishops,* who\\navailed themselves of the first moments of\\ntranquillity to recommend the Nicene doc-\\ntrine to the conscience of the victors. It is\\nat least probable that their exertions prepar-\\ned and facilitated the success of a Catholic\\nQueen, Theodelinda, who appears to have\\ncompleted the overthrow of Arianism even\\namong her Lombard subjects before the con-\\nclusion of the sixth century. The triumph\\nof that Princess may be read by the Catholic\\nwithout a blush, and recorded by the histo-\\nrian without a sigh since it was accomplish-\\ned, if not by the process of rational convic-\\ntion, at least without the savage inflictions by\\nwhich sudden religious changes are usually\\neffected.\\nIt was thus that this lamentable controver-\\nsy, after perplexing the faith, and animating\\nthe malice, and disturbing the happiness of\\nthe Christian world for more than two hun-\\ndred and fift~? years, was at length extin-\\nguished; an at this moment the very name\\nof Arius is almost forgotten in the Eastern\\nworld and in the West his opinions are con-\\nfined to the breasts of a very inconsiderable\\nproportion of the Christian community.\\nWe shall close this account with a few ad-\\nditional observations. The Arians have laid\\nclaim to the greater moderation, both in the\\norigin and in the conduct of this controversy,\\nand they moreover assert that their commu-\\nnion was free from many of the superstitious\\ncorruptions, which, at that time, were grovv-\\nMaimbcurg (Hist. Arian. ,b. xii.) is the more to\\nbe believed in tliis poiat, as he mentions the fact al-\\nmost incidentalJv.\\nI ing up so rapidly in the Catholic church.\\nThis latter assertion is, at least, founded in\\nprobability because the principle of their\\nfaith, by disparaging the dignity of the Re-\\ndeemer, removed them farther from religious\\nexcess. Their tendency was rather towards\\ntoo little, than towards too much belief; and\\nwe can readily suppose that those who were\\nso averse from the worship of Christ, would\\ncertainly refuse ajiy adoration to the Virgin\\nor other created beings. But notwithstand-\\ning this, we find that Constantius had a su-\\nperstitious veneration for relics, and was the\\nfirst to encourage their transfer from place to\\nplace, with the miraculous qualities attached\\nto them and when that Arian disturbed the\\n(real or supposed,) bodies of Timothy, St. An-\\ndrew, and St. Luke, and conveyed them to\\nConstantinople, he assuredly introduced into\\nthe Church of Christ one of its most degrad-\\ning corruptions.* But theii- claims to supe-\\nrior moderation are still more disputable, ex-\\ncept, indeed, as far as it might be the fruit of\\ntheir weakness. In the East, the reign of\\nConstantius was the sera of their triumph,\\nand it was polluted by constant and sanguina-\\nry persecution. That of Valens was not less\\ndistinguished by the same spirit and prin-\\nciple, and the same oppression and as the\\nArian Bishops were then exceedingly nume-\\nrous and powerful, at least in Asia, it would\\nbe unfair to impute the whole criminality to\\nthe Emperor. Athanasius, the continual ob-\\nject of then* hostility, has the following pas-\\nsage concerning them. Whenever any man\\ndiffers from them, they have him before the\\nGovernor or the General him whom they\\ncannot subdue by reason and argument, they\\ntake upon them to convince by whippings\\nand imprisonments which is enough to show\\nthat their principles are any thing rather than\\nreligion for it is the property of religion not\\nto compel, but to persuade. On the other\\nhand, Athanasius liimself either had not yet\\nlearnt, or liad wholly forgotten, this excellent\\ntruth when he appealed to Constantino against\\nthe recall of Arius nor was it generally either\\npractised or acknowledged afterwards by the\\nCatholic Emperors of the East.f Gradually\\nthe faith of the prelates submitted itself to the\\ninjunctions of those monarchs the people\\nwere, upon the whole, always favorable to\\nThis took place iu 356. See Jortin, Eccl. His.,\\nvol. iv., p. xii,\\nf There is one distinction, however, which to a cerr\\ntain extent is true, that the Arians were more lenient\\nin their treatment of other heretics; whereas thq\\nj Catholics persecuted universally.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY.\\n103\\nCatholicism and thus before the middle of\\nthe sixth century the Nicene doctrine was\\nvery firmly established throughout that part\\nof the Empire.\\nIn the west Arianisni would never have\\ntaken any deep root, except through the in-\\nfluence of the barbarian conquerors for the\\nChurch was steadily and zealously opposed to\\nit, and so was the most religious, if not the\\nmost numerous, part of the conquered. It was\\nprobably confined to the courts of the victors,\\nto their armies, and to such of the natives\\nas were in most immediate intercourse with\\nthem. In Gaul, in Spain, and in Italy, the\\nGothic Princes appear seldom to have perse-\\ncuted their Catholic subjects, except in retali-\\nation for some outrage exercised against the\\nArians by the Catholic Emperors of Constan-\\ntinople. But in Africa the Vandal Arians\\nwere guilty of horrible excesses during the\\nlast half of the fifth century, which were not\\nterminated until their expulsion by Belisarius\\nin the year 530. On the other hand, in all\\nthose provinces the Catholic population,\\nwhether persecuted or not, seems always to\\nhave been equally disposed to rise in favor\\nof a Catholic invader. But we should here\\nrecollect that the distinction of Arian and\\nCatholic was in general so closely connected\\nwith that of Barbarian and Roman, conquer-\\nor and conquered,* that we can scarcely say\\nhow much of this we should attribute to reli-\\ngious, how much to national, animosity. Up-\\non the whole, we have little reason to give the\\npraise of moderation, or even humanity, to\\neither party much depended on the personal\\ncharacter of the Princes on either side, and\\non tJie principles or prejudices m which they\\nhad been educated. But in as far as the sec-\\ntarian feeling was concerned, we may discov-\\ner on both sides an equal disposition to give\\nloose to it.\\nThe Arian was more flexible, the Catholic\\nmore rigid under persecution f the former\\nfinally submitted to conversion the latter\\nwould probably never have yielded to any\\nSee Maimb., Hist. Ariau., b. xi. passim. In\\nthe mouth of an Arian, the terms Catholic and Roman\\nwere synonymous.\\nt Bayle (in his Life of Arius) observes this incon-\\nsistency in Roman Catholic writers, that they urge\\ngenerally the obstinate perversity of heretics as a proof\\nof their errors; and yet press their flexibility in par-\\nticular cases to the same conclusion. Yet the Roman\\nCatliolics endeavored to accommodate their practice\\nto both their suppositions which, indeed, could only\\nbe reconciled by the assumption, that heretics were\\nobstinate until they were persecuted, and no longer\\nftnd on this ground they erected the In^isition.\\ninfliction short of extirpation and this dis-\\ntinction is attributed by some to the undoubt-\\ned circumstance, that it is easier to extend\\nthe belief of the multitude, than to contract\\nit a circumstance which proceeds from the\\nfalse but prevalent notion, that too much be-\\nlief is at least an error on the safe side, and\\nthat Jesus Christ would more readily inter-\\ncede for those who might have paid Him\\nexcessive honor, than for those who had\\nfiillen short in their worship. Others imagine,\\nthat the Arian always felt in his heart some la-\\ntent consciousness of error, which undermined\\nhis constancy in the hour of trial, and depriv-\\ned him of that energy of invincible endurance\\nwhich is inconsistent with the very shadow\\nof insincerity.\\nNOTE ON CERTAIN EARLY ECCLESIASTICAIi\\nHISTORIANS.\\nThree Greek writers, Socrates, Sozomen,\\nand Theodoret, take up the annals of the\\nChurch about the time of its establishment\\nby Constantine, nearly where the history of\\nEusebius terminates, and carry them on as\\nfar as the reign of Theodosius the younger,\\nthrough a space of about one hundred and\\ntwenty years. It is necessary to give a short\\naccount of them.\\nL Socrates was a native of Constantinople\\nhe was carefully instructed in grammar and\\nrhetoric, and presently assumed the profession\\nof a scholastic or advocate. Much time, how-\\never, and very considerable diligence he di-\\nrected to the compilation of his historical ma-\\nterials, and no scanty judgment is shown in\\ntheir arrangement and composition. The\\nepistles of Bishops, the acts of Councils, the\\nworks of preceding or contemporary ecclesi-\\nastics are consulted with care, and seemingly\\ncited with fidelity, and the principal events\\nare chronologically distinguished by olym-\\npiads or consulates. His impartiality is so\\nstrikingly displayed, as to make his ortho-\\ndoxy questionable to Baronius, the celebrated\\nRoman Catholic historian but Valesius in\\nhis life has clearly shown that there is no\\nreason for such suspicion. We may men-\\ntion another principle, which he has followed,\\nwhich in the mind of Baronius may have\\ntended to confirm the notion of his hetero-\\ndoxy that he is invariably adverse to every\\nform of persecution on account of religious\\nopinions dicoyjudv ds Xeyoj to oTtojaovf\\nduovrac and I call it\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0.o\\nTTSLV TOVQ\\nr^av)/cci^o\\npersecution to offer any description of moles-\\ntation to those who are quiet. Some credu-\\nlity respecting miraculous stories is his prin^\\ncipal failing.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "104\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\n2. Hermias Sozomen was also aii advocate,\\nresident at Constantinople but he was a na-\\ntive of Palestine, born near Gaza, and was\\neducated in a monastery in that country. In\\nhis writings we perceive a great ardor for the\\nmonastic life, and a concomitant tendency to\\nsuperstitious extravagance. Superior in style\\nto his contemporary, he is below him in judg-\\nment and discrimination still his work con-\\ntains much valuable matter; though some of\\nit is probably borrowed from that of Socrates,\\nwhich seems to have been published some\\nlittle earlier.\\n3. Theodo7 et,\\\\ike Sozomen, received a mo-\\nnastic education but he entered into the ec-\\nclesiastical profession, and became Bishop of\\nCyrus, in Syria. He was remarkable, not\\nonly for his learning and piety, but for his\\nabsolute and voluntary poverty. I was or-\\ndained Bishop against my will for twenty\\nfive years (says he, in an epistle still extant) I\\nhave so lived in that station, as never to be at\\nvariance, never to prosecute any one at law or\\nto be prosecuted. The same I can say of all\\nthe pious clergy who are under my inspec-\\ntion, none of whom was ever seen in any court\\nof justice. Neither I nor my domestics ever\\nreceived the smallest present from any per-\\nson, not even a loaf or an egg. My patrimo-\\nny I gave long ago to the poor, and I have\\nmade no new acquisitions. I have neither\\nhouse, nor land, nor money, nor a sepulchre\\nwhere my friends may lay my body when I\\ndie. I am possessor of nothing save the poor\\nraiment which I wear. As a writer, howev-\\ner, he is inferior to his two fellow-laborers,\\nboth in judgment and moderation he is more\\nviolent against schism and heresy, more big-\\noted, and more absurdly credulous. Yet he\\ndid not himself escape the charge of heresy,\\nand was certainly attached to the party, prob-\\nably to the opinions, of Nestorius. His style\\nis pronounced by Photius to be clear and\\nlofty without redundancy.\\nTo this list we may venture to regret that\\nwe cannot add the name of Philostorgius.\\nThis writer was an Arian his history ex-\\ntended from the year 300 to 425, and he had\\nwitnessed much of what he described. But\\nof his works nothing remains, except an epi-\\ntome by Photius, and some fragments. Pho-\\ntius assures us that he betrayed gi eat partial-\\nity for the sect to which he belonged, and\\nthis may have been so yet such is the nar-\\nrative which we would willingly confront\\nwith the probable misrepresentations of his\\nadversaries.\\nWe have also referred to the authorities of\\nEpiphanius, Hilaiy, and Rufinus, but have\\nbeen veiy sparing in our. use of them. Epiph-\\nanim was bred a monk, and became Bishop\\nof Salamis, in Cyprus. He was the author\\nof a voluminous book against all the heresies\\nwhich had hitherto arisen. But his work is\\ndisfigured by so many marks of levity and\\nignorance, that we can follow him with no\\ngeneral confidence. Hilary was Bishop of\\nPoictiers, for the most part a copyist of Ter-\\ntullian and Origen, but celebrated for Twelve\\nBooks concerning the Trinity, written against\\nthe Arians. Rujinus was a Presbyter of Aqui-\\nleia, a translator, and not always a faithful\\none, of Origen and other Greek writers. He\\nwas engaged in a violent contest with St. Je-\\nrome, and was assailed by the virulence of\\nthat intemperate- writer and he had the addi-\\ntional misfortune of being excommunicated\\nby Anastasius, the Bishop of Rome, for his\\nattachment to the opinions of Origen. These\\nthree writers belong to the fourth century.\\nJortin, H. E., b. ii., p. ii., p. 96.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nThe Decline and Fall of Paganism.\\nCondition of the two Religions on the accession of Con-\\nstantine Progress of Christianity during his reign\\nHis successive measures against Paganism\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Remarks\\non them Proceedings of his sons Accession of Julian\\nReasons given for his Apostasy His enthusiasm for\\nPaganism\u00e2\u0080\u0094 His character compared with that of M.\\nAntoninus his policy contrasted with that of Constan-\\ntine his .successive measures against Christianity\\nHis attempts to reform Paganism directed to three\\npoints his attack on the truth of Christianity\u00e2\u0080\u0094 In the\\nattempt to rebuild the Temple of Jerusalem\u00e2\u0080\u0094 defeated\\nby what means whether miraculous or not exam-\\nination of a late opinion His death. Rapid decline of\\nPaganism Valentinian I. Gratian. Theodosius I.\\nhis edict against Paganism extremely effectual. Im-\\nperfect faith of many of the Converts corruptions in-\\ntroduced from Paganism. Synesius. Arcadias and\\nHonorius abolition of Gladiatorial Games. Theodo-\\nsius II. subversion of Paganism in the East in the\\nWest. Note on certain Pagan writers.\\nFrom the dissensions of Christians, and the\\ncalamities occasioned by them, we turn to a\\nmore pleasing subject the final triumph of\\nthe Faith over the superstition which had\\nheretofore prevailed throughout the Roman\\nempire and in proceeding to this investiga-\\ntion, that which first strikes us as most re-\\nmarkable is, that the very period during which\\nthe Christian world was most widely and\\nangrily divided by the Arian controversy, the", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "DECLINE AND FALL O AGANISM.\\n10i\\nmiddle and conclusion of the fourth century,\\nwas that precisely during which the Religion,\\nas if invigorated by internal agitation, over-\\nthrew her most powerful adversary a cir-\\ncumstance which is the more to be remark-\\ned, as strongly indicative of her owtli heavenly\\nenergy, because the spectacle of Christian dis-\\nsension has afforded to infidels in every age,\\nas it does at this moment, the most plausible\\nargument for unbelief. Let us endeavor\\nthen to trace the measures by which this ex-\\ntraordinary revolution was brought about.\\nAt the accession of Constantine, the Chris-\\ntians, though very numerous, formed no doubt\\nthe smaller portion of his subjects, since the\\nmultitude, who were, in fact, of no religion,\\nwere accounted among the votaries of pagan-\\nism and among the lower classes, the pa-\\nrade of a splendid superstition was more\\nattractive than the simplicity of the true wor-\\nship, to persons both ignorant and incurious\\nabout the truth of either while in many oth-\\ners, a latent inclination towards the new re-\\nligion would be repressed by the siglit of the\\nworldly afflictions which so frequently pursu-\\ned it. The conversion of the Emperor was\\nnaturally followed by a great increase in the\\nnumber of nominal* Christians the faith of\\nmany, who were nearly indifferent, would be\\ndecided by that event; and many also, of\\nmore serious minds, would thus be led to ex-\\namine with respect the nature of the religion\\nwhich in its adversity they had contemptuous-\\nly neglected. Honor and emoluments were\\nannexed to the dignities of the Church, which\\nwere thus made objects of ambition to the no-\\nble and the learned and since many, through\\nthe exercise of the rehgion, would gradually\\nimbibe those sentiments and principles of pi-\\nety, which they had not perhaps carried into\\nit, we may believe that, while the name of\\nChristianity was rapidly extended over the\\nRoman world, its essential doctrines and\\nmoral influence made a considerable, though\\nby no means an equal, progress.\\nConstantine, Constantine s first measure\\nwas the famous edict of universal toleration,\\nwhich established Christianity without mo-\\nlesting any other religion, and as late as the\\nyear 321 he published a proclamation favor-\\nable to the maintenance of one of the grossest\\nimpostures of paganism, the art of divination.\\nUntil this period, and perhaps for some few\\nyears longer, he held with tolerably equal\\nhand the balance of the two religions, f and\\nSee a note on Dr. Arnold s seventh Sermon, p. 88.\\nt In book iii. of Eusebius s Life of Constantine,\\n14\\nin the rivalry thus estabhshed between them\\nChristianity was daily gaining some weight\\nat the expense of its opponent. This crisis\\nwas, mdeed, of sliort duration, and the atten-\\ntive eye of the Emperor immediately perceiv-\\ned to which side the victory was inclining.\\nIt was then that he threw into the prepon-\\nderating scale the decisive addition of his\\ncivil authority. In the year 333 he began\\nto overthrow the temples and idols of the\\nGentiles, and to invade their property; he\\nsuppressed some of the writings most hostile\\nto Christianity, and proclaimed his opposition\\nto the sacred rites of paganism. He con-\\ndemned them as detrimental to the State\\nand whatever may have been the sincerity of\\nhis faith, he was at least convinced that forms\\nof worship so contrary to each other in all\\ntheir principles could not long coexist in the\\nsame empire, and he gave his support to that\\nwhich most conduced to the virtue and hap-\\npiness of his subjects.\\nThe sons of Constantine followed their\\nfather s footsteps. During the Arian rule of\\nConstantius the severity of the laws against\\nPaganism was rather increased than relaxed,\\nand sacrifice, together with idolatrous wor-\\nship, was visited by capital punishment. This\\nsystem lasted until his death so that, for a\\nspace of about thirty years, the ancient super-\\nstition was restrained by perpetual discour-\\nagement, and afflicted with frequent perse-\\ncution. The number of its followers was\\nthus considerably reduced but the triumph\\nwas not yet complete, and many were there\\nstill in every province of the empire, who\\nhailed the accession of Julian.\\nJulian. Julian, who is commonly men-\\ntioned in history by the name of Apostate,\\nwas the nephew of the great Constantine he\\nabandoned in early youth the faith in which\\nthe 44th and 45th chapters mention some prohibitioas\\nagainst sacrifice a\u00c2\u00abd idol-worship, addressed first to\\nPagan Magistrates, and then to the people but in his\\nprayer, or doxology, published in the 55th and follow-\\ning chapters, he accords alike both to believers and\\nthose in error the enjoyment of peace and tranquillity;\\nas such friendly communion has most tendency to lead\\nmen into the straight path.\\nSemler, tab. sec. quarti, on author, of Julian,\\nOrat. 7. Mosheim (cent, iv., p. i., c. i.) dates the\\nexertions of Constantine from the overthrow of Licin-\\nius. See Euseb. Vit. Const, lib. iv. c. 23, 25,\\nc. Fleury (lib. xi., sect. 33) assigns the destruction\\nof the Temples of Venus, in Syria, and of JSscula\\npius and Apollo, in Cilicia, to the year which follow-\\ned the Council of Nice. See Euseb. Vit. Const.,\\nlib. iii., chap. 54 and Sozomen, Hist. EccLj lib,\\nii., c. 5.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "106\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nhe had been educated, and betook himself\\nwith great zeal to the practice of paganism.\\nThe motive to which this change is usually\\nattributed, is the hatred which he indulged\\ntowards the name and sons of Constantine,\\nowing to the cruelties which they had inflict-\\ned on his family hatred which a young and\\nimpetuous disposition might easily extend to\\ntheir religion. Another reason alleged is,\\nthat when he saw the dissensions of the Chris-\\ntians, and their rancor against each other,\\nhis faith was perplexed he found it hard to\\ndistinguish the excellence of the religion from\\nthe vices of those who professed it, and was\\nunable to prevent his judgment from being\\nblinded by his indignation. Both of them\\nmay be true for it is clear from some parts\\nof his subsequent conduct, that his enmity to\\nChristianity was founded on passion more\\nthan on reason, and his hatred of the faith\\nis more prominent than his disbelief of it.*\\nHence it is, that, having renounced one reli-\\ngion, he flew with ardor to the exercise of\\nthe other, and sought its aid and alliance\\nagainst the common adversary. This enthu-\\nsiasm for paganism carried him into some\\nridiculous excesses. It is true that the affec-\\ntion which he professed for processions and\\nceremony, and the proftise splendor of his\\nsacrifices, may have proceeded from a wish\\nto seduce and allure the vulgar but his pri-\\nvate devotion to magical rites and the prac-\\ntice of divination, in which his sincerity is\\nnot doubted, has no such excuse, and could\\nonly have proceeded from an irregular and\\nsuperstitious mind. And yet to this weak-\\nness he united many extraordinary qualities\\nhe was eloquent and liberal, artfid, insin-\\nuating and indefatigable which, joined to a\\nsevere temperance, an affected love of jus-\\ntice,f and a courage superior to all trials, first\\ngained him the affections, and soon after the\\npeaceable possession of the whole empire.\\nA strong attachment to literature distinguish-\\ned his character, and may have tended to\\nnourish his heathen prejudices and the pas-\\nsion for glory which sometimes misled him\\nwas probably the strongest among his pas-\\nsions, and his leading motive of action.\\nIf we compare tlie character of Julian\\nwith that of the other great enemy of the\\nrehgion, Marcus Antoninus, we shall find all\\nSee note at the end of the chapter.\\nfThe passage is quoted from Warburton; but we\\nhave no reason to question the sincerity of that prin-\\nciple in Julian, though it was soaietiuies overpowered\\nby his religious antipathy.\\nthe advantages of a thoughtful, consistent,\\nand sober understanding on the side of the\\nlatter. His conduct was invariably guided\\nby his principles, and his principles were the\\nbest which heathen philosophy could sug-\\ngest to him. His knowledge of Christianity\\nwas too partial, and the power of its professors\\ntoo inconsiderable, to command his belief or\\nrespect and he was too deeply sensible of\\nthe absurdities of paganism to feel any regard\\nfor that worship so that he was contented\\nrigorously, but not intemperately, to maintain\\nthat which happened to be the established\\nreligion. But Julian had more of passion\\nthan philosophy in his constitution and in\\nhis principles and even his philosophy (that\\nof the new Academy) tended much more to\\nspeculation than to practice. Indifference,\\nto which his temperament would never have\\nled him, was precluded by the situation of\\nthe empire. Impetuous, and restless, and\\nfearless, he converted into love for the one\\nreligion that which at first was only hatred\\nfor the other, and he proceeded daringly to\\naccomphsh what he ardently projected yet\\nhis daring was tempered by so much address\\nand knowledge, that it was not far removed\\nfrom consummate prudence.\\nBut if we had space for such disquisitions,\\na more interesting and perhaps more profita-\\nble contrast might be drawn between the sit-\\nuation and conduct of Juhan and of Con-\\nstantino. Both arrived at the possession of\\nunlimited power, through great difficulties,\\nchiefly by means of their personal talents\\nand popularity both, on arriving at the\\nthrone, found the religion of the state differ-\\nent from their own, and followed by the ma-\\njority of their subjects; and both determined\\nto substitute that which himself professed.\\nThe grand difference was this the religion j\\nof Constantine (we may be permitted for one\\nmoment to treat the subject merely political-\\nly) was young and progressive; it stood on\\nprinciples which proved its excellence, and\\nensured its durability the only weakness\\nwhich it acknowledged was that of immatu-\\nrity. The religion of Julian had long been\\nheld in derision by all reasonable men its\\nenergy had long passed away from it, and\\nits feebleness was the decrepitude of old age.\\nSo that the one led on to certain victory an\\naspiring assailant the other endeavored to\\nrally a shattered, undisciplined, dispirited\\nfugitive.\\nLet us next examine the manner in which\\nJulian proceeded to the accomplishment of\\nhis hopeless enterprise. His first step was iu", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "DECLINE AND FALL OF PAGANISM.\\n107\\ndirect imitation of the first act of Constan-\\ntine. He published edicts which estabhshed\\nthe rehgion of the Emperor as that of the\\nstate, and which tolerated every other. By\\nsuch decrees he placed Christianity in a very\\nsimilar situation to that m which, about fifty\\nyears before, his uncle had placed paganism\\nand he finther increased this resemblance by\\ninvitmg the most eminent philosophers to his\\ncourt, admitting them to his confidence, and\\nraising them to the highest dignities and offi-\\nces in their religion. His second step was\\nthe natural consequence of the first he took\\naway the immunities, honors, and revenues,\\nwhich had been bestowed on the Christian\\nclergy, and transferred them to the service of\\nthe established religion and though great\\nindividual injustice was thus perpetrated, no\\none can reasonably complain of the principle\\nof this transfer, since such advantages are\\nnecessarily conferred by the state on those\\nwho profess the religion of the state. His\\nfirst edicts, while they restored to Pagans\\ntheir civil rights, do not appear to have vio-\\nlated those of the Christians but by a sub-\\nsequent regulation he disqualified the Chris-\\ntian laity from office in the state. This\\nmeasure was attended by another, founded\\non a deeper principle, and of much more dan-\\ngerous consequence he forhade any Chris-\\ntian to lecture in the public schools of science or\\nliterature and this prohibition not only obli-\\nged the Christian youth to have recourse to\\nPagan instructers, but also deprived them of\\none of the greatest encouragements to profi-\\nciency. Julian was sufficiently instructed in\\nthe nature of his project, to perceive that it\\nwould be of little avail to oppress the dissen-\\ntients by vexatious restraints, unless at the\\nsame time he could degrade them by igno-\\nrance.* His last measure (for which we\\nhave the authority of the historian Socrates)\\nwas the direct imposition of a tax on all who\\nrefused to sacrifice to the Gods of the Em-\\npire.\\nConsidering that the reign of Julian lasted\\nnot two years, we must admit that, wliile he\\ndeveloped a perfect knowledge of the theory\\nA contemporary Christian writer (Gregorj Naz-\\nianzen) tells us of another method adopted by Julian in\\norder to bring the religion into disrepute, which proves\\nhow low his enmity was contented to descend, for the\\nsake of inflicting one additional and ignoble wound.\\nHe commanded by edict {vouodsti^aac) that Chris-\\ntians should no longer be called Christians, but Gali-\\nleans. There was some art in this attack for the\\nvalue of a name, which is every where of some influ-\\nence, has especial importance among orientals.\\nof persecution, he made very rapid progi-es3\\nm the practice of it and had he been suffer-\\ned by Providence much longer to persist in\\nhis aggression, with proportionate increase\\nof severity, it is probable that the final tri-\\numph of Christianity would not otherwise\\nhave been achiev^ed than by the means of a\\nrehgious war. But the provinces of the civ-\\nilized world were saved from that severest\\ninfliction by the death of the Emperor.\\nReform of Paganism. As Julian was either\\ntoo sincere a religionist, or at least too wise\\na politician, to wish to deprive his subjects\\nof all rehgion, he accompanied his labors for\\nthe subversion of Christianity by some judi-\\ncious attempts to render paganism more dura-\\nble but this scheme could scarcely have\\nhoped for any great success, even had it been\\nundertaken at an earlier period, when the\\nvices of that religion had been less openly ex-\\nposed and acknowledged when its shrines\\nwere less generally deserted and when the\\nmere moral superiority of its rival was less\\nmanifestly and notoriously exhibited. He ap-\\npears to have directed his exertions to three\\npoints, viz. 1. To conceal or disguise the\\nabsurdity of its origin and nature by moral\\nand philosophical allegories 2. To establish\\necclesiastical discipline and policy on the\\nmodel of the Christian church 3. To correct\\nthe morals of the priesthood.\\nFor the first of these purposes he found\\nmaterials already provided by the philosophers\\nof his own sect, the Platonists who had been\\nemployed, especially since the appearance of\\nChristianity, in refining the theology of pagan-\\nism. In pursuance of the second, he planned\\nan establishment for readers in that theology\\nfor the order and parts of the divine office\\nfor a regular and formal service, with days\\nand hours of worship and with respect to the\\nthird, he enjoined to the priesthood, (whom\\nhe seemingly would have established as a\\nseparate order,) as well as to their household,\\ngreat severity of personal behavior, and\\nstrictly to withhold themselves from all vul-\\ngar amusements and ignoble professions.\\nWhile he imitated the discipline of the Church\\nhe was willing also to emulate her moral ex-\\ncellences; and therefore he decreed the\\nfoundation of hospitals and other charitable\\ninstitutions, and particularly recomm.ended to\\nthe ministers of religion the virtues of charity\\nand benevolence. He did not live to com-\\nplete, or probably to mature, these designs;\\nbut the above sketch is sufficient to prove the\\nextent of the beneficial influence which Chris-\\ntianity had already exerted, even over those", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "103\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwho were not persuaded of its truth and to\\nshow that the only art by which its formidable\\nadversary could affect to supplant it, was by\\nan ungraceful endeavor to resemble it.\\nAttempt to rebuild the Temple of Jerusalem.\\nBut Julian, with all his authority and address,\\ncould scarcely hope to substitute that which\\nwas known to be a shadow for that which\\nwas believed to be real and substantial. It\\ntherefore became necessary for his design to\\noverthrow the foundations on which Chris-\\ntianity rested, or at least to disclose their\\nweakness. One of the most important and\\ninfluential of these was the accomplishment\\nof so many ancient prophecies, tending, as it\\nwere, to a common centre, to the establish-\\nment of its truth. Among those prophecies,\\nthere was no one which excited such general\\nadmiration, and so strangely perplexed the\\nunbelieving, as that which related to the de-\\nstruction of the Temple of Jerusalem not\\nonly as it had been once and signally fulfilled\\nby the arms of Titus, but as the consequent\\ndispersion of the nation and abolition of the\\nlaw had already continued for nearly three\\nhundred years to be a subject of appeal and\\ntriumphant argument with the defenders of\\nRevelation. Julian doubtless perceived that\\nif he could remove that ground of faith, many\\nwould be persuaded that the ancient Books\\nof the Christians had no better title to divine\\ninspiration than the Homeric rhapsodies, or\\nthe Orphic hymns and that the exclusive\\nclaim to truth, which distinguished the re-\\nligion from every superstition, had in fact no\\nsolid foundation. We can scarcely be mis-\\ntaken in considering this to have been his\\nleading object, when, in the year 363, he un-\\ndertook to rebuild the Temple.\\nThis was indeed to attack Christianity on\\nthe only ground on which any lasting ad-\\nvantage could be obtained, or on which its\\noverthrow could possibly have been effected.\\nThe persecution of its professors was certain\\nto terminate in a reaction favorable to them\\nthe reform and adornment of paganism was\\nonly a ridiculous and contemptible mockery\\nbut the falsification of one prophecy would\\nhave reduced the worship of Christ, as far as\\nits origin was concerned, to a level with that\\nof Jove so that we need not wonder at the\\nardor with which its adversaries engaged in\\nthis attempt, at the suspicion with which some\\nwavering Christians beheld it, at the joy of\\nanticipated triumph which it excited in true\\nbelievers.*\\nThe historical facts are simply these the\\nwork was undertaken with some parade, un-\\nder the superintendence of Alypius, an officer\\nof rank and reputation, a pagan, and a per-\\nsonal friend of the Emperor and the work-\\nmen were proceeding to clear away the ruins,\\nand lay bare the old foundations, when an\\nearthquake and tempest, accompanied by fire\\nfrom below, and a strange appearance in the\\nheavens, tore the foundations asunder, de-\\nstroyed or dispersed those engaged in the\\nlabor, and consumed the materials and this,\\nit clearly appears, not once only, but on re-\\npeated attempts. Many of those who surviv-\\ned bore about with them lasting marks of fire,\\nand the work was immediately suspended,\\nand never afterwards renewed. These facts\\nare the result of the combined evidence of\\nfour contemporary authors,* one of whom,\\nAmmianus Marcellinus, was a pagan, a zeal-\\nous admirer of the Emperor, and resident with\\nhis master at Antioch when the event took\\nplace. To the circumstances above narrated\\nothers of a more extraordinary nature were\\nat different periods f appended, some of which\\nTwice previously, during the reigns of Adrian and\\nConstantine, the Jews had expressed a disposition to\\nrebuild the Temple with their own hands; but the\\nImperial permission was withheld from political caus-\\nes in the first instance, and from religious, or from\\nboth, in the second.\\nAmmian. Marc, lib. xxiii., c. i. Ambrose, Epist.\\nxi.,t. ii. Chrysostom adv. Jud. et Gentiles. Gregory\\nNazianzen, Orat. iv. adv. Julian. The passage of\\nAmmianus at least requires insertion j and we should\\nobserve, that alone it does not go to the full extent of\\nthe account which we have given. Diligentiam ubi-\\nque dividens imperiique sui memoriam magnitudine\\noperum gestiens propagare, ambitiosum quoddam apud\\nHierosolymam Templum, quod post multa et interne-\\nciva certamina obsidente Vespasiano posteaque Tito\\naegre est expugnatum, instaurare sumptibus cogitabat\\nimmodicis; negotiumque maturandum Alypio dedit\\nAntiochensi, qui olim Britannias curaverat pro prge-\\nfectis. Cum itaquerei idem fortiter instaret Aly-\\npius, juvaretque provincice Rector, meiuendi glo-\\nbi flammarum prope fandamenta crebris adsultibus\\nerumpentes fecere locum exustis aliquoties oper-\\nantibus inaccessum; hocque modo elemento desti-\\nnatius repellente cessavit inceptum. The epistle\\nof Ambrose is addressed to the Emperor Theodosius,\\nand Chrysostom was not far distant from the spot\\nwhen the event took place. Both these writers speak\\nof it with brevity as notorious, and undisputed. But\\nGregory enters into more detail and, besides the cir-\\ncumstances mentioned in the text, relates a miracu-\\nlous closing of the doors of a church in which tlie\\nworkmen would have taken refuge, and tlie impression\\nof the figure of the Cross on the dress and persons of\\nthose present. This last phenomenon is very inge-\\nniously, and even probably explained by Warburton.\\nf The miracle is related about half a century after-\\nwards, with the addition of various particulars, by\\nRufinus, Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodorit.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "DECLINE AND FALL OF PAGANISM/\\n109\\nare indeed consistent with physical probabil-\\nity, but others are manifestly the superstitious\\nexaggerations of later ages. The truth of the\\noutline which we have given cannot reason-\\nably be contested, nor is it at all affected by\\nsome variations in the details, implying diver-\\nsity, but no contradiction.\\nBut, though the facts be undisputed, the\\nquestion has still been moved and argued with\\nmuch ingenuity, whether the convulsion in\\nquestion was a phenomenon merely natural,\\nor occasioned by divine interposition and as\\nthat question is usually proposed, the fairest\\nmethod of stating it appears to be this. In a\\nvery critical period of the history of Chris-\\ntianity, the highest earthly authority, having\\ndeclared against it, proceeded to apply the\\nseverest test, not only to the constancy of its\\nprofessors, but to the truth of the faith itself;\\n(and in this respect the attempt of Julian dif-\\nfers in character from those of any preceding\\npersecutor.) The trial was made in the most\\npublic manner, in the very birth-place of the\\nreligion, in the eyes of the whole civilized\\nworld and as the world was still divided (and\\nperhaps not very unequally divided) between\\nthe rival religions, the result would be neces-\\nsarily expected with attentive anxiety by the\\nvotaries of both. Under these circumstances\\nJulian undertook to falsify the prophecies of\\nGod, and thus most assuredly to overthrow\\nthe belief which rested on them. Again, the\\nmountain on which the Temple of Jerusalem\\nhad stood was not so constituted, as either\\nfrom its frame or situation to be probably the\\nscene of a natural eruption history speaks\\nbut of one other commotion, confined partic-\\nularly to that hill, which took place at anoth-\\ner critical conjuncture, the moment of the\\nCrucifixion and from the days of Julian to\\nthis time, the convulsion has not ever been\\nrepeated. It remains then for us to consider,\\nwhether it be less improbable, that God\\nshould have interposed for the confirmation\\nof his religion at the moment when its truth\\nwas put to a most public and insulting proof;\\nthan, that a mountain hitherto quiescent, and\\never since so, should have undergone a natu-\\nral convulsion, and thrown forth destructive\\nfire from physical causes, at that very crisis\\n(and at that crisis only) when the test was ap-\\nplied, and the insult offered that the eruption\\nshould have been confined to the particular\\nspot in question that it should have continu-\\ned as long as the attempts were repeated and\\nthat it should have ceased, when they ceased,\\nwhen its seeming purpose was effected, for-\\never: and thus we might fairly leave it to\\nany unprejudiced mind to decide, whether\\nsuch a concurrence of fortuitous circumstan-\\nces at such a conjuncture were more or less\\ncredible than a miracle.\\nBut the question is not yet exhausted a\\nvery plausible explanation of the phenomenon\\nhas been recently published, and received\\nwith an attention, of which, perhaps, it is not\\nundeserving.* The greater part of the city\\nof Jerusalem was undermined by very exten-\\nsive subterranean vaults and passages,f which\\nwere used as cisterns, or magazines, or places\\nof refuge, or sepulchres, according to political\\ncircumstances, or their own form and situa-\\ntion. We learn that the cisterns alone fur-\\nnished water during the siege to the eleven\\nhundred thousand inhabitants, for whom the\\nfountain of Siloa was insufficient and we\\nfind, that when resistance became hopeless,\\nthe most active among the insurgents form-\\ned the project of secreting themselves in those\\nrecesses until the Romans should have eva-\\ncuated the city. Some remains of such ex-\\ncavations may still be observed both in the\\ncity and in the adjacent mountains. Now it\\nmay reasonably be supposed, that during the\\nlong period of desolation which intervened\\nbetween Titus and Julian, those vast caverns,\\nbeing obstructed by rubbish and ruins, would\\nremain untenanted, and probably unexplored\\nand thus the workmen of Alypius, when they\\nproceeded with torches to examine and pen-\\netrate the gloomy labyrinths, might be terrifi-\\ned, and expelled by frequent explosions of\\ninflammable air. On a spot singularly con-\\ngenial to superstitious apprehensions, under\\ncircumstances peculiarly calculated to awaken\\nand encourage them, such natural detonations\\nmight readily be ascribed, even by some of\\nthose who witnessed them, to extraordinary\\ninterposition and certainly the multitude of\\nthe Christians who heard the story, being as\\nfamiliar with miraculous tales as they were\\nignorant of the mysteries of nature, would re-\\nceive it unhesitatingly, as an especial proof of\\ndivine protection. Such might naturally be\\nthe case and suspicious as we should always\\nbe of any attempt to substitute plausible con-\\njecture for facts historically proved, how\\nIt appears to have been first proposed by Michae-\\nlis, quoted by Guizot in his translation of Gibbon s\\nHistory. It is very reasonably treated by the judi-\\ncious writer in tlie Encyclop. Metropol. (Life of\\nJulianus,) and still more lately has been adopted, with-\\ntoo little hesitation or comment, by the autlior of Tha\\nHistory of the Jews.\\nt See Tacit, v. 12. Dio, 66. p. 747. Josephus^,\\nBell. Jud. vii. 2., and Autiq. Jud. xv. c. xi. sect. 7", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "no\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nmarvellous soever their character, we are not\\nprepared to reject the above explanation,\\nthough by no means impatient to embrace it.\\nAt least Ave should observe, that, if it satisfies\\nthe description of Ammianus, it is not appli-\\ncable to some of the circumstances mentioned\\nby the Christian authorities so that these\\nmust be condemned and sacrificed to it, and\\nour belief entirely confined to the pagan ac-\\ncount and even then it will remain with\\nmany a matter of wonder, that Alypius, a dig-\\nnified and enlightened pagan, assisted by the\\npresence of the Governor of the province, and\\nacting almost under the eyes of the Emperor\\nhimself, should have finally abandoned a pro-\\nject esteemed by his master of immense im-\\nportance, through a fortuitous impediment,\\nof which the cause could scarcely be conceal-\\ned from him, or the facility of overcoming\\nit. And after all, it will remain at least ques-\\ntionable, whether the gases generated in\\nthose caverns were not of a nature more\\nlikely to extinguish, than to produce, com-\\nbustion.\\nA few months after this event Julian was\\nkilled in battle and the succession of Chris-\\ntian Emperors was then restored, and never\\nafterwards disturbed. Henceforward the ad-\\nvance of religion upon the receding ranks of\\npaganism encountered little resistance, and\\nwas conducted with singular rapidity still we\\ndo not observe in the religious policy of the\\nimmediate successors of Julian any violent\\ndisposition to direct the pursuit.\\nValentinian I. placed his pride in the most\\nimpartial and universal toleration. We may\\nhave observed indeed that some of the pagan\\nEmperors commenced with the same pro-\\nfessions, a reign which ended in persecution\\nand we have seen that both Constantine and\\nJulian hastened to deviate fi-ora the generous\\nprinciples which they first proclaimed. But\\nValentinian is scarcely, if at all, liable to this\\nreproach and though in other matters he was\\nguilty of some passionate exertions -of unne-\\ncessaiy severity, and though he neglected to\\nrestrain the Arian intolerance of his brother\\nValens, which afiiicted the Catholics in the\\nEast, he appears himself to liave maintained\\nthoughout the whole Western empire a per-\\nfect civil equality, as well between the reli-\\ngions which divided it, as among the sects of\\neach religion.*\\nIiiclaruit hoc moderamine principatus quod inter\\nreligionum diversitates medius stetit, nee quenquam\\ninquietavit, neque ut hoc colerelur irnperavit, aut ill-\\nud nee interdictis ininacibus subjectorum cervicein\\nad id quod ipse coluit inclinabat, sed iutemeratas reli-\\nThe short reign of Gratian, which likewise\\ncommenced with great professions of mode-\\nration, was rather remarkable for some laws\\nagainst heretics, than for any deliberate at-\\ntack on paganism. Nevertheless that wor-\\nship was unable to survive the political pa-\\ntronage by which alone it had so long sub-\\nsisted it seemed to have lost its only prin-\\nciple of existence as soon as it ceased to\\nform a part of the system of Government\\nleft to its own energies it discovered the\\nsecret of its decrepitude, and so easy and\\nuninterrupted was the process of its disso-\\nlution, that it seemed patiently to await the\\nfinal blow from any hand disposed to inflict it.\\nTheodosius the Great. Theodosius I. is the\\nEmperor to whom that achievement is usu-\\nally, and, if to any individual, justly, attribut-\\ned. He ascended the throne in the year\\n379, but he does not appear to have pub-\\nlished his famous law until thirteen years\\nafterwards. It was to this eflfect that no\\none, of whatever rank or dignity or fortune,\\nwhether hereditary or acquired, high or hum-\\nble, in what place or city soever he may\\ndwell, shall either slay a victim to senseless\\nimages or, while he addresses in private\\nexpiation the Lar, the Genius and the Pe-\\nnates, with fire, or wine, or odors, light\\ntorches, or burn incense, or suspend gar-\\nlands in their honor but if any one shall\\nimmolate a victim in sacrifice, or consult the\\npanting entrails, that any man may become\\nhis infoniier, until he receive competent pun-\\nishment, c. c. The execution of this\\nlaw, and of others to the same effect, was no\\ndoubt much facilitated by the zeal of Chris-\\ntian informers and there could be few who\\nwould suffer martyrdom for a religion,\\nquit has partes, ut reperit. Ammianus Marcellinus.\\nWas there any Emperor of those days (if we except\\ntlie short rule of Jovian) who can share this honor\\nwith Valentinian 1\\nWe may remark that by some of the earliest laws\\nagainst paganism Divination was permitted, while\\nMagic was forbidden because the former was a pub-\\nlic ceremony, instrumental for political purposes,\\nwhile the latter was the private and individual exer-\\ncise of a similar description of art. The object of\\nboth was superstitious deception, but the Government\\nwould not permit the people to be deceived except by\\nitself.\\nt The bold i-esistance of an officer of high rank and\\ncharacter, named Gennadius, to a very impolitic edict\\nof Honorius, has been pi oduced as a solitary instance\\neven of the disposition to suffer in the cause of pa-\\nganism. Honorius had forbidden any except Chris-\\ntians to wear a girdle or sash at court, and Gennadius\\nin consequence declined to present himself there. The", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "DECLINE AND FALL OF PAGANISM,\\n111\\nwhich, as it rested on no evidence, could offer\\nno certainty of recompense and, tlierefore,\\nthe consequence of the Edict of Theodosius\\nwas a vast diminution in the number of pro-\\nfessed Polytheists. This change was most\\nimmediately perceptible in the principal cities\\nof the empire, throughout which the supersti-\\ntion for the most part disappeared thencefor-\\nward it was chiefly confined to the small towns\\nand villages (or pagi) and about that time it\\nwas that the name Pagan (or Rustic, Villager)\\nwas first adopted to designate those who ad-\\nhered to Polytheism.\\nThe prohibitions contained in the above\\nedict are impartially levelled against every\\ncondition of heathen yet then* weight and\\nefficacy must clearly have fallen upon the\\nlower classes for among the higher and bet-\\nter informed, though there might be many\\nwho had not yet embraced Christianity, there\\ncould at that time have been extremely few,\\nwho either felt or affected any ardent attach-\\nment to a worship which professed no moral\\nprinciples, and offered no temporal advan-\\ntages.* The vulgar persevered in it some-\\nwhat longer, from habit, from prejudice, and\\nfrom ignorance but these motives were not\\nsuflfilcient long to sustain them against the\\nlaws of the empire, and the authority of their\\nsuperiors, and the example of their neigh-\\nbors, all combining to propagate a more ex-\\ncellent and more reasonable faith.\\nBut we are not to imagine that the num-\\nber of real converts to Christianity was at all\\nin proportion to that of the seceders from\\npaganism for persons who are forced out\\nof any sort of faith will not readily throw\\nthemselves into the arms of that whence the\\ncompulsion has proceeded. However, time\\nand patience might have remedied this dis-\\ninclination, and led those converts (or at least\\nthe succeeding generation) fo a sincere affec-\\ntion for a pure religion, if the purity of that\\nEmperor then expressed himself willing to make a\\nparticular exception in favor of an officer who was at\\nthe moment necessary to him, biUGennadius refused\\nthat distinction, and persevered in his opposition so\\nresolutely, that the Emperor fiimlly repealed the in-\\nvidious law. See Zosimus, lib. v.\\nA celebrated pagan, Libanius, published even in\\nthis age an apology for his religion. His work was\\nnot suppressed, nor himself removed from one of the\\nmost important offices in the state, which he then\\nheld. While the Emperor was engaged in destroy-\\ning the practice of paganism, he miglit easily accord\\nto a favorite subject tiie innocent indulgence of writ-\\ning its defence for he knew tliat it was not by reason\\nbut byhaliit that the worship would subsist, if it could\\npossibly subsist at all.\\nreligion had not been already corrupted by\\nthe intemperate zeal of its own professors.\\nWe have noticed indeed certain abuses\\nwhich had already shown themselves even\\nin the iron days of Christianity, and there\\nare others yet unnoticed by us, of which the\\nearliest vestiges and indications may proba-\\nbly be discovered in the practice of the ante-\\nNicene Church, or in the writings of its Fa-\\nthers but among these idolatry certainly is\\nnot one. The ancient Christians continued\\nto shun with a pious horror, which persecu-\\ntion exasperated, and which time did not\\nmitigate, every approach to that abomina-\\ntion and while they truly considered it es-\\nsentially and distinctively pagan, the reluc-\\ntance which they felt to bow before any\\nimage was aggravated by the firm belief,\\nthat the images of the Pagans represented\\nthe implacable adversaries of man and God.\\nSo definite and so broad was the space which\\nin this point at least separated the two reli-\\ngions, that it seemed impossible that either\\nof them should overstep it, or that any com-\\npromise could ever be effected between prin-\\nciples so fundamentally hostile. Yet tha\\ncontrary result took place and a reconcilia-\\ntion, which in the beginning of the fourth\\ncentury could not easily have been iinagined,\\nwas virtually accomplished before its termi-\\nnation.\\nVeneration for Maiiyrs. Let us trace the\\nprogress of this extraordinary revolution.\\nOn the first establishment of their religion,\\nit was natural that Christians should look\\nback from a condition of unexpected securi-\\nty on the sufferings of their immediate pre-\\ndecessors, with the most vivid sentiments\\nof sympathy and admiration. They had be-\\nheld those sufferings, they had beheld the\\nconstancy with which they were endured\\nthe same terror had been suspended over\\nthemselves, and their own preservation they\\nattributed, under the especial protection of\\ndivine Providence, to the perseverance of\\nthose Avho had perished. The gratitude and\\nveneration thus fervently excited were loudly\\nand {passionately expressed and the honors\\nwhich were due to the virtues of the depart-\\ned were profusely bestowed on their names\\nand their memory. Enthusiasm easily pass-\\ned into superstition, and those who had seal-\\ned a Christian s faith by a martyr s death\\nwere exalted above the condition of men,\\nand enthroned among superior beings. Su-\\nperstition gave birth to credidity, and those\\nwho sat among the Powers of heaven migh\\nsustain, by miracidous assistance, their vota-", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "12\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nries on earth and credulity increased the\\nfood on which it fed, by encouraging the\\ndetested practice of forgery and imposture,\\ntinder these dangerous circmnstances it be-\\ncame the duty of the fathers and the leading\\nministers of the Church to moderate the vio-\\nlence of popular feeling, and to restrain any\\ntendency towards vicious excess. But, un-\\nhappily for the integrity of the Catholic faith,\\nthe instructers were themselves carried away\\nby the current, or, we should rather say, unit-\\ned their exertions to swell and corrupt it.\\nThe people we may excuse and compassion-\\nate but we blush when we discover the\\nmost distinguished writers of the fourth cen-\\ntury, Athanasius, Eusebius the historian,\\nGregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, Jerome,\\nand Augustin, engaged in shameful conspi-\\nracy against their religion, while they exag-\\ngerate ihe merit of the martyi s, assert or\\ninsinuate their immediate sanctification, and\\nclaim for them a sort of reverence which\\ncould not easily be distinguished from wor-\\nship. In this age, and from this cause, arose\\nthe stupid veneration for bones and relics it\\nwas inculcated and believed that prayer was\\nnever so surely efficacious as when offer-\\ned at the tomb of some saint or holy person\\nthe number of such tombs was then multi-\\nplied at all of them miracles, and prophe-\\ncies, and prodigies, and visions, were ex-\\nhibited or recorded and the spirit of the\\nGospel was forgotten in the practice of for-\\nbidden ceremonies, and the belief of impious\\nfables.\\nSuch were the first unworthy advances\\nwhich were made by Christianity, and en-\\ncouraged by her leadipg ministers, with the\\nview to reconcile at least her external differ-\\nences with paganism and, no doubt, they\\nwei e very effectual in alluring those easy\\nPolytheists, whose piety was satisfied with\\nnumerous festivals in celebration of the ex-\\nploits of mortals deified for with them the\\nchange was only in the name of the deity,\\nnot in the principles of the religion. And\\n*In the year 410, Synesius, a Platonic philosopher\\nof Gyrene, was ordained Bishop of Ptolemais l y The-\\nophilus of Alexandria. Synesius remonstrated against\\nthis election, declared himself to be a Platonist, and\\nspecified several points in which his speculative opin-\\nions differed from those of the Christians. But as he\\nwas an agreeable orator, and had much influence in\\nthe province, his objections were overlooked, and\\nafter receiving baptism he entered upon his episcopal\\nfunctions. This is far from being the only instance\\nof the pliancy of the early Church, at a period too\\nv^ien it had no excuse from fear or .persecution.\\nby this shameful compromise* the Church\\nwas filled by numerous converts, who believ-\\ned, and who were probably taught to believe,\\nthat the worship which they had deserted\\nwas by no means essentially dissimilar from\\nthat which they had .embraced, and who con-\\ntinued, after their admission, to perpetuate\\nand exaggerate those corruptions by which\\nalone the resemblance was created.\\nHere then we discover the root of several\\nof the abuses of Papacy they were conces-\\nsions made during this critical period to the\\ngenius of paganism, in order to delude its\\nvotaries into more speedy apostasy, and to\\naccelerate the dissolution of the one religion\\ninto the other. The immediate object was\\naccomplished\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to diminish the numerical dis-\\nplay of Polytheism, and prematurely to crowd\\nthe churches and processions with nominal\\nChristians and this was merely to anticipate\\nthe tardy but certain operation of irresistible\\ncauses, and to effect that iii appearance,\\nwhich in the next generation would have\\nbeen surely consummated. But the lasting\\nresult has been to darken and disfigure the\\nfeatures of Christianity, not in one race only,\\nor for one age, but through a period, of which\\nfourteen centuries have already been accom-\\nplished, and of which we cannot yet foresee\\nthe termination.\\nAboliiion of Gladiatorial Games. Arcadius\\nand Honorius succeeded respectively to the\\nthrones of the East and West, and they fol-\\nlowed the steps of Theodosius in his warfare\\nagainst heresy as well as paganism. Arca-\\ndius was more distinguished in the former\\ncontest, though he proceeded to some ex-\\ntremities against the temples and idols of\\nPhoenicia. Honorius is more honorably cel-\\nebrated by the law which abolished the Gla-\\ndiatorial Games. This institution, the most\\nbarbarous that ever disgraced a civilized na-\\ntion, was the genuine offspring of the charac-\\nter and morals of pagan antiquity and it was\\nsupported through the extinction of human\\nfeeling, and the contempt of human life. It\\nwas not suppressed until the year 404, or\\nIt must be observed that the Pagans on their side\\nmade the concession of sacrifice, or at least of immo-\\nlation, which was the centre of their whole system.\\nThey were indulged with a sort of Polytheism of\\nsaints and martyrs and even sensible objects of wor-\\nship were not withheld from them. But these Beings\\nand Images were to be approached only with prayer\\nand supplication and if it was pi esently found expe-\\ndient to permit offerings to be made to them, their\\nshrines were ttevcr contaminated by the blood of\\nvictims.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "PAGAN WRITERS.\\n113\\nabout ninety j ^ears after the first establish-\\nment of Christianity so slow is the influ-\\nence of the most perfect moral system to\\nundermine any practice which time and use\\nhave consecrated. But at length it sank be-\\nfore the gradual prevalence of happier and\\nmore natural principles and while we re-\\ncord its subversion, as marking an important\\nepoch in the history of human civilisation,\\nwe readily assign to it a corresponding rank in\\nthe annals of Christianity.\\nTheodosius the younger succeeded Arca-\\ndius in the empire of the East and we may\\nconsider him as having completed, as far as\\nthe limits of his authority extended, the task\\ntransmitted to him by his father, and his\\ngrandfatiier. And whether from greater\\nmoderation of temper, or because extreme\\nrigor was judged no longer necessary against\\na fallen adversary, he somewhat mitigated\\nthe severity of the existing laws and was\\nsatisfied with inflicting upon the few, who\\nstill persisted in their accursed sacrifices to\\ndaemons, the milder punishments of confis-\\ncation and exile, though the crime was just-\\nly capital. From the flexible character of\\nPolytheism, and the rare mention of heathen\\nmartyrs, we are perhaps justified in drawing\\nthe consoling conclusion, that those oppres-\\nsive laws were seldom enforced to the last\\npenalty. Yet we cannot doubt that many\\nless direct, but not less effectual, modes of\\npersecution were diligently exercised we\\nare assured that numbers must have suffered\\nin their persons or property for a blind but\\nconscientious adherence to the worship of\\ntheir fathers and we should have celebrated\\nwith greater satisfaction the final success of\\nour religion, if it had been brought about by\\nless questionable measures.\\nExtinction of Paganism. In the West, the\\nexpiring struggles of paganism continued per-\\nhaps a little longer. Though the exhibition\\nof gladiators had been abolished, the games\\nof the Circus, and the contests of wild beasts\\nwere still permitted and though the essence\\nof the pagan religion was virtually extin-\\nguished, when the act of Immolation, in which\\nin truth it consisted, was finally abolished,\\nyet those spectacles were so closely associat-\\ned with its exercise, if they were not rather a\\npart of it, that they served at least to keep the\\nminds of the converts suspended, by seeming\\nThe Theodosiau code is a Collection of the Con-\\nstitutions of the Emperors from Constantine to Theo-\\ndosius II., published by the latter in 438.\\n15\\nto reconcile with the principles of Christian-\\nity the barbarous relics of the old supersti-\\ntion. And thus, though the number who\\nprofessed that worship was now exceedingly\\nsmall, yet its practice in some measure sur-\\nvived its profession, and it continued to lin-\\nger in the recollections, and usages, and pre-\\njudices, of men for some time after its name\\nwas disclaimed and repudiated still, from the\\nhistorical survey of this subject, it is manifest\\nthat the mortal wound was inflicted by The-\\nodosius I. and whatever fleeting vestiges we\\nmay discover in succeeding reigns, the super-\\nstition was in fact extinct from the moment\\nthat the Emperor called upon the Senate of\\nRome to make their election between that\\nand Chi-istianity. This celebrated assembly\\nwas convened in the j^ear 388 Christianity\\nwas established by the voice, and probably\\nby the conscience of a very large majority\\nand the religion of Julian did not in reality\\nsurvive its enthusiastic votary and reformer\\nfor more than twenty-five years.\\nNOTE ON CEETAIN PAGAN WRITERS\\n1. The first whom we propose to men-\\ntion (first in time and personal distinction\\nrather than in literary merit) is Jtdian. His\\nLives of the Emperors, his predecessors,\\nin which we find many pointed remarks and\\nillustrations of their several characters, and\\nespecially of their defects, though possessing\\nneither the fulness nor impartiality of history,\\nmust nevertheless be considered his most\\nimportant work. That next in celebrity bears\\nthe singular name of the Misopogon or Beard-\\nhater. The imperial satirist seems to have\\nbeen excited to this composition by the ap-\\npearance of certain anapaests, published in\\nridicule of his personal rusticity, among his\\nlively subjects of Antioch or Daphne. He\\nadmits the justice of their ridicule, he affects\\neven to exaggerate the cause of it, and con-\\ndescends to visit his own shaggy exterior\\nwith much humorous severity. But through\\nthe levity of his self-condemnation some\\ntraces of suppressed asperity are occasionally\\ndiscernible and the wit which had dared to\\ntrifle with an Emperor was not recommend-\\ned to Julian by the general belief that it had\\nproceeded from the pen of a Christian. Be-\\nsides these two works, several epistles and\\nrescripts are extant which are of greater his\\ntorical importance.\\nThat Julian s feeling towards the Chris-\\ntians was not the contempt of a philosopher,", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "114\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nbut the angry malevolence of a pagan and a\\nrival, appears from several passages in ills\\nw^orks, and from those especially which are\\ndirected against Athanasius. In his epistle\\nto Ecdicius, Eparch of the Egyptians, we find\\nthese passionate expressions, I swear by\\nthe great Serapis that unless Athanasius, the\\nenemy of the Gods, shall be wholly expelled\\nfrom Egypt before the calends of December,\\nI will impose a fine of a hundred pounds of\\ngold on the troops under your command\\nand you know that if I am slow to condemn,\\nI am still more so to relax the sentence for\\nit does exceedingly afilict me, that all the\\nGods should be contemned through his\\nmeans nor is there any thing that I would\\nso willingly behold or hear of as accom-\\nplished by you, as the expulsion of Athana-\\nsius from the regions of Egypt the scoun-\\ndrel who has dared, and in my reign too, to\\npersecute some distinguished Grecian ladies,\\ntilt they submitted to baptism/ Again, in a\\ndecree addressed to the Alexandrians, the\\nEmperor declares, that he had recalled the\\nGalilaeans, who had been banished by Con-\\nstantius,* not to their churches, but only to\\ntheir countries while I understand (he adds)\\nthat Athanasius, with the extreme insolence\\nand audacity which is characteristic of him,\\nhas taken possession of what they call tlie\\nepiscopal throne. He then decrees his exile.\\nIn a subsequent letter, (Edit. Par. p. 330.)\\naddressed to the same people, he expresses\\nhis hatred both of the persons and doctrines\\nof the Galilaeans in the most powerful and\\npassionate language. On the other hand he\\nacknowledges, in more than one passage, the\\ncharitable attention which those same Gali-\\nlaeans bestowed upon the poor, and ascribes\\nmuch of their success to that virtue and the\\ngeneral spirit of his instructions respecting\\ntheir treatment, while it enjoins a preference\\nto the worshippers of the Gods,f decidedly\\ndiscourages unprovoked severities against\\nthe persons of the Atheists.\\nIn a very kind episde to ^tius, a celebrated\\nArian Bishop, and formerly his friend, Julian men-\\ntions the same fact.\\nt Uqoxiiiaodai uBvrol rovq -^tooa^Eig x ii navv\\n(pjjui Ssiv. Kpistle to Astabius.\\nt He seems however very readily to have availed\\nhimself of the offences of the Christians, in order to\\nplunder them, and that too with great religious im-\\npartiality. In an epistle to Ecebolus he complains\\nthat the Arians of Edessa, exulting in their opulence,\\nhad made an assault upon the Valentinians and he\\nadds, that with a view to assist them in effectuating\\nthe instructions of their own admirable law, and that\\nthey might more easily travel to the kingdom of Hea-\\nA passage in the Misopogon proves either\\nthe abject superstitiousness of the author, or\\nhis impudent and prejudiced hypocrisy and\\nthough we believe the former to be the more\\nprobable charge, we are willing to leave the\\ndecision to his most devoted admirers. The\\nstory is well known of the religious disap-\\npointment which he experienced at Daphne j\\nhow he entered the Temple with extraordi-\\nnary parade and solemnity, for the purpose\\nof presiding at a public and splendid sacri-\\nfice, and how he was reduced by the univer-\\nsal desertion of the votaries of the Gods to\\nthe performance of an imperfect, and almost\\nsolitary act of devotion. In his relation of\\nthis story, in which his angry embarrassment\\nis almost ludicrously depicted, he unreserv-\\nedly asserts, and invokes the Sun to attest his\\nveracity, that at the moment of his entrance\\ninto the Temple the statue of the God indi-\\ncated to him what was to take place.\\nHis celebrated Epistle respecting the refor-\\nmation of Paganism is addressed to Arcadius,\\nthe chief priest of Galatia it is the most re-\\nmarkable monument of the religious policy\\nof Julian, and it is also an evidence of the\\ngreat and general influence which Christian\\nprinciples had acquired even over the con-\\nduct of unbelievers. The progress of impi-\\nety or Atheism is ascribed by the Emperor\\nchiefly to three causes to the charitable or\\nhospitable philanthropy of its professors to\\ntheir provident care respecting the sepulture\\nof the dead to their parade and afiectation\\nof a holy life and he enjoins the votaries of\\nthe ancient worship to imitate the first of\\nthese pretensions, and to realize the last. On\\nthe priests especially, as well as their families\\nand their servants, he imposes a rigid atten-\\ntion to their religious duties, and he forbids\\nthem at the same time the amusement of the\\ntheatre, the conviviality of the tavern, and the\\nexercise of every vulgar profession the dis-\\nobedient are to be removed from the minis-\\ntry. The Emperor then proceeds to order\\nthe foundation of numerous establishments\\n(^S evodoxEla) in every city, for the humane\\npurpose of hospitality and charity for it is\\nshameful to us, that no beggar should be\\nfound among the Jews, and that the impious\\nGalilaeans should support not only their own\\npoor, but ours also while these last appear\\nven, he bad ordered all the possessions to be taken\\naway from the Church of Edessa distributing the\\nmoney among the soldiers, and confiscating the fixed\\nproperty.\\nEjTsoi utjvf |Uot tlaO.^iivri ttqcotov to ayaXf a^\\np. 112. Ed. Paris.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "CONVERSION OF THE BARBARIANS.\\n115\\ndestitute of all assistance from ourselves;\\nand that pagan authority may not be thought\\nwanting to justify his philanthropy, he cites\\na passage from Homer in praise of hospital-\\nity. He concludes with some instructions to\\nregulate the intercouree and define the re-\\nspective dignities of the religious and civil\\nauthorities.\\n2. The name ofAmmianus Marcellinus de-\\nserves even at the hands of the ecclesiastical\\nhistorian more elaborate mention than can\\nhere be bestowed upon it. A native of An-\\ntioch, of noble family, he devoted his youth to\\nmilitary service, and attended Julian, his pat-\\nron and friend, in his fatal expedition against\\nthe Persians. During the reign of Valentinian\\nand Valens he appears to have withdrawn to\\nstudious repose in his native city, and under\\nTheodosius he finally fixed his residence at\\nRome. It was here that he composed his\\nhistory in the Latin language, and published\\nit with the general applause of a people\\namong whom the admiration of literary merit\\nhad survived its possession. The work con-\\nsisted of thirty-one books, comprising the af-\\nfairs of the empire from the beginning of the\\nreign of Nerva to the end of that of Valens.\\nThe thirteen first are lost, and those remain-\\ning have escaped to us as from a shipwreck,\\ntorn and mutilated.* Respecting the religion\\nof the author, there can be no serious doubt\\nthat he adhered to paganism though the im-\\npartiality with which he commonly treats the\\ndeeds and character of Christians has led some\\nwriters to suspect his attachment to their\\nfaith. The suspicion is at least honorable to\\nthe historian, and a more faithful imitation\\nof his example would have removed many\\nstains from the pages of ecclesiastical annal-\\nists, and spared much perplexity to those who\\nsearch them for information and truth.\\n3. The History of Zosimus extends from\\nthe time of Augustus to the second siege of\\nRome by Alaric it consists of five books, and\\nthe fragment of a sixth, into the first of which\\nthe reigns of the predecessors of Constantino\\nare compressed. Zosimus was a prejudiced,\\nand, as some miraculous descriptions attest, a\\nsuperstitious pagan and he treats with sever-\\nity, perhaps with injustice, the character of\\nsome of the Christian Emperors ;f but as by\\nSee the life of Ammianus Marcellinus by Valesi-\\nus, which we have chiefly followed in this account.\\nt Julian is his great hero, and Constantine the prin-\\ncipal object of his censure. Respecting the latter, it\\nhas been observed, that we may safely believe any evil\\nthat has escaped from Eusebius, and any good that\\nhas been extorted from Zosimus. But these combined 1\\nfar the greatest proportion of his attention is\\nbestowed on the details of mihtary enterprise,\\nit is not often that he crosses the more peace-\\nful path of the ecclesiastical historian.\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nFrom the Fall of Paganism to the Death of\\nJustinian. (388 567.)\\nConversion of the Goths\u00e2\u0080\u0094 of Clevis and the Franks of\\nother Barbarians causes of its facility Miraculous\\ninterpositions Internal condition of the Church Sy-\\nmeon and the Stylites Pope Leo the Great Papal\\naggrandizement private confession Justinian, his or-\\nthodoxy, intolerance, and heresy Literature its decay\\nnot attributable to Christianity three periods of its de-\\ncline Religious corruptions Barbarian conquests\\nSeven liberal arts Justinian closes the Schools of\\nAthens early connexion of Philosophy with Religion\\nMorality\u00e2\u0080\u0094 of the Clergy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 of the People\u00e2\u0080\u0094 general misery\\nNote on certain Fatliers of the fourth and fifth Cen-\\nturies.\\nThat we may treat with some perspicuity\\nthe long period over which the two following\\nchapters are extended, we shall separate in\\neach of theiii the external progress and revers-\\nes of Christianity from the internal conduct\\nand condition of the Church, and the charac-\\nter of those v/ho ruled and influenced it.\\nI. Convei sion of the Barbarians. Christian-\\nity had scarcely completed its triumph over\\nan ancient superstition, refined and embellish-\\ned by the utmost human ingenuity, when it\\nwas called upon to dispute the possession of\\nthe world with a wild and savage adversar}^\\nAlmost at the very moment when Julian was\\nlaboring for the reestablish ment of paganism,\\nUlphilas,* who is commonly called the apos-\\nwould furnish very scanty materials for the delineation\\nof a great character. We must believe much mors\\nthan these; and in tliis matter the panegyrics of the\\nChristian are not, perhaps, more liable to suspicion\\nthan the aspersions of the pagan writer.\\nUlphilas is believed to have been the descendant\\nof a Cappadocian family carried into captivity by the\\nGoths, in the reign of Gallienus. His conversion to\\nArianism is referred to his embassy to the court of\\nValens in 378, and on his return home he diligently\\ndiffused that heresy. It would appear, however, that\\nhis method of seduction was to assure the Goths, that\\nthe disputes between the Catholics and Arians were\\nmerely verbal, not at all affecting the substance of\\nfaith so that his success was gradual, and at first\\nimperfect: thus, for instance, in the time of Theodoret,\\nthe Goths avowed their belief, that the Father wag\\ngreater than the Son but they were not yet prepared\\nto affirm that the Son was created though they con-\\ntinued to communicate with those who held that opin-", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "116\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntie of the Goths, was diffusing the knowledge\\nof the Gospel with gi eat rapidity among that\\nyoung and powerful people so that the first\\ninvaders of the empire had previously learnt\\nin their own land to profess, or at least to\\nrespect, the religion of the empire. The\\nGoths then were early and easy proselytes to\\nChristianity and the example of their con-\\nversion, as well as of their invasion, was fol-\\nlowed by the various hordes of barbarians\\nwho presently overran and occupied the West.\\nThe Burgundians in Gaul, the Suevi in Spain,\\nthe Vandals in Africa, the Ostrogoths in Pan-\\nnonia, and others, as they successively pos-\\nsessed themselves of the Roman provinces,\\ndaring the fifth and sixth centuries, succes-\\nsively adopted the religion of the conquered\\nand if Rome, in her days of warlike triumph,\\nreceived from vanquished Greece some taste\\nin arts, and attainment in science, and skill in\\nphilosophical disputation, she repaid her pri-\\nvate obligation with more sohd and extensive\\ngenerosity in her days of decline, when she\\nInstructed her own conquerors in those les-\\nsons of religious truth and moral knowledge,\\nof which the principles can never change, nor\\nthe application ever be limited.\\nIt is impossible to trace with any certainty\\nthe exact moment and circumstances of the\\nconversion of so many tribes. That of Clovis,\\nKing of the Franks, has obtained the greatest\\nhistorical celebrity, and many of the particu-\\nlars respecting it wear great appearance of\\nprobability.* In the year 493 Clovis espoused\\nClotilda, niece of the King of the Burgun-\\ndians, a Christian and a Catholic. He toler-\\nated the religion of his bride, and showed re-\\nspect to its professors, especially to St. Remi,\\nArchbishop of Rheims but he steadily refus-\\ned to abandon his hereditary idols on the im-\\nportunity either of the prelate or Queen. At\\nlength he found himself in a situation of dan-\\nger in the heat of an unsuccessful battle,\\nwhile his Franks were flying before the Al-\\nemaimi, Clovis is related to have raised his\\nweeping eyes to heaven, and exclaimed, Je-\\nsus Christ thou whom Clotilda asserts to be\\nthe Son of the living God, I implore thy suc-\\ncor. If thou wilt give me the victory, I will\\nbelieve in thee, and be baptized in thy name.\\nion. Fleury, H. E. llv. xvii. sect. S6. Tillem.\\n(Sur les Ariens, Art. 132, 133) pronounces an eulogy\\nupon his virtues, in spite of his heresy; and yet he\\nadds, Voilk comment un homme eutraina dans I enfer\\nce nombre infini des Septentrionaux, qui avec lui et\\napr^s lui ont embrasse I Arianih me.\\nThose which we select, together with many others,\\nare related an lire autliority of Gregory of Tours, and\\nAt that moment the King of the Alernanni\\nwas slain his soldiers immediately fled, and\\nabandoned the field to Clovis. The victor\\nwas not unmindful of the God of his adver-\\nsity. On the conclusion of his expedition he\\ncaused himself to be publicly baptized; about\\nthree thousand of his soldiers attended him to\\nthe holy font with joy and acclamation, and\\nthe rest of his subjects followed without any\\nhesitation the faith of their Prince. The\\nconversion of Clovis took place in 496 and\\nthough it had not the effect of amending the\\nbrutal character of the proselyte, it made a\\ngreat addition to the physical strength of\\nChristianity and it was attended by a pe-\\nculiar circumstance which places it among\\nthe important events of ecclesiastical history.\\nThe numerous barbarian conquerors who\\nthen ruled the Western Empire had embrac-\\ned without any exception, f the heresy of\\nAnus Clovis alone adopted the Catholic faith\\nand this accident fwe are taught to attribute\\nit to the orthodoxy of his wife) was probably\\nthe earliest cause of that close connexion be-\\ntween the court of Burgundy and the See\\nof Rome, of which some traces may be dis-\\ncerned even thus early, and which, in a later\\nage, was confirmed by Pepin and established\\nby Charlemagne.\\nThe success of the Roman arms during the\\nreign of Justinian, which began about thirty\\nyears after the baptism of Clovis, does not ap-\\npear to have disinclined the barbarians to the\\nreligion of their enemies; it might even natu-\\nrally produce the contrary effect and we do\\nnot read of any of their tribes which, after\\nsettling in a conquered province, were dispos-\\ned long to resist the influence of the Gospel.\\nRespecting the natural causes which facil-\\nitated this powerful accession to the body of\\nChristianity from a quarter whence the darkest i\\ndanger was portended, it is proper to suggest\\na few brief observations, that we may be en-\\nabled calmly to consider, whether or not they\\nare sufficient to account for the phenomenon\\nHincm. Vita San. Remigii. See Fleury, liv. xxx.\\nsect. 46.\\nClovis, immediately after his baptism, made some\\nconsiderable donations of land to St. Remi, who ap-\\nplied them to the use of divers churches, and the foun-\\ndation of the Bishopric of Laon. Fleury, H. E. liv.\\nXXX., sect. 46.\\nf Thrasamond, King of the Vandals, in Africa;\\nTheodoric, of the Ostrogoths, in Italy; Alaric, of the\\nVisigoths, in Spain Gondebaud, of the Burgundi-\\nans, were all Arians and, as if to complete the he-\\nterodoxy of the princes of Christendom, even Anasta-\\nsius, the Emperor of the Eastj was involved in the\\nEutychian heresy.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "CONVERSION OF THE BARBARIANS.\\n117\\nwithout the intervention of miraculous assist-\\nance. The wild and warlike polytheists of\\nthe north, who estimated excellence by pow-\\ner, and power by the extent of military sway,\\nand who ignorantly applied to the gods the\\nrules by which they judged of men, approach-\\ned with respectful predisposition the Deity\\nof the Roman empire.* And if it be true\\nthat their own successes gradually tended to\\nabate this respect, yet is it not possible that\\nthey could fail to observe, or observe without\\nsome sense of reverence and humiliation, the\\nsuperiority in arts and sciences, the high in-\\ntellectual preeminence of the people whom\\ntheir mere sword had overthrown nor would\\nthey hesitate to infer, from such sensible in-\\ndications, both the wisdom and beneficence\\nof the protecting Divinity! Again The form\\nof idolatry which they professed was most\\npeculiarly characterized by a superstitious\\nveneration for their priesthood it had no\\nwritten law, nor any fixed principles, nor any\\nvery attractive immemorial solemnities. In\\na foreign country, in the license of a military\\nexpedition, the reverence for their native, and\\nfor the most part absent ministers, would grad-\\nually abate in fervency and fidelity and then\\n(such is the nature of superstition) it would\\nchange its object, and swell into devout re-\\nspect for the ministers of the unknown reli-\\ngion, by whose more imposing rites they were\\nnow suiTounded and dazzled. By this pro-\\ncess being insensibly weaned from an ancient\\nworship, chiefly perhaps endeared to them by\\nits association with that home which they had\\nnow deserted forever, they would join in the\\nsplendid processions, and bend in the stately\\ntemples of the Christians. Of such advanta-\\nges as these the clergy were not slow to avail\\nthemselves; and their own great superiority\\nin penetration and learning, joined with a zeal-\\nous and interested activity,f enabled them to\\nThe conversion of the Burgundians, early in the\\nfifth century, is thus i-elated, with no improbability.\\nHarassed by the continual incursions of tiie Huns,\\nand incapable of self defence, they resolved to place\\nthemselves under the protection of some God; and\\nconsidering that the God of the RomaiTS most power-\\nfully befriended those who served hlni, they determin-\\ned, on public deliberation, to believe in Jesus Christ.\\nThey therefore went to a city in Gaul, and entreated\\nthe Bishop to baptize them. Immediately after that\\nceremony they gained a battle against their enemies\\nand if (as is also asserted) they afterwards lived in\\npeace and innocence, they reaped, in that respect at\\nleast, the natural fruits of their conversion. Socrat.\\nvii., chap. BO. Fleury, H. E. liv. xxiii., sect. 5.\\nt At a Council held at Brague, or Braccara, in\\nPortugal, in the year 412, on the irruption of an idol-\\nconvert the mass of the invaders while the\\nPrince, as illiterate as his subjects, was often\\ninfluenced by the address, and ofl;en by the\\npiety, of the prelates who had access to his\\ncourt. The same work was still further fa-\\ncilitated by the example of the Goths, who had\\nopened the gates of Christianity to succeeding\\nconquerors. Nor should we by any means\\npass over the exertions of the missionaries,\\nwho had previously introduced into the na-\\ntive forests of the invaders a favorable opin-\\nion, and even a partial profession, of the reli-\\ngion of the empire which they were destined\\nto subvert.\\nThese reasons are probably sufficient to ac-\\ncount for the facility with which the various\\ninvaders of the western provinces adopted the\\nreligion which they found established there,\\neven without any deep examination into its\\nmerits or its truth but the histories of those\\ntimes are so abundant in preternatural tales\\nof extraordinary conversions every where\\nwrought by the continual interposition of\\nProvidence, that we must not quite overlook\\nthis consideration. However, we can here\\nentertain little doubt, or feel any strong hesi-\\ntation to affirm, that the very great proportion\\nof those miraculous stories is wholly and\\nunquestionably fabulous.* But we must be\\ncareful that our indignation at the impiety\\nwhich fabricated so many wicked impostures,\\nand the diligent mendacity which has retailed\\nthem, do not so far prevail as to hurry us into\\natrous or Arian host of Alani, Suevi and Vandals, the\\nBishops prepared themselves to resist at every risk\\nthe destructive torrent. For this purpose they appear\\nto have adopted tv,-o measures, which, in their union\\nat least, are strongly indicative of the state of religion\\nin that age and country. The first was to publish aa\\nabbreviation of the Creed of the Catholic church tlie\\nsecond, to conceal in the securest recesses and caverns\\nthe invaluable relics of their saints. Fleury, H. E.\\nlib. xxiii,, sect. 6.\\nUnbelievers and heretics were closely associated\\nin the language and opinion of the Catholics of those\\ndays, and were consequently subjected to the same\\nmode of cure. In the fourth century even the great St.\\nAmbrose condescended to adopt the miraculous meth-\\nod of argument for the Conversion of the Arians. He\\nused, in his disputes with those heretics, to produce\\nmen possessed with devils, who, on the approach of\\ncertain Catholic relics, were obliged by preternatural\\ncompulsion to acknowledge with loud cries that the\\ndoctrine of the Council of Nice was true, and that of\\nthe Arians both false and of most dangerous conse-\\nquence. This testimony of the Prince of darkness\\nwas regarded by St. Ambrose as unquestionable and\\nconclusive (Mosh. c. iv.,p. 2. c, 3.,)nor Avas it easily\\nansw^ered by adversaries Avho made less profession ot\\ninfluence in the other world.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "118\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nan entire disbelief of any divine intervention\\nin those ages. To pronounce so sweeping a\\nsentence, in the confusion of contemporary\\nevidence, in our necessary ignorance of the\\ndispositions of Providence, vv^ould approach\\ntoo near to presumption and we shall, there-\\nfore, do better to leave this subject where the\\njudicious moderation of Mosheim has placed\\nit:\\nHow far these conversions (he says) were\\ndue to real miracles attending the ministry of\\nthose early preachers is a matter extremely\\ndifficult to be determined. For, though I\\nam persuaded that those pious men who, in\\nthe midst of many dangers, and in the face\\nof obstacles seemingly invincible, endeavored\\nto spread the light of Christianity through\\nthe barbarous nations, were sometimes ac-\\ncompanied by the more peculiar favor and\\nsuccor of the Most High yet I am equally\\nconvinced, that the greatest part of the prodi-\\ngies recorded in the histories of this age are\\nliable to the strongest suspicions of falsehood\\nor imposture. The simplicity and ignorance\\nof the generality in those times furnished the\\nmost favorable occasion for the exercise of\\nfraud and the impudence of impostors in\\ncontriving false miracles was artfully propor-\\ntioned to the credulity of the vulgar, while\\nthe sagacious and the wise, who perceived\\nthese cheats, were obliged to silence, by the\\ndanger which threatened their lives and their\\nfortunes, if they detected the artifice. Thus\\ndoes it generally happen in human life, that\\nwhen the discovery and profession of the\\ntruth is attended with danger, the prudent\\nare silent, the multitude believe, and the im-\\npostors triumph.\\nII. While the profession of Christianity\\nwas thus extending itself among so many\\nnations, the changes which were gradually\\ntaking place within the Church were by no\\nmeans favorable to its purity. We have al-\\nready mentioned the copious transfusion of\\nheathen ceremonies into the Christian wor-\\nship which had taken place before the end\\nof the fourth century, and, to a certain extent,\\npaganized (if we may so express it) the out-\\nward form and aspect of religion those cer-\\nemonies became more general and more nu-\\nmerous, and, so far as the calamities of the\\ntimes would permit, more splendid in the\\nage which followed. To console the convert\\nfor the loss of his favorite festival, others, of\\na different name, but similar description, were\\nintroduced and the simple and serious occu-\\nCent, v., p. 1., c. 1.\\npation of spiritual devotion was beginning to\\ndegenerate into a worship of parade and de-\\nmonstration, or a mere scene of riotous fes-\\ntivity. But, various were the forms assumed,\\nand numerous the excesses occasioned, by re-\\nligious corruption which was by no other\\ncircumstance more plainly evidenced, or more\\neflfectually promoted, than by the growing\\nprevalence of the monastic spirit.\\nSymeon the Stylite. It is contrary to our\\ngeneral purpose to call much attention to in-\\nstances of the passing fanaticism of the day\\nthose transient eruptions of superstition\\nwhich have left no deep traces behind them\\nin history or moral consequences neverthe-\\nless, we cannot forbear to record one very\\nextraordinary shape which the frenzy of\\nthose times assumed. About the year 427,\\none Symeon, at first a shepherd, afterwards\\na monk, of Syria, invented a new method of\\npenitential devotion. Dissatisfied with the\\ninsufficient austerities which were practised\\nin his convent, he retired to a mountain in\\nthe neighborhood of Antioch, where, by sol-\\nitaiy self-inflictions and extreme abstinence,\\nhe obtained great provincial celebrity but\\nhis I3iety or his ambition were not thus easily\\ncontented, and accordingly he devised an\\noriginal and more difficult path to sanctity.\\nHe caused a pillar to be erected, of which the\\nheight was gradually increased from nine to\\nsixty feet thereon he established his resi-\\ndence. His ordinary occupation was prayer\\nand habit and exercise enabled him to take,\\nwithout risk or difficulty, the diflferent pos-\\ntures of devotion. Sometimes, especially on\\ngreat solemnities, he assumed an erect atti-\\ntude, with his arms outstretched sometimes\\nhe bent forward his body, attenuated by con-\\ntinual fasting, till the forehead touched the\\nfeet and he repeated those inclinations with\\nmarvellous flexibility.* He passed the whole\\nnight and a part of the morning in worship\\none slender meal in the course of a week suf-\\nA curious spectator (says Gibbon), after num-\\nbering 1244 repetitions, at length desisted from tlie\\nendless account. Tlieodorit, who had frequently\\nseen and conversed with him, wrote an account of\\nhis life during its continuance. That author himself\\nentertained soibg doubts as to the credibility of his\\nnarration although (says he) I have for my wit-\\nnesses, if I may so express myself, every man in ex-\\nistence, yet I fear that to postei ity my account may\\nappear a groundless fable for what is passing here\\nis above humanityj and men are wont to proportion\\ntheir belief to the powers of nature, and all which sur-\\npasses those boundaries appears falsehood to such as\\nare not familiar with things divine. See Fleury,\\nliv. xxix., sect. 9.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "IIVTERNAI. CONDITION OF THE CHURCH.\\n119\\nficed for his sustenance, and a coarse vest-\\nment of skin, which wrapped his whole body,\\nwas his only covering: in this situation he\\nendured the returning inclemencies of thirty\\nseasons, and at length died, without descend-\\ning from his column.\\nIt is no matter of reasonable astonishment\\nthat the passionate enthusiasts of the east\\nthronged eagerly round the pillar of Symeon\\nfrom the most remote provinces, and regard-\\ned the self-devoted martyr with feelings par-\\ntaking of adoration. Nor are we, in any de-\\ngree, surprised to read, that he converted to\\nChristianity the inhabitants of Libauus and\\nAntilibanus, and an entire tribe of Arabs,\\ntogether with several Jews and heretics, by\\nmiraculous aid and operation. Nor, perhaps,\\nhave we cause to think it strange that this\\npopular fanaticism was rather encouraged\\nthan disclaimed by the Church and that\\nit has descended to posterity without any ec-\\nclesiastical stigma of schism or heresy. But\\nour amazement is reasonably excited, when\\nwe leam that Theodosius II. seriously con-\\nsulted Symeon the Stylite on the most im-\\nportant concerns of Church and State f and\\nthat the Emperor Leo particularly solicited\\nhis advice respecting the Council of Chalce-\\ndon whether those princes really shared\\nthe popular madness, and considered him\\nas a soothsayer or prophet, to v/hom bodily\\nmortification, and a loftier residence had dis-\\nclosed a nearer prospect of the secrets of\\nfuturity or whether they were only willing\\nto gain credit with the silliest among their\\nsubjects by encouraging their most absurd su-\\nperstition. However this may be, Symeon\\nbecame the founder of a sect of fanatics call-\\ned Stylites (or Pillar-men); who, under the\\nnames of Holy Birds and Aerial Martyrs,\\npeopled the columns of the east and, after\\nimitating (so far as then* physical powers per-\\nmitted them) the ascetic gesticulations of their\\nmaster, have escaped, in more fortunate ob-\\nlivion, the sinister celebrity which still attends\\nhis name.\\nLeo the Great. We have now traced the\\nIt is true that when Symeon first ascended his\\npillar some opposition was made to the innovation\\nby some monasteries both of Syria and Egypt but\\nas their objections were confined to the novelty of\\nthe scheme, and did not proceed from its absurdity,\\nthey speedily disappeared, and Symeon was i-estored\\nwith unanimity to the bosom of the Catholic church.\\nt Gibbon, chap, xxxvii. Fleury, liv. xxix. sect.\\n9. The Emperor Marcian is also said to have in-\\ndulged his curiosity by a secret visit to the Holy Pil-\\nlar, in the throng of his miserable subjects.\\nhistory of the Roman See to the middle of\\nthe fifth century, and our attention has not\\nhitherto been ai-rested by the genius or the\\nfortune of any individual who has occupied\\nit. We have no cause to lament this circum-\\nstance. The truly episcopal duties of devo-\\ntion and charity are usually performed in\\nsilent unobtrusiveness and the highest in-\\nterests, and the truest happiness of the human\\nrace, have commonly been best promoted by\\nthose of whom Fame has made least men-\\ntion. But this long period of comparative\\nobscurity was at length terminated by the\\nname of Leo, suruamed the Great. That\\nprelate ascended the chair of St. Peter in the\\nyeai 440, and occupied it for one and twenty\\nyears. At his accession, he found the East-\\nern Church still agitated by the receding\\ntempest of the Nestorian controversy and\\nthe heresy of Eutyches, which immediately\\nsucceeded, introduced fresh disordei-s, which\\ncontinued to disturb his long pontificate. In\\nthe West, the success of the barbarians in\\nAfrica and Gaul presented a new and exten-\\nsive field for ecclesiastical exertion while\\nwe are taught, at the same time, to believe\\nthat the internal lustre of his Church was\\ndarkened and endangered by the prevalence\\nof the Manichsean heresy. The zeal of St.\\nLeo was directed to all these points and,\\nperhaps, if he had evinced less eagerness in\\nthe discovery* and pursuit of his domestic\\nadversaries, the very circumstance of their\\nexistence might never have been known to\\nus. But, in justice, we are equally bound to\\npraise his firm cooperation with the East-\\nem Church for the peaceful repression (had\\nsuch been possible) of the perverse notions\\nwhich perplexed and divided it nor are\\nthere wanting many salutary expositions of\\n*Baronius (chiefly ad ann. 443) gives several\\nproofs, from the Chronicon of Prosper and St. Leo s\\nown writings, of the diligence of that Prelate in tear\\ning those heretics from their hiding-places, and pub-\\nlishing their infamy. It also appears that until that\\nperiod it had been usual for all Christians to direct\\ntheir prayers to the East but as this form was with\\nthe Manichceans essential, with the orthodox only\\nmatter of ceremony, he directed the latter to discon-\\ntinue the practice, in order that the perverse might\\nbe distinguished and detected by their perseverance.\\nThere is also a passage (in his 95th epistle) in which\\nhe advocates the unsheathing of the temporal sword\\nin vindication of the doctrines of the Church. Pro-\\nfuit diu lata districtio ecclesiasticae lenitati, quae, etsi\\nsacerdotali contenta judicio cruentas refugit ultiones,\\nseveris tamen Christianorum principum constitution-\\nibus adjuvatur, dum ad spirituale nonnunquam recur-\\nrunt reraedium, qui timent corporale supplicium", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "120\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ndoctrine and reasonable rules of discipline\\nscattered throughout his numerous writings.*\\nThe circumstances of the times were fa-\\nvorable to another object, which, with Leo,\\nindeed, may possibly have been secondary,\\nthough it occupied the foremost place in the\\nattention of so many of his successors the\\naggrandizement of the Roman See. In the\\nEast, it happened about that time that the\\nPatriarch of Constantinople, by the assump-\\ntion of some additional power,-!- had alienat-\\ned the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch,\\nand that these last appealed to Rome for suc-\\ncor and justice. Of course, the authority\\nwhich such appeal might seem to imply was\\nat no time recognised by the Patriarch it\\nwas even decided, during this very pontifi-\\ncate, by the tw^enty-ninth Canon of the Coun-\\ncil of Chalcedon, that the See of New\\nRome should have the same advantages with\\nthat of Ancient Rome in the ecclesiastical\\nconstitution but, nevertheless, the influence\\nof the latter was extended, for the moment\\nat least, among the subjects of the former,\\nby the dissensions which severed them from\\ntheh Head. And, again, the accidents which\\nplaced the Bishop of Rome in familiar and\\nalmost independent correspondence with\\nthe Emperor, could not fail to exalt his name\\nand elevate his dignity. In the western pro-\\nvinces, the increase of Papal authority was\\nowing to other causes; the declining power,\\nthe indolence and the absence of the Empe-\\nrors, left little civil control over the authority\\nof the Bishop who presided in the imperial\\nOne hundred and forty-one Epistles and ninety-\\nsix Sermons still remain to us, though several of both\\nare lost. Upon the whole they indicate great talents,\\nand an improved and exercised mind. Respecting\\ntheir genuineness, see Dupin, t. iii. p. 2.\\nf Mosh. cent, v., p. ii., c. ii.\\nt Held in 451. The substance of the enactment is\\nas follows That the Fathers did reasonably accord\\nits privileges to Ancient Rome, because it was the\\nimperial city; and for the same reason the hundred\\nand fifty Bishops here assembled have decided that\\n^evf Rome, which is honored with the empire and\\nthe senate, shall have the same advantages with An-\\ncient Rome in the ecclesiastical constitution, and he\\nthe second after it meaning, obviously, that the\\ntwo Sees were to be independent in power and equal\\nin privilege but that in rank and precedence the su-\\nperiority was due to the more ancient. This Canon\\nhas given birth to the most voluminous contentions.\\nFleury, liv. xxviii. sect. 30. Baron, ann. 451.\\nSect. 148.\\nSome Epistles are still extant, addressed by St.\\nLeo to the Emperor Theodosius, on the subject of the\\nEastern controversies.\\ncity and the incursions and triumphs of the\\nbarbarians rather conti ibuted to advance than\\nto restrain his rising dominion. For the\\nchiefs of the invaders, whose principal solici-\\ntude was to give stability to their government,\\nwhen they perceived the great deference paid\\nby the multitude to the hierarchy, while they\\ncourted the inferior members of that body,\\nnaturally offered the most obsequious respect\\nto the highest in rank. From these and sim-\\nilar causes a variety of advantages spontane-\\nously flowed, and they were seized and per-\\npetuated by the genius and ambition of Leo.\\nPrivate Confession. One innovation in\\nthe discipline of the Church was introduced\\nby that Pontiff, which deserves more atten-\\ntive notice than is usually directed to it. It\\nhad been the custom for the more gi ievous\\noffenders to make the confession of their sins\\npublicly, in the face of the congregation or\\nat least for the ministers occasionally to pro-\\nclaim before the whole assembly the nature\\nof the confessions which they had received.\\nLeo strongly discouraged that practice and\\npermitted, and even enjoined with some ear-\\nnestness, that confession should rather be pri-\\nvate, and confided to the priest alone. The\\nevil most obviously proceeding from this re-\\nlaxation was the general increase, or, at least,\\nthe more indecent practice, of the mortal\\nsins, and especially (as Mosheim has observ-\\ned) of that of incontinence unless, indeed,\\nwe are to suppose that the original publicity\\nof confession was abandoned, from its being\\nno longer practicable in a numerous body\\nand a corrupt age. But another consequence\\nwhich certainly flowed from this measure,\\nand which, in the eye of an ambitious\\nChurchman, might counterbalance its demor-\\nalizing effect, was the vast addition of influ-\\nence which it gave to the clergy. When he\\ndelivered over the conscience of the people\\ninto the hands of the priest, when he con-\\nsigned the most secret acts and thoughts of\\nindividual imperfection to the torture of pri-\\nvate inquisition and scrutiny, Leo the Great\\nhad indeed the glory of laying the first and\\ncorner-stone of the Papal edifice that on\\nwhich it rose and rested, and without which\\nthe industry of his successors would have\\nbeen vainly exerted, or (as is more proba-\\nble) their boldest projects would never have\\nbeen formed.\\nCent. V. p. 2. ch. iv. The epistle containing this\\nordinance is the 136th, addressed (on March 6, 459)\\nto the Bishop of the March of Ancona and Abruzzo.\\nDupin, Nouv. Bibliotli. torn. iii. par. ii.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "INTERNAL CONDITION OF THE CHURCH.\\n121\\nJustinian. From the name of St. Leo we\\nmay proceed without interruption to that of\\nJustinian who ascended the throne of Con-\\nstantinople in the year 527, and occupied it\\nfor nearly forty years. This Emperor is most\\nhonorably known by his legislative labors,\\nand the digest of a code of laws, which, in a\\nlater age, obtained general and durable recep-\\ntion throughout Europe, and which are not\\nin all places obsolete at this moment. A dif-\\nferent and secondary description of celebrity\\nis reflected on him by the success of his gen-\\nerals, Belisarius and Narses, against the inva-\\nders of the West but, for our own part, we\\nare not disposed to think, that he would have\\nmade any addition to the extent, or improve-\\nment in the nature, in his reputation, had he\\ndeserted the pacific duties for which he was\\nwell qualified, to place himself at the head of\\narmies f without disposition or experience for\\ncommand. He deputed to his soldiers the\\nsanguinary task of conquest, and confined his\\nown talents to those offices which he justly\\nconsidered to be more truly imperial. Among\\nthe first and favorite of these he placed the\\nregulation of the religious affahs of his sub-\\njects. His own faith was distinguished by\\nthe most rigid orthodoxy and his theological\\nstudies had at least conducted him to sound\\ndoctrinal conclusions. But he had studied\\nwith more success the tenets, than the histo-\\nry, of his reUgion or he would have learnt\\nfrom the sad experience of two centuries, that\\nneither the canons of councils, nor the oppres-\\nsion of civil power, are sufficient to restrain\\nthe wanderings of human opinion. He de-\\nvoted a large portion of his long reign to the\\nextinction of heresy he waged war with\\nequal fury against the remnant of the Arians,\\nOf the jurisdiction of the clergy, which was the\\nmost acknowledged exercise of their power, and the\\nmost direct cause of their influence, it will be better\\nto defer all mention until we come to treat of the acts\\nof Charlemagne.\\nt The trumpet of Gibbon (upon the whole a humane\\nhistorian) is too often and too loudly sounded in cele- i\\nbration of military prowess, and the pomp of camps, j\\nand the virtues of heroes the favorite themes of vul-\\ngar minds, and the easiei i incentives to vulgar enthu-\\nsiasm.\\nX He appears to have taken pains to search for\\nthem a detestable exaggeration of persecution. He\\nassailed with the same ardor both pagans and astrol-\\nogers and his severities against the Samaritans, who\\nhad obtained a place in tlie long list of heretics, excit-\\ned and justified their rebellion and it was not sup-\\npressed without horrible carnage. On the other hand,\\nhe exerted himself with equal vigor against various\\nforms of impiety and immorality (Fleurv, liv. xxxii.\\n16\\nthe Nestorians, and the Eutychians he ex-\\npelled them from their churches, which he\\ntransferred, together with their public posses-\\nsions, to the Catholics and, finally, he de-\\nscended to individual persecution, and confis-\\ncated the private property of many. What-\\never ambiguous excuses may be found for\\nhis other proceedings, the guilt of this last\\nrobbery is usually attributed to his sordid\\navarice. In spite of those measures (shall\\nwe not rather say, in consequence of them\\nthe fifth General Council (assembled at Con-\\nstantinople during his reign) conferred upon\\nhim the title of The Most Christian Em-\\nperor, not foreseeing that, by one of those\\nstrange dispositions of Providence v/hich\\nseem to mock at human calculation and con-\\nsistency, the very monarch whom they had\\nexalted by that glorious distinction due,\\nindeed, to the purity of his faith, but for-\\nfeited by his intemperance and bigotry,\\nwas destined to die a heretic A foolish dis-\\npute had been raised at that time, whether\\nthe body of Christ on earth was or was not li-\\nable to corruption and this divided Oriental\\nChristians into the two sects of Corruptibles\\nand Incorruptibles. The latter were obvi-\\nously involved in the heresy of the Phantas-\\ntics and yet Justinian, in the bhndness of\\nold age, Eidopted that opinion and it is even\\nbelieved, that he was preparing to persecute\\nall who differed fi^om him, when he fell sick\\nand died.\\nOur censures on the religious policy of Jus-\\ntinian, though at variance with the usual lan-\\nguage of ecclesiastical historians, require no\\njustification but it is proper to clear that Em-\\nperor from the more, odious imputation of\\nhaving created the system, which he so zeal-\\nously administered. The sentence of ban-\\nishment pronounced by Constantino against\\nArius and his followers, however speedily\\nregretted and revoked, was the grand and\\nauthoritative precedent to which every Cath-\\nolic persecutor of after times appealed with\\npride and confidence. That which w^as an\\nexperiment an injudicious and fruitless ex-\\nperiment, with Constantine, became a princi-\\nple or a habit with most of his successors,\\neach of whom enacted such penalties as seem-\\ned suited to repress the errors of the day;\\nbut it was reserved to Theodosius II. to corn-\\nsect. 27.) and was no less zealous in the conversion\\nof the Heruli and other barbarian tribes to the belief\\nin the Gospel, than in oppressing all who did not in-\\nterpret that Gospel as he did.\\nThe history of Henry VIII. of England furnishes\\nan insLance at first sight very similar to this.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "122\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nplete the work, and to confirm and embody\\nthe scattered edicts of bigotry and despotism.\\nThere is no space here to enumerate the se-\\nvere laws against heretics, which may be\\nfound in the Theodosian Code it may suf-\\nfice to say, that they extended to ahuost every\\ndenomination of dissent, and menaced the\\ncontumacious with confiscation, iutestation,\\nexile, as the ordinary punishments while\\nthe last and inexpiable penalty was sus-\\npended over the most formidable innovators.\\nMore than this that Emperor actually ap-\\npointed Inquisitors for the detection of certain\\nspecified offenders, and enjoined the most\\ndiligent and penetrating search f for the pur-\\nThe following are extracts: Quid sensibus excte-\\ncatos Judoeos, Sainaritas, Paganos, et ceetera hsereti-\\ncorum genera porteutoruin audere cognoscimus Quod\\nsi ad sanitatem mentis egregio legum edicto revocare\\nconemur, severitatis culpam ipsi praestabunt; qui du-\\nrse frontis obstinato piaculo locum venia3 non relin-\\nquunt. Quamobrem, cum sententia veteri desperatis\\nmorbis nulla sit abhibeuda curatio, tandem, ne ferales\\nsectse in vitam, immemores nostri sceculi velut indis-\\ncreta confusione, licentius evagentur, hac victura in\\nomne cBVum lege sancimus Neminem Judseum, nem-\\ninem Samaritam, neutra lege constantem, ad honores\\net dignitates accedere nuUi adniinistrationera patere\\ncivilis obsequii, nee defensoris fungi saltem officio.\\nNefas qulppe credimus, ut supernag majestati et Ro-\\nmanis legibus inimici, ultoresque etiam nostrarum le-\\ngum surreptivse jurisdiclionis habeantur obtentu et\\nacquisitae dignitatis auctoritate muniti adversum\\nChristianos, et ipsos plerumque sacra? Religionis\\nAutistites, velut insultantes fidei nostrse judicandi vel\\npronuntiandi quid velintj habeant potestatem, c.\\nA^ain Hinc prospicit nostra dementia Paganorum\\nquoque et gentilium immanitates vigiliam nostram de-\\nbere sortiri, qui naturali vesania et licentia pertinaci\\nreligionis tramite dissidentes nefarios sacrifioiorura\\nritus occultis exercere quodammodo solitudinibus\\ndesignantur quos non promulgatarum legum mille\\nterrores, non denuntiati exitii poena compescant, ut\\nsi emendari non possint mole saltem criminum et il-\\nluvie victimarum discerent abstinere. Sed prorsus\\nea furoris peccatur audacia, c. c. Leg. Novell.\\nDiv. Theod. A. lib. These enactments of the first,\\nconfirmed by the second Theodosias, are in everj-^\\nsense barbarous.\\nt Summa exploratione rimetur, ut, quicunque in\\nunura Paschee diem non obsequenti religione convene-\\nrint, tales indubitanter, quales hac lege damnamus,\\nhabeantur. This seems to have been levelled against\\nthe remains of the Quartadecimans. The Encratites,\\nSaccophori, and Hydroparastatne, are the names\\nwhich are threatened summo supplicio et inexpi-\\nabili poena. A law was also enacted to pi event the\\nmeetings of the Tascodragitse a denomination of per-\\nsons who made their praj ers inwardly and silently,\\ncompressing their noses and lips with their hands, lest\\nany sound should transpire. Basnage, iii. 82. Jor-\\ntia, vol. iv. ad ann. 381. That any danger either to\\nChurch or State could for an instant have been ap-\\npose of unmasking them. It has been ob-\\nserved, that Pope Leo the Great adopted thia\\nmethod for the extinction of the Manichse-\\nans; and it is some excuse for the eagerness\\nof the Bishop that the mighty footsteps of the\\nEmperor lay traced before him. It would\\nnot be just to attach to his name very deeply\\nthe guilt of intolerance nor would v/e de-\\nfraud even Justinian himself of such plea as\\nmay be found for him in the penal system\\npreviously established, in the spirit of the\\ntimes, in the practice of his predecessors.\\nYet should we distinguish a churchman\\nmay be more leniently censured if he enforce\\nthe laws already enacted for the protection\\nof his Church, and calculated, as he may ig-\\nnorantly imagine, for that purpose. But a\\nlegislator should look more deeply into the\\nrecords of history and the constitution of\\nhuman nature and if, among the venerable\\nstatutes of his ancestors he observes one\\nwhich is founded in manifest injustice, which\\nin its immediate operation occasions confu-\\nsion and misery, and which in its general ef-\\nficacy has been proved by long experience to\\nmiss the end proposed to reenact and per-\\npetuate that statute is not error, but deep and\\ninexpiable crime.\\nIII. We shall conclude this Chapter with\\na few remarks respecting the literature and\\nmorality of the period on which we are em-\\nployed for though it may seem impossible to\\ntreat so extensive a subject in such contract-\\ned limits with adequate fulness, or even with\\nprofitable precision, there would be still great-\\ner ground of reproach were we to neglect it\\naltogether.\\nDecline of Literature. The decline of Ro-\\nman literature between the age of Augustus\\nand that of the Antonines, in chasteness and\\ndelicacy of thought and expression, and even\\nthe decay of the language itself, are instantly\\nperceptible to the classical reader yet was it\\nstill animated by some of the fire of ancient\\ngenius it had availed itself of the progress\\nof science and the increased knowledge of\\nman, and it applied that knowledge with im-\\nmortal success to history as well as philoso-\\nphy but from the reign of Antoninus to that\\nof Diocletian the fall was sudden and precip-\\nitate. In the barren records of the third cen-\\ntury we find no names of good, few even of\\nprehended from such abject and pitiful enthusiasm\\nmight have been pronounced impossible, if the history\\nof persecution in every age, howsoever modified and\\ndisguised by time and circumstance, did not inces-\\nsantly attest it to be both credible and probable.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "Decline of literature.\\n123\\nindifferent writers and if the works of the\\nancients were more generally diffused and\\nstudied than formerly (which seems uncer-\\ntain,) they were at least much less diUgently\\nimitated, and not an effort was made to sur-\\npass them. It is of importance to remark\\nthis fact because there have been some so\\nunjust in their hostility to revelation, or so\\nperverse in their estimation of history, as to\\nattribute the decay of literature to the preva-\\nlence and influence of the Christian religion.\\nThis charge is very far removed from truth\\nindeed it is easy to show that literature had\\nalready fallen into deep and irretrievable\\nruin, before Christianity began to exercise\\nany control over the refinements of society.\\nAt the beginning of the third century, during\\nthe parting struggles of learning, the Chris-\\ntians, numerous as they were, and uTesistible\\nin strength, were principally confined to the\\nlower and middle ranks and even at the be-\\nginning of the last persecution, though they\\nheld some high offices in the court of Justin-\\nian, it will scarcely be asserted that they form-\\ned a sufficient proportion of the higher and\\neducated classes to affect in any great degree\\nthe literary character of the empire.* A very\\ngeneral moral improvement they had un-\\ndoubtedly introduced among the lower or-\\nders some influence on the civilisation of the\\npeople, and even on the policy of the govern-\\nment, they may also have exercised but\\ncomplete revolutions in national literature do\\nnot originate in those quarters and even had\\nit been otherwise, we have seen, that more\\nthan a century before that period, the down-\\nfall of taste and learning had been irrevocably\\ndecreed.\\nWhile they speculate on the secondary\\ncauses of singular phaenomena, historians are\\nsometimes too prone to neglect such as are\\nplain and obvious. In the present instance\\nthese were certainly no other than the pro-\\nlongation of unmitigated despotism, and the\\ncivil confusion, which, in addition to its cus-\\ntomary attendants, it so commonly introduced\\nregarding the succession to the throne. It is\\nunnecessary to search after remote reasons\\nThe effect which Christianity may have produc-\\ned on the literature of the Roman Empire in the third\\ncentury, bears some resemblance in character (though\\nIt was far inferior in degree) to that exerted by Pu-\\nritanism on the literature of our own country. And\\nif it be true, that the immediate influence of both was,\\nto a certain extent, hostile, their ultimate operation\\nwas certainly to invigorate and renovate. Some of\\nthe Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries write bet-\\nter than any profane autlior after Tacitus.\\nfor the degradation of any people which has\\nbeen subjected for three centuries to the\\nabuse of arbitrary rule and though it be true\\nthat Trajan and the Antonines for a moment\\narrested the torrent of corruption, they were\\nbut accidental blessings and if their person-\\nal excellence partially remedied the mons-\\ntrous depravity of the system, their influence\\nlasted not beyond their life. Presently the\\ntide resumed its downward course, and its\\nnatural and necessary progress was scarcely\\naccelerated either by the crimes of Severus\\nor the calamities of Decius. Whether, then,\\nit be reasonable to consider the first period\\nof the decline of literature as closing with the\\nreign of the Antonines, or whether we shall\\nextend it over the barren period which inter-\\nvened between the death of Marcus and the\\nestablishment of Christianity, it is clear that\\nit proceeded from causes quite independent\\nof that religion. The second line we may\\nventure perhaps to draw after the fourth\\nCouncil of Carthage, and the third at the\\nexpulsion of the Athenian philosphers by\\nJustinian.\\nDuring the second period, Constantino, Ju-\\nlian and Theodosius successively proposed\\nencouragements to learning, and bestowed\\npersonal honors on those possessing it. If\\nJulian confined his rewards to Pagan, and\\nConstantino to Christian, literature,the greater\\neffect (owing to the longer duration of his\\nreign) was produced by the latter the same\\nis true of the exertions of Theodosius con-\\nsequently, during the last half of the fourth\\nand the beginning of the fifth century, the\\nChurch abounded with prelates of splendid\\ntalents, and laborious industry, and such\\nlearning as was then thought most necessar}\\nThe Christian writings of this period, to\\nwhatsoever objections they may be liable,\\nconstitute the best part of its literature. And\\nin so far as they are censured (and justly cen-\\nsured) for the occasional display of vain spec-\\nulation about things not determinable, of un-\\nfair representation, of perverse disputatious-\\nness, of absurd or unworthy arguments, it\\nis a question, whether the lucubrations of\\nthe schoolmen and rhetoricians of Rome or\\nGreece give less groimd for the same re-\\nproaches for in a mere literary point of view,\\nit matters little, whether it be the inscrutable\\nin nature or in revelation on which the way-\\nward imagination wastes itself; and as these\\nlatter investigations are more likely to deviate\\ninto a moral character, so is there a better\\nprospect of their utility. And in justice to\\nmost of the Fathers of this period we should", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "124\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nadd, that there are many splendid illustrations\\nof scripture, and many generous bursts of\\nmoral exhortation, which enrich and ennoble\\ntheir works, and which surpass the ardor,\\nif they do not rival the elegance, of profane\\nphilosophy.\\nFourth Council of Carthage. A canon of\\nthe Council held at Carthage in the year 398\\nforbade the study of secular books by Bish-\\nops and we have therefore selected this as\\na crisis in the history of Christian literature.\\nAssuredly a deplorable dearth of learning\\nvery soon followed this crisis, and our thii d\\nperiod is distinguished by scarcely two or\\nthree names respectable for talents or acquire-\\nments. However we do not at all intend to\\nattribute this rapid defection to the injudi-\\ncious ordinance in question since its author-\\nity was not universal, and since injunctions\\nof that description are seldom obeyed, except\\nby such as are previously disposed to receive\\nthem. It was an index rather than a cause\\nof the altering spirit of the Church, and as\\nsuch we record it. The real reasons of that\\nsudden defection, and of the darkness which\\nfollowed it, are two the first of these, which\\nalone perhaps might gradually have complet-\\ned the extinction of sound learning, was the\\ninternal corruption of Christianity, and the\\nspreading disease of monachism. An age of\\nprodigies and relics and Stjdites was not pro-\\nper for the growth of genius or the cultivation\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0of knowledge and the little of either which\\n-survived in the East may have owed its exis-\\ntence to the dissensions of the Christians, as\\nmuch as to their virtues. The second reason\\nwas the frequent irruption and final settle-\\nment of the barbarian conquerors. This\\ncause was indeed confirmed almost entirely to\\nthe provinces of the West; but the wounds\\nThe celebrated Canon in question appears in the\\nmidst of several others, generally respecting the epis-\\ncopal office and duties: their substance is as follows\\nthe Bishop should have a small residence near the\\nchurch; his furniture should be of small price, and his\\ntable poorly supplied; he should sustain his dignity by\\nhis faith and his holy life; he shall read no profane\\nbooks, nor those of the heretics, unless by necessity.\\nHe shall take no concern in the execution of wills,\\nnor any care of his domestic affairs, nor plead for any\\ntemporal interests. He shall not himself take charge\\neither of the widows, orphans, or strangers, but com-\\nmit that office to the chief priest he shall have no\\nother occupation than reading, prayer and preaching.\\nHe shall perform no ordinations without the counsel\\nof his clergy, and the consent of the people. See\\nFlemy, liv. xx., sect, xxxii. We are not to suppose\\nthat the above canons were every where received, or\\nperhaps strictly enforced any where.\\nwhich it inflicted there were deeper and of\\nmore extensive influence than might at first\\nhave been apprehended. It afforded a fear-\\nful prospect that those hordes of colonists\\nwere wholly uninstructed in literary acquire-\\nments, and even generally prejudiced against\\nthem. Theodoric himself, the wisest, as well\\nas the best, among their Princes, while he re-\\nspected the superior civilisation of the van-\\nquished, despised and disclaimed that art\\nwhich seemed to be employed for no other\\nend, than to inflame and perpetuate religious\\ncontroversy. He could never be prevailed\\nupon to learn to read. But the cause which\\nincreased and prolonged that mischief, and\\ncreated many others, was the superstitious\\ndisposition which the invaders brought with\\nthem. They had learnt, as the rudiments\\nof their own religion, a subservient reverence\\nfor their priesthood, and this principle ac-\\ncompanied them into the Christian church\\nthe priesthood received without reluctance\\nthe unbounded homage which was oflfered\\nto them their authority grew with that obse-\\nquiousness, and their ambition swelled with\\ntheir authority and when they found how\\neasily this could be maintained and extended\\nover a credulous people, and how certainly\\ncredulity is the oflfspring of ignorance, they\\nbecame interested in perpetuating blindness\\nand prejudice.\\nSome schools indeed still subsisted, and\\nthe youth were instructed in what were cal-\\nled the Seven Liberal Arts but these, as we\\nlearn from Augustin s account of them, con-\\nsisted only in a number of subtile and useless\\nprecepts and were consequently more adap-\\nted to perplex the memory than to strengthen\\nthe judgment. The arts in question were\\ngrammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, music,\\ngeometry, and astronomy and those were\\nvery rare among the scholars whose studies\\nextended beyond the three first. Moral ex-\\nhortations began now to be commonly con-\\nfined to the public reading of Books of Mar-\\ntyrs and Lives of Saints, by which the pas-\\nsions of the vulgar were excited, and their\\nimaginations prepared for the belief of any\\nimposture which it might be expedient to\\npractice upon them. Such were the mate-\\nrials of Christian literature during the fifth\\nand sixth centuries, and such they continued\\nwith very little alteration until the eleventh.\\nEdict of Justinian. Some remnants of the\\nphilosophy of ancient Greece still lingered at\\nAthens and a few degenerate descendants\\nMosh., cent, v., p. xi., c. i.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0130.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "MORALITY.\\n125\\nof Plato, Aristotle or Zeno, still exhibited in\\ntheir half deserted schools the shadow of the\\nlore of former ages. Those teachers had\\nbeen encouraged by M. Antoninus and Ju-\\nlian, and tolerated by the Christian Emperors,\\nand they may have constituted the wisest,\\nand probably the most virtuous portion of\\nthe Pagan population but they had gradually\\ndwindled away into obscurity and insignifi-\\ncance. Nevertheless, Justinian considered\\ntheir existence as inconsistent with the prin-\\nciples of his government, and consequently\\nissued (in the year 529) that celebrated edict\\nwhich closed the schools of Athens forever.\\nThe historian of the Church of Christ need\\nnot fear to celebrate an^/ judicious exertions\\nto enlighten and dignify mankind. And in\\nso far as the genius of philosophy has been\\nemployed in the discovery of moral truth, and\\nm effectual exhortations to virtue and mag-\\nnanimity in so far as it has taught the sci-\\nence of government on sound and practical\\nprinciples in so far as its researches have\\nhad no other object than truth, and truth\\nwhich was convertible to the service and im-\\nprovement of society so far we respect its ex-\\nertions and honor its name, and disdain the\\nnarrow policy which completed its extinction.\\nBut we are bound to admit, thpt, long before\\nthe period in question, the abuse of reason\\nhad so far supplanted its proper exercise, and\\nperverted its noble character and pur[)oses,\\nthat it constituted in fict the most active por-\\ntion of the systems then called philosophical\\njust as the abuses of religion were then be-\\nginning to form the most conspicuous part\\nof the Catholic system. To the connexion\\nof Christianity with philosophy several of\\nthose abuses may be attributed for at the\\nfirst moment of their contact, while religion\\nwas yet pure, philosophy was already deeply\\nand vitally corrupted; and the infection of\\nbad principles, whether of reasoning or mo-\\nrality, was too easily communicated. And\\nthus religion, which is indeed the friend of\\nthat true and useful philosophy whose object\\nis the advancement of society and the hap-\\npiness of man, became stained and degraded\\nby its alliance with controversial sophistry.\\nThere is also another reflection which lessens\\nthe indignation so naturally excited in every\\ngenerous mind by the edict of Justinian.\\nThe philosophers had declared war against\\nChristianity at an early period to their ma-\\nlignity the last and severest persecution may\\nbe partly attributed, and the more dangerous\\naggressions of Julian were conducted by\\ntheir spirit, if not by their counsel so that.\\nif we cannot excuse the severe retaliation,\\nwhich Christianity, in her time of triumph,\\nmore effectually inflicted, at least our com-\\npassion for the sufferer is diminished by the\\nrecollection of its hostility and its vices. The\\nexiled philosophers (seven in number) at first\\ntook refuge at the court of Persia but find-\\ning none of the moral advantages Avhich they\\nprofessed to expect under a different form of\\ngovernment and worship, they were present-\\nly contented to return, on certain stipulations,\\nand terminate their days under a Christian\\nmonarch.\\nWe can scarcely believe that the character\\nof Christian literature was so deeply affected\\nby that act of Justinian, as some imagine.\\nMosheira* appears to consider it as having\\noccasioned particularly the extinction of the\\nNew Academy, (the descendant of the Pla-\\ntonic school,) and the substitution of the sys-\\ntem of Aristotle. It is, indeed, well known\\nthat about this period the latter philosophy\\nwas gradually gaining ground upon the form-\\ner in the Christian schools, probably because\\nit was better suited to the contentious spirit\\nof the age and whatever evils had heretofore\\nbeen occasioned in the Church by too great\\nreverence for the authority of Plato, and by\\nthe boldness of his followers, much more ex-\\ntensive and more durable calamities were af-\\nterwards inflicted upon the Christian world\\nby the universal submission of the human\\nmind to the name of Aristotle. But we are\\nnot persuaded that this change was brought\\nabout violently or that the edict, which si-\\nlenced a few obscure Pagan philosophers, at\\nall generally influenced the learning of Chris-\\ntians or that any act of legislation could sud-\\ndenly have effected so general an alteration\\nin the studies and intellectual pursuits of\\nan extensive empire. These mighty changes\\nusually result from the patient operation of\\ngeneral principles upon the morals and habits\\nof a people ^the caprice of a monarch has\\nno power to create them and, perhaps, it is\\nthe commonest mistake of historians to attri-\\nbute too much to the edicts of Sovereigns,\\nand too httle to the unceasmg movement and\\nagitation of civilized society.\\nMorality. Respecting the condition of\\nmorals during this period it is impossible to\\nspeak with equal definiteness some indeed\\nCent. A i., p. ii., c. i. In another place he seems\\ninclined to attribute the same result (and perhaps\\nwith rather more probability) to the decision of the\\nfifth General Council, by which some of the opinions\\nof Origen, who was a New Platonician, were con-\\ndemned.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0131.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "126\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\ndo not hesitate to describe them as exceeding-\\nly depraved, and as being in no respect bet-\\nter upheld by the clergy than by the laity\\nand true it is, that certain laws were enacted,\\nwith the specific object of securing the mo-\\nrality, and even of punishing the offences,\\nof the priesthood indeed when we consider\\nthe sort of immunity from civil tribunals\\nwhich that body in those times enjoyed, we\\nare not surprised that too great general indul-\\ngence led to the imposition of occasional and\\nparticular restraints. But these by no means\\nprove its universal corruption.\\nThe increased wealth of the Church is\\nmentioned as another and a necessary reason\\nof its increased degradation. But we should\\nnot be too indiscriminate in our inference of\\nevil from that cause the ill effects of eccle-\\nsiastical wealth, which is generally diffused\\namong the clergy with very great inequality,\\nwould be chiefly confined to the more elevat-\\ned and ambitious members of the hierarchy,\\nand would scarcely extend to the lower and\\nmore numerous ranks of the ministry be-\\nsides which we should recollect that it is at\\nleast as common an effect of wealth to en-\\nlarge and exalt, as to debase, the character\\nof its possessor. Even were this not so, the\\nChurch, in the sixth century, had certainly\\nnot arrived at any dangerous degree of opu-\\nlence, since the sources, which in after ages\\nso profusely supplied it, were scarcely yet\\nopened. At the same time, the steady pro-\\ngress of religion, the general conversion of the\\nbarbarian conquerors, and the devotion of\\nthe converts to their priesthood, are scarcely\\nconsistent with the gross immorality, and\\neven total contempt of decency, with which\\nMosheira charges that order, f And there-\\nfore, without advocating its perfect moral pu-\\nMosheiin, cent, vi., p. ii., c. ii.\\nf Whence so many laws to restrain the vices and\\npreserve the morals of the ecclesiastical orders, if they\\nhad fulfilled even the obligations of external decency,\\nor shown, in the general tenor of their conduct, a cer-\\ntain degree of respect for religion or virtue. Be that\\nas it will, the effects of all these laws and edicts were\\nso inconsiderable as to be hardly perceived for so\\nhigh was the veneration paid at this time to the cler-\\ngy, that their most flagitious crimes were corrected\\nby the slightest and gentlest punishments an unhappy\\ncircumstance, which added to their presumption, and\\nrendered them more daring and audacious in iniquity.\\nThese are Mosheim s words and some will think\\nthat they carry their own confutation with them.\\nAt least we may safely believe, that the flagrant of-\\nfences of a few notorious individuals have been dark-\\nly reflected upon the whole body and such has\\nbeen the misfortune of the Christian priesthood in\\nevery age.\\nrity, which again would have been strangely\\nat variance with the superstitious spirit which\\nalready vitiated the faith, we need not hesitate\\nto believe, that the great majority of its mem-\\nbers continued with zeal, though in silence,\\nto execute their offices of piety, and that,\\nthough stained by individual transgression\\nand scandal, the body was very far removed\\nffom general degradation, either in the East-\\nern or Western empire.\\nHitherto we have spoken of the clergy on-\\nly, and the general morality of the age would\\nto a great extent be regulated by the conduct\\nof that body. But the political prostration\\nof the Western provinces, overrun by so\\nmany savage tribes the rapid dissolution of\\nthe old governments without any stability in\\nthose which succeeded them the subversion\\nof legal security, the substitution of military\\nand barbarous license these and other cir-\\ncumstances, aggravating the usual miseries\\nof conquest, occasioned, wheresoever they\\nextended, more absolute wretchedness, both\\nindividual and national, than had hitherto\\nbeen recorded in the history of man inso-\\nmuch, that among those who beheld and shar-\\ned those inflictions, there were many who\\nregarded them as special demonstrations of\\ndivine wrath. And as men are ever prone\\nto attribute such chastisements to the most\\nstriking revolution of their own day, and as\\nthe subversion of the temples of their ances-\\ntors was still recent in their memory, some\\nthere were who ascribed the anger of the\\nGods to the establishment and prevalence of\\nChristianity. Since the appearance of that\\nimpiety (they said) the Roman power has in-\\ncessantly declined. The Gods, the founders\\nand protectors of that empire, have with-\\ndrawn their succor, as their service has been\\nneglected and now that it has been entirely\\nrepressed, now that their sanctuaries are clos-\\ned, and their sacrifices, auguries and other\\npropitiations rigorously prohibited, they have\\nat length abandoned us wholly, and left the\\nonce victorious Rome to be a prey to barbari-\\nans.* This foolish delusion was immediately\\nand successfully combated by the eloquence\\nof St. Augustin. In his noble composition,\\nThe City of God, f he confuted the error\\nFleury, H. E., liv. xxiii., sect. vii.\\nf The work was published in 426, after thirteen\\nyears had been employed in its composition. It con-\\nsists of twenty-two books, of which the ten first are\\ndevoted to the confutation of the various errors of\\nPaganism, and among others of that which we have\\nnow mentioned v/hile the twelve last establish the\\ntruth of Christianity.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0132.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "ECCLESIASTICAL WRITERS.\\n127\\nby irrefragable auguments, and conclusive\\nappeals to the evidence of profane history\\nand inculcated the more reasonable opinion,\\nthat the temporal afflictions which God per-\\nmitted to devastate the empire were chastise-\\nments* inflicted by a just Providence for the\\ncorrection, not for the destruction, of his crea-\\ntures. The error was indeed confuted, and\\npresently died away but tlie general disloca-\\ntion of society which occasioned it must have\\nsuspended for a time the moral energies of\\nman, and the period of his severest suffering\\nmay also have been that of his deepest de-\\npravity.\\nThirteen years afterwards Carthage was sacked\\nby the Vandals; and Salvian, a presbyter of Mar-\\nseilles, a contemporary author, also considers that\\nevent as a signal example of divine justice; and he\\nenlarges witii great fervor on the exceeding corrup-\\ntion of that great city. It seemed as if the inhab-\\nitants had entirely taken leave of reason the streets\\nwere filled with drunkards crowned with flowers and\\nperfumes, and infested with every possible snare\\nagainst chastity adulteries, and the most abominable\\nimpurities were the commonest of all things, and they\\nwere publicly practised with the extreme of impu-\\ndence. The orphans and widows were oppressed,\\nand the poor were tortured to such despair, that they\\nprayed God to deliver the city to the barbarians.\\nBlasphemies, too, and impiety reigned there; many,\\nthough professedly Christians, were at heart Pagans,\\nand worshipped t! e celestial Goddess with entire de-\\nvotion. Besides which (he adds), the people had an\\nextreme contempt and aversion for the Monks, how-\\never holy they might be. The description is proba-\\nbly exaggerated yet ecclesiastical historians almost\\nuniversally admit the cori uption of Christians to have\\nbeen the cause of tlieir chastisement. Baronius adds\\nanother reason the prevalence of heresy. At the\\nyear 412, he asserts Barbari przevalent ubi. hoereses\\nvigent; and in other places (ann. 410, 428) declares,\\nthat the former might easily have been subdued, if\\nthe latter could have been expelled and ad ann. 406,\\n407, he more specifically affirms, that Providence sent\\nthe invaders into Gaul for the express purpose of de-\\nstroying the heresy of Vigilantius, and that the great-\\nest devastations were committed in the districts whei e\\nthose errors were most deeply rooted. By an opposite,\\nbut not less extravagant, error, Theodosius, legislating\\nnearly at the same time, attributed even the unseason-\\nable severities of the skies to the prolonged existence\\nof Paganism. An diutius perfer.imus mutari tempo-\\nrum vices irata coeli temperie; quae Paganorum ex-\\nacerbata perfidia, nescit naturae libramenta servare.\\nUnde enim ver solitam gratiam abjuravit Undo aest-\\nas messe jejuna laboriosum agricolam in spe destituit\\naristarum Unde intemperata ferocitas ubertatem ter-\\nrarum penetrabili frigore sterilitatis Isesione damnavit\\nnisi quod ad impietatis vindictam transit lege sua\\nnaturae decretum Quod ne posthac sustinere cogam-\\nur, pacifica ultione, ut diximus, pianda est supremi\\nnurainis veneranda maiestas.\\nNOTE ON CERTAIN ECCLESfASTrCAL WRIT-\\nERS OF THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTU-\\nRIES.\\n1. It is probable that Lactantius was a\\nnative of Africa, since his first lessons were\\nreceived from Arnobius, whose school was at\\nSicca, in that comitry but the truth is not\\nundoubtedly known, nor the year of his birth.\\nIt is only certain, that he witnessed and sur-\\nvived the persecution of Diocletian, and was\\nselected, in his old age, as preceptor to Cris-\\npus, the son of Constantine. He was the\\nmost learned Christian of his time and the\\nrecord of his necessitous and voluntary pov-\\nerty may at least persuade us, that his habits\\nwere influenced by the spirit of Christian\\nphilosophy which adorns his writings.\\nThe Divine Institutions, his most impor-\\ntant work, contain a powerful confutation of\\nPaganism, in a style not uninspired with the\\ngenius of antiquity. Lactantius (says St.\\nJerome)* is as a stream of Ciceronian elo-\\nquence; and I would that he had been as\\nsuccessful in confirming our own doctrine as\\nin overthrowing that of others. He was li-\\nable indeed to that reproach, and he shared it\\nwith all the apologists who had preceded\\nhim his arguments are often feeble, his as-\\nsumptions sometimes false, and his conclu-\\nsions not always sound but his style deserves\\ngreat praise and if his diction occasionally\\nrivals the elegant exuberance of Cicero, (and\\nhe is commonly compared, and sometimes\\npreferred, to that orator,) the Christian has\\nreached, through the more elevated nature of\\nhis subject, a sublimer range of thought and\\nexpression, in the field of moral as well as\\ndivine philosophy. A nobler conception of\\nthe Deity, and a deeper knowledge of his\\nworks and dispensations, have occasionally\\nexalted, above the Roman s boldest flights,\\na genius clearly inferior both in nature and\\ncultivation.\\nThere is another work still extant, called\\nThe Death of the Persecutors, first print-\\ned in 1679, and by many attributed (though\\nprobably not with truth) to Lactantius. It is\\nof undisputed antiquity,f and contains some\\nvaluable facts not elsewhere recorded but it\\nis still more remarkable for an attempt to\\n*Epist. 13, addressed toPauIinus, Bishop of Nola\\nSee Dupin, Nouvelle Biblioth. Vie de Lactance.\\nThe Institutions were dedicated to Constantine, jarofto-\\nbly during the conclusion of the last persecution (be-\\ntween 306 and 311), and may possibly have influenced\\nhis religious opinions.\\nProbably published about 315.", "height": "4637", "width": "2654", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0133.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "128\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nvindicate the temporal retribution of Provi-\\ndence, by asserting the violent ends of the\\nvarious persecutors. But an endeavor to\\npervert, with whatsoever promise of tempo-\\nrary profit, the eternal truths of history, can\\nproduce no other lasting effect, than to stain\\nthe character of the author, and to throw dis-\\ncredit on the cause which is advocated by\\nfalsehood.\\n2. Gregory, son of the Bishop o? J\\\\!*a%ianzus,\\nWas born about 320. He was animated by a\\nstrong natural love for literary and religious\\nseclusion, and a disinclination to ecclesiastical\\ndignities, of which we are compelled to ac-\\nknowledge the sincerity, though it so happen-\\ned that he occupied, in succession, the sees\\nof Sasimi, of Nazianzus,* and Constantinople.\\nHis learning, his eloquence, and his religious\\nzeal preserved him from obscurity, and rais-\\ned him, in his own despite, from indepen-\\ndence and privacy. On a visit to Constanti-\\nnople, about the year 376, he found the\\nChurches, with only one exception, in the\\npossession of the Arians. In the adversity\\nand humiliation of the Church, he raised his\\nvoice against the predominant heresy with\\nboldness and success. Several are believed\\nto have been converted by his arguments\\nand he continued to instruct and govern the\\nCatholic party, until the accession of the or-\\nthodox Theodosius. He was then raised by\\nthe command of the Emperor and the affec-\\ntion of the people to a dignity which he neith-\\ner coveted, nor long retained. Some discon-\\ntents which followed gave him a pretext for\\nresignation, and he died in 389 in the retire-\\nment of his native city.\\nThere remain to us about fifty of his Dis-\\ncourses and Sermons, of which the language\\nand sentiments ahke argue a moderate tem-\\nper and a cultivated mind. The most cele-\\nbrated among them are the third and fourth,\\nwhich are directed against the Emperor Ju-\\niian. In the seventeenth discourse, delivered\\non the occasion of some seditious disturbances\\nat Nazianzus, in presenting himself as a me-\\ndiator between the people and the civil officer,\\nhe exalts the authority of the Church in very\\nlofty language. He thus addresses the Gov-\\nernor of the city: the law of Christ subjects\\nyou to my power and to my pulpit for ours\\nis the authority an authority greater and\\nmore excellent than that which you possess,\\nunless, indeed, spirit is to be subject unto\\nHe was raised to a share of this See, as a kind\\nof Coadjutor io his father, and on his deadi fled from\\nthe city, lest the undivided responsibility should then\\nbe forced upon him.\\nflesh, and heaven unto earth you command\\nwith Jesus Christ it is -He with whom you\\nexercise your authority it is He who has giv-\\nen you the sword which you wear, not so\\nmuch for the chastisement of crime, as for its\\nprevention by terror and by menace. It is\\ncurious to reflect, that these principles were\\nthus publicly promulgated (in the year 372)\\nwithin sixty years from the establishment of\\nChristianity, and within nine from the death\\nof Julian. Yet the character of Gregory was\\nmild and forbearing; his twenty-sixth dis-\\ncourse contains some temperate injunctions\\nrespecting the treatment of heretics and both\\nin that and in other places, while he laments\\nthe distractions of the Church, and while he\\nproclaims his own attachment to the Cath-\\nolic doctrine, he is never so unjust as to as-\\ncribe the whole evil to the opposite party,\\nnor so partial as to conceal or to spare the\\nvices and scandals which disgraced his\\nown.f\\nGregory is celebrated for his friendship\\nwith St. Basil, the founder of oriental mon-\\nachism and the brother of St. Basil was\\nanother Gregory, Bishop of JVyssa, in Cap-\\npadocia. This last was the author of five\\norations on the Lord s Prayer, besides various\\nCommentaries on Scripture, and discourses\\non the mysteries and moral treatises. But\\nthe work by which he is most known is his\\noration on the life of St. Gregory, surnamed\\nThaumaturgus, or the wonder-worker. That\\nrenowned prelate (he was Bishop of Neocje-\\nsarea) flourished about one hundred and\\ntwenty years before his namesake of Nyssa\\nso that the stupendous miracles which are so\\ndiligently recorded of him by his credulous\\npanegyrist can have no claim on our serious\\nconsideration.\\n3. *S^. Ambrose was born in Gaul, about the\\nyear 340, of Roman and noble parents J he\\nwas educated in Italy, and his talents and\\nconduct early raised him to a high civil ap-\\npointment. In 374, on the vacancy of the\\nDupin, a liberal Catholic, throws into his trans-\\nlation of this passage the words Church and Princes,\\nneither of wliich came from the lips of Gregory.\\nf It should be observed, that in his sixth Discourse\\n(delivered before Gregory of Nyssa) he exalts die hon-\\nor of the martyrs, and even attributes to them the of-\\nfice of mediators.\\nX Dupin, Nouv. Biblioth. Vie St. Ambrose.\\nWhile the infant was one day sleeping in his father s\\npalace, a swarm of bees surrounded his cradle, and\\nafter i-eixjsing on his lips, suddenly ascended high into\\nthe air, and disappeared. Ambrose had been antici-\\npated by Pluto\u00e2\u0080\u0094 yet the Roman Church has shown no\\ndisinclination to adopt the profane miracle.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0136.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "ECCLESIASTICAL WRITERS.\\n129\\nSee of Milan, a violent dissension arose be-\\ntween the Catholics and the Arians the Bish-\\nops of both parties assembled in gi eat num-\\nbers, and the tumultuous divisions of the\\npeople not only violated the unity of the\\nChurch, but seriously threatened the repose\\nof the State. Ambrose was then Governor-\\nGeneral of the province, and he proceeded in\\nperson to compose the disorders. The peo-\\nple were assembled in the principal church,\\nand there he addressed them at length on\\ntheir civil duties on social order and pub-\\nlic tranquillity. His eloquent harangue pro-\\nduced a very different effect from that which\\nhad been (at least professedly) proposed by\\nit, for it was followed by the unanimous ac-\\nclamatory shout We will have Ambrose\\nfor our Bishop.\\nAmbrose was not yet baptized what reli-\\ngious instruction he may have received in\\nthe schools of the Catechumens is uncertain,\\nand it appears to have been exceedingly\\nslight but he had not yet been admitted to\\nthe communion of the faithful. Yet no dif-\\nficulty seems to have arisen from this obstacle.\\nBut the consent of the Emperor was necessa-\\nry for his translation from a civil to an eccle-\\nsiastical office. That consent was granted\\nwith immediate alacrity. Still there remain-\\ned one unforeseen impediment to be over-\\ncome the persevering repugnance of Am-\\nbrose to the proposed elevation. But the\\nperseverance of the people was not less obsti-\\nnate. It was in vain that the Bishop elect, in\\norder to disqualify himself in their eyes for a\\nsacred office, publicly committed some acts\\nof judicial cruelty and flagrant immorality.\\nThe people exclaimed Thy offence be\\nupon our heads. It was in vain that he es-\\ncaped from the city and concealed himself at\\nthe residence of a faithful friend he was dis-\\ncovered and conducted in triumph to Milan.\\nAt length, conceivmg that the will of God\\nwas thus irresistibly declared against him, he\\nsubmitted to assume t]^e ungrateful dignity.\\nAfter having passed through the necessa-\\nry ecclesiastical gradations he was ordained\\nBishop on the 8th day after his baptism, at\\nthe age of 34. His first act was to make over\\nthe whole of his property to the Church or\\nthe poor and it should be remarked, that the\\nsame charitable disposition continued after-\\nwards to distinguish him. He immediately\\ndeclared in favor of the Catholic against the\\nArian doctrine; and though the fury with\\nwhich the contest was at that time conducted\\nreached and infected him, we cannot justly\\n*Se6 FleurVj liv. xvii., sect, xxi.j C.\\n17\\naccuse him of having wantonly inflamed it.\\nThe empress Justinia, the widow of Valen*\\ntinian, was an Arian, together with her sol*\\ndiers and her court the great body of the\\npeople were on the side of Ambrose and in\\nthe year 385 some violent disputes arose, in\\nwhich the Bishop maintained his spiritual\\nprivileges with a courage and a confidence\\nwhich would not have dishonored the bright-\\nest ages of papacy.* From a contest with a\\npassionate woman, he advanced to measure\\nhis strength with a wise and powerful Empe-\\nror. Theodosius the Great had very barba-\\nrously avenged the murder of some Imperial\\nofficers at Thessalonica by the massacre of\\nthe inhabitants and as the Bishop of Milam\\nhad previously interfered in their favor, he\\nboldly condemned the sanguinary execution.\\nTheodosius pleaded in his defence the exam-\\nple of David. Since then you have imitated\\nhis offence (rejoined the Prelate) imitate also\\nhis penitence. It appears, that for the period\\nof eight months the Emperor was denied all\\naccess to the holy offices of the church the\\nconsolation which was afforded to the lowest\\nof his subjects was refused (as he complain\\ned)f to himself Finally, after some public\\nhumiliation, to remind him of the essential dis-\\ntinctions between the Priest and the Prince,t\\nand the spmtual inferiority of the latter, he\\nconsented to the performance of public pen-\\nance, as the condition of reconciliation with\\nthe Church. This extraordinary event took\\nplace in 390 and if we have already remark-\\nThe great influence which Ambrose is shown to\\nhave possessed over the populace, not to excite only\\nbut to compose its tumults, attests the vigor of his\\ncharacter more certainly, than it proves either his vir-\\ntues or even his eloquence though we have no reason\\nto doubt either.\\nt See Fleury, liv. xix., sect. xxi. The power tor\\nbind and to loose, as delegated by Christ to his min-\\nisters on earth is a favorite theme with St. Ambrose^\\nand asserted by him in a sufficiently extensive sense.\\nSee Theodorit, book v., c. xviii.\\nSix years earlier (according to Fleury) St. Am-\\nbrose addressed to Valentinian a letter, in which he\\nstrenuously opposed the restoration of the altar of\\nvictory at Rome, so warmly pressed by Symmachus.\\nIt contains these bold expressions What answer\\nwill you make, then, when a Bishop shall say to you.\\nThe Church cannot receive the offerings of him, who\\nhas given ornaments to the temples of the Gods we\\ncannot present on the altar of Jesus Christ the gifts of\\nhim who has made an offering to idols. The edict\\nsigned by your hand convicts you of that, act. The\\nhonour which you offer to Christ, how can it be ac-\\nceptable to him, since at the same instant you offer\\nadoration to idolsl No\u00e2\u0080\u0094 you cannot serve two mas-\\nters, c. Epistle 17.", "height": "4637", "width": "2706", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0137.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "130\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ned upon the boldness with which Gregory\\nNazianzen proclaimed (about eighteen years\\nearlier) the ghostly supremacy of the Church,\\nwe must not here omit to observe, that\\nfrom the conclusion of Diocletian s persecu-\\ntion fourscore years had not yet elapsed, ere\\na successor of that unrestrained and lawless\\ndespot was compelled by the mere influence\\nof opinion to humble himself before the\\nunarmed minister of that religion which his\\npredecessor had designed to exterminate.\\nMany works of St. Ambrose remain, which\\nexhibit no great indications of literary genius\\nbut they abound in useful moral lessons,\\nwhich are plentifully interspersed with ex-\\nnortations to fasting and celibacy, and the\\nother superstitions of the day. It is also re-\\ncorded, that he performed many astonishing\\nmiracles stories that throw disgrace on an\\nelevated character, which really needed not\\nthe aid of imposture to secure respect, or\\neven popularity. He died in 397 and after\\nenjoying universal celebrity during his life,\\nthroughout the whole extent of Christendom,\\nhe has deserved from succeeding generations\\nthe equivocal praise, that he was the first ef-\\nfectual assertor of those exalted ecclesiastical\\npretensions, so essential to the existence of\\nthe Romish system, and so dear to the ambi-\\ntious ministers of every Church.\\n4. St. John, surnamed from his eloquence,\\nChrysostom, {i. e. the Golden Mouthed,) was\\na native of Antioch, of a noble and opulent\\nfamily. In the year 374, while he was still\\nyoung, he had acquired such distinction, that\\ntj^e neighboring Prelates elected him to a va-\\ncant See but it is generally affirmed that he\\nrefused that dignity, and fled to an adjacent\\nmountain, where he passed four years in the\\nsociety of an ancient solitary thence he\\nchanged his residence to a frightful cavern,\\nwhich witnessed for the two following years\\nhis rigid austerities. Having completed this\\npreparatory discipline, he entered upon the\\noffices of the ministry and after edifying his\\nnative city for eighteen years by the most an-\\ninating instructions, he was at once exalted,\\nwithout solicitation, and even against his pro-\\nfessed wish, to the See of Constantinople.\\nChrysostom carried with him to that danger-\\nous eminence not only the fervor of Christ-\\nian eloquence, but the severity of monastic\\nvirtue and he thought it little to move the\\naffections and raise the admiration of his au-\\ndience, -unless he could reach their practice\\nand quell their vices. Had he confined his\\nexhortations to the mass of the people, he\\nwould have produced less effect perhaps,\\nbut he would have excited no odium \u00e2\u0080\u0094but\\nthe intrepid and earnest orator rose in his\\nvehement denunciations from the people to\\nthe clergy, and from the clergy to the court,\\nwithout excepting even the Empress herself\\nfrom his reproaches.* To the keenness of\\nhis censures he added the weight of ecclesi-\\nastical jurisdiction, and both were zealously\\nemployed against episcopal licentiousness,!\\nno less than against the vices and scandals\\nimputed to the priesthood, and especially to\\nthe monastic orders. But in the tedious and\\ndelicate office of ecclesiastical reform, that\\nzeal which is not tempered with moderation,\\nand qualified by due regard for existing cir-\\ncumstances, will commonly ruin the advocate,\\nwithout benefiting the cause. The disposi-\\ntion of Chrysostom was naturally choleric\\nand impatient, and his noblest intentions were\\nfrustrated by his passionate imprudence. Two\\npowerful parties united for his overthrow;\\nand though their first triumph was instantly\\nreversed by an insurrection of the populace,\\nwhom his ardent eloquence, the beneficence\\nof his charitable habits and institutions, the\\nausterity of his morals, and the very bitter-\\nness of his rebukes, had bound and devoted\\nto him, yet a subsequent condemnation was\\nmore eff*ectual and after a tumultuous rule\\nof six years, Chrysostom was dismissed into\\nexile to a desolate town named Cucusus,\\namong the ridges of Mount Taurus. In that\\nremote residence he passed three years, the\\nlast, perhaps the most glorious, of his life\\nfor his virtues were more eagerly acknow-\\nledged in his absence, and his genius was\\nendeared, and his errors were obliterated, by\\nhis misfortunes. About thirteen years after-\\nwards his relics were removed to Constanti-\\nnople, and his name assumed an eminent\\nplace among the saints of the Church and\\nit is proper to add, that the justice, which\\nEudoxia, after failing in her first attempt to dis-\\nplace Chrysostom, renewed her hostilities and it was\\nthen that the Bishop deli^red the sermon (if indeed\\nhe did at all deliver it) beginning with the celebrated\\nwords Herodias is again furious Herodias again\\ndances she once again requires the head of St. John.\\nAn insolent allusion, (says Gibbon,) which, as a\\nwoman and a Sovereign, it was equally impossible\\nfor her to forgive. Chap, xxxii. The whole ac-\\ncount of St. Chrysostom is written with learning, elo-\\nquence and fairness.\\nt In his visitation through the Asiatic provinces he\\ndeposed thirteen Bishops of Lydia and Phrygia, anA\\npassed a very severe censm e upon the whole order.\\n4: Still his expulsion was not effected without pop-\\nular commotions, which led to the conflagration of the\\nprincipal churcli and the adjoining palace.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0138.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "ECCLESIASTICAL WRITERS.\\n131\\nwas so abundantly bestowed on the memory\\nof Chrysostom, should m a great measure be\\nattributed to the perseverance of the Bishop\\nof Rome whose sympathy had consoled\\nhim in his adversity, and whose influence,\\nhad his Ufe been much prolonged, might\\neventually have restored him to his dig-\\nnity.*\\nThe works that remain of St. Clirysostom\\nare for the most part Sermons and Homilies,\\nand are nearly a thousand in number. Their\\nstyle is not recommended by that emulation\\nof Attic purity which adorns the writings of\\nBasilius, or Gregory Nazianzen but it is el-\\nevated and unconstrained, pi egnant with nat-\\nural thoughts and easy expressions, enriched\\nwith metaphors and analogies, and dignified\\nby boldness and grandeur. And, what is\\nmore important, the matter of his discourses,\\nwhile it declines the affectation of subtlety,\\nand avoids the barren fields of theological\\nspeculation, is directly addressed to the com-\\nmon feelings, and principles, and duties of\\nmankind. The heart is penetrated, the latent\\nvice is discovered, and exposed in the most\\nfrightful colors to the detestation of Christians.\\nSuch was the character of that eloquence\\nwhich, by captivating the people and scan-\\ndalizing the great, occasioned such tumultuous\\ndisorder in the metropolis of the East. Yet\\nthe historian finds much more to admire in\\nthe bbld and impetuous enthusiasm of the ora-\\ntor, than to censure in his indiscretion. One\\nobject alone filled his mind and animated his\\nefforts\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and that the noblest object to which\\nthe genius of man can be directed to warm\\nthe religion, to purify the morals, and to ad-\\nvance the virtue and happiness of those whom\\nhe influenced.\\nAt the same time, it is not asserted that St.\\nChiysostom was exempt from the errors and\\nabuses of his day he exalted the merit of\\ncelibacy he strongly inculcated the duty of\\nfasting, and the sanctity of a solitary and as-\\ncetic life he encouraged the veneration for\\nsaints and martyrs but the practical nature of\\nhis piety sometimes shone through the mists\\nof his superstitious delusion. If any, for\\ninstance, engaged in a pilgrimage to the holy\\nplaces, he assured them that their principal\\nmotive should be the relief of the poor if\\nany were bent on offering up prayers for\\nA letter from Chrysostom to Imiocent, wriUen in\\n406, is still extant, in which, with many expressions\\nof gratitude, he exhorts that Pope to continue his ex-\\nertions to succor him, without being discouraged by\\nthe want of success.\\nthe dead, he exhorted them to give alms for\\nthe dead also.*\\nWith respect to his doctrine, the three\\npoints which have been most warmly disputed\\nare, his opinions on the Eucharist, on Grace\\nand Original Sin, and on Confession. Re-\\ngarding the first of these, his expressions are\\nboth vague and contradictory since some of\\nthem would lead us to believe, that he very\\nnearly approached, if he did not actually\\nreach, the belief now held by the Roman\\nCatholic Church while in another passage^\\nwhere he affirms the real presence, he also\\n(and incidentally) asserts that the nature of tha\\nbread is not changed. Upon the whole, it is\\nclear that he held very elevated notions res-\\npecting the Sacrament, and it is probable that\\nhis deliberate opinion was in favor of that\\nwhich we call Consubstantiation. But re-\\ngarding the nature of penitence, it is quite\\nplain, in spite of some seeming inconsistencies\\nwhich Roman Catholic writers have detected,\\nor imagined, that his direct assertions incul-\\ncate the sufficiency of penitential confession\\nto God in prayer, without any necessity for\\nthe mediation of his ministers. As to the\\nsecond point, we shall perhaps refer to the\\nprobable opinion of this father, when we shall\\narrive at the description of the Pelagian con-\\ntroversy.\\n5. St. Jerome was born at the city of Strigna\\nor Stridona, on the confines of Pannonia and\\nDalmatia, about the year 345. His family\\nwas honorable, his fortune abundant, and his\\nyouthful studies, under the celebrated Dona-\\ntusjf had improved and fortified his literary\\ntaste. But the deep religious feeling,| which\\n*See Dupin, Nouv. Biblioth. Art. St. Jean Chry-\\nsostom. The latter part of the fourth century, and the\\nbeginning of the fifth, from the death of Julian, for in-\\nstance, to the conquest of Africa by the Vandals, is a\\nvery important and a deeply interesting period of\\nChristian history; and there is no method peiv\\nhaps by which its peculiarities could be so distinctly\\npainted, as by detailed accounts of St. Ambrose, Su\\nChrysostorn, and St. Augustin accounts, which should\\nreject all that is fabulous and absurd in the records re-\\nspecting those fathers, while they embraced the most\\ncharacteristic and striking particulars of their pri-\\nvate, as well as public^ conversation, their writings\\nand their doctrine.\\nt The commentator on Virgil and Terence.\\nX In his twenty-second letter, in order to divert Ins\\ncorrespondent (Eustochium) from the study of profane\\nauthors, St. Jerome recounts, that formerly, during\\nthe access of a violent fever, he had been dragged in\\nspirit to the tribunal of Jesus Christ, Avhere, after\\nreceiving severe chastisemeiit for his attachment to\\nthose authors (Cicero and Plautus are specified), he\\nhad been forbidden to read them more. Moreover,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0139.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "152\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntook early possession of his soul, led him to\\nconsecrate his labors and his learning to that\\nwliich he deemed the service of Christ- An\\nexcessive admiration of monastic excellence,\\nand ardor for the habits w^hich conferred it,\\nconstituted the ruling principle of his life;\\nand whether it was, that the solitudes of Eu-\\nrope were not yet sufficiently sanctified to\\nsatisfy his passion for holy seclusion, or that\\nthe celebrity attending on ascetic privations\\nwas still chiefly confined to the Eastern\\nworld, he bade adieu to his native hills, to his\\nhereditaiy property, to pontifical Rome her-\\nself, and transferred his library, his diligence,\\nand his enthusiasm, to a convent at Bethle-\\nhem. In a retreat so well qualified to nour-\\nish rehgious emotion even in the most tor-\\npid heart, the zeal of Jerome did not slumber,\\nbut rather seemed to catch fresh fire from\\nthe objects and the recollections which sur-\\nrounded him. From that wild and awful\\nabode he poured forth the torrent of his law-\\nless eloquence, and thundered with indiscri-\\nminate wrath against the enemies and the\\nreformers of his religion. And if in that\\npeaceful, and perhaps sinless solitude, it was\\nexcusable that he should exaggerate the mer-\\nits of mortification, and fasting, and celibacy,\\nand pilgrimage, and disparage the substantial\\nvirtues, which he could rarely v/itness, and\\nwhich he could never practise on the other\\nhand it was some aggravation of his intem-\\nperance, that in the birth-place of Christ, at\\nthe very fountain of humility and peace, he\\nvented, even against his Christian adversa-\\nries, a. malignant and calumnious rancor.\\nRufinus, Jovinian and Vigilantius, successive-\\nly sustained the fulness of his indignation\\nand lastly, towards the close of his life, the\\nopinions of Pelagius again excited that vio-\\nlence, which even old age had been unable\\nto moderate.!\\nhe assures Eustochium, that that story is no dream,\\navid invokes the heavenly tribunal before which he\\nhad appeared, to attest his veracity. See Duphin,\\nNouv. Bibl., vie S. Jerome.\\nSt. Jerome died in the year 420.\\nfin the meantime St. Jerome was not himself\\nexempt from error, and such too as called for the\\nreprehension even of St. Augustin. The former\\nsomewhere expresses an opinion, that the difference\\nbetween St. Paul and St. Peter, described in the\\nActs, was not real, but only feigned for pious pur-\\nposes; an opinion which the Bishop of Hippo most\\njustly condemns as of very dangerous consequence.\\nBut while we censure both the superstitious\\nand contentious spirit of St. Jerome, we must\\nalso recollect how great a compensation he\\nmade for evils thus occasioned, by his great\\nwork, the Latin translation of the Old Testa\\nment. And we must add, that a considerable\\nknowledge of Hebrew, much general learn-\\ning, and long application, qualified him, fai*\\nabove any contemporary, for the most impor-\\ntant undertaking hitherto accomplished by\\nany father of the Roman church.\\nAnd here let us pause, to obsei-ve for one\\nmoment the immediate effect of his various\\nlabors. His theological philippics were hailed\\nby the body of the Church with triumphaBt\\nacclamation his exhortations to seclusion\\nand celibacy peopled the desert places with\\nmonks and hermits but his translation of\\nthe Bible was ill received by the Church;\\nit was considered as a rash and dangerous\\ninnovation even St. Augustin disapproved,\\nand held that it was more prudent to abide\\nby the text of the Septuagint, than to risk\\nthe confusion and scandal which a new ver-\\nsion might create. This senseless clamor was\\nsufficient, even in those days, to prevent the\\nimmediate diffusion of the work and almost\\ntwo hundred years afterwards, we learn, that\\nit only divided with its rival the diligence of\\nSt. Gregory; in later times it spread into\\nwider circulation, and finally obtained very\\ngeneral possession of the Latin Church, f\\nAs the name of Aihanasius more properly\\nbelongs to the Arian controversy, so that of\\nAugustin is closely connected with the his-\\ntory of the Donatists and Pelagians, and that\\nof Basil with the rise of Monasticism. Those\\nwho may desire more extensive information\\nrespecting the lives and countless writings of\\nthe fathers here mentioned, and of the more\\nnumerous and obscure associates whom we\\nhave no space to notice, may apply, though\\nwith difterent degrees of confidence, to the\\ncompilations of Lardner, Dupin, Cave, and\\nTillemont.\\nSt. Jerome also ventured a prophecy respecting the\\nMillennium but this indeed was a safer field of\\nspeculation, since his prediction was not the object\\nof conclusive reasoning; and thus it continued in hon-\\nor for about six hundred years, until the patience of\\ntime at length falsified it.\\nDupin, Nouv. Biblioth., loc. cit.\\nt Of all the works of St. Jerome, his Catalogue\\nof Ecclesiastical Writers is that which is now most\\nfrequently referred to.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0140.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "EXTERNAL FEATURES OF CHRISTIANITY.\\n133\\nCHAPTER X.\\nFrom the Death of Justinian to that of\\nCharlemagne, 567 to 814.\\nI The External fortunes of Christianity its Restoration\\nin England by St. Austin its progress in Germany\\namong the Tartars Its reverses Mahomet and his\\nsuccessors their conquests in Asia in Egypt facili-\\ntated by Christian dissensions in Africa Carthage\\nin Spain in France their defeat by Charles Martel\\nTreatment of Christian subjects by the Saracens Char-\\nlemagne forcible conversion of the Saxons and Pan-\\nnonians. II. The Internal condition of Christianity\\nmethod of this History\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pope Gregory the Great\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his\\ncharacter and conduct worship of Images Purgatory\\nRelics Ceremonies the Gregorian Canon Gregory\\nthe creator of the Papal system Title of (Ecumenic\\nBishop\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Power of the Keys\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Apocrisiarii and Defen-\\nsores\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Changes in the seventh and eighth centu-\\nries\u00e2\u0080\u0094Orders of the Clergy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Tonsure Unity of\\nthe Church Councils Metropolitans Increase and\\nabuse of Episcopal power Pope Zachary consulted\\nas to the deposition of Childeric his conduct how\\nfar blamable tlie Lombards the Donation of Pepin\\nconfirmed by Charlemagne His liberality to the\\nChurch, and the motives of it\u00e2\u0080\u0094 His endeavors to reform\\nthe Church.\\nChristianity had obtained early and per-\\nhaps general reception in Britain, when it\\nwas suddenly swept away, with the language\\nitself, by the invasion of the Anglo-Saxons\\nin 452, and almost entirely obliterated. To-\\nwards the end of the sixth century some\\ncircumstances occurred favorable to its resti-\\ntution. Ethelbert, King of Kent, the most\\nconsiderable of the Anglo-Saxon princes,\\nmarried Bertha, daughter of the King of Pa-\\nris, a Christian. Some clergy appear to have\\nfollowed her to England, and to have softened\\nthe pagan prejudices of the Kmg. Gregory\\nthe Great, who was then Bishop of Rome,\\navailed himself of this circumstance, and in\\nthe year 596, he sent over forty Benedictine\\nmonks, under the conduct of Augustin (com-\\nmonly called St. Austin), prior of a mon-\\nastery of that order. The King was convert-\\ned, and most of the inhabitants of Kent fol-\\nlowed his example the missionary then re-\\nceived episcopal ordination from the primate\\nof Aries, and was invested, as Archbishop\\nof Canterbury, with power over the British\\nChurch. The religion, thus established,\\nspread with great rapidity six other Anglo-\\nSaxon Kings embraced the faith of Augustin\\nand Ethelbert; and it was very generally\\npropagated throughout the whole island be-\\nfore the conclusion of the seventh century.\\nThe miraculous assistance by which this\\nwork was accomplished is acknowledged in\\na letter addressed by the Pope himself to his\\nmissionary. I know that God has perform-\\ned through you great miracles among that\\npeople but let us remember that, when the\\ndisciples said with joy to their divine master,\\nLord, even the devils are subject unto us\\nthrough thy name, he answered them\\nRather rejoice, because your names are\\nwritten in heaven. While God thus em-\\nploys your agency without, remember, my\\ndear brother, to judge yourself severely\\nwithin, and to know well what you are.\\nIf you have offended God in word or deed,\\npreserve those offences in your thoughts,\\nto repress the vain glory of your heart,\\nand consider, that the gift of miracles is\\nnot granted to you for yourself, but for\\nthose whose salvation you are laboring to\\nprocure. An increased acquaintance with\\nthe character of Gregory, which v/e shall\\npresently acquke, will diminish the weight\\nof his testimony on this matter; which many\\nindeed will be strongly predisposed to doubt,\\nfrom the circumstance, that the apostle of\\nEngland was never supernaturally gifted\\nwith any knowledge of the language of the\\ncountry, but was obliged, in addressing the\\npeople, to avail himself of the imperfect ser-\\nvice of an intei-preter. But (little as those\\nstories may be entitled to credit) it is certain,\\nthat God vouchsafed one heavenly blessing\\non the mission of St. Austin, though display-\\ned in a manner less popular with Roman\\nCatholic historians the work of conver-\\nsion was accomplished without violence or\\ncompulsion the sword of the spirit was\\nfound sufficient for the holy purpose, and the\\nruins of our Saxon idolatry were not stained\\nby the blood of one martyr.\\nIt is not pretended, that the religion thus\\nhastily introduced was a pure form of Chris-\\ntianit}^, or even that it differed very widely,\\nin its first appearance or operation, from the\\nsuperstition which it succeeded. There\\neven exists an Epistle from Gregory in which\\nhe permits the ceremonies of the former\\nworship to be associated with the profession\\nof the Gospel; nor is it possible, even for\\nthe most perfect law at once to change the\\nhabits and correct the morals of a savage\\npeople. But the consent of history assures\\nus, that, during the century following, the\\nnation gradually emerged from the rudest\\nbarbarism into a condition of comparative\\ncivilisation, and that the principles and mo-\\ntives of Christianity extended their salutary\\ninfluence over the succeeding generations.\\nMany historians affirm, that St. Austin\\nneglected the lessons of humility which he\\nhad received from his master, and proceeded\\nto assert with great insolence the spiritual", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0141.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "134\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsupremacy of Rome, not only over his own\\nconverts, but also over that faithful portion\\nwho still maintained among the Cambrian\\nmountains the doctrine and practice trans-\\nmitted from their forefethers. It appears in-\\ndeed that those simple believers having been\\nlong severed from the body of Christen-\\ndom, ignorantly preserved the original ori-\\nental rite in the celebration of Easter, which\\nhad been so long proclaimed schismatic\\nthey were still involved in the error of the\\n(duartadecimans and they continued to per-\\nsevere both in that, and in the rejection of\\npapal authority, even after they had been\\nenlightened by the exhortations of St. iiustin.\\nIt is recorded, and is probable, that they\\nwere deterred by the imperious conduct of\\nthat prelate from uniting with his Church\\nand thus far we need not hesitate to condemn\\nhim but some more serious charges which\\nhave been brought against him stand on very\\nslight foundation.*\\nIt is next our duty to record and cele-\\nbrate the labors of Succathus, a Scotsman, to\\nwhom is usually given the glory of having\\nconverted the Irish, and established among\\nthem the Episcopal Church; and also of\\nColumban, an Irish monk and missionary,\\nwho diffused the religion among the Gauls\\nand various Teutonic tribes, about the end\\nof the sixth century. It is not easy, at this\\ndistance of time, to calculate the precise ef-\\nfect of mere individual exertion in so dif-\\nficult an enterprise, or to separate what is\\nfabulous in such records from that which\\nmay reasonably be received. But the pro-\\nJortin (Eccl. Hist., vol. iv., p. 417) says, The\\nChristianity which this pretended apostle and sancti-\\nfied rufSan taught us, seemed to consist principally in\\ntwo things, in keeping Easter upon a proper day, and\\nto be slaves to our Sovereign Lord God, the Pope,\\nand to Austin, his deputy and vicegei ent. Such were\\nthe boasted blessings and benefits which we I eceived\\nfrom the mission and ministr^^ of tliis most audacious\\nand insolent monk. This is passionate and unjust\\nabuse. St. Austin was indeed the missionary of a\\nPope but his conversion of the mass of the inhab-\\nitants of this island was perfectly independent of his\\nendeavors to bring over to tlie Church of Rome the\\nfew and obscure schismatics of Wales and let us\\nrecollect that his exertions, in both cases, were di-\\nrected only to persuade. The evidence respecting\\nthe massacre of the twelve hundred monks of Bangor\\nis very fairly stated by Fuller and it seems upon the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0whole probable, that the event took place after the\\ndeath of St. Austin. But at any rate the crime was\\ncommitted in the heat of battle, apparently with-\\nout design or premeditation so that it is absurd to\\ncharge it upon a person, who, even if he was living,\\nwag certainly not present at the scene.\\ngress of St. Austin is much more intelligible\\nsince he was aided by the immediate sup-\\nport of Pope Gregory, and since one of the\\nearliest among his proselytes was a King.\\nIt appears probable, that at the beginning\\nof the eighth century Christianity had made\\nvery little progress in Germany; at least its\\nreception had been confined to provinces\\nimmediately bordering on the Roman em-\\npire.* In the year 715, Winfrid,f a noble\\nEnglishman, who was afterwards known by\\nthe name of Boniface, undertook the labors\\nof a missionary. His first attempt was fruit-\\nless but presently returning, under the au-\\nspices and by the authority of Pope Gregory\\nII., he preached among the Frieselanders\\nand Hessians with considerable success.\\nIn 723 he was consecrated a Bishop, and\\nbeing joined by many pious Christians, from\\nFrance as well as England, he established\\nnumerous churches throughout the country.\\nHis immediate recompense was advancement\\nto the archiepiscopal See of Mayence, and to\\nthe Primacy of Germany and Belgium, To\\nposterity he is more generally and more glo^\\nriously known as the Apostle of the Germans.\\nAnd the additional title of Saint was due not\\nonly to his zeal, but also to his martyrdom\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nfor, returning in his old age to Frieseland,\u00c2\u00a7\\nFleury (1. xxxviii., sect. Iviii.) mentions three\\nmonasteries as having been founded at Tournay and\\nGhent about the middle of the seventh century.\\nt We are not to confomid this missionary with St.\\nWilfrid, another Englishman, who also gained some\\nreputation both in France and at Rome, from about\\n660 to 710. The vast quantity of relics which he\\nbrought home from his first expedition to the Ccrati-\\nnent is mentioned by Fleury, liv. xxx., sect. xxxv.\\nX Mosheim, Cent, viii., p. i.,c. i. Milaer takes\\ngreat pains to exculpate Boniface from the vari-\\nous charges of violence, arrogance, fraud, c. which\\nMosheim very liberally heaps upon him, and to prove\\nhim, from his own correspondence, to have been\\na mere pious, unambitious missionary. There is\\nsome reason in the defence and Mosheim may\\nvery probably have been prejudiced against Boniface\\nby that absolute devotion to the Holy See which he\\nprofessed, and by which he profited. See also Fleu-\\nry, end of liv. xli., c.\\nThat country was for sorne years the scene of the\\nsuccessive exertions of St. Wilfrid, St. Vulfran, St.\\nVillebrod, and lastly St. Boniface. It was the second\\nof those missionaries whose injudicious answer to\\nRadbod, the King of the Frieselanders, retarded the\\nprogress of the nev/ religion- That Prince was\\nstanding at the baptismal font, prepared for the cere-\\nmony only one point remained, respecting which\\nhis curiosity was still unsatisfied Tell me, said he\\nto the holy Bishop, where is now tlie greater num-\\nber of the Kings and Princes of the nation of the\\nFrieselanders are they in tlie Paradise which y u", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0142.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "EXTERNAL FORTUNES OF CHRISTIANITY,\\n135\\nthat he might terminate his labors where he\\nhad begun them, he was massacred by the\\nsavage inhabitants, together with fifty eccle-\\nsiastics who attended him. (a. d. 755.)\\nTo the eiglith century we may also refer\\nthe introduction of Christianity among the\\nTartars, the mhabitants of those regions which\\nnow constitute the southern Asiatic provinces\\nof the Russian empire. This spiritual con-\\nquest was achieved under the auspices of an\\nheretical Bishop, Timotheus the Nestorian,\\nabout the year 790. On the other hand, for\\nthe chastisement of a corrupt Church and a\\nsinful people, the extensive tracts of central\\nand southern Asia had been already over-\\nwhelmed by the fiercest enemies who have\\never been raised against the Christian name,\\nthe fanatic followers of Mahomet and to their\\nmention we cannot proceed perhaps with a\\nbetter augury, than after recording that ob-\\nscure fact, which planted the banner of Chris-\\ntianity in a Russian province.\\nMahometan Conquests. During the fourth\\ncentury of our history we were occupied in\\nobsei-ving the destruction of the ancient pa-\\nganism of Greece and Rome during the fifth\\nand sixth we marked the success of Christian-\\nity in supplanting the rude superstitions of the\\nCeltic invaders of the empire, and subduing\\nthose savage aggressors to the law, or at least\\nto the name, of Christ. But the seventh cen-\\ntury was marked by the birth of a new and\\nresolute adversary, who began his career with\\nthe most stupendous triumphs, who has torn\\nfi om us the possession of half the world, and\\nwho retains his conquests even to this mo-\\nment. Mahomet was born about the year\\n570 we are ignorant of the precise period of\\nthe nativity of that man who wrought the\\nmost extraordinary revolution in the aflTairs\\nof this globe, which the agency of any being\\nmerely human has ever yet accomplished.\\nHis pretended mission did not commence till\\nhe was about forty years old, and the date of\\nhis celebrated flight from Mecca, the Hedji-\\nproraise me, or in the Hell with which you menace\\nme V Do not deceive yourself, replied St. Vulfran\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2the Princes, your predecessors, who liave died v/ithout\\nbaptism, are most assuredly damned but whosoever\\nshall believe henceforward, and be baptised, shall be\\nin joy eternal with Christ Jesus. Upon this Radbod\\nwithdrew his foot from the font and said I cannot\\nresolve to relinquish the society of the Kings, my pre-\\ndecessors, in order to live with a few poor people in\\nthe kingdom of heaven. I cannot believe these nov-\\nelties, and I will rather adhere to the ancient usages\\nof my nation. It was not until after the death of this\\nPrince that St. Boniface gained any footing iu the\\ncountry. Fleury, 1. xlix., s. 35\\nrah, or era of Mahometan nations, is 622,\\nA. D. The remainder of his life was spent in\\nestablishing his religion and his authority in\\nhis native land, Arabia and the sword with\\nw^hich he finally completed that purpose, he\\nbequeathed, for the universal propagation of\\nboth, to his followers. His commission was\\nzealously executed and, in less than a cen-\\ntury after his death, his faith was uninterrup-\\ntedly extended by a chain of nations from\\nIndia to the Atlantic.\\nThe fate of Persia was decided by the bat-\\ntle of Cadesia, in 636. In Syria, Damascus\\nhad already fallen, and after the sanguinary\\nconflict of Yermuk, where the Saracens for\\nthe first time encountered and overthrew a\\nChristian enemy, the conquerors instantly\\nproceeded to the reduction of Jerusalem\\nthat grand religious triumph they obtained\\nin 637. In the year following Aleppo and\\nAntioch fell into their hands, which com-\\npleted the conquest of Syria. Thence they\\nproceeded northward as far as the shores\\nof theEuxine and the neighborhood of Con-\\nstantinople.\\nThe invasion of Egypt took place in 638,\\nand within the space of three years, the whole\\nof that populous province was in the posses-\\nsion of the infidels. Alexandria was the last\\ncity which fell and in somewhat more than\\na century after the expulsion of philosophy\\nfrom Europe by a Christian legislator, the\\nschools of Africa were closed in their turn by\\nthe arms of an unlettered Mahometan.\\nThe success of the Saracens was not incon-\\nsiderably promoted by the religious dissensions\\nof their Christian adversaries. A vast number\\nof heretics who had been oppressed and stig-\\nmatized by Edicts and Councils were scattered\\nover the surface of Asia and these were con-\\ntented to receive a foreign master, of whose\\nprinciples they were still ignorant, in the place\\nof a tyrant whose injustice they had experi-\\nenced. But in Egypt, especially, the whole\\nmass of the native population was unfortu-\\nnately involved in the Jacobite heresy and\\nfew at that time were found, except the res-\\nident Greeks, who adhered to the doctrine of\\nthe Church. The followers of Eutyches\\nformed an immediate alliance with the sol-\\ndiers of Mahomet against a Catholic Prince\\nand they considered that there was nothing\\nunnatural in that act, since they hoped to se-\\ncure for themselves, under a Mahoinetan, the\\ntoleration which had been refused by an or-\\nthodox government. We should remark,\\nhowever, that this hope, the pretext of their\\ndesertion, was with niany the suggestion of", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0143.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "136\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntheir malice that besides the recollection of\\nwrongs, and tlie desire to escape or revenge\\nthem, they were inflamed as furiously as their\\npersecutors by that narrow sectarian spirit,\\nwhich is commonly excited most keenly\\nwhere the differences are most trifling and\\nwhich, while it exaggerated the lines that\\nseparated them from their fellow Christians,\\nblinded them to the broad gulf which divid-\\ned all alike from the infidel.\\nFrom Egj pt the conquerors rushed along\\nthe northern shore of Africa; and though\\ntheir progress in that direction was interrupt-\\ned by the domestic dissensions of the Prophet s\\nfamily, even more than by the occasional vig-\\nor of the Christians, they were in possession\\nof Cartilage before the end of the seventh\\ncentury. Thence they proceeded westward,\\nand after encountering some opposition from\\nthe native Moors, little either from the Greek\\nor Vandal masters of the country, they com-\\npleted their conquest in the year 709.\\nHitherto the Mahometans had gained no\\nfooting in Europe and it may seem strange\\nthat the most western of its provinces should\\nhave been that which was first exposed to\\ntheir occupation. But the vicinity of Spain\\nto their latest conquests, and the factious dis-\\nsensions of its nobility, gave them an early\\nopportunity to attempt the subjugation of that\\ncountry. Their success was almost unusual-\\nly rapid. In 711 they overthrew the Gothic\\nmonarchy by the victory of Xeres and the\\ntwo following years were suflScient to secure\\ntheir dominion over the greatest part of the\\npeninsula.\\nThe waters of this torrent were destined to\\nproceed still a little farther. Ten years after\\nthe battle of Xeres, the Saracens crossed the\\nPyrenees and overran with little opposition the\\nsouthwestern provinces of France the vine-\\nyards of Gascony and the city of Bourdeaux\\nwere possessed by the Sovereign of Damas-\\ncus and Samarcand and the south of France,\\nfrom the mouth of the Garonne to that of the\\nRhone, assumed the manners and rehgion of\\nArabia. Still dissatisfied with those ample\\nGibbon has not composed a more eloquent, or a\\nless philosophical chapter, than his fifty-first. As if lie\\nwere blinded by the splendor of the Mahometan con-\\nquests, he overlooks, not only the misery immediately\\noccasioned by them, but their fatal influence on the\\nprogressive and permanent improvement of man.\\nHistory is philosophy teaching by example; and the\\nlessons of history are then, indeed, noble and profit-\\nable, and then only, when philosophy casts away her\\npride and her pedantry, and condescends to rise into\\npjiilzinthrophy,\\nlimits, or impatient of any limit, these chil-\\ndren of the desert again marched forward in-\\nto the centre of the kingdom. They were\\nencamped between Tours and Poitiers, when\\nCharles Martel, the Mayor or Duke of the\\nFranks, encountered them. It is too much to\\nassert that the fate of Christianity depended\\nupon the result of the battle which followed\\nbut if victoiy had declared for the Saracens,\\nit would probably have secured to them in\\nFrance the same extent, perhaps the same\\nduration, of authority which they possessed\\nin Spain. Next they would have carried\\nthe horrors of war and Islamism into Ger-\\nmany or Britain but there other fields must\\nhave been fought, against nations of warriors\\nas brave as the Franks, by an invader who\\nwas becoming less powerful, and even less\\nenthusiastic, as he advanced farther from the\\nhead of his resources and his faith. Indeed,\\nif we had space to speculate more deeply on\\nthe probabilities of this question, we should\\nrather be led to consider this eflbrt against\\nFrance as the last wave of the deluge now\\nexhausted, and about to recede within more\\nreasonable boundaries.\\nThe final struggle of the Saracens was\\nscarcely worthy of their former triumphs.\\nDuring six days of desultory combat the\\nhorsemen and archers of the East maintained\\nindeed an indecisive advantage but in the\\ncloser onset of the seventh day, the Germans,\\nmore eminently powerful in limb, and strong\\nin heart as well as hand, instantly extinguish-\\ned the Arabs with iron arm and overbearing\\nchest.* The chief of the Saracens fell in the\\nconflict the survivors fled to their encamp-\\nment, and after a night passed in the dissen-\\nsion usual to the vanquished, they dispersed,\\nand evacuated the country. This battle was\\nfought in the year 732 the advantages were\\nslowly but resolutely pursued by the conquer-\\nor, and presently ended in the final expulsion\\nof the invader from the soil of France.\\nIn less than one century from the preach-\\ning of Mahomet, his disciples had obtained\\nmilitary possession of Persia, Syria, and the\\ngreater part of central and western Asia, of\\nEgypt, and the long extent of the northern\\ncoast of Africa; and lastly of the kingdom of\\nSpain. The propagation of their religion\\nfurnished to all the pretext, and to many the\\nsincere motive, of aggression and as the\\nGibbon, c. lii. Roderic Toletan. c. xiv.. Gens\\nAustriie membrorum pre-eminentia valida, et gens\\nGermana corde et corpore prtestantissima, quasi in\\nictu oculi raanu ferrea et pectorq arduo Arftbeg e^v\\ntinxeruiU.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0144.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "INTERNAL CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY.\\n137\\nmost violent means were not forbidden by\\ntheir law, and as religious wars are seldom\\ndistinguished by mildness and humanity, we\\nmay believe that many revolting cruelties\\nwere occasionally perpetrated by them.\\nHowever upon the whole they found it more\\npolitic to tolerate than to exterminate with\\nthe heretics of the East they fornied early\\nand friendly relations through a common\\nenmity and in Africa and Spain they gene-\\nrally proffered the alternative of the Koran\\nor tribute so that Christianity was not\\nimmediately extirpated from any of the con-\\nquered counti ies, and even at this moment\\nit continues to linger, however degraded by\\nadversity and oppression, in almost all of\\nthem. The country in which it suffered the\\nmost immediate and perfect prostration was\\nthe northern coast of Africa and those two\\nfruitful nurseries of religion and religious\\nmen, Alexandria and Carthage, which fill\\nso eminent a station in the early Catholic\\nChurch names which are so closely asso-\\nciated with all the various fortunes of rising\\nChristianity, with its most honorable and\\nholy triumphs, with its afflictions and rever-\\nses, with the zeal, the genius, and the elo-\\nquence of its professors, with their dissensions\\nand intolerance those two powerful Church-\\nes were from that time forward oblitera-\\nted from history. It is true, indeed, that\\nthe former still preserved a title, but it was\\nwithout power and a dignity, but it was\\nwithout independence she lost her learning\\nand her industry, and all her excellence and\\nenergy departed with them. But at Car-\\nthage the actual extinction of Christianity\\nvery speedily followed the success of the\\nMahometans, and the labors of Tertullian,\\nCyprian, Lactantius, Augustin and so many\\nothers were spurned and execrated, if indeed\\ntheir very names were not rather forgotten,\\nby a faithless and blaspheming posterity.\\nThe victory of Charles Martel was soon\\nfollowed by the reestablishment of a more\\neffective government in France and pre-\\ncisely forty years after the battle of Tours,\\nwe find Charlemagne engaged in a sanguin-\\nary war against the Saxons, for the purpose\\nof converting them to the Christian religion.\\nIt seemed, indeed, as if that zealous Prince\\nwas for a season possessed by the spirit of the\\nThe Mahometans drew a broad distinction be-\\ntween those infidels who had a Book of faith, and\\nthose who had none. Among the former they placed\\nthe disciples of Zoroaster, and therefore showed them\\ngreat mercy but they had no corapassioa on the\\nPagan.\\n18\\nArabian, and that he imitated the fury of his\\narmed apostles and, as if Christianity had\\nnot already sufficiently suffered by adopting\\nthe vices of other systems, he dragged into\\nits service the most savage principle of\\nIslamism. After eight yeai s of resistance\\nand misfortune the Saxons were compelled\\nto take refuge in the profession of the Gos-\\npel and the Huns of Pannonia were soon\\nafterwards driven by the same victorious\\ncompulsion to the same necessity.\\nWhen we behold the limits of Christendom\\nextended by the writings of its ministers, or\\nthe eloquence of its missionaries, we record\\nsuch conquests with pure and grateful satis-\\nfaction when we observe a mass of Pagans,\\nor other unbehevers, suddenly, but peaceful-\\nly, melting into the bosom of the Church,\\nwe question their motives, we lament the\\nstain which they may bring with them, and\\nwe censure any unworthy compromise which\\nhas been made to conciliate them yet we\\nare consoled to reflect that no immediate\\nmisery has been occasioned by a change\\nwhich is pregnant at least with future im-\\nprovement. But when we see the sword\\nemployed to propagate a religion of which\\nthe very essence is peace, we are at once\\ndisgusted and revolted by the cruel and\\nimpious mockery.\\nTHE INTERNAL CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY\\nFROM THE REIGN OF JUSTINIAN TO THAT\\nOF CHARLEMAGNE.\\nIn an endeavor to compress into a few short\\nchapters the ever- varying records of fifteen\\ncenturies, it might, perhaps, be thought suf-\\nficient to exhibit a mere chronological series\\nof events and names but we consider it a\\nmore profitable, as it is certainly a more\\nattractive employment, to select and illustrate\\nwhat is material and consequential, and to\\npass, as it were, from eminence jto eminence,\\ndwelling for some short space on each, and\\ndelineating its features with some exactness,\\nthough we may thus be compelled to ti*eat\\nwith little minuteness the periods interven-\\nCharlemagne was occasionally troubled by the\\ncontumacy of his converts, even to the end of his\\nreign and in the civil wars among his grandsons,\\nwe find Lothaire proclaiming liberty of conscience\\nto the Saxons of the succeeding generation (in 841).\\nMany of them eagerly cast away the mask of Chris-\\ntianity, and flew to his standard. Compulsion has\\nfilled the world with hypocrites, but it has never\\nmade a true convert to any faith or any form of faith.\\nSee Millet, Hist. France.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0145.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "138\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\ning but it is certain that there are many\\nsecondary names and many occurrences of\\nmere temporary importance, which may be\\nconsigned to silence without any danger to\\nthe integrity and usefulness of history. On\\nthis principle we shall proceed, without delay,\\nfrom the death of Justinian to the accession\\nof Gregory the First to the pontifical chair.\\nThat prelate presided over the Church of\\nRome from the year 590 to 604; and he\\nillustrated that short period by so many\\nsplendid qualities, and pursued his various\\npurposes with such bold and successful ex-\\nertion, that he has acquhed, and perhaps\\ndeserved, the deep and faithful veneration\\nof the Catholic Church. At least it has been\\nfound so difficult to estimate his character\\nwith moderation, and we observe so much\\nintemperance, both in the eulogies and the\\ninsults which are offered to it, that its\\nmere strength and energy, which are thus\\nsufficiently proved, assert its claim to a more\\nconsiderate and impartial examination.\\nGregory the Great. Two prominent vices\\novershadowed and counteracted the nume-\\nrous excellences of Gregoiy superstition\\nand ambition. For the former of these some\\nexcuse may be found in the spirit and prin-\\nciples of the age in which he lived the\\nlatter was the produce of the same vigorous\\nnature which gave birth to his virtues and\\nit was urged in him to an excess, which it\\nwould not have reached in a feebler mind.\\nHis virtues were his own, and those of his\\nreligion and if Ave should discredit, as affect-\\ned, that humility which preferred the cloister\\nto the chair of St. Peter, and so long rejected\\nthe proffered mitre,f at least we must praise\\nthe generosity which led him, m early life,\\nto bestow his lai-ge possessions on the Church,\\nand Vv^e must admire his ardent piety, and\\nsincere, though often misdirected, devotion.\\nThe extreme severity of his moral practice\\nhas not been contested, nor his honest en-\\nPope Gregory the Great, called St. Gregory,\\nwas remarkable for many things for exalting his\\nown authority, for running down human learning and\\npolite literature, for burning classic authors, for pat-\\nronizing ignorance and stupidity, for persecuting\\nheretics, for flattering the most execrable princes,\\nand for relating a multitude of absurd, monstrous and\\nridiculous lies, called miracles. He was an ambi-\\ntious, insolent Prelate, under the mask of humility.\\nJortin, Remarks, vol. iv., p. 403. -Most, though by\\nno means all, of the above charges are true but the\\ncounterpoise of good and powerful qualities is left\\nalmost entirely unnoticed by their author.\\nt Baron, ann. 590, sect. vii. Stc. c.\\ndeavors to enforce the same practice in every\\nrank and order of his clergy. Circumstances,\\npolitical as well as religious, had introduced\\nabuses into the system of ecclesiastical disci-\\npline, which a weak and narrow mind might\\nhave thought it expedient to protect, but\\nwhich Gregory knew that it was wiser to\\nreform. Indeed we may observe, that the\\nbest friends of every Church in every age,\\nand those whose services are most gratefully\\nacknowledged by posterity, however ungra-\\nciously they may be accepted by interested\\ncontemporaries, are men who dare to distin-\\nguish between the system and its corruptions,\\nand to admmister those vigorous measures\\nof renovation which are necessary for its\\nhealth and perpeti^ity. And thus would it\\nhave been still happier for the fame of that\\nPope had he taken a still bolder view of the\\nimperfections of his Church, and applied to\\nthe cure of its deeper and spiritual diseases\\nthe remedial attention which he confined to\\nits discipline and its ceremonies.\\nThe character of Gregory was distinguish-\\ned by the fervor of his charity the virtue\\nwhich sun ounded his palace with crowds of\\nsufferers of every rank and profession, and\\ndistributed for their relief* the funds, which\\nwith little scandal might have been lavished\\non selfish purposes, has never been disputed,\\nand ought never to have been disparaged.\\nNor was he contented to exercise this alone,\\nbut strove, on the contraiy, to extend its\\npractice by powerful exhortations among his\\nepiscopal brethren Let not the Bishop\\nthink that reading and preaching alone suf-\\nfice, or studiously to maintain himself in\\nretirement, while the hand which enriches\\nand fructifies is closed. But let his hand be\\nbountiful let him make advances to those\\nwho are in necessity; let him consider the\\nwants of others as his own for without\\nthese qualities the name of Bishop is a vain\\nand empty title. f We should also remark,\\nthat this Pope exerted himself on more than\\none occasion to redeem Christian prisoners\\nfrom captivity, and to alleviate their suffer-\\nings during it.\\nHe was diligent in his efforts to propagate\\nthe Catholic faith. His most important sphit-\\nual conquest was that of England and if it\\nbe a reproach to him that he there permitted\\nthe first converts to retain, under other names,\\nSee Baronius, ann. 591, sect. iii. xxiv. c. ann.\\n592, sect, ii.; ann. 596, sect. viii. Fleury, 1. xxxv.\\nsect. xvi. Gibbon, chap. xlv.\\nt Lib. v., Epist. 29, apud Baron, ann. 592, sect\\nxvi.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0146.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "INTERNAL CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY.\\n139\\nthe substance of some of their superstitious\\npractices,* in France, where the longer and\\nmore general diffusion of the religion left less\\nexcuse for such a concession, he zealously\\nendeavored to extirpate the remains of idol-\\natry .f The conversion of the Jevrs I was\\nanother favorite object with him and in one\\nrespect he adopted the most promising means\\nfor tliat purpose, by treating them with mild-\\nness and humanity; in another he insulted\\ntheir principles, while he disgraced his own,\\nby the direct offer of gain, as the reward of\\ntheir apostacy. His zeal for the unity of the\\nCliurch is a very ambiguous excellence but\\nit was warmly, and (as Roman Catholic histo-\\nrians assert) successfully exerted, both against\\nthe remnant of the Donatists, and against\\ncertain schismatics who had seceded from\\nthe Church on the controversy respecting the\\nThree Chapters. We may add to this,\\nthat his activity in ennobling the services\\nof religion, and adding splendor to its cere-\\nmonies, however unworthy a method of\\nrecommending a spiritual religion, found\\nsome excuse in the degenerate prmciples of\\nthe sixth century.\\nThrough the disturbed condition of Italy,\\nthe aggi-essions of the Lombard invaders, and\\nthe weakness of the Imperial power, the\\ndirection of the political interests of Rome\\ndevolved for the most part upon Gregory.\\nIt appears not that he sought that charge, so\\neagerly grasped by many of his successors,\\nbut rather that he entered with reluctance\\nupon duties which, if not at direct variance,\\nwere at least little in accordance with a\\nspiritual office. But, having once undertaken\\nAltaria destruantur, relliquia: ponantur. He\\nalloAvs even sacrifices on Saints days substituting,\\nhowever, a convivial, for a superstitious, motive nee\\ndiabolo tam animalia immoJent, sed ad laudem Dei\\nin esu sue animalia occidant, c. Baron, ann. 601.\\nxxii.\\nt Fleury, H. E., lib. xxxv., sect. xxi. He com-\\nplains of immolations to idols, worship of trees, sac-\\nrifices of the heads of animals, c. Quia pervenit ad\\nnos quod multi Christianorum et ad Ecclesias occur-\\nrant, et (quod dici nefas est) a culturis dajmonum non\\ndiscedant.. See Baron, ann, 597. xviii.\\nBaron, ann. 594, sect. viii. ann. 598, sect. xiv.\\nThe subject of the fifth General Council. One\\nof these schismatics, named Stephanus, came to Rome,\\nand oftered to Gregory to return to tlie Church, if the\\nBishop would take upon himself the risk of his soul,\\nand intercede with God as his sponsor and fidejussor,\\nthat his return to the Catholic Church, should be\\nsanctioned in Heaven which Gregory undertook\\nwithout any hesitation quod Gregorius minime facere\\nCunctatUb est. Baronius, ami. 590, sect. xxvi.\\nthem, he discharged them with the ability\\nand in the spirit which became his character\\nand his profession he presented himself as\\na mediator and pacificator, and by his faith-\\nful ministry to the God of peace,* he suc-\\nceeded in averting the arms of his enemies,\\nand in preserving his country from servitude.\\nHe professed to reject from the service of\\nreligion that profane learning of which his\\nwritings prove him to have been ignorant\\nand hence probably proceeded the chai-ge so\\ncommonly believed, though insufficiently f\\nsupported, that he burnt the Palatine Library,\\nand destroyed some of the most valuable\\nremains of classical antiquity. But it is ad-\\nmitted, that he was inferior to none in the\\nlearning of his own age J and his diligence\\nand energy are abundantly attested by the\\nvoluminous and even vigorous compositions\\nwhich he has left behind him.\\nUse of Images. We shall proceed to point\\nout some instances in which Gregory deviat-\\ned even farther than his predecessors from\\nthat ancient faith and practice of which his\\nSee, since it now claimed exclusively the\\ndenomination of Apostolical, professed a pe-\\nculiar observance. Before the end of the\\nsixth century, the dangerous usage which\\nhad originated in the fourth, 1| of exposing\\nimages of saints, of the virgin, and even of\\nChrist, in places consecrated to worship, had\\ntaken deep root, as well in the Western as in\\nThe following is his boast to Sabinianus, his\\nApocrisiarius or Envoy at Constantinople. Unum\\nest quod bi-eviter suggeras serenissimis Dominis nos-\\ntris quia (that) si ego servus eorum in mortem Lon-\\ngobardorum me miscere voluissem, hodie Longobar-\\ndorum gens nee regem, nee duces, nee comites\\nhabuisset, atque in summa confusione esset divisa.\\nSed quia Deum timeo,in mortem cujuslibet homin-\\nis me miscere formido. See Baronius (ann. 595,\\nsect, xviii.), who details his various negotiations\\nwith the Lombards very accurately.\\nt There seems to be no authority for this accusa-\\ntion older than the twelfth century. See Bayle, Vie\\nde Greg. I.\\nDisciplinis vero liberalibus, hoc est grammatica,\\nrhetorica, dialectica, ita a puero est institutus, ut\\nquamvis eo tempore florerent adliuc Romge studia lit-\\nerarum, tamen nuUi in urbe sua secundus putaretur.\\nPaul. Diac. Vit. St. Greg. Gibbon, c. xlv.\\nThere are greater remains of the works of Gre-\\ngory than of any other Pope and a diligent and\\njudicious study of his Epistles might still throw much\\nnew light on the early History of his Church. Baro-\\nnius attributes the rudeness of his style to the barba-\\nrism of the age in which he lived.\\nII We shall treat this and some other of the Ro-\\nman Catholic corruptions more fully in the thirteentli\\nChapter.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0147.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "140\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe Eastern Church. Serenus, the Bishop\\nof Marseilles, caused some of them to be re-\\nmoved, and complaint was made to Gregory.\\nThe Pope at once, and very explicitly, declar-\\ned, that images should on no account be ap-\\nproached as objects of worship, and strongly\\nexhorted the Bishop to press that consider-\\nation on all who might possibly mistake their\\nuse which was, when truly understood, to\\nimpart knowledge to the ignorant, and learn-\\ning to the illiterate. At the same time, such\\nbeing their professed end and purpose, he\\nstrenuously opposed their removal. By this\\ndetermination, he impressed upon a popular\\ncorruption that sanction and authority which\\nalone was wanting to make it permanent and\\nuniversal.\\nThe belief in the fire of Purgatory was\\nseriously inculcated by the same Pontiff;\\nand to him more justly than to any individ-\\nual, we may attribute the practical system to\\nwhich that speculative opinion gave birth.\\nHe also exalted the merit of pilgrimages to\\nthe Holy Places but the superstition which\\nhe most ardently sustained, was, a reverential\\nrespect for relics, founded for the most part\\non their miraculous qualities. The deep and\\nearnest solemnity with which one of the\\ngreatest characters of his age and church\\nwas not ashamed to enforce so very gross a\\ndelusion, cannot so well be depicted to the\\nreader as in his own language.\\nReverence for Relics. The Empress Con-\\nstantina, who was building a Church at Con-\\nstantinople to St. Paul, made application to\\nGregory for the head of that Apostle, f or at\\nleast for some portion of his body. The Pope\\nbegins his answer by a verj polite expression\\nof his sorrow that he neither could nor dar-\\ned to grant that favor for the bodies of the\\nholy Apostles, Peter and Paul, are so resplen-\\ndent with miracles and terrific prodigies\\nin their own Churches, that no one can\\napproach them without great awe, even for\\nthe purpose of adoring them. When my\\npredecessor, of happy memory, wished to\\nchange some silver ornament which was\\nplaced over the most holy body of St. Peter,\\nBaronius, ann. 592, sect. xix.\\nt Baronius, who cites the Pope s reply with con-\\nsiderable admiration, attributes the Empress s exor-\\nbitant request to Ecclesiastical ambition, to a desire\\nto exalt the See of Constantinople .to a level with\\nthat of Rome, by getting- into her possession so im-\\nportant a portion of so great an Apostle. Fleury\\nquotes the letter chiefly in proof that the transfer\\nof relics was forbidden in the Roman Church, while\\nthat abuse was permitted iu tlie East.\\nthough at the distance of almost fifteen feet,\\na warning of no small terror appeared to\\nhim. Even I myself wished to make some\\nalteration near the most holy body of St.\\nPaul, and it was necessary to dig rather\\ndeeply near his tomb. The Superior of the\\nplace found some bones which were not at\\nall connected with that tomb and, having\\npresumed to disturb and remove them to\\nsome other place, he was visited by certain\\nfearful apparitions, and died suddenly. My\\npredecessor, of holy memory, also undertook\\nto make some repairs near the tomb of St.\\nLawrence as they were digging, without\\nknowing precisely where the venerable body\\nwas placed, they happened to open his\\nsepulchre. The mqnks and guardians who\\nwere at the work, only because they had\\nseen the body of that martyr, though they\\ndid not presume so much as to touch it, all\\ndied within ten days to the end that no man\\nmight remain in life who had beheld the body\\nof that just man. Be it then known to you,\\nthat it is the custom of the Romans, when\\nthey give any relics, not to venture to touch\\nany portion of the body only they put into\\na box a piece of linen (called hrandeum\\\\\\nwhich is placed near the holy bodies then\\nit is withdrawn, and shut up with due vene-\\nration in the Church which is to be dedicat-\\ned, and as many prodigies are then wrought\\nby it as if the bodies themselves had been\\ncai ried thither whence it happened, that in\\nthe time of St. Leo, (as we learn from our\\nancestors,) when some Greeks doubted the\\nvirtue of such reUcs, that Pope called for a\\npair of scissors, and cut the linen, and blood\\nflowed from the incision. And not at Rome\\nonly, but throughout the whole of the West,\\nit is held sacrilegious to touch the bodies of\\nthe Saints, nor does such temerity ever\\nremain unpunished. For which reason we\\nare much astonished at the custom of the\\nGreeks to take away the bones of the Saints,\\nand we scarcely give credit to it. But what\\nshall I say respecting the bodies of the holy\\nApostles, when it is a known fact, that at the\\ntime of their martyrdom, a number of the\\nfaithful came from the East to claim them\\nBut when they had carried them out of the\\ncity, to the second milestone, to a place called\\nthe Catacombs, the whole multitude was un-\\nable to move them farther, such a tempest\\nof thunder and lightning terrified and dispei*s-\\ned them. The napkin, too, which you wished\\nto be sent at the same time, is with the body\\nand cannot be touched more than the body\\ncan he approached. But that your religious", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0148.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "INTERNAL CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY.\\n141\\ndesire may not be wholly frustrated, I will has-\\nten to send to you some part of those chains\\nwhich St. Paul wore on his neck and hands,\\nif indeed I shall succeed in getting off any\\nfilings from them. For since many contin-\\nually solicit as a blessing that they may cany\\noff from those chains some small portion of\\ntheir filings, a priest stands by ivith a file\\nand sometimes it happens that some portions\\nfall off fi-om the chains instantly, and with-\\nout delay while, at other times, the file is\\nlong drawn over the chains, and yet nothing\\nis at last scraped off from them.\\nThe pages of Ecclesiastical History are\\nso full of such idle fables, that the repetition\\neven of the smallest portion of them is a task\\nas tedious as it is unworthy of a reasonable\\nmind but when such absurdities are propa-\\ngated and dignified by the pen of Gregory the\\nGreat of him whom the Roman Church\\nreveres almost as the first among her saints,\\nand wliose ^\\\\Titings for so many centuries di-\\nrected, and even still direct, the principles of\\nher Ministers it would be a neglect of his-\\ntorical duty to pass them over in complete\\nsilence, t\\n*Eligius or Eloi, Bishop of Noyon (or Limoges,)\\na contemporary of Gregory, and also a Saint, acquired\\nextraordinary celebrity by his ardor in searching after\\nthe bodies of martyrs, and his miraculous sagacity in\\nthe discovery of them. And as he thus became a\\nperson of influence in his day, we may venture to re-\\ncord what, in his opinion, was the sum and substance\\nof true religion. He is a good Christian (says St.\\nEHgius) who goes frequently to church, and makes\\nhis oblations at God s altar; who never tastes of his\\nown fruit until he has presented some to God; Avho,for\\nmany days before the solemn festivals, observes strict\\nchastity, though he be married, that he may approach\\nthe altar with a safe conscience; lastly, who can re-\\npeat the Creed and the Lord s Prayer. Redeem your\\nsouls from punishment whilst you have it in your\\npower; offer your free gifts and tithes; contribute\\ntowards the luminaries in holy places; repair fre-\\nquently to church, and humbly implore the protection\\nof the Saints. If you observe these things, you may\\nappear boldly at God s tribunal in the day of judg-\\nment, and say Give, Lord, according as we have\\ngiven. The original is quoted by Mosh. Cent, vii.,\\np. ii. c. iii.\\nt The Dialogues of Gregory abound with mirac-\\nulous narratives and Fleury excuses this practice by\\npleading that he had not philosophers for his antago-\\nnists, who needed argument for confiitation, but that\\nthe pagans then to be found were chiefly peasants,\\nserfs, or soldiers, and were more moved by a mirac-\\nulous story tiian by the most conclusive syllogism. In\\nprocess of time, Gregory, from being the relater, rose\\nto be the performer of miracles. About one hundred\\nand eighty years after his death, Paulus Diaconus re-\\ncords, that a Roman lady, on some occasion, receiving\\nThe public worship of God was still cele-\\nbrated by every nation in its own language\\nbut its forms were enlarged from time to tmie\\nby new prayers and offices, as well as hymns\\nand psalmody, and such other additions as\\nwere found proper to enliven devotion.\\nGregory introduced a more imposing method\\nof administering the Communion, with a\\nmagnificent assemblage of pompous ceremo-\\nnies. This institution was called the Canon\\nof the Mass and such as it appears in the\\nSacramentaries of St. Gregory, such, word\\nfor word (says Fleury,*) we say it still. Af-\\nter regulating the prayers, the Pope descend-\\ned to the modulation of the chant; and to\\ngive some permanency to his success in this\\nmatter, he established a school of chanters,\\nwhich subsisted for at least three centuries\\nafter his death.f Other alterations were\\nmade by the same pontiff m the distribution\\nof the parishes, the calendar of festivals, the\\norder of processions, the service of the priests\\nand deacons, the variety and change of sacer-\\ndotal garments and as most of them were\\npermanent, we may consider the system\\nproperly called Roman Catholic as having\\nassumed its peculiar character at this time.\\nAnd thus, while the Antiquit} of the univer-\\nthe Communion from Gregory, and hearing him say\\nthe customary words, could not forbear smiling, when\\nhe called that the body of Christ which she had made\\nwith her own hands for at that time the people used\\nto bring to the Communion their own bread, which\\nwas a small, round, flat CEike. The Pope, perceiving\\nher behaviour, took the bread out of her hands, and,\\nhaving prayed over it, showed it to her tmned into\\nflesh, in the sight of the whole people.\\nH. E. lib. xxxvi., s. xix, Fleury describes the\\nalterations of Gregory at length and clearly. The\\ngreat pains which the Pope took in these matters,\\nand especially in the composition of his celebrated\\nchant, are zealously related by Maimbourg, in his\\nHistory of the Pontificate of St. Gregory.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Fleury, lib. xxxvi., sect. xxi. In the time of\\nJohn the Deacon (about 900,) the original of his\\nAntiphonarius was pi eserved with great respect, as\\nwell as the couch on which he reposed while chanting,\\nand the whip with which he menaced the children.\\nPope Gelasius (says the same historian in sect, xv.)\\nhad made a collection of the office of the masses, into\\nwhich St. Gregory introduced many changes and ad-\\nditions. He collected the whole in one volume, which\\nis his Sacramentarius, for so they formerly called the\\nbook which contained the prayers used in the admin-\\nistration of the sacraments, and chiefly of the Eu-\\ncharist. All that was to be chanted was marked in\\nanother volume, called the Antiphonaire, parce\\nque I on chantoit alternativement d ouvient le nom\\nd antiphones ou antiennes (anthems) comme il a ete\\nexplique.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0149.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "142\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsal Church may justly be regarded as hav-\\ning ceased at the accession of Constantine,\\nit is not a fanciful position that its Middle\\nAge that indistinct period, during which the\\nprinciples that were hereafter to give it a\\nmore lasting and definite form were collect-\\ning strength, but were not yet developed\\nwag brought to a close by the splendid pon-\\ntificate of Gregory.\\nElements of Papacy. If, then, it be not\\nincorrect to date the modern history of the\\nCatholic Church from this epoch, it will be\\nreasonably inquired what elements then ex-\\nisted, or, at least, what indications may be\\ndiscovered, of the monarchical or papal gov-\\nernment, which formed the characteristic of\\nthe Communion in later ages? We shall,\\ntherefore, proceed to point out such of these\\nas were most perceptible during the time of\\nGregory. We have noticed an early jealousy\\nsubsisting between the Sees of Rome and\\nConstantinople, and the sort of superiority\\nwhich was conferred upon the former by the\\ncouncil of Chalcedon. It appears, too, that\\nSt. Leo was addressed by certain oriental\\ncorrespondents by the title of CEcumenic, or\\nUniversal Patriarch, though his immediate\\nsuccessors refrained from adopting that lofty\\nappellation. Matters rested thus till the year\\n588, when the Emperor Maurice conferred\\nthat same title upon his own Patriarch John,\\ncommonly called the Faster,* an austere and\\nambitious prelate. Pope Pelagius opposed\\nthose pretensions; and, eight years after-\\nwards, the contest was much more vigorously\\nrenewed by Gregory. In 595, he addressed\\nfive epistles on this subject to John himself,\\nto the Emperor and Empress, and to the ri-\\nval Patriarchs of Alexandria and Autioch\\nin all vehemently inveighing against the arro-\\ngance of the Faster, and professing the very\\npurest spirit of Christian humility. In his\\nletter to the Emperor he declares that the\\npublic calamities are to be ascribed to no oth-\\ner cause than the ambition of the Bishops.\\nWe destroy (he says) by example that which\\nJohn the Faster, disputing an unmeaning title\\nwith Gregory, is assimilated by Baronius (ann, 595,\\nsect, xxvii.) to the apostate angel rising ag;iinst the\\nMost High God a comparison not far removed from\\nblasphemy. In more than thirty sections, which that\\nhistorian devotes to the subject, he labors to depress\\nthe See of Constantinople even below that of Alexan-\\ndria, and continually advances the obtrusiveness of\\nRome, as a proof of her rightful authority. However,\\nit is true enough that the power of Rome was now\\ngrowing real and substantial a fact much more easily\\nBhown than either its antiquity or legitimacy.\\nwe preach in word our bones are consumed\\nwith fastings, and our soul is puffed up with\\npride beneath the meanest garments we\\nconceal a haughty heart we repose on ash-\\nes, and we pretend to grandeur under the\\naspect of the sheep we nourish the fangs of the\\nwolf (He proceeds) The direction and\\nprimacy of the whole Church has been given\\nto St. Peter nevertheless we do not call him\\nthe Universal Apostle, and yet the holy man\\nJohn, my brother, is ambitious to be called\\nthe Universal Bishop. To Constantina he\\nmournfully complains of the insult which\\nhas been offered to the See of Rome and\\nwhile he humbly confesses that the sins of\\nGregory have merited such chastisement,\\nhe reminds the Express that St. Peter at\\nleast is sinless, and undeserving the outrage\\nwhich bad been offered him. From these\\nand others, even among the few passages\\nwhich we have cited from Gregory s writ-\\nings, it appears that the ground on which\\nthe Church of Rome rested its assertion of\\nsupremacy was already changed very essen-\\ntially. In its early days the sort of superior-\\nity which it endeavored to assume was foun-\\nded for the most part on its imperial name\\nand dignity but when that basis was over-\\nthrown by the conquests of the barbarians,\\nanother was substituted, of which the purely\\nspiritual nature was admirably calculated to\\nimpose upon the ignorant proselytes. The\\nname of St. Peter became more venerable\\nthan that of Augustus or Trajan; and his\\nchair, as it was occupied by the successors of\\nthe Apostle and the vicars of Christ, inspired\\na deeper awe into the blind and superstitious\\nmultitude, than the throne of all the Csesars.\\nThis change, no doubt, was gi-adual it can-\\nnot entirely be ascribed to Gregory, or to any\\nother individual indications of that assertion\\nmay even be discovered in very early eccle-\\nsiastical writers but that Pope exerted him-\\nself more than any of his predecessors to con-\\nfirm it, and to give to that uncertain ground-\\nwoi k a stability which has enabled it to sup-\\nport the mighty papal edifice for so many\\nages.\\nIt has also been observed that Gregory was\\nthe first who asserted the power of the keys,\\nas committed to the successor of St. Peter,\\nrather than to the body of the bishops and\\nSt. Gregory could not foresee that, within twelve\\nyears from that in which he was writing, the same\\ntitle would be proudly worn by a successor to the\\nchair of St. Peter (Boniface III.,) though granted to\\nthat pontiff by an Emperor who disgraced human\\nnature.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0150.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "INTERNAL CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY.\\n143\\nhe betrayed on many occasions a very ridic-\\nulous eagerness to secure their honor. Con-\\nsequently, he was profuse in his distribution\\nof certain keys, endowed, as he was not\\nashamed to assert, with supernatural qualities\\nhe even ventured to insult Anastasius, the\\nPatriarch of Antioch, by such a gift. I have\\nsent you (he says) keys of the blessed Apostle\\nPeter, your guardian, which, when placed\\nupon the sick, are wont to be resplendent\\nwith numerous miracles. We may attribute\\nthis absurdity to the basest superstition, or to\\nthe most impudent hypocrisy and we would\\ngladly have preferred the more excusable mo\\nlive, if the supposed advancement of the See,\\nwhich was clearly concerned in these pre-\\nsents, did not rather lead us to the latter.\\nTwo descriptions of papal agents rise into\\nnotice during the pontificate of Gregory\\nthe Apocrisiarii (Correspondents), who acted\\nas envoys, or legates, at the Court and at the\\nSee of Constantinople and the Defensores,\\nor Advocates, who, besides their general\\ncommission to protect f the property of St.\\nPeter, appear to have been vested with a\\nkind of appellative jurisdiction, which might\\nsometimes interfere with that of the bishops.\\nThe former of these appointments tended to\\nraise the external dignity of the See the\\nlatter to extend its internal influence. Again,\\nwe find sufficient evidence in the records of\\nthis age, that a practice which afterwards\\nproved one of the most fruitful sources of pa-\\npal power, was already gaining ground that\\nof appeal from episcopal decision to the Ro-\\nman See. It does not, indeed, appear that it\\nwas founded on any general law, civil or ec-\\nclesiastical but it proceeded very naturally\\nfrom the prejudice attached to the name of\\nRome, and the chair of St. Peter and it was\\ncarefully encouraged by the See, whose au-\\nthority was insensibly augmented by it. Be-\\nAmatoris vestri, beati Petri Apostoli, vobis\\nclaves transmlsi, qute super segros positee multis solent\\nmiraciilis coruscare. He addresses nearly the same\\nwords to one Andreas, a nobleman, with a similar\\npresent. And in another epistle (to Theotistus) he\\ncoolly relates a prodigy which had once been per-\\nformed by one of those keys upon a Lombard soldier.\\nBaronius, ann. 585, sect, iv., ann. 597, sect, xiv.,\\nann. 591., sect, vii., viii. The historian (in the first\\nof those places) eagerly attaches to the keys the no-\\ntion and omen of possession, which probably did not\\noccur to a Pope (even to Pope Gregory) in the sixth\\ncentury.\\nf Baron, ann. 598, sect. xv. xix. Gibbon (chap,\\nxlv.) considers them to have possessed not a civil only,\\nbut a criminal jurisdiction over the tenants and hus-\\nbandmen of the Holy See.\\nfore we quit the subject of papal aggrandise-\\nment, we shall mention one other circum-\\nstance only.* Great relaxation in the mo-\\nnastic disciplme of the age justified the very\\nsedulous interference of Gregory to restrain\\nit and so much address did that pontiflT com-\\nbine with his diligence, as not only to reform\\nthe order, but also to secure and protect it.\\nFor, while he enforced the severity of the an-\\ncient rules with judicious rigor,f he took\\nmeasures to shelter it from episcopal oppres-\\nsion, and taught it hereafter to look to Rome\\nfor redress and favor. As none are ignorant\\nhow firm a support to papal power was\\nfurnished in later ages by the devotion of\\nthe monasteries, it is important to record the\\norigin of that connexion and it is difficult to\\ndiscover any earlier trace of it than that\\nwhich we have mentioned.\\nGibbon, who has dravvT.i Avith vigor and\\nimpartiality the character of Gregory, has\\nprobably over-rated his qualities when he\\ndesignates him as the greatest of that name.\\nIt is very true that the mixture of simplicity\\nand cunning, of pride and humility ,J of sense\\nand superstition, which singularly distinguish-\\ned him, was happily suited both to his station\\nand to the temper of the times; and it might\\nperhaps be pleaded, that he did no more than\\nyield to that evil temper, when he gave sanc-\\ntion to opinions and usages which were at\\nvariance with the spirit of Scripture. But\\nthis was to consult his present convenience\\nThe bishops of Italy and the adjacent islands\\nacknowledged the Roman Pontiff as their special\\nMetropolitan. Even the existence, the union, and\\nthe translation of episcopal seats was decided by his\\nabsolute discretion; and his successful inroads into\\nthe provinces of Greece, of Spain, and of Gaul,\\nmight countenance the more lofty pretensions of suc-\\nceeding popes. He interposed to prevent the abuses\\nof popular elections; his zealous care maintained the\\npurity of faith and discipline; and the apostolic shep-\\nherd assiduously watched over the faith and discipline\\nof the subordinate pastors. Gibbon, chap. xlv.\\nt Fleury, H. E. lib. xxxvi. sect. 33 and 34.\\nX His humility sometimes descended to baseness.\\nThe abject adulation with which he courted Phocas, the\\nusurper of the Eastern tlironejthe most execrable par-\\nricide in history, proves (as Bayle has malignantly\\nremarked) that those who prevailed with him to ac-\\ncept the Popedom, knew him better than he knew\\nhimself. lis voyoient en lui le fonds de toutes lea\\nruses et de toutes les souplesses dont on a besoin pour\\nse faire de grands protecteurs, et pour attirer sur\\nI Eglise les benedictions de la terre. The motive\\nof his flattery was jealousy of the Patriarch of Con-\\nstantinople. He addressed, with the same servility,\\nBrunehaud, a very wicked Queen of France, and\\nagain found his excuse in the interests of his Chm-ch.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0151.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "144\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nor popularity, not his perpetual fame. Those\\nwho follow the stream of prejudice may be\\nexcused or pitied, but they can establish no\\nclaim to greatness, no title to the respect or\\ngratitude of a posterity to which they trans-\\nmit, without correction, the errors or vices\\nof their ancestors. So far as he applied\\nhimself to remedy those vices or imperfec-\\ntions, so far as he reformed the discipline and\\nrepressed the asvarice of his clergy, and intro-\\nduced such improvements into other depart-\\nments of the system as were consistent with\\nthe Gospel truth on which it stood, his name\\nis deservedly celebrated by every honest\\nChristian but his eagerness in the encourage-\\nment of superstitious corruptions (for he was\\nnot even contented to tolerate, still less did\\nhe make any effort to repress them) must not\\nbe treated with indifference or indulgence;\\nbecause the diffusion of error* has afar more\\npernicious consequence in religious than in\\nother matters. A mere speculative falsehood\\nwill mislead the understanding of the studi-\\nous, but it will not reach his principles of ac-\\ntion a wrong political principle will unques-\\ntionably influence for a time the liappiness of\\na nation but on the discovery of its falsity, it\\nis not difficult to modify or reject it, because it\\ncan seldom become rooted in the habits or the\\nprejudices of the people. But the religious\\nimpostures which were authorized and propa-\\ngated by Gregory, affected not the belief on-\\nly, but the conduct and character of the great-\\ner portion of Christendom through a long\\nsuccession of ages and while their certain\\nand necessary tendency was to debase the\\nmass of believers, and to deliver them over\\nin bhndness and bondage to the control of\\ntheir spiritual tyrants, their final and most\\ndisastrous effect has been to enlarge the path\\nof infidelity, by dissociating the use of reason\\nfrom the belief in Revelation.\\nIn his Epistle to the King of England, Gregory\\n(cited by Baronius, Ann. 601. sect, xix.) thus ex-\\npresses his own millennarian opinions. Besides, we\\nwish you (vestram gloriam) to know as we learn from\\nthe words of Almighty God, in the Holy Scriptures,\\nthat the end of the present world is already near, and\\nthe kingdom of the Saints is at hand, which can\\nknow no end. But as the end of the world is now\\napproaching, many things hang over us which before\\nwere not, to wit, change of atmosphere, and terrors\\nfrom Heaven, and unseasonable tempests, war, fam-\\nine, pestilence and earthquakes, which however shall\\nnot all fall out in our days, but will certainly follow\\nafterwards. The caution of the concluding sentence\\nwould almost prove the Pope s distrust in his own\\nprophecy.\\nChanges from Gregory to CJiarlemagne.\\nEcclesiastical History is not distinguished by\\nany character of very great eminence for the\\nperiod of above a hundred and fifty years,\\nwhich separates Gregory from Charlemagne\\nnor is that period marked by any single oc-\\ncurrence of striking importance, exceptmg\\nthe separation of the Roman states from the\\nEastern empire, and the Donation made by\\nPepin to the Holy See. Yet very considera-\\nble changes were gradually taking place in\\nthe constitution of the Church, which if is\\nthe more necessary to detect and notice, be-\\ncause they are not discovered without some\\ncare, and have indeed commonly escaped the\\nobservation which is due to them. The con-\\nquest of the Western Empire by the bai ba-\\nrians, its subdivision into numerous Princi-\\npalities and Provinces, and the prevalence of\\nthe institutions and habits of the conquerors,\\ncould not fail to influence, in many respects,\\nthe religious establishment of those countries.\\nAnd hence it is, that the distinction between\\nthe Eastern and Western Churches, which\\nmay be traced in name, at least, to the divi-\\nsion of the Empire, was afterwards extended\\nand widened by many substantial points of\\ndifference. In the former, indeed, very few\\nalterations took place afi;er the time of Jus-\\ntinian, even in the form of administering the\\nChurch, and none in the principles of its con-\\nstitution if some new privileges, or additional\\nrevenues, seemed to swell the importance of\\nthe clergy, yet the Emperors maintamed so\\nfirmly their undisputed supremacy,* and ex-\\nerted, moreover, such frequent interference\\nin spiritual affairs, that the power of the hier-\\narchy received no real increase nor did any\\nother circumstances accidentally intrude, to\\nenlarge beyond its just limits their influence\\nover the people. But the policy for the most\\npart pursued by the Western kings was dif-\\nferent they were usually watchful in preserv-\\ning their temporal rights over the Church, and\\neven in usurping others which they did not\\npossess, especially that of episcopal election\\nbut they abstained from all intervention in\\nmatters strictly spiritual, and in committing\\nto the priesthood the entire regulation of doc-\\ntrine, and consigning to their uncontrolled\\ndirection the consciences of their ignorant\\nand uncivilized subjects, they left to that Body\\nmuch larger means of despotic and pemianent\\nauthority than any of those of which they\\ndeprived it. In the more enlightened provin-\\nces of the East, the discussion of theological\\nGiannone, Stov. di Nap, lib,, iii., cap, vi.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0152.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "INTERNAL CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY.\\n145\\nsubjects was not uncommonly shared by in-\\ntelligent laymen but in the West it became\\nexclusively confined to the clergy, and their\\ndictates, howsoever remote from scripture or\\nreason, were submissively and blindly receiv-\\ned. Again, in the aristocratical assemblies,\\nby which political affau s were chiefly regu-\\nlated, the property and iiiteUigence of the\\nBishops acquired for them both rank and in-\\nfluence and thus also were they placed in a\\ndifferent position from their brethren in the\\nEast, where the original spiritual character\\nof the hierarchy was more rigidly preserved.\\nIt has been already remarked, that the limits\\nof the spiritual and temporal powers were,\\neven from the very establishment of Chris-\\ntianity, liable to some confusion and per-\\nplexity. They were long maintained, how-\\never, with tolerable distinctness in the coun-\\ntries which escaped from barbarian invasion\\nbut in the West, from the circumstances just\\nmentioned, and from the unsettled and ar-\\nbitrary form of the civil governments, the\\ncauses of discord, and temptations to mutual\\naggression were incalculably multiplied.\\nThe clergy were very early divided into\\nthe major and minor orders, of which the lat-\\nter consisted of the acolyths, porters, exor-\\ncists, and readers: between the sixth and\\neighth century this lost its whole weight and\\nalmost name in the Church and even the\\nhigher order of subdeacons, deacons, and\\npriests, suffered great degradation. The\\nkings of the West, in theu* desire to devote\\nthe whole of their free subjects to military\\nservice, forbade the ordination of a freeman\\nwithout their particular consent and hence\\nproceeded the debasing, but not uncommon\\npractice, of conferring the office of priesthood\\non serfs of the Church, emancipated for that\\npurpose. Nor did the Bishops contend\\nagainst this innovation so vigorously as the\\ninterests of the Church required, because\\ntheir own authority was obviously augmented\\nby the humiliation of the order next beloW\\nthem. Add to this, that the Priests were in\\nsome places, and perhaps generally, bound,\\non their ordination, by a solemn obligation to\\nremain attached as it were to the Church, to\\nwhich they were originally appointed a sort\\nof servitude which subjected even their per-\\nsons to the authority of the Bishop. No such\\nchanges in the constitution of the clergy took\\nplace in the Easstern Church.\\nAnother order was rapidly increasing in the\\nseventh and eighth centuries, which probably\\nexercised more influence in Church matters\\nthan is usually attributed to it. The tonsure\\n19\\nwas originally considered as a sign of desti-\\nnation for orders, (signum destinationis ad\\nordinem,) and was given to those only who\\nwere intended for the sacred profession but\\nin aftertimes it was less discriminately admin-\\nistered, and was made the means of connect-\\ning with the Church a large body of persons\\nwho received some of the immunities without\\nany of the restrictions of the sacerdotal con-\\ndition, and became clerks without being ec-\\nclesiastics. It may be true,*^ that they intro-\\nduced to a certain extent a sort of lay influence\\ninto the ecclesiastical administration but they\\nhad probably a much gi*eater effect in diffus-\\ning that of the clergy among the private and\\nsacred relations of domestic life.\\nThe grand principle of the Unity of the\\nChurch existing as one mighty spiritual\\ncommunion undivided by any diversity in\\nplace, time, language, government, or other\\nch-cumstances though it was broached as\\nearly as the third century, did not enter into\\nfull operation till the dissolution of the West-\\nera Empire. Its worst effects had, indeed,\\nbeen developed before that time in the perse-\\ncutions to which it gave birth on both sides\\nof the Adriatic. But the good which it was\\ncapable of producing was not felt until the\\nWestern Provinces were broken up into nu-\\nmerous, and independent, and hostile states,\\nwith no political bond of union, and little\\nfriendly or commercial intercourse. It was\\nthen that the notion of one universal religious\\nsociety contributed to supply the want of in-\\nternational sympathy and cooperation, and,\\nthrough the means of a common belief, intro-\\nduced the feeling of common interests, and\\nGuizot (Hist, de la Civilisation en France, 13\\nLe^on) mentions four avenues through which the laity-\\nstill continued, in the seventh and eighth centuries, to\\nexert an influence in ecclesiastical matters. (1.) The\\ndistinction between the Ordination and the Tonsure,\\nand the numbers of tliosewho received the latter only.\\n(2.) The founder of a Church or Chapel, whether\\nBishop or Layman, possessed the privilege of appoint-\\ning the minister to serve it. (3.) Chaplains were very\\ncommonly resident in noble families for the service of\\nthe private oratories. (4.) Certain laymen, under tlie\\nnames of Causidici,Tutores, and Vicedomini were ap-\\npointed at an early period for the protection of the\\nChurch property. They originated, it would seem,\\nin the African Church; at Rome they were called\\nDefensores, and they were afterwards employed in Gaul,\\nunder the title of Advocates. Fleury (end of liv. xliv,)\\nmentions that they were originally Scholastics or\\nLawyers but that after the barbarian conquests they\\npossessed also a military character to the end that,\\nin case of necessity, they might also be qualified to\\ndefend the interests of the Church by material\\nweapons.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0153.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "146\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe exercise of common virtues. Subse-\\nquently, during the seventh and eighth cen-\\nturies, the principle was more rapidly pro-\\ngressive and it presently gave birth to a sec-\\nond principle, w^hich naturally sprang from\\nit, that the one Body could have only one\\nHead and the general footing which this\\nacquired, at least, throughout the West, con-\\ntributed in no small degree to prepare and\\nsmooth the way to papal despotism.\\nMuch of the history of this period is col-\\nlected from the Canons of the Councils held\\nin all the kingdoms of the West, and es-\\npecially in Spain for the ecclesiastical af-\\nfairs of Gaul were also in part regulated by\\nthese last. Those of Toledo were the most\\ncelebrated and influential, and the attention\\nwhich was paid to their proceedings even\\nby the Roman See sufficiently proves the\\nauthority which they held in the Church.\\nThe fifteenth of these was assembled in 688,\\nand the last, not long before the invasion of\\nthe Saracens, in 696. But upon the whole\\nthe number of Councils diminished during\\nthe seventh and eighth centuries, and in Gaul\\nespecially, we find that, whereas fifty-four\\nwere held in the sixth, twenty only assem-\\nbled in the seventh century, and only seven\\nduriTig the first half of the eighth. This\\ngradual disuse of one of the most ancient and\\nlegitimate methods of governing the Church,\\nand one of the best guarantees both for its\\ninward purity and external independence,\\nwas a proof of its growing corruption, and a\\nfearful omen for its future prosperity. It\\narose in some measure from a cause which\\nwe are about to mention.\\nThe early origin and office of the Metro-\\npolitans have already been noticed they\\nwere the Prelates resident in the capital of\\nthe Province, and their legitimate office was\\nto preside in provincial councils; but they\\nendeavored to extend their consequence by\\nusurping a judicial authority in charges\\nagainst Bishops, and other matters properly\\nlying under the cognizance of the Council\\nand they had some success until the sixth\\ncentuiy. But from this period we may date\\ntheir downfall the ambition of the Popes,f\\nThe fourth Council of Toledo, held in 633, or-\\ndains an uniformity of rites and ceremonies, prayer\\nand psalmody, tliroughont Spain and Gaul the same\\noffice of the mass, and other services. Fleury, 1,\\nxxxvii., sect. 46.\\nt The progress of this usurpation is so well de-\\nscribed by Giannone, (Storia di Nap., lib. iii. c. vi.)\\nthat we shall here give the substance of his account.\\nlu the fifth century the title of Patriarch was univer-\\nalways jealous of their power, and anxious\\nto transfer it to the Holy See, pressed and\\nassailed them from above from below, the\\nepiscopal order, preferring a distant and in-\\ndulgent control to the more rigid scrutiny\\nof a domestic censor, were equally eager for\\ntheir overthrow and this was greatly facil-\\nitated by the minute subdivisions of some of\\nthe Western Provinces, which in many cases\\npolitically separated the Metropolitan from\\nthe Bishops who were placed under his\\nsuperintendence, and thus at once annihila-\\nted his influence. From these causes the\\nMetropolitan system fell into decay, so that\\nsally acknowledged to belong, in common with the\\nfour oriental prelates, to the Bishop of Rome. His\\nordinai y power indeed, did not e:xtend beyond the\\nProvinces called Suburban (Suburbicarie,) those\\nwhich obeyed the Vicar-General of Rome; and to\\nthese limits it was confined till the leign of Valentin-\\nian. But in process of time, as the prerogatives of\\nprimacy were united in his person, it was easy to\\nstretch them farther. It belonged to him as Primate\\nto have regard and attention on this ground he be-\\ngan to send into such provinces as seemed to require\\nsuch superintendence his own vicars; in lilyria first,\\nafterwards in Thessaly and Macedonia, the delegates\\nof the Roman Pontiff exercised Patriarchal authori-\\nty. This he presently afterwards extended over the\\nwhole of Italy, over Gaul and Spain as well as over\\nall countries newly converted by his missionaries so\\nthat the Greeks themselves acknowledged him to be\\nsole Patriarch of the West. The next step of the\\nPopes, which occasioned no small disturbances, was to\\nusurp the power of ordaining Bishops throughout all\\nthe Western Church, which was no less than to sub-\\nvert the rights of all the Metropolitans. They pro-\\nceeded farther, and claimed the office of ordaining the\\nMetropolitans themselves.\\nThe method tliey made use of to usurp the rights\\nof tlie Metropolitans regarding ordination was, to\\nsend them the Vest or Pallium for it was by means\\nof this that the Metropolitans were invested by the\\nHoly Pontiff with the power of ordaining the Bishops\\nof the Province; whence it followed that such power\\nwas not possessed by them unless by this grant of the\\nPallium. Here another point was gained the Metro-\\npolitans had not the power of exercising all the episco-\\npal functions until they had received the Pallium from\\nthe Pope. The last step naturally followed this that\\nthe Pope would not grant the Pallium until the Metro-\\npolitans had taken an oath of fidelity such as he requir-\\ned. Another ground on which he advanced was this\\nhe contrived that appeals from the decisions of the\\nMetropolitans, especially relating to disputed elections\\nof Bishops, should be brought before himself; that if\\nthe electors had been negligent, or the elected unfit,\\nthe election should devolve on the Pope that he alone\\nshould possess the right of accepting the cessions of\\nSees, of determining translations, and the coadjutor-\\nships in the next succession; and lastly, that the con-\\nfirmation of all episcopal elections should be vested in\\nthe Holy See.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0154.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "INTERNAL CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY.\\n147\\nlittle more than its name remained at the end\\nof the eighth century and closely connected\\nwith its fall was the disuse of Provincial\\nCouncils.\\nThe great result which was brought about\\nby the above circumstances, and which\\nshowed itself early in the West as to the\\nWest were also confined the changes which\\nwe have mentioned was the undue aggran-\\ndizement of the episcopal order, and its con-\\nsequent deformity and corruption. From\\nthe moment that the princes succeeded in\\nusurping the appointment to vacant Sees, the\\nmutual awe and dependence of the Bishop\\nand his clergy were at an end. The original\\nmethod of election, according to which the\\ndignity was generally conferred on some emi-\\nnent ecclesiastic who had long resided in the\\ndiocese, secured at least some degi ee of de-\\nference m the elected to the office and priv-\\nileges of the priesthood but the practice of\\nregal appointment broke that tie, and the\\nstranger, who was frequently intruded, with\\nfew common interests or affections, gave\\nloose without any restraint to his insolence\\nor his avarice, in an age and condition of\\nsociety in which public opinion had no in-\\nfluence. Accordingly we collect, even from\\nthe Councils of those times which were en-\\ntirely composed of Bishops, the violent ex-\\ncesses to which many members of that order\\nproceeded. We have learnt (says the Coun-\\ncil of Toledo, in 589) that the Bishops treat\\ntheir parishes not episcopally but cruell}^, and\\noppress then* dioceses with losses and exac-\\ntions. Wherefore, let all that the Bishops\\nwould appropriate to themselves be refused,\\nexcepting that which the ancient constitutions\\ngrant to them and let the clergy, whether\\nparochial or diocesan, who are tormented\\nby the Bishop, carry their complaints to\\nthe Metropolitan, and let the Metropolitan\\nhasten to repress such excesses. Nearly\\na centuiy afterwards the fourth Coun-\\ncil of Braga (in 675) inveighs against the\\nbrutality of certain Bishops who treated\\nhonorable men like robbers, and lacerated\\npriests, abbots, and deacons, with personal\\nchastisement. Avarice (says the Council of\\nToledo in 633) is the root of all evils, and\\nthat detestable thirst takes possession even\\nof the hearts of Bishops. Many of the faithful,\\nthrough the love of Christ and the martyrs,\\nbuild chapels in the parishes of the Bishops,\\nand leave offerings there but the Bishops\\nBeize them and turn them to their own use.\\nHence it follows that Clerks are wanting to\\nperform the divine offices, for they receive\\nnot their fees and the chapels when dilap-\\nidated are not repaired, because sacerdotal\\navidity has carried away the resources, c\\nBesides these and similar proofs, which\\nmight be brought in great abundance, the\\ntyrannical oppressions of the Bishops are\\nsufficiently evinced by the conspiracies or\\ncoalitions of the priesthood to resist them,\\nwhich are sometimes mentioned, of course\\nwith reprehension and menace, by the Coun-\\ncils of the sixth and seventh centuries.\\nNotwithstanding the measures taken to re-\\npress it, the license and the demoralization\\nof the episcopal order gradually increased,\\nand towards the close of the eighth century\\nit had reached perhaps the farthest limit to\\nwhich it ever proceeded. The restraint\\nwhich had formerly been im.posed by the\\nwatchful superintendence of provincial Coun-\\ncils and Metropolitans, was feebly supplied by\\nthe rare, and cautious, and often ineffectual\\ninterference of the Roman See. The prac-\\ntice of regal election freed the Bishop from\\nany check with which either respect or grat-\\nitude towards his clergy and people might\\notherwise have supplied him and the pos-\\nitive degradation of the clergy itself removed\\nhim still farther from any deference to the\\nfeelings, or even the rights, of that Body.\\nSole administrator of the revenues of the\\nChurch, he possessed the most ample means\\nof plunder and usurpation while his close\\nconnexion with political transactions, and\\nthe weight which he exerted in the most im-\\nportant deliberations of the State, so inter-\\nwove the temporal with the spiritual office\\nand duties, and also added to his legitimate\\nauthority so much temporal power, that there\\nwere few excesses which he might not hope\\nto commit with impunity.^ It is therefore\\nwithout surprise that we find him at onetime\\nadvancing to battle at the head of his armed\\nattendants, and at another engaged in ma-\\nrauding expeditions from motives of plunder\\nor private hostility. His habits and his man-\\nners alike departed from the ecclesiastical\\ncharacter, and he grew to resemble the rude\\nBarons who surrounded him, both in the ex-\\ntent of his power, and the insolence Avitli\\nwhich he exercised it.\\nThe Papal Principle. We now turn to\\nRome the centre to which most of our at-\\ntention must hereafter be directed\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and hav-\\nIt should not be forgotten, however, that this\\ncharacter was sometimes assumed on royal compul-\\nsion nor was this the only stain which the Church\\nreceived from its contact with the wild barbarism of\\nthose ages.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0155.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "148\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\niug showQ the progress of the religious aris-\\ntocracy during the seventh and eiglith ages,\\nlet us observe whether any corresponding\\nadvance was made by the monarchical prin-\\nciple. Gregory the Great died in the year\\n604 and certainly if his immediate suc-\\ncessors had equalled him in energy and am-\\nbition, the period of papal usurpation might\\nhave been gi*eatly anticipated. But the fact\\nwas so far otherwise, that through a dreary\\nperiod of almost five centuries the Vatican\\nwas never ruled by any character of sufficient\\ntranscendency to assert its single superemi-\\nnence, and seize the sceptre which was so\\nlong presented to it by superstition and igno-\\nrance. But this accident, though it retarded\\nthe maturity of the Roman Church, did not\\nprevent the gradual operation of the princi-\\nples on which it was now firmly founded\\nand if it be the province of genius alone to\\ncreate those commanding situations and cir-\\ncumstances by which systems are formed or\\nestablished, a very ordinary mind may turn\\nthem to advantage when created and pre-\\nsented. And thus the long succession of ob-\\nscure pontiffs, who presided in the West for\\nthe century and a half which followed, may\\nhave profited by such occasions as were of-\\nfered to extend the authority of the Church\\nand exalt the supremacy of its head. At least\\nwe have reason to beheve, that both the\\none and the other of those objects were,\\nupon the whole, advanced during the period\\nin question.\\nWithin fifty years from the death of Greg-\\nory, Pope St. Martin assembled a Council at\\nRome, in which, among various expositions\\nof doctrine, he condemned a certain heresy\\nat that time maintained by Constans, the\\nEmperor of the East. That Prince, little\\ndisposed to pardon the offence, sent his Ex-\\narch into Italy with orders to seize the per-\\nson of the Pontiff. By the employment of\\nsome addi-ess he succeeded in his mission\\nin the year 653 St. Martin was carried away\\nfrom Rome a captive to Constantinople, and\\nthence, after enduring, according to the Cath-\\nolic historians, a multitude of insults, he was\\nexiled to the Chersonesus. In the year fol-\\nlowing (655) he died there and his successor\\nEugenius was appointed by the Emperor.\\nThe singularity of this circumstance has\\nic^foiumended it to our notice, rather than\\nits im{ \u00c2\u00ab;rtance. It was an isolated event, de-\\npending solely on the political power which\\nthe Emperor of the day might happen to\\npossess over his Italian subjects, and not at\\null affcctinsr the influence v/liich the Holv See\\nwas now acquiring in every quarter of the\\nWest for that was the ground on which its\\nbattles were to be fought and its conquests\\ngained, and to that they were destined to be\\nconfined and so long as it suffered no re-\\nverses in that field, it mattered little what\\nmight be the result of an occasional dispute\\neither with the Patriarch or the Emperor of\\nthe East.\\nWe liave already mentioned that, during\\nthe seventh and eighth centuries, some suc-\\ncessful inroads were made by the Popes on\\nthe privileges of Metropolitans, especially in\\ntheir election or confirmation;* and the influ-\\nence of St. Boniface, the apostle of Germany,\\nwas warmly exerted about the year 742\\namong the Bishops, of France and Germany,\\nto extend the authority of the See. Another\\noccurrence, which tended much more effect-\\nually, though by a very different course, to\\nthe same result, took place almost immedi-\\ntely afterwards.\\nTke Donation of Pepin. Pepin, who was\\nmayor of the palace to Childeric III., King\\nof France, was desirous to dethrone his im-\\nbecile master, and to usurp the name, after\\nhaving long exercised the power of royalty.\\nAccordingly he assembled the States of the\\nrealm, and they gave it as their opinion that\\nthe Bishop of Rome should previously be\\nconsulted respecting the lawfulness of the\\nproject. In consequence, ambassadors were\\nsent to Zachary with a question to the fol-\\nlowing unport Whether the divine law did\\nnot permit a valiant and warlike people to\\ndethrone a pusillanimous and indolent mon-\\narch who was incapable of discharging any\\nof the functions of royalty, and to substitute\\nin his place one more worthy of rule, and\\nwho had already rendered most important\\nservices to, the State The answer of the\\nPope was such as the usurper desired Chil-\\nderic was stripped of royalty without any\\nopposition, and Pepin took undisputed pos-\\nsession of the throne.\\nThis occurrence is generally related as the\\nfirst instance of the temporal ambition of the\\nVatican, or at least of its interference with\\nthe rights of princes and the allegiance oi\\nThe pallium or peculiar vest wass requested of the\\nPope by the Metropolitans, at first merely, as it\\nwould seem, in token of an honor to which no con-\\ndition was annexed, but afterwards in attestation of\\niheir subjection to the See, and obedience to its ca-\\nnonical commands. The virtues of the pallium are\\ndescribed at length in an Epistle from Pope Zacha-\\nry to Boniface. Baron, ann. 742, sect. v. See\\nabove. -^C!.^ 146.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0156.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "INTERNAL CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY.\\ni4y\\nsubjects and therefore the conduct of the\\nPope has commonly been treated (by Protest-\\nant wi iters) with unmeasured reprehension.\\nBut certainly if we consider the act of Zach-\\nary distinct from those subsequent usurpa-\\ntions, to which in truth it did neither neces-\\nsarily lead, nor even furnish a plausible pre-\\ncedent if we consider the act, as historical\\njustice requires of us, with a fair regard to\\nthe circumstances of France and Italy, and\\nto the principles of the times, we shall be\\nsurprised indeed that a Pope of the eighth\\ncentury should so easily assent to the most\\npopular principle of republicanism, and we\\nmay reject perhaps the political axiom which\\nhe has laid down but we shall not accuse\\nhim of ambitious or unchristian arrogance for\\nhaving resolved a difficulty which he did\\nnot create for having answered a question\\nwhich was proposed to him, as the highest\\nhuman authority, and proposed without any\\ninterference or solicitation on his own part.\\nIt is true that the nature of his answer may\\nhave been influenced by his manifest inter-\\nests, and the necessity in which the See then\\nstood of a powerful protector but this is a\\nconsideration quite distinct from the original\\nbroad charge of intrusion in temporal con-\\ncerns and even in this matter, the mere ab-\\nsence of that splendid disinterestedness, which\\nis rare in every age, and almost impossible in\\nbad ages, is not to be stigmatized as inexcus-\\nably criminal, nor to be placed on the same\\nlevel with the active, intriguing intrusiveness\\nof guilty ambition.\\nIt is not probable that Pope Zachary fore-\\nsaw all the advantages which soon afterwards\\naccrued to the Holy See from his decision\\nbut pressed by the Greeks on one hand, and\\nthe Lombards on the other, he was no doubt\\nglad of the occasion to create a substantial\\nfriendship beyond the Alps. Tiie Lombards\\nhad gradually possessed themselves of those\\nprovinces of Italy which had remained long-\\nest attached to the Greek empire, under the\\nname of the Exarchate of Ravenna and\\nthose warlike foreigners were now projecting\\nthe extension of their conquest to the whole\\npeninsula. Stephen II., the successor of\\nZachary, applied to the Court of France for\\nprotection and instantly, Pepin, at the head\\nof a numerous array, crossed the Alps, and\\nThe strict limits of the Exaixhate were included\\nin the territories of Ravenna, Bologna and Ferrara:\\ndependent on it was the Pentapolis, which extended\\nalong the Adriatic from Rimini to Ancona, and ad-\\nvanced into the interior as far as the ridges of the\\nApenniues. Gibbon c. 49.\\noverthrew the Lombards, and recovered the\\nExarchate from their hands. Pepin might\\nhave restored this valuable spoil to the throne\\nof Constantinople with great praise of justice\\nor by the indulgence of ambition he might\\nhave retained permanent possession of it\\nhimself, without any reproach and with much\\nprofit he did neither but, mindful of his\\nobligation to the Holy See, and sensible of\\nthe advantage of intimate alliance with it, he\\ntransferred the sovereignty over the provinc-\\nes in question to the Bishop of Rome. This\\ncelebrated donation took place in 754-5 and\\nthus we observe that the earliest interference\\nof the Vatican in temporal matters brought\\nafter it, in the course of three years only, a\\nrich and solid reward of temporal povs^er,\\nwhich has never since been either gi-eatly in-\\ncreased or greatly diminished. The degi-ee\\nof authority which individual Pontiffs have\\nexerted in their States has indeed been liable\\nin different ages to extreme diversities still\\nthe authority itself has, in some shape, been\\nperpetuated and it has survived the splendid\\npretensions of the spiritual despotism, by\\nwhose infancy it v/as created, whose maturitj\\nit assisted to swell and pamper, and whose\\nexpiring influence will propably be confined\\nto the same limits with itself.\\nCharlemagne s liberality to the Church. The\\ndonation of Pepm awaited the confirmation\\nof his son Charlemagne for in the year 774\\nthe Lombards again threatened the Roman\\nterritories the aid of France was again in-\\nvoked, and the monarch who now afforded\\nit, did not pause till he had entirely and fin-\\nally subverted the empire of tiiose conquer-\\nors, and proclaimed himself then* King.\\nCharlemagne was so far from disapproving\\nhis father s munificence to the Pope, that he\\nrenewed and even increased the grant by\\nsome accession of territory he drew still\\ncloser the bonds which allied him with a\\nBishop whose power was real and solid, how-\\never fanciful may have been the claims on\\nwhich it stood and thus he secured the\\nzealous assistance of the See, when circum-\\nstances at length allowed him to mature the\\nprojects of his own ambition, and to pro-\\nclaim himself, in the year 800, the Emperor\\nof the West.\\nCharlemagne did not confine his benefac-\\ntions to the Bishop of Rome, but distributed\\nthem among all the orders of the hierarchy.\\nHe augmented their wealth, he enlarged their\\nprivileges, he exalted their dignitj^, he con-\\nfirmed and extended their immunities and\\nwere it not beyond conu-adiction established,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0157.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "150\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH\\nthat he was one of the greatest and wisest\\nprinces who ever reigned, some writers\\nwould not have hesitated to place him among\\nthe weakest of mankind. But the motives\\nof his liberality were such as became a mag-\\nnanimous and a benevolent monarch. Su-\\nperstition has never been accounted among\\nthem, nor any unfounded fears or undue\\nreverence of the ecclesiastical order from\\nthe former he was perhaps more nearly ex-\\nempt than would have appeared possible in\\nso rude an age and in his transactions v^^ith\\nthe clergy, even with the Pope himself, he\\nnever forgot, or allowed them to forget, his\\nown supremacy. But he was desirous to\\ncivilize his barbarous subjects; he was anx-\\nious to influence their rude manners, and\\ncorrect their vicious morals, by the more\\ngeneral diffusion and comprehension of the\\nChristian truths and he was willing also to\\nsow the seeds of secular learning, and dispel\\nthe ignorance which oppressed his people.\\nAs the first step towards this regeneration he\\npresented to them the example of his own\\npiety and his own learning.* But when he\\nlooked round for the means of communicat-\\ning those blessings, the first and the only one\\nwhich presented itself was the agency of the\\nclergy. All that was influential among his\\nsubjects was contained in the two orders,\\nmilitary and ecclesiastical and the wild tur-\\nbulence of the former pointed them out rather\\nas objects than instruments of reformation.\\nThe little of literary taste or acquirement\\nwhich his kingdom contained was confined\\nto the clergy and there he labored to en-\\ncourage its increase, and to distribute it,\\nMany writers assert that he yielded not to any\\ncontemporary in either of those merits the former,\\nnowever, does not appear greatly to have influenced\\nhis moral practices; and as to his proficiency in the\\nlatter, we may at least venture to prefer to him his\\nown master and preceptor Alcuin, an Englishman,\\nthe most celeVjrated divine of the day; and since we\\nare assured that Charlemagne did not learn to write\\ntill late in life, doubtless we might make other excep-\\ntions. Alcuin is regarded as the restorer of letters\\nin France, or at least the principal instrument of\\nCharles in that work. In a letter to that Prince he\\navers that it rested with those two alone to raise up\\nin France a Christian Athens. And his own writings\\nattest his industry in restoring almost every branch\\nof study. (Flem-y, Hist. EccL, liv. 45, sect, xviii.)\\nThe devotion of Charlemagne to the services of reli-\\ngion is not disputed through his whole life he was\\na regular attendant on the oflices, even the nocturnal\\nceremonies, of tlie Church, and his last days Avere\\npassed in correcting the text of the Gospel with the\\nassistance of certain Greeks and Syrians. Fleury,\\nII. E. 1. 45, 3. viii.\\nthrough the only channel that was open, for\\nthe moral improvement of his subjects. It\\nwas chiefly with this view that he augment-\\ned the power and revenues of the Church,\\nand raised its ministers to a more exalted\\nrank and influence influence which they\\nsubsequently studied to improve by methods\\nnot ahvays honorable, but which, as circum-\\nstances then existed, it was pardonable if not\\ncommendable, it was magnanimous if it was\\nnot also politic, in Charlemagne to bestow.\\nReformcdion of the Clergy. But we shall\\nreadily admit, that that monarch s munifi-\\ncence would have been very dangerously be-\\nstowed, had he not taken vigorous measures\\nto reform, at the same time that he enriched,\\nthe ecclesiastical bqdy and some of those\\nmeasures, though we had proposed to defer\\nthe particulars of his legislation till a subse-\\nquent Chapter, may be mentioned with no\\nless propriety in the present. In the year\\n789, at an assembly at Aix-la-Chapelle, Char-\\nlemagne published a Capitulary in eighty\\narticles, chiefly with a view to restore the\\nancient discipline of the Church.* It was\\naddressed to all ecclesiastics, and carried by\\nthe officers of the monarch into all the Prov-\\ninces. The instructions which most nearly\\naflfected the peculiar abuses of the age were\\nthose, perhaps, which exhorted the Bishops\\nto select their clergy from fi eemen rather\\nthan from slaves and which forbade bishops\\nand abbots and abbesses to possess dogs, or\\nhawks, or buffoons, or jugglers. By the cele-\\nbrated Council of Francfort (Sur le Mein)\\nheld in 794, it was enacted, among many\\nother wholesome regulations, that Bishops\\nshould not be translated from city to city;\\nthat the Bishop should never be absent from\\nhis Church for more than three weeks that\\nhe should so diligently instruct his clergy,\\nthat a worthy successor might ever be found\\namong them and that after his death his\\nheirs should only succeed to such portion of\\nhis property as he possessed before his ordi-\\nnation all acquisitions subsequently made\\nwere to return to his Church. Other articles\\nregulated the discipline of the inferior clergy.\\nWe shall conclude with one additional and\\nvery singular instance. Towards the close\\nof the year 803 the Emperor held a parlia-\\nment at Worms, when a petition was pre-\\nsented to him by all the people of his States,\\nof which the following was the substance\\nWe pray your Majesty that henceforward\\nBishops may not be constrained to join the\\nFleury, H. E. liv. 44, sect. 46, and liv. 45\\nsect. 26.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0158.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "DISSENSIONS.\\n15t\\narmy, as they have been hitherto. But when\\nwe march with you against the enemy, let\\nthem remain in their dioceses, occupied\\nwith their holy ministry, and praying for you\\nand your army, singing masses, and making\\nprocessions, and almsgiving. For we have\\nbeheld some among them wounded and kil-\\nled in battle, God is our witness with how\\nmuch terror and these accidents cause many\\nto fly before the enemy. So that you will\\nhave more combatants if they remain in\\ntheir dioceses, since many are employed in\\nguai-ding them and they will aid you more\\neffectually by their prayers, raising their\\nhands to heaven, after the manner of Moses.\\nWe make the same petition with respect to\\nthe priests, that they come not to the army,\\nunless by the choice of their Bishops, and\\nthat those be such in learning and morals\\nthat we may place full confidence in them,\\nc. Charlemagne replied as follows In\\nour desire both to reform ourselv^es, and to\\nleave an example to our successors, we ordain\\nthat no ecclesiastic shall join the army, ex-\\ncept two or three Bishops chosen by the\\nothers, to give the benediction, preach and\\nconciliate, and with them some chosen priests\\nto impose penance, celebrate mass, take care\\nof the sick, and give the unction of holy oil\\nand the viaticum. But these shall carry no\\narms, neither shall they go to battle nor shed\\nany blood, but shall be contented to carry\\nrelics and holy vessels, and to pray for the\\ncombatants. The other Bishops who remain\\nat their churches shall send their vassals well\\narmed with us or at our disposal, and shall\\npray for us and our army. For the people\\nand the kings who have permitted their\\npriests to fight along with them have not\\ngained the advantage in then* wars, as we\\nknow from what has happened in Gaul, in\\nSpain, and in Lombardy. In adopting the\\ncontrary practice we hope to obtain victory\\nover the pagans, and finally everlasting life.\\nCHAPTER XL\\nOn the Dissensions of the Church from the^e\\nof Constantine to that of Charlemagne.\\nDivision of the subject I. Schism of the Donatists\\nits real origin progress Circumcellions conduct of\\nConstantine and his successor of Julian conference\\nof Carthage St. Augustin the Vandals Saracens\\nreal extent of the offences of the Donatists some ac-\\ncount of St. Augustin. II. Priscillian his persecution\\nand death\u00e2\u0080\u0094 probable opinions\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the first Martyr to reli-\\ngious dissent\u00e2\u0080\u0094 how truly 5?o\u00e2\u0080\u0094Ithak{us\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Martin of Tours\\neflect of Priscillian s death on his followers.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 III. Jo-\\nvinian his opinions by whom chiefly opposed Edict\\nof Honorius Vigilantius his character abuses oppos-\\ned by him\u00e2\u0080\u0094 St. Jerome.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 IV. Pelagian Controversy its\\nimportance\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and perplexity Pelagius and Celestius\\nopposition of St. Augustin\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Councils of Jerusalem and\\nDiospolis\u00e2\u0080\u0094 reference to Zosimus, Bishop of Rome\\nperseverance of St. Augustin\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and his success\u00e2\u0080\u0094the\\nsum of the Pelagian opinions opposite doctrine of\\nFatalism Semi-Pelagianism Doctrine of the East\\nindifference of Greek Church to this Controversy. V.\\nControversy respecting the Incarnation early origin\\nApollinaris his doctrine Nestorius his rash asser-\\ntion Cyril of Alexandria Council of Ephesus con-\\ndemnation and banishment of Nestorius progress of\\nhis opinions what they really amounted to Euty-\\nches the Jlonophysite heresy Dioscorus of Alexan-\\ndria second Council of Ephesus interference of Pope\\nLeo\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Council of Chalcedon condemnation and sub-\\nsequent conduct of theEutychians Henoticon of Zeno\\nits object effect Heraclius and the Monothelites\\nCouncil of Constantinople general remarks on this\\nControversy apology for those engaged in it some\\nof its consequences. VI. Worship of Images its spe-\\ncious origin its progress in East acd West Leo the\\nIsaurian effects of his Edict Constantine Coprony-\\nmus Synod of Constantinople the Empress Irene\\nsecond Council of Nice, or Seventh General Council\\nRemarks on the Sev\u00c2\u00abn General Councils\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Leo the Ar-\\nmenian\u00e2\u0080\u0094Michel\u00e2\u0080\u0094his Epistle to Louis le D^bonnaire\\nThe Empress Theodora\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Feast of Orthodoxy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 general\\nremarks\u00e2\u0080\u0094 .Totin Damascenus\u00e2\u0080\u0094 miracles\u00e2\u0080\u0094 conduct of se-\\ncular clergy of monastic orders of the common peo-\\nple\u00e2\u0080\u0094of Papal See\u00e2\u0080\u0094 contrast between the Italian and\\nFrench clergy.\\nThe controversies which occasioned the\\nwidest divisions in the Church during the five\\ncenturies following its establishment, were\\non two subjects the Incarnation of our bles-\\nsed Saviour, and the Worship of Images.\\nIndeed, if we except the Pelagian opinions,\\nthere were none other than these which left\\nany lasting consequences behind them. Still\\nwe are not justified in confining our notice\\nentirely to those three, but we must extend\\nit, though more concisely, to some other\\ndissensions, of less importance and earlier\\ndate, which animated the passions of Church-\\nmen during the interval between the Arian\\nand the Incarnation controversies. We shall\\nmention them in the following order: I.\\nThe schism of the Donatists 2. the heresy\\nof the PrisciUianists 3. the opinions of the\\nReformers, Jovinian and Vigilantius; and\\nshall then proceed to the doctrines of Pelagi-\\nus and Celestius. To these we shall limit\\nour curiosity for the various disputes, creat-\\ned directly or indirectly, by the writings of\\nOrigen, and the many real (or supposed)\\nramifications of the Manichasan heresy, are\\nnot such as to claim a place in this work.\\nI. The Donatists. On the death of Men-\\nsurius. Bishop of Carthage, in 311, the clergy\\nand people of that city and district elected in", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0159.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "152\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nhis place the Archdeacon Csecilianus, and\\nproceeded to his consecration without wait-\\ning, as it would seem, for the consent of the\\nBishops of Numidia.a contiguous and subor-\\ndinate province. Probably custom or cour-\\ntesy was violated by this neglect but the\\nNumidians considered it also as an infringe-\\nment of their right, and hastened to resent it\\nas such. This was no doubt the real found-\\nation of the schism an objection taken\\nagainst the character of one Felix, a Bishop\\nwho had been prominent in the consecration\\nof Csecilianus, though it was repeatedly\\nbrought forward in the course of the contro-\\nversy, was obviously a vain and contemptible\\npretext. The dissentients, headed by a cer-\\ntain Donatus, assembled a Council of their\\nown, condemned Csecilianus, and appointed\\nhis deacon, Majorinus, for his successor.\\nBoth parties then proceeded to great extrem-\\nities, and as there appeared no other pros-\\npect of reconciliation, they agreed to bring\\nthe dispute before the Emperor Constantino,\\nwho had just then proclaimed the establish-\\nment of Christianity. Constantine inquired\\ninto the affair, first by means of a Synod at\\nRome, consisting of three Gaulish and fifteen\\nItalian prelates,f at which the Bishop of the\\ncapital presided and presently afterwards,\\nby an inquiry into the truth of the charges\\nagainst Felix, before the civil magistrate\\nJEA mi), proconsul of Africa, assisted by seve-\\nral lay, and for the most part military asses-\\nsors the decision, on both investigations,\\nwas unfavorable to the Donatists. They\\nwere discontented seventy venerable Nu-\\nmidian prelates, assembled in council in the\\nheart and light of Africa, had rejected the\\nauthority of Csecilianus could so solemn an\\nact be superseded by a commission of a small\\nnumber of obscure Bishops meeting in a dif-\\nferent province, and perhaps ignorant of the\\nleading circumstances They submitted the\\nmatter to the Emperor s reconsideration.\\nHis patience was not yet exhausted he im-\\nmediately summoned a much more nume-\\nrous synod at Aries, in Gaul, and here again,\\nafter much serious debate, the Donatists lost\\ntheir cause. Still dissatisfied, they had re-\\ncourse to the final expedient, an appeal to the\\npersonal justice of Constantine. The Empe-\\nror again consented to their request but on\\nthis occasion the motive of his indulgence\\nHe -was accused of being a Traditor; i. e. of\\nhaving delivered up copies of the Scriptures during\\nDiocletian s persecution.\\nf Flein-y, lib. x., sect. 11., records the namss of\\nmost of them; and the order of precedence.\\nmay be liable to some suspicion, since the\\nvery application admitted the power of the\\nEmperor to reverse the decision of an ec-\\nclesiastical council a right which he might\\nvery naturally choose to assert at that mo-\\nment at least it is certain that, in the year\\n316, he condescended to investigate the affair\\nat Milan, in the presence of the contending\\nparties. He deliberately confirmed the for-\\nmer decisions; and then, as these repeated\\ncondemnations had no other effect than to\\nincrease the perversity of the schismatics, he\\napplied the secular power to their correction.*\\nThis measure led to some violent disturbanc-\\nes; many joined, as persecuted, those whom\\nthey loved not as schismatics, and the confu-\\nsion thus generally, occasioned gave license\\nto a number of lawless ruffians, the refuse of\\nAfrica, of no sect, and probably of no faith,\\nto range their weapons and their crimes on\\nthe side of the contumacious. These men,\\nthe soldiers of the Donatists, were called Cir-\\ncumcellions and their savage excesses went\\nvery far to convert the schism into a rebel-\\nlion. When the quarrel arrived at this point,\\nit is well worthy of notice, that Constantine,\\ninstead of proceeding to extinguish the mal-\\ncontents by the sword, attended to the advice\\nof the governors of Africa, so as to repeal the\\nlaws which had been enacted against them\\nand to allow the people full liberty to adhere\\nto the party which they might prefer.f\\nNot so his successor Constans during his\\nreign we read of the defeat of the Donatists\\nat the battle of Bagnia, and of thirteen years\\nof tumult and bloodshed, and uninterrupted\\npersecution. These severe measures, which\\nthe fury of the Circumcellions could scarcely\\njustify, destroyed many, and dispersed into\\nother countries a still greater number of the\\nperverse schismatics but converted prob-\\nably none.\\nThe moment of reaction was not far\\ndistant the numerous and revengeful exiles\\nwere restored to their home by the suspicious\\njustice of Julian; J and the sect appears to\\nHe certainly exiled some, and is said to have de-\\nprived them of their churches, and even to have shed\\nsome blood. See Mosh., cent, iv., p. ii., ch. v.\\nf This change in his policy seems to have taken\\nplace in 321 after five years experience of the oppo-\\nsite system.\\nX The horrors which they committed on their res-\\ntoration are very vividly and seriously related by\\nFleury, (1. xv., s. 32.) They expelled the Catholic\\npeople, violated the women, and murdered the chil-\\ndren. They threw the Eucharist to the dogs, but the\\ndogs became mad, and turning against their masters\\ntore them in pieces. One of them threw out of the", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0160.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "DISSEi\\\\SIONS.\\n153\\nhave sprung up, during the few following\\nyears, to the highest eminence which it at\\nany time attained. Towards the conclusion\\nof the fourth century Africa was covered\\nwith its churches, and its spiritual interests\\nwere guarded by a body of four hundred\\nBishops.\\nLet us observe the consequence of this\\nprosperity a violent division grew up among\\nthem, respecting some very insignificant\\nperson or thing, and opened a breach in their\\nfortress to the persevering assaults of the\\nCatholics. Besides which, the method of\\nassault was now somewhat changed and re-\\nfined the weapons of reason and disputation\\nwere now again admitted into the service of\\nthe Church; and they were not without ef-\\nfect, since they were directed and sharpened\\nby the genius of Augustin. The Bishop of\\nHippo* attacked the Donatists in his writ-\\nings, in his public discourses, in his private\\nconversation and so vigorously exposed their\\ndangerous and seditious spirit, as to lessen\\ntheir popularity in Africa, and to destroy any\\nsympathy which their former suflferings might\\nhave created in the rest of Christendom.\\nFrom this period they fell gradually into\\ndishonor somewhat they still endured from\\nthe unjust application of the laws against\\nheresy, of which no one has ever accused\\ntliem but a dangerous wound was inflicted\\nby the celebrated conference held at Carthage\\nin 411. The tribune Marcellinus was sent\\ninto Africa by the Emperor Honorius, with\\nfull power to terminate the controversy he\\nconvoked an assembly of the heads of both\\nparties, and two hundred and eighty-six\\nCatholic, and about two hundred and seven-\\nty-nine Donatist bishops, presented them-\\nselves in defence of their respective opinions.\\nThe most solemn preparations were made to\\ngive weight and dignity to this meeting, and\\nits deliberations were watched with profound\\nanxiety by the people of Afi ica.f For three\\nwindow a phial of the holy ointment, which fell among\\nthe stones without breaking, c. They exorcised\\nthe faithful in order to baptize them anew; they\\nwashed the walls of the Churches, and broke the al-\\ntars and burnt them for most of those in Africa\\nwere then of wood they broke the consecrated\\nchalices and melted them down, to convert them to\\nother purposes in a word they held as profane all\\nthat the Catholic Bishops had consecrated, c.\\nlie seems first to have taken the field while a\\nsimple presbyter, in the year 394.\\nLet the Bishops (says Marcellinus in a previous\\nproclamation) signify to the people in their sermons\\nto keep themselves quiet and silent. 1 will publish\\n20\\ndays the Tribune listened with respectful at-\\ntention to the arguments advanced by both\\nparties, and then proceeded to confirm the\\ndecisions of the former century, by pronounc-\\ning in favor of the Catholics. Augustin has\\ndeserved the glory of this spiritual triumph\\nand, that no means might be wanting to\\nmake it decisive, it was vigorously pursued\\nby the myrmidons of civil authority, who in-\\nflicted almost every punishment on the con-\\ntumacious, excepting the last.*\\nThe survivors took breath under the gov-\\nernment of the Vandals, who conquered that\\npart of Africa from the Romans about the\\nyear 427; and w^hen it was recovered by\\nBelisarius, more than a hundred years after-\\nwards, the sect of the Donatists was still\\nfound to exist there as a separate communion.\\nIt was again exposed to the jealousy of the\\nCatholics, and particularly attracted the hos-\\ntility of Gregory the Great but we do not\\nlearn that it suffered further persecution.\\nWe are told that it dwindled into insignifi-\\ncance about the end of the sixth centm7 but\\nit is not improbable, that the Saracen invad-\\ners of Numidia found them, some few years\\nlater, the remnant of a sect not ill-disposed\\nto favor any invader, nor unmindful of the\\nsufiferings of their ancestors.\\nThe Donatists have never been charged,\\nwith the slightest show of truth, with any\\nerror of doctrine, or any defect in Church\\ngovernment or discipline, or any depravity\\nof moral practice they agreed in every re-\\nspect with their adversaries, except in one\\nthey did not acknowledge as legitimate the\\nministry of the African Church, but consid-\\nmy sentence and expose it to the judgment of all the\\npeople of Carthage. St. Augustin himself addressed\\nan epistle or tract on this controversy, to the Donatist\\nlaity. The particulars of the conference are detailed\\nat great length by Fleury in his twenty-second book.\\nAn exception little more than nominal for though\\ntiie infliction of death, as the direct punishment of\\nschism, is not enjoined by the Edict of Honorius, it\\nnecessarily followed, as the punishment of contumacy\\nand rebellion. The Edict, however, even without\\nthat penalty, was so severe, and threatened to drive\\nthe Donatists to such extremities, that the civil mag-\\nistrate, Dulcitius, hesitated to enforce it, until he\\nshould have taken counsel of Augustin. That prelate\\nexhorted him to proceed since it was much better\\n(he said) that some should perish by their own fires,\\nthan that the whole body should burn in the everlast-\\ning flames of Gehenna, through the desert of their\\nimpious dissension. Epist. 61, (alias 204.) Hono-\\nrius Edict appears in the Theodosian Code, and a\\nvery sufficient specimen of it may be found in Jortin,\\nH. E. ad. ann. 414.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0161.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "154\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nered their ov/ii body to be tlie true, imcor-\\nrupted, universal Church. It is quite clear,\\nthat they pushed their schism to very great\\nextremities even to that of rejecting the\\ncommunion of all who were in communion\\nwith the Church which they called false; but\\nthis was the extent of thek spiritual offence,\\neven from the assertion of their enemies.\\nThe excesses of the Circumceliions lost them\\nmuch of the sympathy which would other-\\nwise have been bestowed on their misfor-\\ntunes; but the outrages and association of\\nthose outlaws were generally disclaimed by\\nthe most respectable leaders of the sect. One\\nstrange sin, indeed, they are accused of en-\\ncouraging, and of indulging with dreadful\\nfrequency an uncontrollable inclination to\\nsuicide.* But suicide is the resource of the\\ndesperate and it is unlikely that it found any\\nfavor among them, until oppression had per-\\nsuaded them, that death was not the greatest\\namong human evils.\\nIn the fortunes of the Donatists do we\\nnot trace the usual history of persecution\\nIn its commencement fearful and reluctant,\\nand, as it were, conscious of its corrupt ori-\\ngin, it irritates without depressing then it\\nhesitates, and next suspends the attack\\nthereon its object rises up and takes strength\\nand courage. The same process is then re-\\npeated, under circumstances slightly different\\nwith the same result. Then follows the\\npassionate and sanguinary assault which de-\\nstroys the noblest among the recusants, while\\nthe most active and dangerous are preserved\\nby hypocrisy or exile and thus the sect\\nspreads secretly and widely; it secures a\\nsympathy which it may not have merited by\\nits excellence, and on the first occasion breaks\\nout again with fresh force and fuiy. Then\\nindeed, if recourse be had to argument, if\\ngreater right be on the stronger side, and if\\nthe secular sword be only employed to pur-\\nsue the victory of reason, the cause of the\\nsufferers becomes more feeble and less pop-\\nular but still, unless the pursuit be carried\\nto absolute, individual extermination, the ex-\\ntinction even of the silliest heresy can only\\nbe effected by time and time itself will com-\\nMosheim, cent, v., p. ii, ch. v. An authority for\\nthis fact is Augustin in his Epistle to Boniface, ch. iii.\\nQuidara etiam se trucidandos armatis viatoribus inge-\\nrebant, percussuros eos se, nisi ab iis perimerentur,\\nterribiliter comminantes. Nonnunquam et ab judici-\\nbus transeuntibus extorquebant violenter, ut a carnifi-\\ncibus vel ab officio ferirentur. Jam vero per abrupta\\npraecipitia, per aquas et flamrnas occidere seipsos\\nquotidianus illis ludus fuit.\\nplete its work, at least as much by calming\\npassion as by correcting judgment.\\nJVotice of St. Augustin. The above narra-\\ntive has introduced us to the name of St. Au-\\ngustin, who was the most celebrated amongst\\nthe ancient Christian fathers, and who de-\\nserves even now a more than usual attention,\\nfrom the influence which his writings have\\nunceasingly exerted in the Roman Catholic\\nChurch. But the notice which can here be\\nbestowed upon him must necessarily be con-\\nfined to very few points. He was born in\\nNumidia, in the year 354, and his early youth\\nwas distinguished by his aversion from all\\nstudy, and especially that of the Greek lan-\\nguage. But an ardent passion for poetry at\\nlength opened the gate through which he en-\\ntered into the fields of general literature.\\nFrom profane, he directed his attention to\\nreligious subjects and when we recollect\\nthat Tertullian, the greatest amongst his Af-\\nrican predecessors, seceded from the Church\\nin the maturity of his judgment and learning,\\nin order to embrace the visions of a raving\\nfanatic, we are scarcely astonished to learn,\\nthat the youthful imagination of Augustin\\nwas seduced by the Manicheean opinions. He\\nappears to have retained them for nine or ten\\nyears, during which time his rhetorical tal-\\nents had raised him into notice and it was\\nnot till the year 386, that he was persuaded\\n(as it is said) by the sermons of St. Ambrose,\\nand the writings of St. Paul, to return to the\\ncommunion of the Church. His baptism\\n(he was previously a catechumen only)\\nspeedily followed his conversion his ordi-\\nnation took place soon afterwards, and the\\ncity of Hippo, in Africa, which owes most of\\nits celebrity to its association with his name,\\nwas that in which he first ministered as\\nPriest, and afterwards presided as Bishop.\\nHe died in 430, in the thirty-fifth year of his\\nepiscopate.\\nThe first recorded exploit in his ecclesias-\\ntical life was the destruction of an inveterate\\nand consecrated abuse. We have mentioned\\nthe innocent origin of the Agapse or feasts of\\ncharity, and the good purposes to which, in\\nearly times, they contributed. But as the in-\\nflux of the Pagan converts grew more rapid,\\nand as these naturally sought in the new\\nreligion for any resemblance to the popular\\nceremonies of the old, the solemnity in ques-\\ntion insensibly changed its character under\\ntheir influence, and degenerated into the li-\\ncense and debauchery of a heathen festival.\\nAugustin, while yet a presbyter, undertook\\ni the difficult office of persuading the people to", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0162.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "DISSENSIONS.\\n155\\nabandon a favorite and hereditary practice,\\nand by the simple exertion of his eloquence\\nhe succeeded. Services of reading and\\nchanting v^^ere substituted in its place and\\nwhile the churches of the heretics* resound-\\ned with the customary revelry, the voice of\\ndevotion alone proceeded from the assem-\\nblies of the Catholics. This change took\\nplace in the year 395 and from that moment\\nthe reputation of Agustin spread rapidly\\nthroughout the African Church, and thence,\\nas his labors proceeded, was diffused with no\\nless of splendor to the most distant part of\\nChristendom.\\nBesides the faithful discharge of his epis-\\ncopal and his private duties, the Bishop of\\nHippo engaged deeply in the controversies\\nof the day and his attacks are chiefly direct-\\ned against the Manichaeans, the Donatists,\\nand the Pelagians. His familiarity with the\\nerrors of the first may have qualified him\\nmore effectually to confute them but it is at\\nthe same time curious to observe the motives\\nwhich he advances for his own adhesion to\\nthe Catholic Church. They are the follow-\\ning the consent of the people the authority\\nwhich began in the faith of miracles, which\\nwas nourished by hope, augmented by char-\\nity, confirmed by antiquity the succession\\nin the Chair of St. Peter and the name of\\nCatholic so established, that if a stranger\\nshould ask where is the Catholic Church no\\nheretic would certainly dare to claim that\\ntitle for his own Church, f These argu-\\nments, and such as these, have been so com-\\nmonly repeated in later ages, that, without at\\nall entering (for such is not our province) in-\\nto the question of their real value, we are\\ncontented to record their high antiquity, and\\nthe sanction which they received from the\\nname of Augustin.\\nHis exertions against the Donatists,^ which\\nwe have already noticed, have attached\\nto the character of that father the stain of\\nFleury, H. E., liv. xx., s. 11. This is the oc-\\ncasion on which it is recorded, that as long as his el-\\noquence was honored only by the acclamations of the\\nlistening multitudes, Augustin was sensible of its im-\\nperfection, and despaired of success; and his hopes\\nwere only revived by the sight of their tears.\\nt Fleury, liv. xx., s, 23. No heretic was so like-\\nly to have laid that claim as a Donatist yet even a\\nDonatist, while he maintained that the true Catho-\\nlic spirit and purity was alone perpetuated and inher-\\nent in his own communion, would scarcely have af-\\nfirmed, that that was bona fide the universal Church,\\nwhich did not extend beyond the shores of Africa,\\nand which had not the majority even there.\\n4: Cent, jv., p. ii., ch, iii.\\npersecution. The maxim (says Mosheim,\\nwhich justified the chastisement of religious\\nerrors by civil penalties, was confu med and.\\nestabhshed by the authority of Augustin, and\\nthus transmitted to following ages. He can-\\nnot be vindicated from that charge he un-\\nquestionably maintained the general princi-\\nple, that the Unity of the Church should be\\npreserved by secular interference, and that\\nits adversaries should be crushed by the ma-\\nterial sword. But his natural humanity in\\nsome degree counteracted the barbarity of\\nhis ecclesiastical principles and there is still\\nextant an epistle addressed by him to Mar-\\ncellinus (in 412), in which he earnestly en-\\ntreated that magistrate to extend mercy to\\ncertain Donatists, who had been convicted\\nof some sanguinary excesses against the\\nCatholics but the misfortune was, that,\\nwhile his private philanthropy preserved the\\nlives perhaps of a few individuals, the effica-\\ncy which he assisted in giving to the worst\\nmaxim of Church policy not only sharpened\\nthe shafts of injustice in his own time, but\\ntempered them for long and fatal service in\\nafter ages. The Pelagians, the third class of\\nhis religious adversaries, will receive a sepa-\\nrate notice in the following pages. Of the\\nnumerous works which he composed, uncon-\\nnected with these controversies, that entitled\\nDe Civitate Dei has justly acquu-ed the great-\\nest celebrity. We may also mention his\\nbook on the Trinity among his most impor-\\ntant productions. He devoted much dili-\\ngence and judgment to the interpretation of\\nScripture and his writings contain many\\nexcellent arguments for the truth of the re-\\nligion, and of the evangelical history but the\\nmere barren enumeration of his works would\\nconvey neither ajiiusement nor profit to the\\nreader, and we have no space for abstracts\\nsufficiently copious to make him familiar\\nwith the mind of the author.\\nErasmus has drawn a parallel between Au-\\ngustin and his great contemporary, the monk\\nof Palestine, which is certainly too favorable\\nto the latter. No one can deny (he says)\\nthat there is great importance in the country\\nand education of men. Jerome was born at\\nStridona, which is so near to Italy, that the\\nItalians claim him as a compatriot he was\\neducated at Rome under very learned mas-\\nters. Augustin was born in Africa, a barbar-\\nBesides the epistle to Dulcitius, see his letter, or\\nrather tract to Boniface, de Correctione Donatista-\\nrum; and that to Vincentius (113, alias 48). The\\nprinciple is avowed and defended in both at least\\nprovided the animus be to correct, not to revenge!", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0163.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "156\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nous region, and singularly inJifTerent to liter-\\nary pursuits, as he avows in his epistles. Je-\\nrome, a Christian, the child of Christians,\\nimbibed with his very milk the philosophy\\nof Christ: Augustin began to read St. Paul s\\nepistles with no instructer when nearly thirty\\nyears of age. Jerome devoted his great tal-\\nents for thirty years to the study of the Scrip-\\ntures Augustin was immediately hurried to\\nthe episcopal office, and compelled to teach\\nto others what he had not yet learned him-\\nself. We observe then, even supposing a\\nparity of country, talents, masters, education,\\nhow much more learning was brought to the\\ntask by Jerome for it is no trifling matter\\nthat he was skilled in the Greek and Hebrew\\nlanguages since in those days all theology,\\nas well as all philosophy, was in possession\\nof the Greeks. Augustin was ignorant of\\nGreek at least the very trifling knowledge\\nwhich he possessed of it was insuflacient for\\nthe study of the commentaries of the Greek\\nwriters.! The merit of more profound learn-\\ning was unquestionably on the side of Je-\\nrome, but we cannot justly attribute to him\\nany other superiority in soundness of reas-\\noning and in natural judgment he certainly\\nyielded to the Bishop of Hippo, and in the\\nonly recorded point of difference between\\nthem he was very properly corrected by that\\nDr. Lardner makes, we think, a very ineffectual\\nattempt to prove that Augustin knew much more of\\nthat language than he even himself professed to have\\nknown for a few happy translations of Greek words,\\nand even sentences, he was probably obliged to the\\nlearning of a friend or secretary.\\nt Erasmus ends his comparison by affirming, that\\nfor his own part he learns more of Christian philoso-\\nphy from one page of Origen than from ten of Augus-\\ntin^ and others, perhaps, will add, from their own\\nexperience, and from one page of Augustin, than\\nfrom ten of Jerome.\\ni This dispute was on the verse (ch. ii., v. 11.) of\\nSt. Paul s epistle to the Galatians: When Peter\\ncame to Antioch, I withstood him to the face, be-\\ncause he was to be blamed. Jerome had published\\nhis opinion, that the apostles had this public differ-\\nence on a previous understanding, and by a charitable\\nartifice; and that St. Paul in fact saw the policy,\\nand propriety of St. Peter s adhesion to the Jews, at\\nthe moment when he professed to condemn it. Ac-\\ncording to Augustin, this interpretation goes to over-\\nthrow the whole authority of Scripture; for if it is\\nonce allowed to admit there the existence of service-\\nable falsehoods, and to say that St. Paul in that\\npassage spoke what he did not mean, and treated St.\\nPeter as reprehensible when he did not think him so,\\nthere is no passage which may not be similarly eluded.\\nThe heretics who condemn marriage would assert that\\nSt. Paul only approved it through condescension ixt\\nprelate. In depth of moral feeling and ener-\\ngy of affecting eloquence the advantage is al-\\nso due to Augustin and the natural suavity\\nof his disposition, which forms so strong a\\ncontrast with what might almost be desig-\\nnated the ferocity of Jerome, tended to soften\\nthe acrimony of religious difference,* and to\\nthrow some sparks of charity into the con-\\ntroversies in which he found himself almost\\nnecessarily engaged.\\nSome particulars relating to his private life\\nare recorded by historians, on the evidence\\nof his own writings, and other respectable\\nauthority. His furniture and his dress were\\nplain, without affectation either of fineness or\\nof poverty. He wore, like other people, a\\nlinen garment underneath, and one of wool\\nwithout he wore shoes and stockings, and\\nexhorted those, who thought better to obey\\nthe Gospel by walking with naked feet, to\\nassume no merit from that practice. Let\\nus observe charity, he said I admire your\\ncourage endure my weakness. His table\\nwas frugal, and ordinarily served with vege-\\ntables meat was seldom prepared, unless for\\nguests or for the infirm, but there was always\\nwine. Excepting his spoons, which were\\nof silver, all the service was earthen, or of\\nwood or marble, not by necessity, but from a\\nlove for poverty. On his table were written\\ntwo verses, to forbid any scandal to be spok-\\nen of the absent proving that it was with-\\nout a cloth, according to the usage of anti-\\nquity. He never forgot the poor, and aided\\nthem from the same ftmd on which he sub-\\nsisted with his clergy that is, from the rev-\\nenues of the Church or the oblations of the\\nfaithful. He paid great regard to hospitality,\\nand held it as a maxim, that it was a much\\npreferable error to entertain a rogue, than to\\nrefuse an honest man. His usual occupation\\nwas arbitration among Christians and per-\\nsons of all religions, who submitted their dif-\\nferences to him. But he liked much better\\nto decide between strangers than between his\\nfriends for of the two strangers I may\\nmake one a friend of the two friends I shall\\nmake one an enemy. He applied himself\\nlittle to the temporal interests of the Church,\\nbut busied himself much more in study, and\\nin the meditation of spiritual concerns.-]\\nn. The Priscillianists. Priscillian, a Spa-\\nnish Bishop of birth and fortune and clo-\\nthe imperfection of the first Christians and so of others.\\nCompare, for instance, the manner of his opposi-\\ntion to the opinions of Jovinian with that of Jerome.\\nt Fleury, liv. xxiv., chap, xxxviii. xxxix.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0164.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "DISSENSIONS.\\n157\\nquence, was accused by certain other Bish-\\nops of the heresy of the Manichseans he was\\ncondemned by a Council held at Saragossa\\n(in 380), and a rescript was then obtained for\\nhis banishment, from the Emperor Gratian;\\nbut he was speedily restored to his country\\nand his dignity. Gratian was assassinated,\\nand succeeded by Maximus, a tyrant worthy\\nof the throne of Domitian and before him*\\nIdacius and Ithakius, the two ecclesiastics\\nmost persevering in their zeal or malignity,\\nagain accused Priscillian. His followers\\nwere probably not very numerous, but they\\npresented themselves to plead their cause\\nand prove their innocence, before Daraasus,\\nBishop of Rome, and the celebrated Am-\\nbrose, at Milan, from neither of them could\\nthey obtain a hearing.! Perhaps their un-\\nfortunate instructer was not more successful\\nat the court of Maximus at least it is certain\\nthat, in the year 384, he was put to death at\\nTreves, with some of his associates, on no\\nother pretext than his heretical ophiions. J\\nIt is now disputed what those opinions\\nwere and it is probable that the same dis-\\npute existed in his own time since no an-\\ncient writer has given us any cl^ar account\\nof them and none of the works of Priscil-\\nlian or any of his followers have reached us.\\nIt seems likely, however, that the Priscillian-\\nists made some approaches, perhaps very\\ndistant ones, to the wild errors of the ?uani-\\nch9eans,\u00c2\u00a7 respecting the two principles, the\\ndoctrine of seons, or emanations from the di-\\nvine nature, and the creation of the world.\\nIt is possible that they disputed the reality of\\n*Sulpicius Severus mentions Magnus and Rufus as\\nthe two Bishops who were finally the successful agents\\nin procuring the condemnation of Priscillian.\\nt Their opinions may have been adopted by sever-\\nal both among the nobility and the people, and by a\\nvast multitude of women (as is also asserted) in\\nSpain; but they obtained no footing elsewhere.\\nThey are said to have been introduced into that\\ncountry by one Marc, an Egyptian of Mempiiis, and\\na Manichaean.\\nX We need not pause to notice some monstrous\\ncharges of immorality such as we have seen so com-\\nmonly affixed to an unpopular heresy.\\nIt is a curious reflection, that at the same mo-\\nment when Priscillian was suffering tiie pangs of\\ndeath, for opinions resembling the Manichtean her-\\nesy, St. Augustin, the destined bulwark of the Catho-\\nlic Church, the man whose future writings were to\\nbecome a storehouse of the true doctrine for so many\\ncountries and ages was actually and deeply involv-\\ned in tlie very intricacies of the heresy itself. He re-\\nturned to reason but Priscillian, who was nearer to\\nit than himself, was hastilv executed.\\nChrist s birth and incarnation though they\\nprofessed to receive the Scriptures both of\\nthe Old and New Testament. They are\\nstated to have disbelieved the resurrection of\\nthe body, and they had some erroj-s concern-\\ning the nature and ftmctions of the soul.\\nThey are blamed for not consuming the Eu-\\ncharist at Church, and for some irregularity\\nin the season of their fasts; and some of\\nthem were charged besides (strange charges\\nto be brought by Catholic accusers!) with\\nhaving deserted their social rank, in order to\\nbetake themselves to solitary devotion and\\nwith holding opinions favorable to celibacy.\\nFor these offences, or such as these, Priscil-\\nlian suffered death and his fate has gained\\nhin:t4:he more celebrity, because it is usual to\\nconsider him as the first martyr to religious\\ndissent. Not perhaps truly so for between\\nthe years 325 and 384 many an obscure vic-\\ntim of the Arian heresy must have perished\\nfor his opinions, in silence and ignominy\\nbut Arius himself escaped the storm and it\\ncannot be disputed, that Priscillian was the\\nfirst who atoned with his life for the danger-\\nous distinction of founding a religious sect.*\\nIt is some consolation to be enabled to add,\\nthat the principle by which he suffered was\\nnot yet in favor with the Christian Church\\nthe character of Ithakius, his most active\\nenemy, is thus described by a contemporary\\nhistorian Sulpicius Severus), he was a\\nman void of all principle; loquacious, im-\\npudent, expensive, a slave to gluttony so\\nsenseless as to represent every holy person\\nwho delighted in religious studies, and prac-\\ntised mortification and abstinence, as an as-\\nsociate or a disciple of Priscillian. On the\\nother hand, the persecuted heretic found a\\npowerful protector m one of the most vener-\\nable prelates of that age, Martin of Tours, a\\nman comparable to the apostles. So long as\\nMartin remained at the Court of Maximus, his\\nauthority was sufncient to prevent the medi-\\ntated injustice he had even ventured to rep-\\nresent to that usurper, that it was a new and\\nunlawful attempt of the civil magistrate to\\ntake cognizance of an ecclesiastical cause\\na boldness consistent with his peaceful vir-\\ntues, and derived from the now acknowledg-\\ned dignity of his profession. The deed was\\nWe sliciild mention, perhaps, the distinction that\\nPriscillian suffered death for the opinions tliemselves\\ndirectly and avowedly not, as thousands before\\nhim had suffered, for contumacy in persisting in thorn\\na distinction which has no real value, except as\\nmarking the greater shamelessness of persecution ia\\nat lens[th castinsr off her mask.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0165.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "158\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nperpetrated in his absence, and he then pro-\\ntested against the act, and withdrew from the\\ncommunion of the murderers. The memory\\nof this excellent prelate has been disfigured\\noy the credulous historian, who intended to\\nbe his eulogist and we would willingly be-\\nlieve, that the stupendous miracles so pro-\\nfusely attributed to him were created by the\\nveneration of the vulgar, or even by the en-\\nthusiasm of the writer, not by the deliberate\\nimposture of a pious Christian.*\\nSulpicius proceeds to say, that the death\\nof Priscillian was so far from repressing the\\nheresy of which he had been the author, that\\nit conduced greatly to confirm and extend it\\nfor his followers, who before had reverenced\\nhim as a pious man, began to worship him as\\na martyr. The bodies of those who had\\nsuffered death were carried back to Spain,\\nand interred with great solemnity and to\\nswear by the name of Priscillian was prac-\\ntised as a religious act. Such were the im-\\nmediate consequences of his execution it\\ndoes not appear, however, that his opinions\\ntook any deep or lasting root, or ever agam\\nbecame the occasion of offence or confusion\\nto the Church.\\nIII. Jovinian. The same age, almost the\\nsame year, which witnessed the death of one\\nheretic for opinions, among which was a\\nrigid, undue admiration of bodily austerities\\nand religious seclusion, beheld with less sur-\\nprise the banishment of another heretic, for\\ndaring to raise his voice in disparagement\\nof those same practices. Jovinian had re-\\nceived his education in an Italian convent,\\nbut the common feelings and principles of\\nnature were not extinguished in him. He\\nleft his retirement, and published a volume\\nin which he rashly endeavored to show, that\\nthose who followed the rules of the Gospel,\\namid the temptations and perplexities of so-\\ncial life, possessed as just a claim to the re-\\nMen of probity in other respects, and fully per-\\nsuaded of the truth of Christianity, (and such I take\\nMartin, Paulinus, and Sulpicius to have been) hav-\\ning found in the populace a strong taste for the mar-\\nvellous, and no capacity for better proofs, judged it\\nexpedient rather to leave them to their prejudices,\\nand to make use of those pi ejudices to confirm them\\nm the true faith, than to undertake the vain task of\\ncuring them of their superstition, and run the risk of\\nplunging them into vice and unbelief. Therefore\\nihey humored the trick, and complied with the fashion\\nfor the good of those who were deceived. Le Clere,\\nBibl. Chois., ap. Jortin, ad. ann. 402. J his seems to\\nDe the simplest solution of the difficulty.\\nwards of futurity as those who observed the\\nsame rules in solitude that pleasures are\\nnot necessarily sins that temperance is as\\nexcellent a virtue as abstinence and that the\\nchaste enjoyments of marriage are as agree*\\nable to the eye of a benevolent Deity, as\\nthe mortifications of unnatural celibacy.*\\nJerome, the monk of the age, poured out iu\\nreply much passionate declamation in praise\\nof the established superstitions, and some\\ncalumnious invective against the person of\\nthe reformer and as the current already ran\\ntoo strongly in his favor, his clamors were\\nechoed by the zealous multitude, while the\\nwise were constrained to sorrow and si-\\nlence, f Among Christian Churches the\\nforemost in the extinction of reason and true\\nChristianity was the Church of Rome. Her\\nimpatience to crush the dangerous innovator\\nwas emulated by St. Ambrose at Milan and\\nthe opinions of Jovinian were formally con-\\ndemned, in the year 390, by a Council there\\nheld by that Prelate. But the work was not\\nyet complete the Emperor Honorius was\\nprevailed upon to interpose the secular au-\\nthority in the same cause and the following\\nwas his proclamation The complaint of\\nsome Bishops mentions as a grievance that\\nJovinian assembles sacrilegious meetings\\nwithout the walls of the most holy city.\\nWherefore we ordain that the above-men-\\ntioned be seized and whipped, together with\\nhis abettors and attendants, and confined to\\nsome place of banishment and that the\\nmachinator himself be immediately sent\\naway to the island of Boa. Boa was a\\nwretched rock, near the Illyrian coast; and\\nin this exile, Jovinian, during the remainder\\nof his life, expiated the crime of proclaiming\\nin the fourth century truths which no one had\\ndreamed of disputing in the second, and which\\nare defended with almost equal clearness by\\nthe authority of reason and of revelation.\\nVigilantius. This example did not pre-\\nvent another and a bolder attempt at Refor-\\nmation for as the corruptions of that time\\nHe was also charged with the speculative error,\\nthat all who have been regenerated by baptism, with\\nperfect faith, were indefectible, and could not fail of\\ntheir heavenly recompense. He may have held this\\nopinion but the points on wl)ich the controversy\\nturned, were those which much more nearly affected\\nthe practice of mankind.\\nf It should be mentioned that the reply of Jerome\\nwas not written till after the condemnation of the of-\\nfender, in consequence of some progress which the\\nopinions are said for the moment to have made at\\nRome.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0166.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "DISSExNSIONS.\\n159\\nhad not yet subsided into habits as they\\ncould not yet plead prescription and long fa-\\nmiliar practice as they were not yet conse-\\ncrated by the claims of hereditary reverence,\\nit was natural that the voice of reason should\\nsometimes raise itself in faint opposition to\\ntheir progress. Very early in the follow-\\ning century Vigilantius, a native of Gaul,\\nwho had performed the functions of presby-\\nter in Spain, and afterwards, by his travels\\nthrough Egypt and Palestine, enlightened\\nand enriched a vigorous understanding and\\ncharacter, boldly avowed his disgust at the\\ngrowing abuses of the day. Nor did he\\nconfine his attack to one or two points he\\ndirected it against the castles and strong\\nholds of superstition. He denied that the\\ntombstones of the martyrs were proper ob-\\njects of homage and worship he denied the\\nholiness of places so sanctified, and censured\\nthe pilgrimages that were made to them.\\nHe derided the prodigies by which the tem-\\nples of the martyrs were so much celebrat-\\ned, and condemned the vigils performed in\\nthem and he even ventured to assert that\\nthe custom of burning tapers at their tombs,\\nin the face of day, was a foolish imitation of\\nthe Pagan practice. He denied the efficacy\\nof prayers addressed to departed saints, and\\nspake lightly of fasting and mortifications,\\nand celibacy, and the various and useless\\nausterities of the monastic life. And lastly,\\nhe disparaged the merit of that suspicious\\ncharity which lavished large sums for devout\\npurposes, in fancied atonement for unrepent-\\ned sin. The clamorous guardian of ecclesias-\\ntical depravity was again awakened by this\\nsecond invasion of abuses so dear to him\\nand immediately, from his monastery at\\nBethlehem, he assailed the Reformer with\\nsuch overbearing vehemence of plausible and\\npopular argument, that the good Vigilantius\\ndeemed it wiser to retire from the conflict\\nthan to expose himself to unprofitable martyr-\\ndom. And in fact we find that this heresy\\n(so it was designated) gained so little ground,\\nthat the interference of a Council was not re-\\nquired to extmguish it. Tlie principal credit\\nof both these triumphs is due to St. Jerome\\nthan whom the Church, in her whole histo-\\nry, has not ever listened to a more pernicious\\ncounsellor.\\nIV. The Pelagian Controversy. The con-\\ntroversy to which we next proceed was on a\\nsubject of the deepest and most permanent\\nimportance to the whole Christian world;\\nand though, through the perverse misappli-\\ncation of human ingenuity, dissensions have\\nflovv^ed from it, to the great disturbance of\\nformer ages, and to the division even of the\\npresent, we cannot affect either surprise or\\nregret, that a question of so much moment\\nshould have agitated thus early the minds\\nof pious men for it went to the bottom of\\nthe Christian doctrme respecting the original\\ncorruption of human nature, and the neces-\\nsity of divine grace, to enlighten the under-\\nstanding and to purify the heart.\\nIt is in all cases extremely difficult, in the\\nstatement of those ancient controversies, to do\\njustice to the arguments, or even to the opin-\\nions, maintained by either party because\\nthese, in the process of the dispute, became\\nclosely, often inseparably, connected with\\nconsequences imputed to them by the adver-\\nsary as necessary, and disclaimed by the ad-\\nvocate as unfair and arbitrary. So that those\\nvery subtilties of reasoning, which professed\\nto unfold and explain the difference, did in\\nfact only produce perplexity. In the Pelagi-\\nan controversy this difficulty is increased by\\ntwo causes first, that we know little of the\\nopinions of the heretic, except from the writ-\\nings of his opponents; secondly, that the fear\\nof public condemnation, and perhaps tempo-\\nral punishment, occasionally led him into un-\\nworthy equivocation so that his expressions\\nare sometimes such as seemingly to convey\\nan assertion of orthodoxy at variance with\\nthe whole drift of his previous argument.\\nAgain, the mere facts of the controversy have\\nbeen variously related, according as the opin-\\nions of the relators have been tinged, howev-\\ner slightly, by the opposite colors of Pela-\\ngianism or Fatalism. We must endeavor,\\nhowever, to disentangle the truth from these\\nintricacies.\\nPelagius was a native of Britain, probably\\nof Wales; the associate of his travels, his\\nheresy, and his celebrity, was Celestius, an\\nIrishman both were monks both, too, were\\nmen of considerable talents, and no just sus-\\npicions have ever been thrown on the sanc-\\ntity of their moral conduct. They arrived at\\nRome in the very beginning of the fifth cen-\\ntury, and remained there in the undisturbed,\\nand perhaps obscure, profession of their opin-\\nions till the year 410, when they retb-ed, on\\nthe Gothic invasion, the former to Palestine,\\nthe latter to Carthage. Here the peculiar\\ndoctrines of Celestius did not long escape\\ndetection they first attracted the attention\\nof the Deacon, Paulinus of Milan, who ar-\\nraigned and caused them to be condemned\\nin a Council held at Carthage in the year", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0167.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "160\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\n412.* It does not appear that Augustin assist-\\ned at this Councilj as he was still engaged in\\npursuing his advantages over the Donatists\\nhowever, he did not delay to enter the field\\nagainst the new adversary, and very soon\\nafterwards assailed the infant heresy, both by\\nhis sermons and writings.f Dissatisfied with\\nthe easy triumph which attended his exer-\\ntions in his own Church, he followed the fu-\\ngitive into the East, and having ascertained\\nthat Pelagius maintained the same errors in\\nPalestine, he occasioned him to be accused\\nbefore two Councils the one at Jerusalem,t\\nThe errors here charged against Celestius were\\ncomprised in seven articles 1. That Adam was cre-\\nated mortal, and would have died, whether he had\\nfsinned or not; 2. that the sin of Adam injured him-\\nself alone, not the human race; 3. that infants, at\\ntheir birth, are in the condition of Adam before his\\nsin; 4. that neither the death nor sin of Adam is the\\ncause of man s mortality, nor the resurrection of\\nChrist of his resurrection 5. that man may be saved\\nby the Law as well as by the Gospel 6. that before\\nthe coming of Christ there had been men without sin\\n7. that infants inherit eternal life without baptism.\\nThese were partly disclaimed or explained away, but\\nenough remained to show the real nature of his opin-\\nions, though we may observe that the words free-will\\nand grace do not yet appear in the controversy.\\nt The natural causes of the opposition of the\\nChurch to the Pelagian opinions are ingeniously and\\nreasonably discussed by Guizot (Cours d Histoire\\nModerne, Legon V.) We shall transcribe one pas-\\nsage, which deserves attention, and which cannot be\\ncondensed: Augustin, who was the chief among\\nthe doctors of the Church, was peculiarly called upon\\nto maintain the general system of its belief. Now,\\nthe notions of Pelagius and Celestius appeared to him\\nto be in contradiction with some of the fundamental\\npoints of Christian faith, especially the doctrine of\\noriginal sin and that of redemption. He attacked\\ntliem, then, in three characters as philosopher, be-\\ncause their science of human nature was, in his view,\\nnarrow and incomplete as practical reformer and\\ngovernor of the Church, because they weakened, in\\nhis mind, the most efficacious method of reform and\\ngovernment; as logician, because their ideas did not\\nexactly square with the consequences which flo\\\\\\\\ ed\\nfrom the essential principle of the faith. Observe,\\nthen, what gravity the dispute assumed from that mo-\\nment; every thing was engaged in it philosophy,\\npolitics, and religion the opinions of St. Augustin,\\nand his business, his vanity, and his duty. He aban-\\ndoned himself entirely to it, publishing treatises, writ-\\ning letters, collecting communications which flowed\\nin upon him from all quarters, profuse in regulations\\nand counsels, and carrying into all his Avritings and\\nall his measures, that mixture of passion and mildness,\\nof authority and sympatliy, of expanse of mind and\\nlogical strictness, which gave him such singular pow-\\ner.\\nX On this occasion, being asked if he really main-\\ntained opinions which Augustin had condemned, he\\nthe other at Diospolis. John, Bishop of Je-\\nrusalem, was favorable to- the cause, perhaps\\nto the tenets of Pelagius and thus, partly by\\nhis influence, partly from the absence of\\nany fixed rule of orthodoxy on those partic-\\nular subjects in the Eastern Church, partly\\nfrom the very modified statement of his own\\nopinions delivered to the Councils by Pela-\\ngius, that sectarian, in spite of the violent\\nopposition of Jerome, was acquitted in both.\\nThis event took place in 415 and in the year\\nfollowing, Augustin, undaunted by this re-\\npulse, again assembled Councils in Africa\\nand Numidia, and again condemned the of-\\nfensive doctrines.\\nThe scene of action was then transferred\\nto Rome, on the appeal, as it would seem, of\\nthe two heretics, and with the hope, perhaps,\\n(not a reasonable hope,) that the authority\\nof the Church of Jerusalem would have as\\nmuch weight at the Vatican, as that of the\\nChurch of Carthage. Zosimus had been just\\nraised to the pontificate to him the contro-\\nversy was referred, with great show of hu-\\nmility, by Celestius; and whether deceived\\nby the artful composition of the creed pre-\\nsented to him for approval, or overlooking\\nthe importance of a question to which his at-\\ntention had not previously been much direct-\\ned, or flattered by the personal appeal to his\\njustice and the acknowledged submission to\\nthe Chair of St. Peter, or influenced by all\\nthese reasons, Zosimus pronounced the inno-\\ncence of the disputed doctrine.\\nAugustin was not even thus discouraged\\nand his ardent religious feelings, as well as\\nhis reputation, were now too deeply interest-\\ned in the controversy to allow him to rest\\nhere. Once more he assembled his Bishops,\\nand after the public renewal of former de-\\nclarations, he proceeded to inform the Pope\\nmore clearly as to the real nature and impor-\\ntance of the question as to the errors which\\nhad been actually professed by the heretics\\nand those which, though disingenuously dis-\\navowed, followed of coui-se from them. Zo-\\nsimus does not appear to have been much\\nmoved by these representations but in the\\nmeantime a more powerful avenger had\\nreplied, What is Augustin to me Many were of-\\nfended, for Augustin was the most venerable authority\\nof the age and some immediately proposed to excom-\\nmunicate the spiritual rebel: but John averted tlie\\nblow, and kindly addressed Pelagius, It is I who\\nam Augustin here; it is to me that j ou shall answer.\\nPelagius spoke Greek, and is said to have thus ob-\\ntained some advantages over his accuser Orosius, who\\nwas ignorant of that lan Tua?e.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0168.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "DISSENSIONS.\\n161\\nbeen roused by the perseverance of the Afri-\\ncans. An imperial Edict descended from\\nConstantinople, which banished both the de-\\nlinquents from Rome, and menaced with\\nperpetual exile and confiscation of estates all\\nwho should maintain their doctrines in any\\nplace. This decisive blow was struck in the\\nMarch of 418 in the May following, another\\nand still more numerous Council met at\\nCarthage for the purpose of completing the\\ntriumph and then the Bishop of Rome was\\nat length prevailed upon to place, in conjunc-\\ntion w^ith his clergy, the final seal of heresy\\non the Pelagian opinions. The opinions\\nthemselves did not, indeed, expire from these\\nsuccessive wounds, but have frequently re-\\nappeared under different forms and modifi-\\ncations but no further attempts were made\\nto extend them by their original authors.\\nThe sum of those opinions, was this 1,\\nThat the sins of our first parents are imput-\\ned to themselves alone, and not to their pos-\\nterity that we derive no corruption from\\ntheir fall that we inherit no depravity fi om\\nour origin but enter into the world as pure\\nand unspotted as Adam at his creation. It\\nwas a necessary inference from this doctrine,\\nthat infant baptism is not a sign or seal of the\\nremission of sins, but only a mark of admis-\\nsion into the kingdom of Christ. 2. That\\nour own powers are sufiicient for our own\\njustification that as by our own fi-ee-will we\\nrun into sin, so, by the same voluntary exer-\\ncise of our faculties, we are able to repent,\\nand reform, and raise ourselves to the high-\\nest degree of virtue and piety that we are,\\nindeed, assisted by that external f grace of\\nGod which has taught us the truths of reve-\\nlation which opens to us our prospects, and\\nenlightens our understanding, and animates\\nour exertions after godliness but that the\\ninternal and immediate operation of the\\nHoly Spirit is not necessary, either to awaken\\nus to religious feeling, or to further us in our\\nprogi-ess towards hohness; in short, that\\nman, by the unassisted agency of his natural\\nperfections under the guidance of his own\\nfree-will^ is enabled to work out his own sal-\\nvation.\\nTwo hundred and three, or, as some assert, two\\nhundred and fourteen Bishops were present.\\nt Pelagius artfully perplexed the subject, by his as-\\nsertion of six different kinds of grace; and if there\\nbe any of his expressions which may seem to imply\\nmore than we here give them credit for, they are, at\\nleast, so vague, and, we think, purposely so vague, as\\nto make it impossible to attach any definite meaning\\nto them,\\n21\\nRegarding these doctrines, it is sufficient\\nfor a Christian to examine, whether or not\\nthey are in accordance with the obvious in-\\nterpretation of Scripture and the long ex-\\nperience of a fi-uitless controversy must at\\nlength have convinced us respecting such\\ninscrutable subjects, that if we advance one\\nstep beyond the safe and substantial ground\\nof revelation, we become entangled in the\\nmazes of metaphysical disputation. In these\\nmatters, we are not to inquire what is\\nprobable, but what is written; and it has\\nbecome a question, whether the presumptu-\\nous arrogance of reason, which is objected to\\nthe system of Pelagius, did not lead his op-\\nponents, who believed themselves humble,\\nequally far away from that entire submission\\nto the Gospel, which is the only tue hu-\\nmility.\\nAugustin maintained the Church doctrines\\nof original sin and saving grace with great\\nforce and zeal, and the most unaffected sin-\\ncerit}^; and his vvi-itings on this subject con-\\ntinued for above twelve centuries to distrib-\\nute the waters of regeneration over the bar-\\nren surface of the Roman CathoKc Church.\\nBut Augustm himself, in the ardor of his op-\\nposition to free-will, did he not overstep the\\njust limits of reason, and advance into the\\ncontrary extreme of fatalism It is true that\\nhe warmly disclaimed that doctrine, when\\nnakedly objected to him as the obvious and\\ninevitable result of those which he professed\\nbut it was not without some sacrifice of logi-\\ncal severity that he declined the formidable\\nconclusion. Nevertheless, more rigid logi-\\ncians and more daring theologians were\\nfound, who pressed to their utmost conse-\\nquences the opinions of their master, and de-\\nduced from them the predestinarian dogma\\nin its full extent. Again, the publication of\\nthe astounding tenet on such authority (for\\nSt. Augustin, as w^ell as his adversaries, was\\nheld responsible for the consequences of his\\npositions*) became the occasion of another\\nseries of divisions in the Church, which more\\nparticularly distracted that of Gaul so that\\nthe discord which grew out of the Pelagian\\ncontroversy was not confined to the original\\n*In fact, St. Augustin attributed the progressive\\nsanctification of man to the direct, immediate, and\\nspecial action of God on the soul that is, to grace,\\nproperly so called grace to which man had, by his\\nown powers, no title and which proceeded from the\\nabsolutely gratuitous gift and free choice of tlie Divin-\\nity. His twelve fundamental points of the doctrine\\nof grace are delivered in the epistle (to Vitalis) num-\\nbered 217 or 107.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0169.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "162\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nground of dispute, but spread with baneful\\nluxuriance over the vineyard of Christ.\\nThe Semi-Pelagians. Among the opinions\\nto which it gave bu th, the most popular, and\\nperhaps the most reasonable, were those of\\nthe Semi-Pelagians. They began to spread\\nin the South of France about the year 428,\\nand are attributed to an oriental, named Cas-\\nsian, who resided in a monastery at Mar-\\nseilles. These Sectarians regarded with\\nequal suspicion that absolute independence\\nof the Divine aid, so rashly ascribed to the\\nhuman soul by the Pelagian system, and its\\nentire prostration and helplessness as exhibit-\\ned by the Fatalists and they consequently\\nconcluded, that, by holding a middle course\\nbetween opposite errors, they should most\\nnearly arrive at truth. And so they main-\\ntained, on the one hand, that the Grace pur-\\nchased by Christ was necessary for salvation,\\nand that no man could persevere or advance\\nin holiness without its perpetual support and\\nassistance on the other, that our natural fac-\\nulties were sufficient for the beginning of\\nrepentance and amendment that Christ died\\nfor all men, and that there was no particular\\ndispensation of his grace in consequence of\\npredestination, but that it w^as equally offer-\\ned to all men that man was born free, and\\ntherefore capable of receiving its influences,\\nor resisting them. These doctrines were gen-\\nerally condemned in the Western Church.f\\nIt is true, they have continued, with slight\\nvariations, to find many advocates there in\\nevery age but the Church faithfully follow-\\ned the line which had been traced by Au-\\ngustin. By adopting his doctrines on grace,\\nit condemned the heresy both of the Pela-\\ngians and Semi-Pelagians and by rejecting\\nthe dogma of the Fatalists, it relieved itself\\nfrom that, which would have proved a per-\\npetuar source of internal dissatisfaction and\\nGuizot has justly observed, that none of these\\ndoctrines gave birth to a Sect, properly so called;\\nthose who held them were not formally separated\\nfrom the Church and formed into a distinct religious\\nsociety, nor had they any peculiar organization or\\nworship. The doctrines were pure opinions debated\\namong enlightened men, and varying both in their\\ncredit and in the degrees of their deviation from the\\nChurch, but never such as to menace a formal\\nschism.\\nt St. Augustin died about two years after their\\nbirth, but his work was followed up by Prosper and\\nHilary, who caused them to be condemned very soon\\nafterwards by Pope Celestin. On the other hand,\\nthe opinions of the Predestinarians were also con-\\ndemned by the Councils of Aries (in 472), and of\\nLyons (i,n 473.)\\ndissent. But in the East, if we may judge\\nfi-om the writings of Chrysostom, and the\\ngeneral tone of the Greek fathers, the Semi-\\nPelagian opinions had obtained an earlier\\nand common prevalence, and they appear to\\nhave maintained it, with little interruption or\\ndispute, to the present moment. The Greeks,\\nhowever, engaged with little ardor in the Pe-\\nlagian disputes; and the reason may have\\nbeen, that the seeds of another contention,\\neven more suited to the peculiarity of their\\nmetaphysical taste, were now ready to burst\\nforth with abundant fertility. The great\\ncontroversy respecting the Incarnation of\\nJesus Christ, which engaged, for about two\\nhundred and fifty years, the ingenuity and\\nthe passions of the Eastern world, first dis-\\ncovered itself in the beginning of the fifth\\ncentury, emerging, as it were, from the mists\\nof some early heresies. We shall give as\\nconcise an account of it, as is consistent with\\nthe illustration of its more important fea-\\ntures.\\nV. Controversy on the Incarnation. The\\ncontroversy respecting the Trinity was ter-\\nminated by the Council of Constantinople\\nin the year 381, which established the belief\\nin the personality and divinity of the Holy\\nSpirit, as the true doctrine of the Universal\\nChurch. The Arian heresy had been previ-\\nously condemned and about the end of the\\nfourth century, the attention of speculative\\nminds began to turn fi^om the momentous\\nconsideration of the eternal and celestial\\nnature of Christ, and the consequent degree\\nof worship which is due to him, to a subor-\\ndinate inquiry into the probable nature of\\nhis existence during his temporary residence\\nhere on earth. This question had, indeed,\\nbeen moved in the first ages of the Church,\\nand some of the errors of Marcion, of Cer-\\nmthus, Carpocrates, Basilides, and others, are\\nconnected with it but their opinions were so\\nimmediately derived from the absurd theories\\nof Gnosticism, that they gained no great or\\nlasting prevalence, nor have any claim on\\nour present attention. And it will seem, in-\\ndeed, a very singular circumstance, that the\\nfirst speculations on this subject, which nec-\\nessarily fix our notice, should have proceed-\\ned from the friend and associate of Athana-\\nsius Apollinaris, Bishop of Laodicea, wheth-\\ner carried into excess by his hostility to\\n*The opinions of Chrysostom on the subject ap-\\npear to be fairly discussed by Dupin. Nouv. Bibl.^\\nin his Life of that Father.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0170.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "DISSENSIONS.\\n163\\nArianism, or inextricably entangled in his\\nown unnecessary siibtilties, so far lost sight\\nof the moderation of reason, that in asserting\\nthe divinity of Christ he denied the reality\\nof his human nature. For he held that the\\ndivine nature (the Logos) supphed in Him\\nthe place of the spiritual and intellectual\\nprinciple, and constituted, in fact. His mind.\\nIn this sense he could not be considered as\\nperfect man and in effect, the substitution\\nof the Divine essence for the human soul, so\\nfar confused the tv70 natures of Christ, as to\\nreduce them to one incarnate nature, a\\ndoctrine which, indeed, Apollinaris did not\\ndisavow. This opinion took deep root in the\\nEgj^ptian Church, but it was condemned by\\nthe clergy of Asia and Syria.\\nJVestorius. The question, however, not be-\\ning publicly pursued by the directors of the\\nChurch, rested in an unsettled state until the\\naccession of Nestorius to the See of Con-\\nstantinople in the year 428. That Prelate\\nwas a native of Antioch, and had been edu-\\ncated in the Syi ian schools and having then\\nbeen strongly impressed with the distinction\\nof the two natures and the dangerous en-or\\nof confusing them, he inculcated so strongly\\nthe difference between the Son of God and\\nthe Son of Man, as to seem almost to extend\\nthe distinction of natures to a distinction of\\npei sons, though he avowed no such intention.\\nIn consequence of these principles he defen-\\nded one of his presbyters, Anastasius, who in\\na public discourse had ventured to argue, that\\nthe Virgin Mary ought not properly to be\\ncalled Mother of God {esor6y.og), but Moth-\\ner of Christ {XQiaroToy.og), or even Mother\\nof Man AvBQwTioTdy.o;). Whatsoever may\\nbe the most appropriate appellation for the\\nMother of Jesus Christ, it was assuredly the\\nproof of a narrow and contentious spirit, that\\nthe Head of the oriental Church should in\\nany way interfere in so vain a dispute.\\nBut Nestorius interfered with earnestness and\\nardor. It also happened, that the opinion\\nwhich he undertook to protect was at vari-\\nance with the popular enthusiasm that had\\naheady set in the opposite direction, and it\\nwas easily urged on and roused into a tem-\\npest, when an insult was represented to have\\nIn a letter addressed to John of Jerusalem, about\\ntwo years afterwards, when the matter was inflamed\\nalmost beyond hope, Nestorius, indeed, attempts a\\njustification, by saying that he found the religious\\nworld divided between Theotocos and Anthropoto-\\ncos and that his only object was to unite both par-\\nties by the intermediate term Christotocos. But he\\nhad then discovered the folly of his attempt.\\nbeen offered to the dignity and holiness of\\nthe Virgin. On one occasion, in the midst\\nof a numerous assembly, one Eusebius (then\\na lawyer, and afterwards Bishop of Doryle-\\num) interrupted the sermon of the patriarch\\nwith these words It is the eternal Logos\\nhimself who has undergone a second birth\\naccording to the flesh, and by means of a\\nwoman. The people were excited the\\nsubject occupied universal attention the pas-\\nsions became inflamed, and Nestorius, in his\\nowTi capital, was absurdly accused of re-\\nviving the heresies of Photinus and Paul\\nof Samosata. But it was not among his do-\\nmestic adversaries that he found his most\\nformidable opponent. That opponent was\\nCyril, the patriarch of Alexandria a man of\\nlearnmg and eloquence, and intolerable ar-\\nrogance. And some jealousy which at that\\ntime subsisted, respecting the relative digni-\\nty of the two Sees, probably heightened the\\ncontention, and is believed by some to have\\ncaused it. Whether that be so or not, the two\\npatriarchs anathematized each other with\\nmutual violence and such troubles were\\nraised, that the Emperor (Theodosius tlie\\nyounger) deemed it necessary to convoke a\\ngeneral Council for the purpose of appeasing\\nthem. It was assembled at Ephesus in the\\nyear 431, and stands in the annals of the\\nChurch as the third General Council. Cyril\\nwas appointed to preside, and consequently\\nto judge the cause of his adversary and he\\ncarried into this office such little show of\\nimpartiality, that he refused even to wait for\\nthe arrival of the Bishop of Antioch and oth-\\ners, who were held friendly to Nestorius, and\\nproceeded to pronounce sentence, while the\\nmeeting was yet incomplete. To secure or\\nprosecute his advantages, he had brought\\nwith him from Egypt a number of robust and\\ndaring fanatics,f who acted as his soldiery\\nIn a sermon, delivered in answer to a public at-\\ntack made by Proclus, Bishop of Cyzicum, Nestori-\\nus maintains that it is improper, nakedly to assert,\\nthat God was born of Mary but rather, that God,\\nthe Word of the Father, was joined to him who was\\nborn of Mary. It was the Man, and not the Word\\nGod, which rose again the Temple should be dis-\\ntinguished from the God who dwells there. (Fleury,\\nliv. XXV. sect. 2.) It seems very probable, that if\\nNestorius had abstained from all mention of the Vir-\\ngin Mary, or merely avoided the imprudence of in-\\nterfering with the title of a being who was already\\nbecoming the object of superstition, the controversy\\nwould not have taken place at all.\\nt These were chiefly monks a race which swarm-\\ned with singular fecundity along the banks of the Nile,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0171.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "164\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nand it had been skilfully arranged, that Ephe-\\nsus should be chosen for the decision of a\\ndifference respecting the dignity of the Vir-\\ngin since popular tradition had buried her\\nin that city, and the imperfect Christianity of\\nits inhabitants had readily transferred to h j\\nthe worship which their ancestors had of-\\nfered to Diana.\\nAfter publishing an unjust condemnation\\nof the undefended patriarch, and causing,\\nthrough its own dissensions, some sanguinary\\ntumult throughout the city, the third Gene-\\nral Council was at length dismissed by The-\\nodosius in these words God is my wit-\\nness, that I am not the author of this confu-\\nsion. His providence will discern and pun-\\nish the guilty. Return to your provinces;\\nand may your private virtues repair the mis-\\nchief and scandal of your meeting. The\\nbanishment of Nestorius did not immediately\\nfollow his condemnation and four other\\nyears of intrigue and malevolence were ne-\\ncessary, before he was dismissed, first, to his\\noriginal convent at Antioch, and finally to an\\nisland (Oasis) in the deserts of Upper Egypt.\\nThere he died and as he died a persecuted\\nexile, he has a strong and natural claim on\\nour sympathy but it is lessened by the recol-\\nlection of his dangerous indiscretion and we\\nare forbidden to forget or to conceal, that in\\nhis days of prosperity, while in the enjoy-\\nment of dignity and power, he had not refus-\\ned to inflict on the Arians and other heretics\\nthe calamities which were impending over\\nhimself f\\nIn the meantime his opinions extended\\nand in the deserts of the Thebais. The influence which\\nthey possessed in the Egyptian Church is proved by\\nthe circumstance, that the first attack which Cyril\\nmade upon his brother-patriarch, appeared in the\\nform of an Epistle General to the Monks of Egypt.\\nIts success was very sensibly displayed at Ephesus.\\nThe first burst of the unanimous (if it was so)\\nindignation of the Fathers M^as expressed nearly in\\nthese words Anathema to him who does not ana-\\nthematize Nestorius the orthodox faith anathematizes\\nhim; the holy Council anathematizes him. We all\\nanathematize the heretic Nestorius we anathematize\\nall who communicate with him and liis impious belief.\\nAll the earth anathematizes the unholy religion of\\nNestorius. Anathema to him who does not anathe-\\nmatize Nestorius. Fleury, liv. xxv. sect. 39.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f During his banishment he was carried into cap-\\ntivity by the Blemmyes and after his release by\\nthem, was hurried about from place to place by the\\ngovernor of Upper Egypt, so that he had no repose\\neven in exile. Enfin (i ays Fleury) il mourut, acca-\\nble de vielUesse et d infirmites; et on dit, que sa\\nlangue fut rongee de vers. Of all Roman Catholic\\nhistorians, Fleury is the most charitable.\\nthemselves rapidly throughout central Asia,\\nalong the Eastern extremities of Christen-\\ndom. Through Chaldea, Persia, Syria, and\\nAssyria in Arabia, India, Tartaiy, and even\\nChina, they took deep root during the fifth\\nand following century and the numbers of\\ntheir professors, their indignation against the\\npersecutors of Nestorius, and their conse-\\nquent enmity against the Church and name\\nof Greece, prepared them, in a later age, for\\nalliance with the Mahometan invader.*\\nThey assembled their councils at Seleucia,\\nand their doctrine, as there determined,\\namounted to this That in the Saviour of\\nthe world there were two persons or sub-\\nstances [vTvoOTuaeig], of which the one was\\ndivine, the Eternal Word and the other,\\nwhich was human, was the man Jesus that\\nthese two substances had only one aspect\\n(barsopa, tiqoowtcov) that the union between\\nthe Son of God and the Son of man was not\\nan anion of nature or of person, but only of\\nwill and affection that Christ was therefore\\nto be carefully distinguished from God, who\\ndwelt in him as in a temple that Mary was\\nto be called the mother of Christ and not the\\nmother of God. From this exposition f of\\ndoctrine it has been suspected, and with great\\njustice, tliat the difference between the Nes-\\ntorians and the Orthodox was in fact merely\\nverbal and that the more rational disputants\\nof both parties were maintaining, with some\\nvariation of expression, the very same opin-\\nions. Indeed, if hi that exposition we are to\\nconsider the word person as in both cases\\nsynonymous with Hypostasis, or substance,\\nthere remains little, if any thing, which could\\ndivide the most pugnacious polemics.\\nEutyches. In the history of this contro-\\nversy, the name of Eutyches immediately\\nsucceeds to that of Nestorius. This person\\nwas the abbot of a convent at Constantinople,\\nand an intemperate opposer of the opinions\\nThe successors of Mahomet in Persia employed\\nthe Nestorians in the most important affairs, both of\\nthe cabinet and of the provinces, and suffered the pa-\\ntriarch of that sect only to reside in the kingdom of\\nBabylon. The Monophysites enjoyed in Syria and\\nEgypt an equal degree of favor and protection.\\nMosh. (Cent. vii. p. ii. ch. v.)\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j- It is taken from Mosheim and the peculiar word\\nBarsopa may perhaps be properly translated aspect.\\nOnly render it person, and omit that same word when\\nit is used synonymously with substance, and even the\\nshadow of the difference is almost removed. It is at\\nleast certain that the Monothelites have commonly\\naccused the Catholics of Nestorianisra, and have\\nsometimes mistaken the one for the other. See Fleu-\\nry, xxvii,, sect. 23.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0172.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "DISSENSIONS.\\n165\\nof Nestorius. He carried the doctrine of the\\nEgyptian school to its extreme interpretation,\\nand appears to have exceeded the obscure\\nlimits of the error of Apolhnaris. For that\\nheresiarch affected to draw some distinction\\nbetween an mtellectual and a sensitive soul,\\nwhich, however subtile, may seem to remove\\nhis doctrine one step fi-om that of the Mo-\\nnophysites; but Eutyclies at once boldly\\npronounced that in Christ there was but\\nonef nature that of the incarnate word.\\nDioscorus, who had succeeded to the throne\\nof Alexandria and to the character of Cyril,\\ngave his decided support to Eutyches, and\\nas both parties grew violent, Theodosius was\\nexhorted to convoke another Council to de-\\ntermine the difference. He did so and, as\\nif to prove the inefficacy of experience to\\nconfer wisdom, he again appointed Ephesus\\nas the place of the meeting, and again select-\\ned the Bishop of Alexandria to preside in it.\\nThe tumults which had disgraced the Church\\nin 431 were repeated with some additional\\nbrutalities in 449 the Egj ptians again were\\ntriumphant and the assembly at length dis-\\npersed, after having sanctioned the doctrine\\nof Eutyches, and acquired the title, by which\\nit has been stigmatized in every age of the\\nChurch, as The Assembly of Robbers.\\nThis meeting, we should observe, has not\\nobtained a place among the general Councils\\nof the Church. :j:\\nThe western Bishops had hitherto inter-\\nfered, not very warmly, in these disputes,\\nwhich were indeed peculiarly oriental both\\nin their origin and character. But Leo the\\nGreat, sensible of the scandal now brought\\nIn the meantime, Eutyches was so far from\\nacknowledging this resemblance, that in his letter to\\nSt. Leo, and in the presence of the Council, he\\nanathematized Apollinaris, together with Valentinus,\\nManes, Nestorius, and Simon the magician. He\\nhad reached his seventy-first year, when his opinions\\n\\\\yeve attacked by the very same man who had first\\nsounded the trumpet against Nestorius Eusebius,\\nnow Bishop of Doryleum.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f A necessary consequence of this doctrine seems\\nto be the ascription of the passion and sufferings of\\nChrist to the Divine (the only) nature, and this could\\nscarcely be avoided without taking refuge in the\\nheresy of the Phantastics. In fact, the dissensions\\nbetween the Corruptibles and Incorruptibles, in tlie\\nreign of Justinian, were little else than a continuation\\nof the Eutychian controversy, in its consequen-\\nces. These disputes chiefly prevailed in Egypt, the\\nhot-bed of the Monophysite heresy.\\nX 2vro$og 7.r^aToiy.}[, Conventus Latronum, Latro-\\ncinium Ephesinum, are the terms in which it is usu-\\nally mentioned by the writers of both Churches.\\nupon the whole Church even by the tempo-\\nrary establishment of an erroneous doctrine,\\nsaw the necessity of more zealous interposi-\\ntion. He therefore prevailed upon Marcian,\\nthe successor of Theodosius, to summon\\nanother Council on the same subject. It met\\nat Chalcedon in 451 and the Pope s Legates\\n(under the usual superintendence of the\\nImperial Officers) presided there. The pro-\\nceedings were conducted with gi*eater decen-\\ncy Eutyches and Dioscorus were condemn-\\ned, and the orthodox* doctrine of Christ in\\none person and two natures was finally es-\\ntablished,\\nHenoticon of Zeno. As before with the\\nNestorians, so now with the followers of\\nEutyches, their energj^, and perhaps their\\nnumbers, increased on the public condemna-\\ntion of their opinions. Some monks of that\\npersuasion obtained possession of Jerusalem,\\nand indulged in the most violent excesses;\\nand the Catholic successor of Dioscorus,\\nafter a contention of five years with his Al-\\nexandrian subjects, was at length sacrificed\\nto their religious fury. Presently afterwards,\\nin the year 482, the Emperor Zeno made a\\nfruitless but memorable attempt to extinguish\\nall religious dissension, by the publication of\\nan Edict of Union, called the Henoticon.\\nIn this proclamation he confirmed the estab-\\nlished doctrines, and anathematized alike the\\nArians, Phantastics, Nestorians, and Euty-\\nchians but out of tenderness to the feelmgs\\nof the last, he avoided any particular mention\\nof the Council of Chalcedon. The more\\nmoderate men, both among the Catholics\\nand Monophysites, f (still the two prevailing\\nparties) subscribed this decree but the fruits\\nof their moderation were not such as, by\\ntheir principles and example, they deserved,\\nand perhaps expected. Among the latter a\\nAdmitting, as we do, that the opinions of Nesto-\\nrius were in fact very little, if at all, removed from\\northodoxy, we cannot at all assent to the reasoning\\nof Le Clerc, who would persuade us (and who ap-\\npears to have persuaded both Jortin and Gibbon)\\nthat Eutyches also held the same doctrine with both\\nNestorius and tlie ortliodox for in this last dispute\\nthere is no confusion of terms; in the very same\\nwords the one party plainly asserts one, the other\\ntwo natures of Clirist and the same train and de-\\nscription of argument, which is applied to reconcile\\nthis difference, would, in our mind, be equally suc-\\ncessful in removing every religious difference.\\nfThe Eutychians, or Monophysites, are also\\nknown in history by the appellation of Jacobites,\\nfrom the name of one of their teachers, James Bara\\ndseus.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0173.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "166\\nHISIORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nviolent schism arose, and this speedily gave\\nbirth to numerous other schisms which\\ndivided into several sects the followers of\\nEutyches while among the Catholics very\\ngreat and general indignation was excited,\\nby the omission of the name of Chalcedon,\\nagainst all who had signed so imperfect a\\ndeclaration of orthodoxy. And thus, to the\\ndisgrace of the disputants, and almost to the\\nscandal of human nature, it proved that an\\nattempt, judiciously conceived by a benevo-\\nlent Prince, to compose the religious differ-\\nences of his subjects, produced no other\\neffect than to inflame the character and\\nmultiply the grounds of dissension. And\\nthat unhappy result was not in this case\\nattributable to the infliction of any civil\\npenalties in the arbitrary enforcement of the\\ndecree, but solely to the vehemence of the\\npassions engaged on both sides, which had\\nhardened the greater number against any\\nrepresentations of wisdom or reason, and\\neven against the ordinary influence of their\\nhuman feelings.\\nThe Monothelites. However, time effected\\nmuch towards the healing of these animosi-\\nties, and th^y were diverted during the reign\\nof Justinian into other channels. After the\\nlapse of nearly two hundred years the agita-\\ntions of the tempest had seemingly subsided,\\nand the differences, and even the malevo-\\nlence, which may still have existed, no long-\\ner broke out into open outrage. The vain\\ncuriosity of the Emperor Heraclius threaten-\\ned the revival of those evils. On his return\\nfrom the Persian war in the year 629, that\\nPrince proposed to his Bishops the unprofit-\\nable question Whether Christ, of one per-\\nson but two natures, was actuated by a single\\nor a double will The Greeks in general\\nfavored the former opinion, but not with\\ntheir usual impetuosity indeed they seem at\\nlength to have been so far exhausted by such\\nfruitless contests, as to have considered the\\nquestion trifling and superfluous. And it\\nwas not until the year 680, that, through the\\nangry opposition of the Latins to this dogma,\\nthe Sixth General Council was assembled at\\nConstantinople, which formally pronounced\\nthat two wills were harmonized in the person\\nof Christ. Such is still the doctrine both of\\nthe Greek and Latin Churches; and with\\nthe establishment of that doctrine the contro-\\nversy respecting the incarnation, after an in-\\nterrupted duration of about three hundred\\nj ^ears, expired.*\\nAccurately speaking, the Monolhelite Controver-\\nsy was rather a consequence, than a part, of that\\nThe heretics who advocated the one will\\nwere called Monothelites, and by this name\\nthe dispute is generally known. It lasted\\nabout fifty years and it is a painful but ne-\\ncessary reflection, that during its continuance,\\nwhile the attention of Christendom was in\\nsome degree engaged by it, the Mahometans\\nhad found time to convert Arabia and to\\ncomplete the conquest of Persia, Syria, Pal-\\nestine, and Egypt: the three patriarchal\\nthrones, Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem,\\nhad fallen into their hands and Carthage it-\\nself was already on the point of undergoing\\nthe same fate.\\nHaving treated the conduct of the parties\\nengaged in these dissensions with unrestrain-\\ned freedom, we shall conclude with some\\nconsiderations not unfavorable to them, and\\nnot less just than our censure. 1. None of\\nthe disputants at any time relapsed into any\\nheresy respecting the Trinity the doctrine\\nwhich had been established by the first and\\nsecond General Councils was followed with\\nequal fidelity by those who deviated from the\\nChurch respecting the Incarnation, and by\\nthose who adhered to it. 2. As the manner,\\nin which this controversy was conducted,\\nexhibited the earnest devotion of all parties\\nto then respective opinions, so the origin of\\nall those opinions may be traced to an anxie-\\nty (oftentimes indeed a very injudicious anx-\\niety) to acquire accurate notions respecting\\nthe Redeemer, so as neither to exaggerate\\nnor disparage his dignity. It may be traced\\nto an excess of the religious feeling, even to\\na tendency to superstitious enthusiasm, but\\nat least it was free from the infection of that\\ncold, indifferent apathy, which sometimes\\nshelters itself under the name of philosophy,\\nbut which, in fact, is not far removed from\\nskepticism. 3. The very individuals who,\\nunder the excitement of religious dissension\\nand the bustle of public councils, heated too\\nby the various passions which the mere spirit\\nof resistance will create in the calmest tem-\\nperament, ran loose into scandalous excesses,\\nmight very consistently be endued with the\\npurest piety, and habituated, in the private\\nexercise of their sacerdotal functions, to the\\nfervent discharge of every Christian duty.\\nIt argues a very slight or a very partial view\\nrespecting the Incarnation, since those who adopted\\nthe doctrine of one will, did not in consequence reject\\nthe decisions either of Ephesus or Chalcedon, but\\nadhered, on the contrary, to both, so as to unite (in\\nprofession at least, if not in reason) the strictest or-\\nthodoxy respecting tlie nature and person of Christ\\nwith their perverse opinion respecting his will,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0174.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "DISSENSIONS.\\n167\\nof human nature to infer, from the occasional\\nextravagance of public feeling, the general\\ndestitution of moral principle or the absence\\nof virtuous habits and we must be careful\\nnot to be misled by those historians who bid\\nus judge the general character of the Eastern\\nClergy by their conduct at the Councils of\\nEphesus. Lastly, Whatever may have been\\nthe original policy of convoking General\\nCouncils for the suppression of rehgious\\ndifference, it cannot be asserted that such\\nCouncils were wholly useless for besides\\nthe particular doctrine which they were call-\\ned upon to settle, and which on some occa-\\nsions was fundamentally important, they also\\npublished numerous canons and ordinan-\\nces for the regulation and reform of the\\nChurch. These were disseminated and re-\\nceived through every part of Christendom,\\nand very often proved of the highest utility\\nand even as to the doctrines on such occa-\\nsions established, we should obsei-ve, that\\nafter the first tumult of opposition had sub-\\nsided, they met with general acquiescence\\nthat they were almost universally adopted in\\nsucceeding ages, and still constitute the creed\\nof the great majority of Christians.*\\nVI. Controversy on Images. We proceed\\nto the contest respecting the Worship of\\nImages, which claims our carefiil attention,\\npartly from the extreme agitation which it\\nexcited throughout Christendom during the\\neighth and ninth centuries partly, because\\nit occasioned (should we not rather say ac-\\ncelerated the separation of the Roman\\nStates from the Greek Empire. Among the\\nvarious superstitions which had gradually\\ngrown up in the Church, and of which the\\nThe Controversy, Avhich we have described,\\nbranched out into various theories respecting the\\nmanner of the union of the two natures, Avhich amu-\\nsed lh6 refined imaginations of the Greeks. But it\\nwas reserved for the grosser absurdity of a German\\nto originate the following offensive speculation:\\nEodem tempore aliud ex Germania certamen in\\nGallias inferebatur de modo quo Sanctissimus Sei va-\\ntor ex utero Matris in lucem prodiit. Germani qui-\\ndam Jesum Christum non communi reliquorum homi-\\nnum lege, sed singular! et extraordinaria, utero\\nMatris exiisse statuebant. Qua sententia in Galliam\\ndelata, Ratramnus earn oppugnabat, atque Christum\\nper natural januara in niundum ingressum esse tueba-\\ntur. Gennanis subveniebat Paschasius Radbertus,\\nlibro singulari, c. c. Jortin, vol. iv., p. 489.\\nThis occurred about the year 840, and it is worthy\\nof notice, if it were only that we find the great patron\\nof Transubstantiation, Paschasius Radbertus, advo-\\ncating such extravagant and impious nonsense.\\nvestiges may, in some cases, be traced to its\\nearliest ages, none had obtained such general\\ninfluence and firm footing among the lower\\norders (especially in the East) as Image-\\nworship. It was an idle distinction to up-\\nhold a respect for images, as means and not\\nas objects of devotion, when they were pre-\\nsented to the uninstructed and undiscrimi-\\nnating vulgar. When the understanding has\\nnever been enlightened, when the heart has\\nnever been informed with the genuine feel-\\nings of religion, the devotee will surely\\naddress his prayer to the Deity which is\\nplaced before his eyes, and turn, in the dark-\\nness of his intellect, to, that which is percep-\\ntible by his mere senses. And it was there-\\nfore the greatest among the crimes of the\\nancient directors of the Church, and that\\nwhich appears more peculiarly to have\\nbrought down upon it the chastisement from\\nArabia, that they filled the temples with their\\ndetested idols, and obtruded them upon the\\neyes and into the hands of the most ignorant.\\nNor can their advocates plead the necessity\\nof this conduct; for the example of the\\nMahometan faith alone has proved, that a\\npeople may be barbarous without being\\nidolatrous, when idolatiy is discouraged by\\nthe ministers of religion. And if any excuse\\nbe furnished by the general and deeply-root-\\ned influence of the ancient superstition, it is\\nat least none for those who exerted their\\npower and then* talents to extend and per-\\npetuate it Unhappily, those exertions were\\nattended by too easy success; before the\\nyear 600, idolatry was firmly established in\\nthe Eastern Church, and during the follow-\\ning century it made a gradual and very gen^\\neral progress in the West, where it had pre-\\nviously gained some footing.\\nLeo the Isaurian. It was not till the year\\n726 that any vigorous attempt was made to\\ndisturb its sway, and then the minds of men\\nwere become weakened by long acquies-\\ncence in superstitious maxims, even so far\\nas to regard with submissive reverence the\\nsins and follies of their ancestors. Never-\\ntheless, the Emperor Leo, surnamed the\\nIsaurian, a prince of sense and energy, had\\nthe boldness to undertake,* in the face of so\\nRoman Catholic historians attribute Leo s reso-\\nlution to the sudden appearance of a new island in\\nthe Archipelago, from volcanic causes. This phe-\\nnomenon the superstitious Emperor ascribed to the\\nDivine wrath, excited by the idolatrous impiety of\\nhis subjects. He is also supposed to have derived\\nhis pi-ejudice from the Mahometan religion, to which\\nhis attachment is more than insinuated.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0175.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "168\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nmany difficulties, the purification of the\\nChurch and he began his pious enterprise\\nby an attack on its most flagrant corruption.\\nIt is disputed, whether the first measure of\\nLeo was prudently confined to the abolition\\nof idolatrous worship, and the removal of its\\nobjects to higher and more distant situations\\nin the Churches, wherein they were suspend-\\ned or whether, without any indulgence to\\nprejudice, he entirely concealed them from\\nview, and even destroyed them. The effect\\nof the edict would rather lead us to the latter\\nconclusion for it immediately occasioned\\na civil war, both in the East and in the West.\\nIn the East, the islands of the Archipelago,\\nand even a part of Asia, broke out into a\\ntumultuous insurrection, which however was\\nspeedily suppressed; but in the West, the\\nmore deliberate resistance of the Bishop of\\nRome (Gregory II.) encouraged the rebellion\\nof the Italian provinces (in 730,) and led to\\nthe defeat of the Imperial troops before\\nRavenna; the tribute paid to the Eastern\\nEmperor was then withdrawn, and his au-\\nthority was never afterwards acknowledged\\nin the Ecclesiastical States.\\nThis reverse did not abate the zeal of Leo,\\nwho proceeded at least to enforce his resolu-\\ntions, so far as his power extended and as\\nhe found the strongest opposition to proceed\\nfrom the monastic orders, he extended his\\nscheme of reformation to them. And in\\nspite of various tumults, excited partly by\\ntheir influence and partly through a popular\\nprejudice in favor of superstition, he persist-\\ned in his project, wuth uncompromising\\nperseverance, and even with some prospect\\nof success, until his death. In the year 741\\nhe was succeeded by his son Constantine,\\nsurnamed Copronymus, who faithfully fol-\\nlowed his footsteps. Thirteen years after-\\nwards that Prince assembled a synod in the\\nsuburbs of Constantinople, at which three\\nhundred and thirty-eight Bishops attended.\\nThey decreed the destruction of images,*\\nand the decision, which has sometimes been\\nattributed to their loyalty, may with equal\\njustice be ascribed to their sense and their\\npiety. They were called Iconoclasts, or\\nimage-breakers; and the execution of their\\ndecrees occasioned many calumnies against\\nSome of the arguments seriously advanced on\\nthis occasion by the Iconoclasts seem intended to\\nsurpass the absurdity of their adversaries according\\nto them, even the painter is convicted of several and\\neven the most opposite heresies. They may be found\\nin Fleury, liv. xliii., sect. 7.\\nthe Emperor s character, and many tumults,\\nwhich disturbed the peace and even endan-\\ngered the security of his reign. Neverthe-\\nless, that reign lasted thirty-four years; and\\nthe whole space was perseveringly employed\\nin contention with idols, with the monks\\nwho protected them, and with the pernicious\\ninfluence of Rome, which was active and\\nconstant in the support of both.\\nSeventh General Council. Leo, who suc-\\nceeded, was guided by the principles of Con-\\nstantine but he died soon afi:er his accession,\\nand the education of his son, a boy of ten\\nyears old, as well as the direction of public\\naflairs, was entrusted to the Empress Irene.\\nImmediately the religious policy of the pal-\\nace was changed and as fifty years of vigor-\\nous opposition had not availed to extirpate\\ncorruptions which were the gradual growth\\nof four centuries, the change was hailed with\\ndelight by a large proportion of the people.\\nIn the year 787, a General Council was as-\\nsembled at Nice, by which the images were\\nreinstated in their former honors through\\nthe united exertions of the monks and the\\nmob, and the Pope and the Empress. This\\nCouncil, the second of Nice, is accounted in\\nthe East as the seventh and last General\\nCouncil, and its decisions completed the\\nbody of doctrine and discipline which con-\\nstitutes the system of the Greek Church.\\nIt may be proper, in this place, very brief-\\nly, to remind our readers of the particular\\nobjects for which these seven celebrated\\ncouncils were severally summoned not\\nmerely as matters of barren recollection, but\\nbecause we perceive in them, if we are not\\ngreatly in error, an indication of the gradual\\ndeparture of the Church, first from scriptural\\nsimplicity, and then from truth. Between\\nthe first and the last of them the space of\\n462 years intervened, an interval full of im-\\nportant, and for the most part, pernicious\\nThe following is a part of the Confession of\\nFaith published with the authority of this Council\\nWe receive, besides the figure of the cross, the\\nrelics of saints, and their images we embrace them\\naccording to the ancient tradition of our fathers,\\nwho have placed them in all the Churches of God,\\nand all the places where he is served. We honor\\nand adore them, viz. that of Jesus Christ, of his\\nholy Mother, of the angels, for though they are\\nincorporeal, they have revealed themselves in a hu-\\nman form; those of the apostles, the prophets, the\\nmartyrs, and other saints; because those paintings\\nrecall to us the memory of the originals and make us\\nparticipate in their sanctity. Fleury, liv. xliv.\\nsect 3^1,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0176.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "DISSENSIONS,\\n169\\nchanges in the ecclesiastical constitution but\\nmost of these were imperceptibly introduced,\\nespecially into the Western Church, without\\nthe authority or cognizance of any general\\nassembly, and they involved many circum-\\nstances of power, property, or discipline, to\\nwhich we do not here intend any reference.\\nThe professed purpose for which the general\\ncouncils were in every instance convoked,\\nwas to compose the controversy of the day,\\nand to pronounce a final decision upon the\\ndoctrine which happened to be disputed and\\nthus, in the history of those councils, we fol-\\nlow the track of theological investigation, and\\nobserve it gradually receding from soberness\\nand sense.\\n(1.) The object for which the two first\\nwere assembled was to ascertain and promul-\\ngate the scriptural doctrine of the Trinity\\nand a more important inquiry, and one more\\nworthy of the deliberate consideration of the\\ndirectors of Christendom, was not ever pro-\\npounded to any religious assembly and their\\ndecisions respecting this doctrine were in ac-\\ncordance with the sense of Scripture, as it\\nhas been interpreted by the great majority\\nof Christians in every following age.\\n(2.) The questions proposed for the investi-\\ngation of the third and fourth Councils were\\nof less importance to truth, and, in the same\\nproportion precisely, more difficult to com-\\nprehend and determine, the nature of\\nChrist s existence on earth. The manner in\\nwhich they were argued was not calculated\\nto diminish this difficulty and the violence\\nwith which even the more decorous of these\\nmeetings was disgraced was such as would\\nWe might refer to the whole account of the ses-\\nsions of the Council of Chalcedon, even as it is given\\nby Fleury (lib. xx. 8.). One short passage may\\nserve as a specimen. The assembly was divided into\\ntwo parties; the Bishops of Egypt, Illyrium, and\\nPalestine formed one those of the East of Pontus,\\nAsia, and Thrace the other. Theodoret was\\nobnoxious to the former party, as being suspected of\\nthe Nestorian heresy. Nevertheless, he was allowed\\na seat in the Council by the Emperor. When he\\ntook his place the Orientals cried out, He is worthy\\nof it. The Egyptians exclaimed, Call him not\\nBishop he is no Bishop expel the enemy of God\\nexpel the Jew! The Orientals cried, Expel the\\nseditious drive out the murderers! And they con-\\ntinued for some time to vent such exclamations on\\nboth sides. At length the magistrates interfered:\\nThese popular cries are unworthy of the episcopal\\ncharacter, and are of no use to either party allow\\nthe paper to be read to you. The Egyptians ex-\\nclaimed, Expel that one man only, and we will all\\nlisten: our voice is raised for the Catholic fSith, c.\\nnaturally result fi om eager disputation on a\\nmatter of mysterious and almost impenetra-\\nble abstruseness. The subject of the labors\\nof the Sixth Council gi-ew out of that which\\noccupied the third and fourth and while it\\nsurpassed the other in metaphysical intrica-\\ncy, it presented even less prospect of any\\npractical advantage from its decision.\\n(3.) The matters which employed the Fifl:h\\nCouncil were derived from the individual\\nopinions of Origen and if these should be\\nthought by some not to have merited by their\\nimportance the cognizance of so solemn a tri-\\nbunal, they had at least a far greater claim\\non general attention than the foolish specu-\\nlation of the Monothelites.\\n(4.) The seventh and last established idol-\\natry as the law of the Christian Church and\\nthus was completed the structure of oriental\\northodoxy. It rose from the most solid and\\nsubstantial foundation it advanced, by the\\nlabors of a busy but unwise generation,\\nthrough the mid air and mist of metaphysics,\\nand terminated in a still blinder age, in clear\\nand manifest superstition.\\nThe same seven Councils are also received\\nby the Roman Church, but not as a perfect\\nrule, either of faith or discipline and, indeed,\\nwhen we consider that they were held, with-\\nout exception, in the East, on the occasion of\\ncontroversies originating in the East, and al-\\nmost confined to it that their deliberations\\nwere closely surveyed and influenced, if not\\ndirected, by the Eastern emperor and that\\nthe prelates who framed them were almost\\nexclusively Orientals,f we shall be disposed,\\nperhaps, to feel some surprise that the West-\\nern Church, with so many causes of variance\\nwith her rival, should have acquiesced so\\nsubmissively in their decisions.\\nIt would seem very strange, were we not accus-\\ntomed to such phenomena, that the last public act of\\nthe united Greek and Latin Communions, the last\\nwhich was, in truth, binding on the universal Church,\\nwas the establishment of the grossest practical corrup-\\ntion which the religion has ever suffered. Let us add,\\ntoo, that it was established solely on the authority of\\ntradition, while it was that, of all others, for which\\neven the traditional authority is most defective, since\\nit cannot be traced higher than the fourth century.\\nt At Nice, among 318 members, three were of the\\nWestern Church; at Constantinople (1), among 150,\\none only at Ephesus, among 68, one at Chalcedon,\\namong 353, three; at Constantinople (2), among 164,\\nsix; at Constantinople (3) among 56, five; and even\\nat the last, among the 377 who assisted, we can ob-\\nserve no Occidentals, except the Pope s legates, a\\nvery small number of Sicilian Bishops, and a deputy\\nof the Bishop of Sardinia.\\n22", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0177.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "170\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nThe edicts of the last general Council did\\nnot secure immediate obedience. Leo the\\nArmenian, who reigned from 814 to 820, re-\\nlapsed into the heresy of the Isaurian. He\\nfell an early victim to conspiracy but his\\nsuccessor, Michael, fearlessly proceeded in\\nthe same difficult endeavor and the earnest-\\nness of his wishes and the perplexities of his\\nsituation are naturally displayed in an epistle\\naddressed by him to the son of Charlemagne,\\nLouis, Emperor of the west. As this docu-\\nment throws great general light on the eccle-\\nsiastical history of that age, we shall transcribe\\nit here.\\n*Many of our clergy and laity, departing\\nfrom the apostolical traditions, have intro-\\nduced pernicious novelties. They took down\\nthe crosses in the churches and put images\\nin their room, before which they lighted up\\nlamps and burned incense, honoring them as\\nthe cross. They sang before them, worship-\\nped them, and implored their succor. Many\\ndressed the female images with robes, and\\nmade them stand godmothers to their chil-\\ndren. They offered up hair to them when\\nthey cut it off for the first time. Some\\nPresbyters scratched off the paint from the\\nimages and mixed it with the holy Eucharist,\\nand gave it in the Communion. Others put\\nthe body of the Lord into the hands* of the\\nimages, and made the communicants take it\\nout thence. Others used boards with pic-\\ntures painted on them, instead of an altar,\\non which they consecrated the elements\\nand many such-like abuses were committed.\\nTherefore, the orthodox Emperors and the\\nmost learned Bishops, assembled in council,\\nhave forbidden these enormities, and have\\nremoved the images to higher places in the\\nchurch, where they stood formerly, and when\\nthey were not worshipped, as they have been\\nof late, by ignorant people.\\n^Some of the complainers are gone to\\nRome to calumniate us there but we are\\northodox we believe the Trinity, one God\\nin three persons, the incarnation of the Word,\\nhis two wills and two operations we implore\\nthe intercession of the Holy Virgin, the\\nmother of God, and of all the Saints we\\nreverence their relics; we receive all the\\nThus it appears that the distinction at present so\\nbroadly drawn by the Greek Church between the\\nworship of painted and of graven images did not\\nthen exist. The distinction is, indeed, very old in the\\nwritings of the Church; but it is probable that it was\\nnot practically introduced until after the Mahometan\\nconquest.\\napostolical traditions and the decrees of the\\nsix Councils.\\nThe spirit of appeal and justification in\\nwhich the above epistle is conceived, indi-\\ncates the weakness of a falling cause and so,\\nindeed, it proved for in the year 842 the\\nEmpress Theodora reestablished the author-\\nity of the Seventh Council, and replaced the\\nimages with so firm a hand that they have\\nnever since been shaken. In celebration of\\nthis achievement, a new festival was institut-\\ned under the name of the Feast of Ortho-\\ndoxy, f and the most riotous enthusiasm\\ngenerally attended the proclamation of idola-\\ntry.\\nThe malice of historians has not failed to\\nobserve, that as the first success over the\\nreviving reason and religion had been obtain-\\ned under the auspices of Irene so the second\\nand mortal wound was inflicted by the rash-\\nness of a second woman. The charge is\\ntrue and remarkable but the strenuous and\\nsystematic exertions of a long succession of\\nPopes in the same cause will easily excuse\\nthe blindness of two empresses. Indeed, a\\ngeneral view of history rather tends to raise\\nour astonishment that so many princes were\\nfound wise and bold enough to stem the\\npopular torrent. But this attempt at reform-\\nation commenced so late, and under circum-\\nstances so unfavorable, that even another\\ncentury of judicious exertion, continued with-\\nout pause or vacillation, might scarcely have\\nsufficed for its success.\\nWe shall conclude the chapter with a few\\nadditional remarks on this controversy. The\\nSee Jortin, Eccl. Hist, ad ann. 814. From this\\nconcluding confession we observe how many were the\\nabuses to which even a reformer of the Church felt\\nobliged to publish his adhesion.\\nf There seems some reason to believe that this feast\\nwas not established until after the Council which was\\nassembled by Photius, in 879, in further confirmation\\nof idolatry.\\n:j: In favor at least of the consistency of that sex,\\nwe must mention that it declared itself for idolatry\\nfrom the very commencement of the contest, and very\\nstrongly too, as will be seen. Leo the Isaurian began\\nhis enterprise by an attack upon a very celebrated\\nimage of Jesus Christ, called the Antiphonetes, or\\nRespondent; and he despatched one of his officers,\\nnamed Jovinus, to break it down. Several women\\nwho were present endeavored to avert his design by\\ntheir supplications; but Jovinus, nothing moved by\\nthem, ascended a ladder and dealt some severe blows\\non the image. On this the women became furious\\nthey pulled down the ladder, massacred the officer on\\nthe spot, and tore him in pieces. The image fell\\nnotwithstanding, and the women wer\u00c2\u00ab led away to\\nexecution.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0178.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "DISSENSIONS.\\nin\\nbest writer in the Eastern Church during this\\nmost critical period in its history, indeed,\\nthe only writer of any reputation even in his\\nown day, was John Damascenus and\\nwith his name the long list of Greek Fathers\\nmay properly be said to terminate. His la-\\nborious and subtile vj^orks (of which the prin-\\ncipal are Four Books concerning the Or-\\nthodox Faith, and Sacred Parallels are\\ntainted by the infection of the Aristotelian\\nphilosophy, and by a strong superstitious ten-\\ndency and, therefore, we are not surprised\\nto observe that his eloquence and influence\\nwere zealously engaged in the defence of\\nimages. He possessed considerable learning\\nand his sophistry, no less than his authority,\\nmay really have blinded the reason of some,\\nwhile many more would feed, under the shel-\\nter of his name, a previous inclination to idol-\\natry.f\\nWe believe it to be true, that of the mir-\\nacles which are recorded to have abundant-\\nly signalized this prolonged dispute, the veiy\\ngreat proportion, if we should not rather say\\nthe whole, were performed by the friends of\\nthe idols, a fact which, while it proves the\\nhigher principles of the other party, will also\\nassist in accounting for their unpopularity.\\nThe people in the East were not, indeed, at\\nthis time so stupid and unenlightened as the\\nserfs of the Western Empire but they were\\nby nature more dispos ed to fanaticism they\\nwere familiar, by long habits of deception,\\nwith preternatural appearances, and disposed,\\nby a controlling imagination, to eager credu-\\nlity.\\nThe Bishops, and, in general, the secular\\nclergy of the East, appear to have taken no\\nviolent part in the contest. Indeed, we are\\npersuaded that that numerous body contained\\nHe was a monk, and contemporary with Leo the\\nIsaurian, against whom he vented his indignation\\nwith great impunity, as his ordinary residence was the\\nmonastery of St. Sabas, near Jerusalem, beyond the\\nlimits of the imperial control. He condescends to ap-\\npeal to the authority of older fathers in his defence of im-\\nages to that of Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, Chrysostom,\\nAmbrose, Anastasius of Antioch, and others. But\\nwe believe that he has not even affected to advance\\nany name of higher antiquity than the fourth century,\\nnot, by the way, that his cause would have been\\nmuch better if he had. He was anathematized by the\\nIconoclast Council in 754.\\nt Theodore Studites, a monk and abbot, has ac-\\nquired great reputation in the history of the Eastern\\nChurch by his obstinate defence of the orthodox prac-\\ntice, chiefly during the second contest. Exile was the\\npunishment of his zeal, and severer punishment was\\nvery seldom, if ever, inflicted on the coutiiraaci(Ais.\\nmany pious and rational individuals who\\nwere shocked by the degradation of Chris-\\ntianity and human nature, and who watched\\nwith an anxious eye the endeavors which\\nwere made to remove it. But such charac-\\nters, which are among the best of the sacred\\nprofession, are seldom busy or ambitious and\\nthe anxiety of those excellent men may have\\nbeen often confined to their own bosoms, or\\nat least to the narrow limits of their diocese.\\nOn the other hand, the monastic orders have\\ntoo generally attested the spuriousness of\\ntheir origin by their alliance with impurity\\nand imposture. And thus, in the present in-\\nstance, they were furious advocates for a sys-\\ntem so necessary to their influence and their\\navarice and it is chiefly, no doubt, to their\\nperseverance that we are to attribute the evil\\nresult of the conflict.\\nThe common people, partly from a natural\\ntendency to a sensible worship, partly from\\nthe inveteracy of long habit, were strongly\\ndisposed to the same party and that dispo-\\nsition was effectually improved by the monks,\\nwho, from a greater show of austerity, had\\nthe greatest hold upon their minds. Nor is\\nthe circumstance to be slightly noticed, that\\nthe contest in this case was for an intelligible\\nand visible object. Unlike the metaphysical\\nintricacies of some former controversies, it\\ncarried a direct appeal to the understanding\\nof the vulgar, because its subject was the sub-\\nject of their senses. If they positively wor-\\nshipped the image, its destruction deprived\\nthem of their god and even if the worship\\nwas only relative, it was extremely easy to\\npersuade them that, in parting with the sym-\\nbols of their faith, with the book of their re-\\nligion, they were rashly casting away religion\\nitself. Their enthusiasm was heated by false\\nmiracles and when we think of the violence\\nwhich the populace of the East were wont\\nto exhibit even at their public spectacles, in\\nthe frivolous contests of the Hippodrome,\\nwe shall understand to what excesses they\\nmight be hurried by the agitation of religious\\nexcitement.\\nThe Papal Chair perseveringly supported\\nthe cause of superstition and this, perhaps,\\nis the first occasion on which the close alli-\\nance of principle between the Pope and the\\nmonastic orders displayed itself The Pope s\\nlegates were present at the last general Coun-\\ncil, and his Italian clergy appear to have\\ngiven him very cordial assistance. Not so\\nthe more rational Prelates of France. Less\\nawed by the presence of the spiritual direct-\\nor, more so by the dictates of real piety, they", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0179.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "172\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nestablished, under the guidance of Charle-\\nmagne,* a very broad distinction between\\npositive and relative worship and without\\nentirely disclaiming the authority of the Sev-\\nenth Council, they endeavored to obviate, as\\nmuch as possible, the great practical evil\\nwhich directly flowed from it. This differ-\\nence in the conduct of the French and Itahan\\nChurches on so great a question is a fact of\\nsome importance in history and deserving of\\nattentive notice and it is but justice to our\\nown ancestors, as well as to the German di-\\nvines of the age, to admit that they gener-\\nally endeavored to follow the same difficult\\ncourse. But their resistance was not long\\neflTectual, nor indeed could it reasonably ex-\\npect success because, by permitting the use\\nof images and their presence in the congre-\\ngations of the converts, they made that first\\nconcession to error, of which all the others\\nwere remote, perhaps, but necessary conse-\\nquences, f\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nOn the Schism between the Greek and Latin\\nChurches.\\nPreliminary considerations\u00e2\u0080\u0094 political causes Ecclesias-\\ntical Origin of the Dispute Dignity and Jurisdiction\\nof the See of Constantinople Council of Chalcedon\\nAmbition of the Patriarch Oriental dissensions prof-\\nitable to the Pope\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Popish legate at Constantinople-\\nDisputes between the two Sees Title of CEcumenical\\nBishop assumed by John the Faster Opposition of\\nGregory the Great Emperor Phocas Limits of papal\\ninfluence in Greece Ground of controversy changed\\nProcession of the Holy Spirit\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the original doctrine\\nProcess of the change Spain France Charlemagne\\nModeration of Pope Leo III. Perseverance of the\\nGreeks Forgery of the Latins the Patriarch Photius\\nhis character his excommunication of Pope Nicholas\\nI. Five heresies charged on the Roman Church\\nTransfer of several provinces from papal to patriarchal\\njurisdiction Bulgaria Dissensions of the Greeks\\nFortunes of Photius Connexion of Rome vi ith Greek\\nparties defeat of the designs of the former Subse-\\nquent differences Michael Cerularius Anathema of\\nLeo IX. by his legates at Constantinople.\\nWe have so frequently had occasion, espec-\\nially in our later pages, to distinguish between\\nThe Council of Francfort, whose deliberations\\nwere held under the eye of that monarch, vi^ent, in-\\ndeed, somewhat further than this, and, though it per-\\nmitted the images to remain, forbade any sort of ado-\\nration to be addressed to them.\\nDupin (Nouv. Bibl. on second Council of Nice)\\ngives a tolerably fair historical view of the subject\\nof image worship. He admits that, during the three\\nfirst ages and the beginning of the fomth, images were\\nthe conduct and character of the Greek and\\nRoman Churches, that it becomes necessary to\\nenter still further into the causes of this dis-\\ntinction, and to trace the differences which\\nhad for some time disturbed their harmony,\\nand which ended in their entire separation.\\nIn so doing, we must, in the first place, be\\ncareful not to confound the division of the\\nchurches with that of the empires for the\\nformer, in fact, did not take place until more\\nthan a century after the final alienation of the\\necclesiastical States from the sceptre of Leo\\nthe Isaurian. Nor, on the other hand, should\\nwe be correct in considering these events as\\nperfectly unconnected. Doubtless, political\\ncauses had great influence both in opening\\nand widening the spiritual breach. The di-\\nvision of the empire under Arcadius and Ho-\\nnorius, though not immediately affecting the\\nunity of the Church, operated indirectly to\\nits disturbance by weakening the bonds of\\nconnexion and destroying the complete com-\\nmunity of interests which more naturally\\nsubsists under a single government. Again,\\nthe circumstance that the seat of the Western\\nEmpire was removed from Rome to Ravenna\\ncommunicated that sort of independence to\\nthe Roman Bishop, which, though it confer-\\nred not, in fact, any temporal authority, fail-\\ned not to give nourishment to his pride and\\nsome countenance to his general claims of\\nsupremacy. A further alienation was neces-\\nsarily occasioned by the barbarian conquest\\nof the West; because this event not only an-\\nnihilated the former relations and the reci*\\nprocal dependence of the two empires, but\\nalso produced a great and rapid change in\\nthe character of the Western clergy, and\\neven in the principles of the Church.\\nLastly, the common violence and mutual\\ninsults of Leo the Isaurian and Pope Greg-\\nory II., the civil war which broke out be-\\ntween them, the complete triumph of the lat-\\nter and the consequent transfer of certain j u-\\nvery rare among Christians; that towards the end\\nof the fifth, pictures and images made their appear-\\nance, chiefly in the East, and became common in the\\nsixth they represented combats of martyrs and oth-\\ner sacred stories, for the instruction of those who\\nwere unable to read. The simple vulgar were touch-\\ned by these representations and when they beheld the\\nSaints so vividly, and, as it were, bodily presented\\nto them, they could not prevent themselves from tes-\\ntifying, by exterior signs, the esteem, the respect,\\nand the veneration which they felt for them. Thus\\nthe worship of images insensibly established itself, and\\nit was still further confirmed by the miracles which\\nwere atU ibuted to tiiera.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0180.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "GREEK AiND LATIN CHURCHES.\\n173\\nrisdiction in Sicily and the South of Italy,\\nfrom the Roman to the Constantinopolitan\\nSee, greatly tended to weaken the spirit\\nwhich had hitherto identified the Churches,\\nand to remove any notion of their insepara-\\nbility. These are some of the political caus-\\nes which undoubtedly prepared the way for\\nthe Grand Schism, and contributed to accel-\\nerate and inflame it. But there are others,\\nof a nature purely ecclesiastical, to which\\nit is more usually ascribed, and which had\\ndoubtless the principal share in its accom-\\nplishment.\\nThe earliest recorded difference between\\nthe churches was that already noticed by us\\nrespecting the celebration of Easter and we\\nalso remarked the tone of authority which\\nthe Bishop of the imperial city arrogated even\\nin those days but their connexion, and even\\ntheir harmony, was not seriously endangered\\nby that dispute, nor, indeed, can we trace the\\norigin of the fatal controversy with any cer-\\ntainty to an earlier period than the fifth cen-\\ntury. On the foundation of the new capital\\nat Byzantium, the Bishop was, of course, in-\\nvested with some power and dignity, which\\ngradually increased through the consent or\\nthe neglect of the immediate successors of\\nConstantine however, the superior rank and\\nprecedence of the Roman Pontiff was not yet\\ndisputed. But in the beginning of the fifth\\ncentury the spiritual jurisdiction of the See of\\nConstantinople was much more widely ex-\\ntended it then comprehended Asia, Thrace,\\nand Pontus, and advanced on the west with-\\nin the confines of Illyricum and in 451 the\\nCouncil of Chalcedon not only confirmed\\nthat jurisdiction, but conferred on the Bish-\\nop of Constantinople the same honors and\\nprivileges which were already possessed by\\nthat of Rome the equality of the Pontiffs\\nwas justified by the equal dignity and lustre\\nof the two capitals. The legates of Leo the\\nGreat were present, and had considerable in-\\nfluence in that council but neither their ex-\\nertions, nor those of the Pope himself, were\\nable to prevent this affront to his dignity.\\nHaving attained so elevated a situation, the\\npatriarch very soon proceeded to exalt him-\\nself still higher the method which he took\\nto extend his authority was, to humble, if\\npossible, his brethren of Antioch and Alex-\\nandria,* and thus the same ambition was\\nIt was not till a little before this time that Juve-\\nnal, Bishop of Jerusalem, usurped the title of patri-\\narch, which, however, was confirmed to him by The-\\nodosius the Younger.\\nfound to pursue the same course at Constan-\\ntinople as at Rome. But there it was liable\\nto severer mortifications and more effectual\\ncontrol from the immediate presence of the\\nEmperor, from his power and supremac}\\nand his habitual interference in church affairs.\\nAgain, the grasping ambition of the patri-\\narch, and the dissensions which, from other\\ncauses no less than fi om that, so continually\\ndisturbed the Oriental Church, were product-\\nive of great influence to the Pope, not only\\nthrough the positive weakness occasioned to\\nthat Church by such divisions, but chiefly\\nbecause the injured or discontented party\\nvery generally made its appeal to the Roman\\nSee, where it met with most willing and par-\\ntial attention. We may recollect that Atha-\\nnasius, when persecuted in the east, fled to\\nthe western Church for refuge and this ex-\\nample was not lost on those who thought\\nthemselves aggrieved in after ages. It is true\\nthat Roman interference was, on every occa-\\nsion, indignantly rejected by the rival Pontiff;\\nnevertheless the habit of interposing would\\nlead many to suppose that it was founded on\\nsome indefinite, unacknowledged right, and\\ndisaffection was encouraged in the east by\\nthe certainty of a powerful protector.\\nVery soon after the Council of Chalcedon,\\nLeo appointed a resident legate at Constanti-\\nnople to watch over the papal interests, and\\nto communicate with the Vatican on matters\\nof spiritual importance. That useful priv-\\nilege, as we have already seen, was not aban-\\ndoned by succeeding Popes: and those ec-\\nclesiastical ambassadors, or Correspondents,\\ncontinued for some time to represent the Pa-\\npal chair in the eastern capital.\\nFor the next hundred and thirty years the\\ndisputes respecting the equality of the two\\nSees, as well as the limits of their jurisdiction,\\nwere carried on with little interruption per-\\nhaps, but with little violence. But in 588,\\nat a Synod called at Constantinople respect-\\ning the conduct of a patriarch of Antioch,\\nJohn, surnamed the Faster, who was then\\nPrimate of the East, adopted, as we have ob-\\nserved, the title of QEcumenical, or Universal\\nBishop. It appears that this title had been\\nconferred on the patriarchs by the Emperors\\nLeo and Justinian, without any accession of\\npower nor was it, in fact, understood to in-\\ndicate any claim to supremacy beyond the\\nlimits of the Eastern Church. But Gregory\\ncould not brook such assumption in an East-\\nern Prelate, and used every endeavor to de-\\nprive his rival of the obnoxious title, and at\\nthe same time to establish his own superi-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0181.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "174\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nority. He failed in both these attempts at\\nleast his success in the latter was confined to\\nthe Western clergy, and to the interested and\\nprecarious assent of the discontented subjects\\nof the Eastern Church.\\nThe quarrel proceeded during the seventh\\ncentury, and Roman Catholic writers confi-\\ndently assert, that the Emperor Phocas (a\\nsanguinary usurper) through the mfluence of\\nPope Boniface III. transferred the disputed\\ntitle from the Greek to the Roman Pontiff.\\nIt seems probable that he acknowledged the\\npreeminence of the latter and early usage\\njustified him m so doing without at all de-\\nrogating from the independence of the for-\\nmer. But the alliance of the Eastern Empe-\\nror with a foreign Bishop against his own\\npatriarch could not possibly be of long dura-\\ntion and, accordingly, throughout the con-\\ntroversy about images (which presently fol-\\nlowed) we find the Pope in direct and open\\nopposition to the Emperor, and to the power-\\nful party in his Church which favored him.\\nOn the other hand, the ecclesiastical orders\\nin the East were so widely and passionately\\ndivided on the subject of this dispute, and\\nthe hopes of the w^eaker and more violent\\nparty were obliged for so many years to fix\\nthemselves on Rome, that the Pope must\\nagain have acquired great influence in that\\nquarter. It was great, but it was temporary\\nonly for the popular prejudice, especially in\\nGreece itself, was still strong and general\\nagainst any acknowledgment of papal supre-\\nmacy, and the national vanity was still jeal-\\nous of the name and ascendency of Rome.\\nAnd thus the actual influence of the Pope\\nwas generally confined to those who stood\\nin need of his assistance, and seldom survived\\nthe crisis during which they needed it.\\nThus far the disputes between the Pope\\nand the Patriarch were confined almost en-\\ntirely to the question of supremacy in the\\nUniversal Church, pertinaciously claimed by\\nthe one, and perseveringly refused by the\\nother and to this difference we need not\\ndoubt that a great proportion of the violence\\nwhich disgraced the controversy may be as-\\ncribed. But during the eighth century the\\ncontention assumed a different aspect, and\\ntook a ground and character less discreditable\\nto either party.\\nThe double Procession. According to the\\noriginal creed of the Latin as well as of the\\nGreek Church, the Holy Spirit was believ-\\ned to proceed from the Father only and the\\nquestion, though of gi^eat theological impor-\\ntance, does not appear to have been generally\\ninvestigated until the eighth century at leasi\\nto that period we must refer the origin of the\\ncontroversy respecting it. It is true that the\\nchange in the established doctrine was first in\\ntroduced into the Church of Spain,* an event\\nwhich must have taken place before the Ma-\\nhometan conquest. Thence it proceeded in-\\nto France, and in the year 767 it was agitated\\nin the Council of Gentilli, near Paris it then\\nreceived the assent of the French clergy.\\nSoon afterwards it was warmly advocated\\nby Charlemagne himself; and in the year 809,\\nat the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle,f Pope Leo\\nIII. acknowledged the truth of the doctrine,\\nbut still objected to making it an article of\\nfaith, observing, with great reason, that every\\ndoctrine which is true should not, for that\\nreason, be inserted in a creed nevertheless,\\nas it had previously obtained place in the\\nLatin creeds, his authority, or his inclination,\\nwas not sufficiently strong to effect its gen-\\neral erasure. It was maintamed in France,\\nand its rejection by Rome was feeble and tem-\\nporaiy.\\nBut the Greeks obstinately adhered to\\ntheir original faith, as established by the\\nCouncil of Constantinople and what gave\\nthem great advantage in the subsequent con-\\ntroversy was, that their adversaries had be-\\ngun the contest by abandoning the defensible\\nground of argument they forgot the author-\\nity of scripture, and took refuge under a fals-\\nified copy of the Canons of that Council, into\\nwhich (through that obtuse craft which be-\\ncomes a principle in ignorant ages) the words\\nFilioque [and the Son) had been interpolated.\\nThe fraud was instantly detected, and the\\nhomage which they had thus reluctantly of-\\nfered to the Council in question was convert-\\ned into a conclusive argument by an adver-\\nsary, who rested his own faith on no better\\nground than its antiquity.\\nPhotius. A controversy conducted on such\\nprinciples could hope for no rational discus-\\nsion, nor anj^ friendly termination, its only\\neffect was to inflame the enmity already too\\nhotly kindled, and to accelerate the certain\\nhour of separation. This consummation was\\npresently secured by the promotion of a very\\nBaronius asserts, that the words Filioque were\\nfirst added by the Council of Toledo, by the author-\\nity of Pope Leo I., about the year 447; but he con-\\nfesses that the doctrine was not expressly received by\\nthe Roman Church until some ages afterwards.\\ni FJeury, Hist. Eccl. liv. xlv. sect. 48. The Pope\\ndefended liis opinion by the argument, that two Gen-\\neral Councils, that of Chalcedon and the Fifth, had\\nfovbidden any addition to the creed", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0182.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "GREEK AND LATIN CHURCHES.\\n175\\nextraordinary person to the patriarchal throne.\\nIn the year 853, Photius,* a layman of splen-\\ndid talents, unusual extent of erudition both\\nsecular and theological, and unimpeachable\\nmoral character, was raised to that dignity\\nby the Emperor Michael, who, with that\\nview, removed and banished the actual Bish-\\nop, [gnatius. The exile appealed to Rome.\\nAnd if the jealousy of the Vatican was excit-\\ned by the splendid reputation of the new\\npatriarch, its anxiety might also be awakened\\nby his ambitious and fearless character\\ntherefore Pope Nicholas I., who was as proud\\nand aspiring as his rival, listened to the ap-\\npeal, and eagerly espoused the cause of Igna-\\ntius. He assembled a Council at Rome f in\\n862, in which he pronounced the election of\\nPhotius illegal, and excommunicated him\\nwith all his abettors. The patriarch was not\\nmuch disturbed by this violence, and four\\nyears afterwards, in a Council summoned at\\nConstantinople, he retorted the anathemas of\\nhis rival, pronounced his deposition, and re-\\nmoved him from the communion of all Chris-\\ntians.\\nPhotius justified this extremely bold mea-\\nsure by a circular letter addressed to his\\nbrother patriarchs, in which, besides some\\nstrong reflections on other grievances, he\\ncharged the Roman Church with five direct\\nheresies. We shall here enumerate them,\\nboth that we may more clearly show what\\nwere held to be the principal points on which\\nthe Churches were divided, and also that we\\nmay observe how low the malevolence of\\ncontroversy will sometimes condescend to\\nstoop 1. That the Romans fasted on the Sab-\\nbath, or seventh day of the week 2. that in\\nthe first week of Lent they permitted the use\\nof milk and cheese 3. that they prohibited\\ntheir priests to marry, and separated from\\ntheir wives such as were married when they\\nwent into orders 4. that they authorized the\\nBishops alone to anoint baptized persons with\\nPhotius, than whom Greece, the parent of so\\nmuch genius, has never produced, perhaps, a more\\naccomplished man, is singularly recommended by\\ntalents applicable to every object, sound judgment,\\nextreme acuteness, infinite reading, incredible dili-\\ngence. He had held nearly all the offices of state, he\\nhad thoroughly investigated all the records of the\\nChurch in his Bibliotheca alone still extant, he has\\nbrought together nearly two hundred and eighty\\nwriters, chiefly ecclesiastical, which he has studied,\\nreviewed, and abstracted, and pronounced a most\\naccurate judgment on their arguments, style, fidelity,\\nauthority. Caoe, ap. Jortin, in A. D, 861.\\nt Moeheim, cent. ix. p. ii., c. iii.\\nthe holy chrism, withholding that power from\\nPresbyters 5. that they had interpolated the\\ncreed of Constantinople by the insertion of\\nthe words Filioque, and held the doctrine of\\nthe procession of the Holy Spirit from th\\nSon as well as the Father.\\nThese charges, and the consequent recrim-\\ninations, imbittered as they also were by\\nnational animosity, had, of course, no other\\neflfect than to exasperate the violence of both\\nparties; but we should be mistaken if we\\nwere wholly to attribute that fury to the dif-\\nferences either in doctrine or discipline. Its\\ndeepest motive is, perhaps, to be traced to\\nanother source. The Emperor, with the as-\\nsistance, and probably through the influence\\nof his ambitious Primate, had lately and defin-\\nitively withdrawn fi-om the papal jurisdiction\\nvarious provinces to the east of the Adriatic,\\nIllyricum, Macedonia, Epirus, Achaia, Thes-\\nsaly, and either transferred them to the pa-\\ntriarch, or (for the point is disputed) confirm-\\ned his previous authority over them and\\nthis, indeed, was an ecclesiastical offence of\\na description little calculated to find forgive-\\nness at Rome. Moreover, it happened that\\nthis sensible injury was immediately succeed-\\ned by another of the same nature. The\\nheathen inhabitants of Bulgaria, a province\\nof the Eastern Empire not far distant from\\nConstantinople, had very lately been convert-\\ned to Christianity by Greek missionaries or,\\nif it be admitted that some very imperfect ef-\\nforts had been previously made there by the\\nemissaries of Charlemagne, the Greeks at\\nleast had the merit of completing the spirit-\\nual conquest consequently, Photius placed\\nBulgaria under his own jurisdiction; nor will\\nthe impartial historian blame that Prelate for\\nhis endeavor to make the limits of the Church\\ncoextensive with those of the empire, and to\\nrepel the intrusive invasions of Rome.\\nBut the influence of the Pope was still\\nmaintained, and nourished by the dissensions\\nof the Greeks and the flame of controversy\\nhad not at all abated, when Basilius, the Ma-\\ncedonian, on his accession to the throne, de-\\nposed Photius, and restored Ignatius to his\\nformer dignity. This act was confirmed by a\\nCouncil assembled at Constantinople in 869,\\nIt appears, indeed, from Roman Catholic histo-\\nrians, that the Pope maintained a sort of communica-\\ntion with the Bulgarians, by means of missionaries,\\nand that their King actually sent his son to Rome in\\nacknowledgment (as those assert) of spiritual obedi-\\nence. The utmost that can be truly alleged is, that\\nthe field, which both parties had exerted themselves\\nto cultivate, was the subject of equal claims.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0183.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "176\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nin which the papal legates had great influ-\\nence, and which the Roman Church still ac-\\nknowledges as the Eighth General Council.\\nIn 878 Photius was recalled, and in 886 again\\ndeposed but neither his recall nor his depo-\\nsition had the effect of conferring on the pa-\\npal chair the jurisdiction for which it had\\nstruggled so pertinaciously. And, indeed, we\\nmay again observe, that throughout her long\\nsuccession of interferences in the religious\\naffairs of Greece, Rome has, on no occasion,\\ngained any substantial or permanent advan-\\ntage. In fact, even at the moment when she\\nseemed to be playing her part most ai tfully,\\nshe was little more than a tool in the more\\nartful hands of a Greek party, who flattered\\nher as long as their own interests required\\nher support, but were always ready to reject\\nher intervention when they required it no\\nlonger.\\nCerularius. We might have closed the\\naccount of this controversy with the mutual\\nexcommunications of Photius and Nicholas\\nindeed the schism did properly commence\\nat that period; and though the Popes contin-\\nued to prosecute, through the two succeed-\\ning centuries, their unsuccessful schemes of\\nambition, they produced little mischief, and\\nhave, consequently, little attracted the notice\\nof history. About the middle of the eleventh\\ncentury the attention of Rome seems to have\\nbeen particularly directed to the reduction of\\nthe Bishops of Alexandria ancf Antioch under\\nits own supremacy. Michael Cerularius,\\na man of lofty, perhaps turbulent, spirit, was\\nat that time patriarch, and after some angry\\ncorrespondence between him and Pope Leo\\nIX., the latter pronounced at Rome the sen-\\ntence of excommunication. Nevertheless,\\nhis legates were invited to Constantinople\\nwith a view to heal the schism there they\\nasserted some insolent claims, which Cerula-\\nrius indignantly rejected as the conference\\ncontinued, the differences grew deeper and\\nwider, and at length the legates in the heart\\nof Constantinople, in the Church of St. So\\nphia, publicly excommunicated the patriarch\\nand all his adherents. They then solemnly\\ndeposited the written act of their anathema\\non the grand altar of the Temple, and, having\\nshaken off the dust from their feet, departed.\\nThis event took place in 1054, and con-\\nfirmed and consummated the separation and\\nthough some degree of friendly intercourse\\nhas been occasionally resumed since that\\ntime, as political rather than religious exi-\\ngences have required it, the imputed errors\\nof the Greeks (of which the most offensive\\nwas their independence) have never been se-\\nriously retracted by their Church, nor ever\\nhave been pardoned by its rival.\\nWhile the Pontiffs were contending for authority,\\nthe Churches were debating with extreme ardor a\\npoint of difference posterior in origin to the time of\\nPhotius, viz. whether the bread used at the Eucharist\\nshould be leavened or unleavened The Greek clergj\\nheld the former opinion, and objected the latter to the\\nLatins as an unpardonable error. Some other abuses\\nare also imputed to them by Cerularius, and they are\\namong the most frivolous which could have been select-\\ned out of the long and dark list of their corruptions\\na proof that the spirit of the Greek Church in that\\nage was as far from the true comprehension of Christ-\\nianity as that of its rival.\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nThe Constitution of the Church as fixed by\\nCharlemagne.\\nI. Review of the anfe-Nicene Church Its construction\\nand government\u00e2\u0080\u0094 its real character and utility Doc-\\ntrines and heresies moral excellences- Origin of\\nvarious abuses Early false miracles their nature and\\nobject Exorcism Literary forgeries Distinction of\\nthe converts mysteries Original Sacraments their\\ngradual corruption\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Reverence for martyrs\u00e2\u0080\u0094 celebration\\nof their nativities Prayers and offerings for the dead\\nFasts, occasional and general Certain terms and\\nI usages borrowed from Jewish and Pagan systems In-\\nferences the ante-Nicene Church had imperfections\\nI which might easily have been remedied. II. From\\nCoiistantine to Gregory the Great (1.) Some particular\\ninnovations Celibacy of the Clergy practices of the\\nI Eastern and Western Churches\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gregory I. and VII.\\nRelaxation of Penitential discipline Purgatory Use\\nand consequent worship of images (2.) The Church\\nj in connexion with the State Origin of distinction\\nbetween temporal and spiritual power sources of\\necclesiastical povrer and influence\u00e2\u0080\u0094 increased authority\\nof the Church abuse of civil power for spiritual pur-\\nposes (3.) Internal government of the Church\\ndecrease of popular, increase of episcopal, power\\ncauses of this change Elements of the Papal system\\nthe most obvious causes of its rise and progress. III.\\nFrom Gregory to Charlemagne Differences between\\n1 the Eastern and Western Churches Further growth\\nI of episcopal authority in the latter Further exaltation\\nI of the See of Rome The Athanasian creed. IV.\\nJurisdiction and immunities of the Clergy Arbitration\\nof ancient Bishops confirmed by Constantine en-\\nlarged by Justinian\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Great extent of privilege conferred\\nI by Charlemagne his probable motives The False\\nDecretals\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Donation of Constantine\u00e2\u0080\u0094 their objects and\\ni effects.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 V. Revenues of the Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 oblations\u00e2\u0080\u0094 fixed\\nI property Donations various descriptions and objects\\nI of\u00e2\u0080\u0094 other sources of wealth Early distribution and\\napplication of ecclesiastical funds- Payment and esta-\\nj blishment of Tithes Various advantages conferred\\ni upon the world by the Church during the ages preceding\\nI Charlemagne.\\nWe shall depart from that important position\\nin our history which is occupied by the acts\\nof Charlemagne, with a clearer view of their\\nj nature and a better comprehension of ihe", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0184.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-NICENE CHURCH.\\n177\\ncharacter of the Homan Church, if we pre-\\nviously throw even a hasty retrospect over\\nsome portion of the path vdiich we have\\ntraced; and thus, after faintly retouching\\nsome parts which may not have been suffi-\\nciently illustrated, and noticing others with\\nmore care than has yet been bestowed on\\nthem, we shall complete the account which\\nwe propose to give of the first eight centuries\\nof the Church. Some particulars also will\\nbe introduced, of which all mention has pur-\\nposely been deferred till this occasion, in\\norder to bring them into contact with those\\nmore remarkable events to which they are\\nallied in principle, though separated by time\\nor other circumstances. We shall commence\\nthis review from the earliest ages.\\nI. The Ante-J^/icene Church. The Primi-\\ntive Assemblies {iyy.;L,laiai) of the converts\\nwere called Churches. These, in the first\\ninstance, were scattered, as the rehgion spread\\nitself, in perfect equality and independence,\\nand their affairs were, for the most part, regu-\\nlated by a body of presbyters, who acted with\\nthe consent of the people, and under the\\nguidance of the Apostles. This form of gov-\\nernment was, to a certain extent, modelled\\non that of the Jewish Synagogues, and it was\\nnatural that it should be so since most of\\nthe first converts were Jews; since Christ\\nhimself had not laid down any general rules\\nof ecclesiastical polity and since his Apostles\\nwere more intent on enlarging the numbers\\nof the believers, and informing their piety,\\nthan on constructiiig partial laws for the\\nexternal constitution of a society which was\\ndestined to comprehend every race and vari-\\nety of Man.\\nOver two at least among the original\\nChurches presidents were apostolically ap-\\npointed under the name of Bishops and\\npresently, as the Apostles were gradually\\nwithdrawn, it is certain that all the principal\\nChurches, with one or two exceptions, elected\\nfor themselves a superintendent under the\\nsame name. That custom prevailed very\\ncommonly even before the death of St. John,\\nand became almost univeisal before the end\\nof the first century still, for a certain time\\nlonger, the various Churches continued to\\nconduct their own affairs without any mutual\\ndependence, and with litde other correspond-\\nence than that of counsel and charity and\\nthe Bishop, in almost all matters, acted in\\nconcert with the Presbytery in the internal\\nadministration of each.\\nThus, in the unsettled constitution of the\\n23\\nPrimitive Church, we may observe the ele-\\nments of three forms of government subsist-\\ning under apostolical dh-ection, the Episcopal,\\nthe Presbyterian, and the Independent. But\\nof these the second scarcely survived the de-\\nparture of the inspii-ed directors, and imme-\\ndiately subsided into a limited episcopacy\\nand the thu d, though it continued somewhat\\nlonger, so coalesced with the other two, that\\nthe greater part, if not the whole, of the Inde-\\npendent Churches during the first half of the\\nsecond centur} were ruled by a Bishop and\\na Presbytery: that is to say, the various\\nsocieties which constituted the body of Chris-\\ntendom were so ruled, though as yet they\\nexercised no control over each other. i\\nIn a very short time, as new circumstances\\nrapidly sprang up, it was found necessary for\\nthe common interest to facilitate a more gen-\\neral communication between societies, which,\\nthough separate in government, were united\\nby far more powerful ties. This was most\\nreasonably accomplished by the assembling\\nof occasional Councils, called Synods, com-\\nposed for the most part of Bishops, each of\\nwhom represented his own Church, and ac-\\nknovv ledged no superiority of power or rank\\nin any of his brethren. These associations\\nof Churches cannot be traced to the first cen-\\ntury but before the time of Tertullian f they\\nwere very common and extensive, at least in\\nGreece, and the custom rapidly spread over\\nevery part of Christendom. The rules or\\ncanons enacted by these Synods were re-\\nceived as laws of the Church throughout the\\nprovince which had sent its deputies to the\\nmeeting they were frequently published and\\ncommunicated to other provinces, and the\\ncorrespondence and co-operation thus created\\nunited, in a certain measure, the whole body,\\nand combined the many scattered Churches\\ninto that one^ which, even in those early days,\\nwas called the Catholic\\\\ Church. But from\\nthis description we observe both the inde-\\npendent equality of the members composing\\nit, and also, that it had no acknowledged^\\nPerhaps we might even say four at least those,\\nwho maintain the siifticiency of the occasional and\\nspontaiieous exhortation of anj^ zealous inembei of any\\ncongregation for spiritual instruction, also seek their\\nauthority in the partial and ti ausient practice of the\\nPrimiti\\\\e Church.\\nt De Jejuuiis. Aguntur per Grsecias ilia in Jocis\\nconcilia ex universis ecclesiis, per qute et altiora\\nquseque in commune tractantur, et ipsa repreesentatio\\ntotius noniinis Christian! magna veneratione celebra-\\ntur.\\nSee BingluiiJii(_Antiq. b. i., c. i. sect. 7.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0185.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "1-78\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nchief or head. For though the Metropolitans\\nmight assume, each in his own province,\\nsome superiority in rank, perhaps even in\\nauthority, yet these among themselves were\\nequal, and their precedence and power were\\nstrictly confined to their own district.\\nThe principal bond which united the orig-\\ninal Catholic Church was the possession of a\\ncommon canon or catalogue of sacred books\\nand thus, when everywhere tried by the same\\ntest, the opinions which might be stigmatized\\nas heretical by any one of the Churches\\nwere, for the same reason, condemned by the\\nUniversal Church and the spiritual delin-\\nquentSy who were removed from the com-\\nmunion by a part of the Catholic body, were\\neonsequently repudiated by the whole. It is\\ntrue, that those who combined and directed\\nthis external system of Catholicism were the\\necclesiastical ministers, and chiefly the Bish-\\nops; it is also true, that the influence of all\\nthese over the people, and the power of the\\nlatter in the government of their dioceses, were\\naugmented beyond their original moderation\\nby the circumstances which led the clergy to\\nso general a co-operation. But, on the other\\nhand, it is extremely doubtful whether, with-\\nout such a confederation, the faith itself,\\nloosely scattered over so broad a space, could\\nhave Vi^ith stood the various tempests which\\nwere levelled against it and it certainly was\\nnot possible, that any general confederation\\ncould have been formed among the Churches,\\nunless by the exertions of their directors\\na\u00c2\u00abd thoscy too, in each instance invested with\\nsome personal authority so that if there are\\nany who inveigh against the original Catholic\\nChurch as the first corruption of Christianity,\\nand the parent of all that have followed, they\\ndo not appear sufficiently to consider either\\nthe simple objects and character of that\\nChurch, or the perilous circumstances under\\nwhich it coalesced, and combined many de-\\nfenceless members into one powerful body.\\nUnder aw^ circumstances, a close association\\nan4 unity among religious societies possessing\\nthe same canon of faith and the same form\\nof administration would have been natural\\nand desirable; but, under the pressure of\\ncommon danger and calamity, it was not only\\nreasonable, but necessary.\\nSemler (Observationes Novje m Historiam HI.\\nprimor. sgec. considers it to have been the worst\\nconsequence of the formation of the earlj Church as a\\nsingle body, that it resiraiiied the liberty of individual\\njudgment, or what he calls internal religion; that\\nit imposed certain rules, both of doctrine and disci-\\npline,, upon tlie more ignorant aiKl worldly Cla-istians,\\nThe writings of the ante-Nicene fathers\\ncontain all the most important doctrines of\\nChristianity; but we should vainly search\\nthose books for a complete and consistent\\nsystem of theology. In fact, their writers\\ndid not commonly handle the dogmas of\\nfaith, unless with a view to the confutation\\nof some new or prevalent heresy. Thus\\ntheir arguments were usually directed to a\\nparticular purpose, and addressed to the\\nviews and prejudices of the time or place in\\nwhich they were published. Many of them\\nwere uninstructed in the art of reasoning,\\nand almost all were, in some degree, infected\\neither with the narrow spirit of Judaism, or\\nthe loose and speculative genius of philoso-\\nphy so that, in correcting the errors of\\nothers, they often deviated very widely from\\nsense and truth themselves, f Those contro-\\nand discouraged any laxity, or, as he would say,\\nfreedom, of interpretation or practice. And on that\\nprinciple he exalts the character of the bolder and\\nmore mystical writers, Clemens Aiexandrinus and\\nOrigen, who were not partisans of the Church, at the\\nexpense of TertuHian, Cyprian, and others, and\\npraises the independence of the heretics in thinking\\nand reasoning for themselves. We are not, however,\\nable to discover that the expositions of Scripture con-\\ntained in the Alexandrian, are, upon the whole, more\\nsound and rational than those of the Carthaginian,\\nFathers, Avhile they certainly abound with many fanci-\\nful extravagances from which the latter are free; and\\nwe have shown that tlie tenets of many of the early\\nheretics were incalculably remote from the precincts\\nof reason and Scripture. At the same time, we are\\nwilling to agree with Seinler, that it were better far\\nfor religion to endure all those irregular absurdities,\\nthan to support the Unity of the Church as it was\\nproclaimed in the Roman. Catholic sense, and as it\\nwas upheld by execution and massacre. But it can-\\nnot be asserted that the papal system was the necessa-\\nry offspring of the early Catliolic Church for, if so,\\nit would have arisen in the Eastern as surely as in the\\nWestern communion. The worst principles of that\\nsystem proceeded from causes posterior far to the\\nsecond century and the union of the religious socie-\\nties which at that time constituted the Church was,\\nin our opinion, an instrument in God s hands both for\\nthe preservation of sound doctrine amidst the numerous\\nand irrational deviations of heresy, and also for the\\nassociation of the faithful in discipline, and in devoted\\nresistance to the attacks of persecution.\\nC est la matiere de tons les Sermons des Peres\\nla morale et les heresies du terns. Sans cette clef\\nsouvent on ne les entend pas; ou du inoins on ne les\\npeut gouter. Et c est encore une utilite considerable\\nde I Histoire Ecclesiastique. Car quand on scait les\\nheresies qui regnoient en chaque teins et en cliaque\\npais on voit pourquoi les peres revcnoient toujour*\\na certains points de doctrine. Fleury, Disc. 1. sur\\nPHist. Eccles.,s. xiv.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Even Irengcus, almost the earliest among them, 1%", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0186.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-NICENE CHURCH.\\n179\\nversies, however, though not always conduct-\\ned with becoming moderation, were not, per-\\nhap-s, without their use even in those days,\\nsince they warmed the zeal and animated the\\nindustry of the parties without endangering\\ntheir personal security. And to us their re-\\ntrospect may bring some increase of charity,\\nif the consideration of the very broad and\\nessential points, on which they turned, should\\nhaply lead us to attach less weight to those less\\nmomentous differences, which have raised\\nsuch heats in later times^ and which even yet\\nhave not entirely lost their bitterness.\\nIt is certain that a very important moral\\nmiprovement was immediately introduced\\nby Christianity, wheresoever it gained foot-\\ning. The earliest societies of the converts\\nfurnished an example of rigid, but simple\\nand unaffected piety, to which the history of\\nman can, perhaps, produce no parallel and\\neven in the following century we need not\\nhesitate to assert the incomparable superiori-\\nty of the Christians over their Pagan contem-\\nporaries the principles of their religion, the\\nseverity of their discipline, the pecuharity of\\ntheir civil condition, confirm the evidence\\nwhich assures us that such was the fact.\\nBut the golden days of Christianity were\\nconfined to its infancy, and it is a great delu-\\nsion to imagine that its perfect integrity con-\\ntinued throughout the whole period of its\\npersecution, or to refer indiscriminately to\\nthe history of the three first centuries for a\\nmodel of Evangelical purity. We must also\\nbe careful not to exaggerate the merits of the\\nearly Church, nor to extenuate the abuses\\nwhich it certainly admitted, nor to exculpate\\nthe ministers who created or encouraged\\nthem.\\nSo iar, indeed, are we from any such inten-\\ntion, that we consider the present as a proper\\nopportunity to examine with more specific\\nnotice the innovations which successively ap-\\npeared either in doctrine or discipline that\\nwe may ascribe to its proper age each of the\\nseveral abuses which at length combined to\\ndeform the structure of the Catholic Church\\nand that we may perceive how gradual was\\ntheir growth, and how deep and ancient the\\nroot from which many of them proceeded.\\nThat to which we shall first recall the\\nreader s attention (for there are few, if any,\\nof which some mention has not already been\\nmade) is the claim to miraculous power, as\\nnot exempt from this charge; his errors are enume-\\nI Hted by Dupin, Nouv. Biblioth., Vie S. Irenee, vol.\\ni. p. 73.\\ninherent in the Church, which was asserted\\nby several among the early Christians, from\\nJustin Martyr downwards, and asserted (as\\nevidence and reason have persuaded us)\\nwithout any truth. According to the Apolo-\\ngists, and other writers of the second and\\nthird centuries, the sick were commonly\\nhealed, the dead were raised,f and evil spirits\\ncast out, through the prayers of the faithful\\nin the name of Jesus. Men of unquestiona*\\nble piety eagerly retailed, and may possibly\\nhave believed, each other s fabrications. Vis-\\nions and dreams became the motives of action\\nor belief, and the commonest feelings and res-\\nolutions were ascribed to the immediate im-\\npulse and inspiration of the Deity. Some\\nnominal converts may thus have been en-\\nrolled under the banners of the Church\\nSee Chap. ii. p. 40.\\nt The following is part of the celebrated testimony\\nof Irenaeus (lib. ii. cap. 31 or 57) as cited by Euse-\\nbius (lib. V. cap. 7):\u00e2\u0080\u0094 oi uh yuQ daiuorag iXavvovon\\n^Sf Saiwg xal ocXifiMg- ujoTs noXXuxig y.ai morevsiv\\navTovg fxsirovg xa6aQio6ivrag ano tmv tcov^qojv\\nnvEVLiurwv y.al that iv rij iy.y.Xi]aia- ot 5k xal\\nnqoyviuaiv t /ovaiTcov ^(.i7.).6vr(xiv,y.aL onraoiag y.al\\nQt jOsig TTQOtprjTixixg u7.).oi Ss rovg yuurovrag Stu\\nT/Jg TfSv j(eiomv tJTi iOsojg Lcorxai, xal VYurg\\narroya iOTaotv. ijSt] Si xa u g scpaus^ y.al rsyQoi\\niYfQ rjaav, y.al Tcaqhinvav avv \\\\uiv ixavorg etsOi.\\nICuL Tt yuq; ovy. eOTiv ocQi^uor si/rsiv X(7 v /aqiau-\\nuT(x)v u)v y.uTce Tcarrhg Tov xiauov fxy.XrjOlu naqa\\nQiov Xa^ovaa, c. c. Some effectually expel\\ndevils, so that the very persons who are cleansed\\nfrom evil spirits believe and are in the Church;\\nothers have foreknowledge of the future, and visions\\nand prophetic declai-ations others heal the sick by\\nimposition of hands; and it has happened (as \\\\V8\\nhave said) that the dead have been raised and con-\\ntinued among us for some years. It is impossible to\\nenumerate the grace which the Church throughout\\nthe whole world has received from God, c.\\nWe shall here only remark (as Jortin has remarked!\\nbefore us) that in speaking of resurrection, the writer\\nuses the past tense, while the other miracles are de-\\nscribed as in the actual course of present occurrence;\\nyet the words avv j;i/rv cannot, without great violence,\\nbe understood of any preceding generation, and we\\ndoubt not that Ireneeus intended to assert that dead\\npersons had been brought to life in his own time. In\\na subsequent paragraph, that father also claims the\\ngift of tongues for his age. xa iog xal nokkfov\\naxovouiv adsXcfcov h rY] ixy.}.i]o[a n^ocpijrixu\\n/anlauara i/ovrwi xal TravTodairaig ?.a?.ovvTU)V\\nihlx ITtsvitaTog yXwoaatg. After this passage, there\\nis scarcely any mention made of that gift in ecclesias-\\ntical history. We should observe, that Eusebiua\\nmakes the above citation in proof of his assertion\\nthat miraculous powers iv fxx?.r,aiatg rtaiv vtts-\\nksiTCTO as late as the time of Irenaeus. He does not\\nappear disposed to claim them /or the Ckiirch at any\\nlater period.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0187.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "180\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nbut the evil of the practice overbalanced its\\nprofit, even its momentary profit since the\\nBimds of men w^ere thereby hurried away\\nfrom the proper understanding of the Gospel,\\nand the true character of the religion, to gaze\\nafter marvels and prodigies, and prepared to\\nascribe to fallacious impressions a belief, I\\nwhich can only be sound w^hen it is founded\\nin reason. It is proper, however, to point out\\none general distinction between these early\\nmiracles and those which clouded the Church\\nin later ages for, though it is insufficient to\\nestablish their credit, it may lead us to regard\\ntheir authors with more charity. There ap-\\npears to have been nothing absurd or super-\\nstitious in the manner of their performance,\\nnor base or wicked in their object. They are\\nrelated to have been usually wrought by the\\nsimple invocation of Christ s name; and it\\ndoes not appear that their accomplishment\\ndirectly tended to feed avarice or individual\\nambition neither to augment the power of\\nthe clergy, nor to decide religious controversy,\\nnor to subvert any obnoxious heresy, nor to\\nestablish any new doctrine, nor to recom-\\nmend any foolish practice or superstitious\\nobservance. We can seldom trace them to\\nany other motive than an injudicious zeal fori\\nthe propagation of the faith.\\nThe triumphs of the Exorcists over the\\npowers of darkness are so loudly and perpet-\\nually celebrated by the oldest Church writers,\\nthat they may deserve a separate notice. It\\nseems, indeed, probable that the Jews, espe-\\ncially after their intercourse with the Chal-\\ndseans during the captivity, attributed to the\\ndirect operation of evil spirits a great number\\nof those disorders of which the causes were\\nnot obvious and such particularly as were\\nattended by distortion of body, or extraordi-\\nnary mental agitation and frenzy, f This\\ndelusion necessarily created a large and vari-\\nous multitude of Dsemoniacs, whose mani-\\nfold diseases could hope for no relief from\\nordinary remedies, as they proceeded not\\nfrom human accidents. The language even\\nof Scripture, when literally understood, ap-\\npears to sanction such an opinion, and the\\nliteral interpretation has had its advocates\\namong the learned and pious in every age of\\nthe Church. But the notion of real Dsemo-\\nniacal agency was carried to an extreme of\\nabsurdity, and led, we fear, to many acts of\\ndeceit in the second and third centuries.\\nThis subject is very fairly treated by Di-. Jortin\\nin tlie beginning of his second book.\\nt See Lightfoot- Horse Hebraicse-\\nOh, could you but hear (says Cyprian)* and\\nsee those daemons when they are tortured by\\nus, and afilicted with spiritual chastisement\\nand verbal anguish, and thus ejected from the\\nbodies of the possessed [obsessorum moan-\\ning and lamenting with human voice, through\\nthe power divine, as they feel the rods and\\nstripes, they confess the judgment to come.\\nThe exorcists rule with commanding right\\nover the whole army of the insolent adversa-\\nry. Oftentimes the devil promises to depart,\\nbut departs not but when we come to bap-\\ntism, then indeed we ought to be assured and\\nconfident, because the daemon is then op-\\npressed, and the man is consecrated to God\\nand liberated. The invocation of Christ, at-\\ntended by the sign of the cross, and pro-\\nnounced by persons formally appointed to the\\noffice, was the method by which those stu-\\npendous effects were usually produced and\\none among the many evils which proceeded\\nfrom this absurd practice was an opinion,\\nwhich gained some prevalence among the\\nless enlightened converts, that the object of\\nChrist s mission was to emancipate mankind\\nfrom the yoke of their invisible enemy, and\\nthat the promised Redemption was nothing\\nmore than a sensible liberation from the\\nmanifest influence of evil spirits.\\nOf the literary forgeries which corrupted\\nand disgraced the ante-Nicene Church, we\\nhavfe made frequent and sorrowful mention\\nand the great number f and popularity of such\\napocryphal works seem indeed to prove that\\nthe Canon of the New Testament, though\\nvery early received among the clergy, was\\nnot in general circulation among the people.\\nThey arose in the second, even more, per-\\nhaps, than in the following age, and originat-\\ned partly in the still remaining influence of\\nJudaism, partly in the connexion between\\nChristianity and philosophy, which at that\\ntime commenced. Almost all the Church\\nwriters partook more or less of one or the\\nother of these tendencies Justin Martyr,\\nTatian, Irenseus, and even Tertullian himself,\\nEpist. 76. Both IrenaeiTs and Tertullian are very\\nanimated on the same subject.\\nt Among these, besides the Epistte to Abgarus, the\\nworks ascribed to Hermes Trisraegistus, the Sibyl-\\nline Prophesies, Hydaspis^ the Apostolical Canons\\nand Constitutions, we may mention various apocry-\\nphal histories of Jesus, of Mary, and his other rela-\\ntives of Tiberius, Nicodemus, and Joseph of Arima-\\nthea of the Apostles, especially St. Peter the origin\\nof the Apostles Creed the Synods of the Apostles\\nthe Epistle of Seneca to Paul\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the Acts of Piiatt?,\\nc. c.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0188.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-NICENE CHURCH.\\n181\\nwere in some degree tainted by the former\\ninfection, and Clemens Alexandrinus and Or-\\nigen were deeply vitiated by the latter. But\\nwe do not intend to ascribe the forgeries in\\nquestion to those respectable fathers, nor\\neven wholly to any membei-s of the Church,\\nthough we admit that some of them received\\nundue countenance from that quarter. We\\nshall here only remark, without pausing again\\nto condemn the principle which created them,\\nthat their immediate effect was exceedingly\\ninjurious, since they contributed, together\\nwith the other abuses just mentioned, to dis-\\nseminate false and unworthy notions respect-\\ning the nature of Christianity. Foremost\\namong them, the gross Millenarian doctrine,\\nwhich was the firstborn child of tradition,\\nwas supported and diffused by those writ-\\nings and it did not cease to exercise, ui va-\\nrious parts of Christendom, a pernicious and\\nperhaps powerful influence, until it was\\nchecked by the pen of Origen and succeed-\\ning writers.\\nThe distinction of the converts into Cat-\\nechumens, and Faithful, or Believers,\\n(moTol) was introduced after the age of Jus-\\ntin, and before or during that of Tertullian.*\\nIts motive was probably twofold first, to\\nprove the sincerity, to instruct the ignorance,\\nto ascertain or correct the morality of the\\nruder proselytes, who were now numerous\\nand eager for baptism, and so to restrain the\\nindiscrimmate performance of that rite next,\\nto conciliate reverence and excite curiosity\\nby the temporary concealment of the most\\nsolemn ceremonies of the new rehgion. To\\nthis end the Catechumens were only admit-\\nted to the previous part of the service, and,\\nbefore the celebration of the Holy Sacra-\\nments, were dismissed f all that followed\\nDe Prescrip. adv. Haeret. cap. 41. He censures\\nthe heretics for not making the distinction in question\\nin their congregations.\\nIte, Missa est. (i. e. Ecclesia.) Go it is dis-\\nmissed. This seems, upon the whole, the most prob-\\nable origin of the words. Missal, Mass; though many\\nothers have been proposed. (See Bingham, b. xiii.,\\nchap, i.) Ot cey.oivojvyjToi, TCtQiTtart jGaTE -JNon-\\ncommunicants, depart was the Greek form of sepa-\\nrating the two classes. Bingham is very minute, and\\nprobably very faithful, in describing the nature of the\\nMissa Catechumenorum and the Missa Fidelium, or\\nCommunion Service though the forms, as he gives\\nthem, probably belonged to the fourth and the subse-\\nquent, rather than the preceding, centuries. But a\\nsummary of the instructions delivered to the fonner is\\ngiven by the author of the Constit. ApostoL, lib. vii.,\\nc. 39. It embraces the knowledge of the Trinity, the\\norder of tlie world s a-eation and series of Divine\\nwas strictly veiled from them, until the time\\nof their own initiation. Even from the above\\nshort description it is easy to discover in this\\nearly Christian practice an imitation of the\\nsystem of Pagan mysteries. These, as is well\\nkno^vn, were twofold in number and impor-\\ntance the first or lesser being of common\\nnotoriety, and easy access to all conditions\\nand ages, while the greater were revealed,\\nwith considerable discrimination, to such\\nonly as were thought qualified for the privi-\\nlege, by their rank, or knowledge, or virtue.\\nThe name also passed mto the Liturgies of\\nthe Church; and the Sacraments, which\\nwere withdrawn from the profane eye of the\\nCatechumens, were denominated mysteries.\\nThese mysteries continued for some time,\\nperhaps till the beginning of the fourth centu-\\nry, to be two only. Baptism and the Eucharist,\\nWe have proofs, indeed, that in that age the\\nceremonies, at least of Penitential Absolution,\\nof Ordination, and Confirmation,* were con-\\ncealed fi om the uninitiated, as carefully as\\nthe two original Sacraments and hence no\\ndoubt arose the error which has sanctified\\nthem by the same name. Regarding the rite\\nof Baptism, we have noticed in a former\\nchapter a misapprehension of its tme nature\\nand object, which gained very early footing\\nin the Church and the consequent abuse of\\ndeferring it until the hour of death was clear-\\nly customary before the days of Constantino\\nwe need not pause to point out the evils\\nwhich obviously proceeded from it. f The\\noriginal simple character of the eucharistical\\nassemblies of the primitive Christians, such\\nas they are described by Justin Martyr,\\nProvidence, as exhibited in the Old Testament: tire\\nDoctrine of Clirist s Incarnation, Passion, Resurrec-\\ntion, and Assumption, and what it is to renounce the\\ndevil and to enter into the Covenant of Christ.\\nThe passages which respectively prove these\\nthree facts are from Optatus contr. Parmen., liv. ii.,\\np. 57; Chrjsostom Hom., 18, in ii. Cor. p. 872;\\nand Innocent I., Epist. i., ad Decentium Eugubin\\nand are cited by Bingham, Antiq,, book x., chapter\\nV. St. Basil (De Spir. Sanct., c. 27) places the Oil\\nof Chrism among the things which the uninitiated\\nmight not look upon; while St. Augustin (Comm, in\\nPsalm ciii., Concio. i.) says, Quid est quod occul-\\ntum est et non publicum in Ecclesial Sacramentum\\nBaptismi, Sacramentum Eucharisti(B. Opera nos-\\ntra bona vident et Pagani, Sacramenta vero occultan-\\ntur illis. The practice probably varied in different\\nChurches but the whole proves that the Seven Sac-\\nraments were not yet acknowledged in any.\\nt Gibbon somewhere proposes a question, which\\nwe profess our inability to resolve, whether this per-\\nnicious practice was at any time condemned by any\\nCoimcil of the Church 1", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0189.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "182\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwas first exalted by the strong and almost\\nambiguous language of Irenaeus, and still\\nfurther by the exaggerated though vague ex-\\npressions of subsequent writers. By such\\nmeans the Eucharist gradually rose to be\\nconsidered the most abstruse and awful of\\nthe mysteries. Yet is it still doubtful wheth-\\ner this grew to be a great abuse before the\\nestablishment of the Church though the\\nsecrecy and exclusiveness which surrounded\\nits most holy ceremony offended the open\\ncharacter of the religion, and even lessened\\nits estimation among the wise and virtuous,\\nby introducing an unworthy assimilation to\\nthe mummeries of Paganism.\\nIt was an opinion in the third century,\\noriginating, perhaps, with TertulHan, but\\nmore expressly declared by Dionysius, That\\nthe holy martyrs were the assessors of Christ\\nand participators in his kingdom, and partak-\\ners in his judgment, sitting in judgment with\\nhim. f While we read this extravagant con-\\nceit of that early age, we might almost be\\ndisposed to praise the moderation of later\\ntimes, which were contented to invest those\\nholy sufferers with the character of media-\\ntors. But long even before the age of Dio-\\nnysius, and probably before any thought had\\nbeen raised respecting their immediate exal-\\ntation or beatification, it had been a natural\\nand even pious custom to celebrate the biiih-\\ndays of those who had offered themselves up\\nas sacrifices for their religion. By their birth-\\ndays (their yivi Xia) were understood, not the\\ndays of their introduction to the sins and af-\\nflictions of earth, but of their release from\\nsuch bondage and their resurrection to glory.\\nThese days of their nativity to everlasting\\nlife were observed (as indeed it was fit) in\\njoyous commemoration of the piety of the\\ndeparted, and of the example which they had\\nbequeathed to posterity. Assemblies were\\nheld for this purpose at the tombs of the mar-\\ntyrs, or on the spots where they had perished,\\nand their frequency is attested by Tertullian,\\nCyprian, Origen, and others of the oldest\\nfathers. The Muqtvqojv yivi lia were the\\nsaints days of the early Christians, and may\\nbe traced at least as far back as the execution\\nThe passages in Irenaeus which have given occa-\\nsion to the warmest controversy, and not wholly with-\\nout ground, are lib. iv., c. 17 (or 32) and 18 (or 34),\\nand lib. v., c. 2, Miracula Sacraj Coense vel Cyprianus\\naudet narrare. Semler. Observ. Nov., c.\\nt Tertull. de Resurrectione Carnis, cap. 43. Nemo\\nenira peregrinatus a corpore statim immoratur penes\\nDominum, nisi ex martyrii prerogativa, Paradiso\\nscilicet no\u00c2\u00ab Inferis deversurus. And lib, de Anima,\\nof Polycarp and as the places of meeting\\nwere not then consecrated by chapels or\\nsanctuaries, and as the mortal, whose eutha-\\nnasia was commemorated, was not yet made\\nan object of superstitious adoration, it would\\nbe too severe to charge upon those innocent\\ndemonstrations of popular reverence the sys-\\ntem of idolatrous impiety which was built in\\nlater ages on that foundation, f\\nThe use of prayers and even of offerings\\nfor the dead was earlier than the age of Ter-\\ntullian X nor is it any wonder that the nu-\\nmerous converts from Paganism should bring\\nover with them some fragments of their for-\\nmer observances. But there is no just rea-\\nson to suspect that the ante-Nicene Church\\nstudied to turn them to its own profit, or at\\nleast that they were made to minister to the\\navarice of the clergy. If they were encour-\\naged, it was rather through the hope of in\\ncreasing by such indulgence the number of\\nthe proselytes.\\nThe mortification of occasional fasting was\\nprobably enjoined in the earliest age. For\\nthe ceremony of Baptism, as we learn from\\nJustin, both the neophyte and the congrega-\\ntion were prepared by abstinence and in the\\ntime of Tertullian, the Bishops, if he belies\\nthem not, found their advantage in increasing\\nthe number of such observances. The first\\ngeneral fast was on Good Friday, and it does\\nnot appear that any others were very soon\\nadded, or at least universally received. Yet\\ncap. 55. Dionys. ap. Euseb., liv. vi., cap. 42.\\nrov XoiOTov 7TuQB(^()oi, y.al rfjg paai?.\u00c2\u00a3iag avrov\\ny.oivonot Hal iniro/oi rijg y.Qiaswg avrov, y.al\\novvtir/iutovTsg avTM\\nIn the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna to that\\nof Phiiomelium (in Euseb., liv. iv., cap. 15), the\\nwriters, after mention of the martyrdom of Polycarp,\\nexpress their intention, by God s permission, to\\nmeet at his tomb and celebrate his birth-day. See\\nCave, Primitive Christianity, p. ii., ch. 7.\\nf We do not mean that there was no tendency to\\nsuperstition in the honors paid to martyrs even in\\nthe third century. Relics were already coming into\\nconsideration, the blood of the sufferers was eagerly\\ncollected in sponges, and other similar extravagances\\nare recorded; but these were the natural excesses of\\npopular enthusiasm, and would have ceased wilh the\\ncessation of persecution, if they had not afterwards\\nbeen perpetuated and systematized by the arts of a\\ncorrupt priesthood.\\nX Tertull. de Monogamia, c. 10.\\nHe may do so, for in his Liber de Jejuniis he\\nis writing in favor of Montanism against the Church.\\nBene autem quod et Episcopi universae plebi mandare\\njejunia assolent non dico de industria stipium\\nconfer endarum, ut vestrcB captures est, sed inter-\\ndum et ex aliqua solicitudinis Ecclesiasticae causa,\\nSee Thomassin, Traite d\u00c2\u00abs Jeunes de I EgUse.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0190.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-NICENE CHURCH.\\n183\\nthere can be rfb doubt, that long before the\\nfourth century at least some part of Lent\\nwas strictly observed, and a partial fast (till\\nthree in the afternoon) on the fourth and\\nsixth days of every week, is by some referred\\nto very high antiquity. Upon the whole it\\nwould seem, however, that, until the esta-\\nblishment of the Church, a great variety pre-\\nvailed in this department of its discipline,\\ndependent in some measure on the circum-\\nstances of particular provinces, and the indi-\\nvidual regulations of the Bishops presiding\\nthere.\\nWhen we consider m what countries the\\nreligion was revealed, and among what peo-\\nple it first spread, it is natural to search for\\nthe oldest forms of its external economy in\\nthe Jewish, and for those somewhat less an-\\ncient in the Pagan, system and thus we\\nfind them to have originated, so far at least\\nas the origin of either can be discovered with\\nany certainty. There can be little doubt, for\\ninstance, that the very early distinction be-\\ntween Clergy and Laity was immediately de-\\nrived from the corresponding institution of\\nJudaism. The gradations and offices of the\\noriginal Priesthood, and the power of the\\nPresbytery, proceeded from the same source,f\\nand the subsequent introduction of the more\\ndignified term Sacerdos attested the continu-\\nation of the same influence. Again, There\\nseems to be nothing more uncontested among\\nlearned men than that the Jews had set\\nforms of worship in all parts of Divine Ser-\\nvice, and that the Apostles freely used these\\nin all instances in which they thought it nec-\\nessary or becoming to join with them. Their\\nordinary service was of two sorts the ser-\\nvice of the Temple and the service of the\\nSynagogue. These differed in many re-\\nspects but both agreed in this, that the pub-\\nhe prayers in both were offered up in a\\ncertain constant form of words. To what\\nThe Quadragesimal Fast {naaaqaxoarii) is by\\nsome supposed to indicate the number of hours of\\nabstinence which preceded the festival of the Resur-\\nrection. But in the time of Chrysostom (who calls\\nLent the remedy and physic of the soul and of\\nTheodosius the Great (who suspended all criminal\\nproceedings and punishments during its continuance)\\nthe entire period was unquestionably observed. See\\nCave on the Early Church, chapter vii.\\nt There is a passage in St. Clement s First Epistle\\nto the Corinthians, chap. 40, in which the system of\\nJewish discipline is indirectly proposed as a model\\nfor the imitation of Christians.\\nBingham (Church Antiq. Book xiii., chap, v.)\\nin prosecution of this subject, exhibits too warmly\\nXkiQ zeal of an advocate.\\nextent this practice was imitated in the prim-\\nitive Church remains extremely uncertain,\\nnotwithstanding the controversial labors of\\nmany learned men. Perhaps this very un-\\ncertainty should be sufficient to convince us,\\nthat the earliest forms of services were ex-\\ntremely short and variable otherwise more\\nample specimens of them would have reach-\\ned posterity. On the other hand, the scanty\\npassages which are adduced from Ignatius,\\nJustin, IrensBus, and Tertullian, certainly\\nprove, that there were some fixed prayers in\\nuse in some of the ancient Churches, which\\nmay or may not have been common to them\\nall. And this usage was an imitation, imper-\\nfect as it was, of the Jewish offices. On the\\nother hand there are many of the early Ec-\\nclesiastical terms, and some few ceremonies\\nchiefly of the third century, which are more\\nusually considered of Pagan derivation, though\\nsome of them may with equal Justice be as-\\ncribed to a Jewish original. The oldest name\\nfor the chancel was ^voiaonlqiov, Ara Dei, or\\nAltare oblations were made there, and the\\nunbloody sacrifice offered up, and frankin-\\ncense smoked, and lamps were lighted, even\\nduring the persecutions of the Church even\\nvotive donations (donaria ava ;uara) were\\nsuspended in the yet rude and ill-constructed\\ntemples of Christ. But the simple superstition\\nof the Faithful in those ages did not proceed\\nto more dangerous excesses. It was reserved\\nfor the following century to fill those temples\\nwith images, and to introduce into the Sanc-\\ntuaries of God the predominating spirit of\\nPaganism.\\nIn reference to the facts which we have\\nnow stated, and which carry with them the\\nplain conclusions to which we proceed, it\\nseems only necessary to observe Jirst, that\\nwe are not to attend to those writers who\\nrepresent the ante-Nicene Church as the per-\\nfect model of a Christian society as the\\nunfailing storehouse whence universal and\\nperpetual rules of doctrine and discipline\\nmay be derived with confidence, and follow-\\ned with submission. The truth is far other-\\nwise and though we ought assuredly to\\ndistinguish the authority of the apostolical\\nfrom that of the later uninspired writers, still\\neven the works of those first Fathers are not\\nwithout much imperfection, and furnish, be-\\nsides, very insuffi cient materials for the con-\\nstruction or defence of any system and in\\nthe extensive variety both of opinions and\\narguments which distinguishes their success-\\nors from Justin to Eusebius, we cannot faU\\nto observe, that the former are sometimes", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0191.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "184\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nerroneous, and the latter very commonly\\nfeeble and inconsequential. From such facts\\nwe are compelled to infer, that the true na-\\nture and design of Christ s mission on earth\\nwere not yet very perfectly comprehended\\nby the mass of Christians in the second and\\nthird centuries. Indeed, it was scarcely pos-\\nsible that it could be otherwise, since they\\nconsisted of converts, or the children of con-\\nverts, many of whom were imbued with the\\ndeep and unbending prejudices of Judaism,\\nand the others attached by long hereditary\\naffection to the splendid ceremonies of Pa-\\nganism. To either of these classes it was\\nnecessary to address a peculiar form of argu-\\nment, and to present a peculiar view of the\\nrehgion, that there might be any just hope of\\npersuading them to embrace it. We should\\nalso mention that some of the errors of the\\nthird, and even of the second century, may\\nbe ascribed to the undue weight already at-\\ntached to apostolical tradition, and the au-\\nthority that was blindly attributed to any\\nprecept or usage, however obscurely traced\\nto that uncertain source.\\nBut, in the second place, we are equally\\nbound to remark, that the fundamental doc-\\ntrines of Christianity shine with a steady and\\ncontinuous light through the strange mists in\\nwhich the ante-Nicene Church has some-\\ntimes involved them it was a great advan-\\ntage v/hich that age possessed over those\\nwhich followed, that it confined itself to\\nplain and scriptural expressions, and was\\ncontented to deliver the truths of God in the\\nlanguage of the holy wi itings. Moreover,\\nwe should add, that among the abuses which\\nwe have described, though some were shame-\\nful to their inventors, and injurious to the\\ncause, there were many which, in their ori-\\ngin, were comparatively, if not absolutely,\\ninnocent in many instances they arose rath-\\ner from the circumstances of the converts\\nthan from the design of the priesthood, and\\nthere were fev/, if any, among them which\\nmight not have been arrested after the esta-\\nblishment of Christianity, if that security\\nwhich gave power to the ministers of re-\\nligion had conferred wisdom and true piety\\nalong with it.\\nTo conclude, then a general view of the\\nChurch of the three first ages presents to us\\na body always unconnected with the State,\\nfrequently at variance with it surrounded\\nby multitudes of heresies, many of them\\nvery monstrous, which it combated with the\\nsword of the Spirit alone under a govern-\\nment in which the gradually-increasing in-\\nfluence of the Bishop was still for the most\\npart extremely limited by the power of his\\npresbytery with a rule of faith not curiously\\ndefinite on abstruse questions, but simply\\nconceived and scripturally expressed rising\\ninto strength and confirming its consistency,\\nand, finally, making good its long-neglected\\nclaims to toleration and respect. A closer\\nexamination of the same body discloses to us\\na number of stains and defects, proceeding at\\ndifferent moments from various causes, and\\nspreading, in some degree, as that advanced\\nin magnitude but they had not yet pene-\\ntrated to its heart, they might still have been\\nchecked, and even removed, by an influential\\nand truly Christian priesthood. It is true\\nthat the substantial and. fatal corruptions of\\nafler ages sprang, in many instances, directly\\nfrom the in but the crime of those conse-\\nquences must rest, for the most part, with\\nthose who combined and perpetuated the\\nfirst abuses for these were indeed rather the\\nproduce of circumstances than the work of\\nmen. We have also observed, in the vari-\\nous conditions of apostolical Christianity, the\\nscattered elements of some forms of govern-\\nment and discipline, which, though they were\\nvery early absorbed by the episcopal system,\\nshould not be passed over in silence, since\\nthey are still pleaded as precedents and imi-\\ntated as models by many excellent Christians.\\nII. From Constantine to Gregory the Great,\\nFleury, who is the most moderate and rea-\\nsonable of the Roman Catholic historians,\\nlaments that after the first six centuries the\\nbrightest days of the Church were passed\\naway. In his first Discourse he represents\\nthe brilliancy of that period in vivid and\\nexaggerated colors. The reverence due to\\nthe sanctified martyr\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the solemn aspect of\\nmonastic solitude the piety and disinterest-\\ned poverty of the early prelates the purity\\nof their election the austerity of their life\\nthe magnificence of the offices the severity\\nof discipline the venerable names of tradi-\\ntion f and antiquity are objects of his warm\\nDiscours sur I Hist. Eccles. depuis Pan 600 jus-\\nques a Fan 1100. Les beaux jours de I Eglise sont\\npasses, mais Dieu n a pas rejette son peuple ni oublie\\nses promesses, c. c.\\nt It was one of the rules of discipline not to com-\\nmit it to writing, but to preserve it hy a secret tra-\\ndition among the Bishops and Priests, chiefly that\\nregarding the administration of the sacraments; and\\nthe better to keep that secret, that the Bishops should\\nconfide their ecclesiastical letters to the Clergy only.\\nSo, when the ancients speak of observing the canons.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0192.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "PARTICULAR INNOVATIONS.\\n185\\nand indiscriminate eulogy. But it was an\\nerror (for to Fleury we would not willingly\\nascribe the intention of deceiving) to con-\\nfound the three earliest with the three fol-\\nlowing centuries as if the same had been\\nthe government, disciphne, spirit of the Cath-\\noiic Church from the age of St. Clement to\\nthat of St. Gregory. Even the first of those\\nperiods was somewhat removed from apos-\\ntolical perfection but in the second the dis-\\ntance was incalculably multiplied, and that,\\nnot only according to the customary progress\\nof unreformed abuse, but also through a\\nchange of principles in the administration of\\nthe Church, which proceeded from other\\ncauses.\\nParticular Innovations. At present, before\\nwe enter on any general review of the out-\\nward form and position of the Church, or\\neven of its internal administration, we shall\\nmention^ as in continuation of the subject\\nwhich has been most lately treated, some\\nparticular innovations in belief and disciphne\\nwhich either began or were established dur-\\ning the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries. The\\nfirst, and by far the most important of these,\\nwas the institution of the monastic system, of\\nwhich it cannot be properly said that there\\nexisted any vestige before the beginning of\\nthe fourth age, and which, before its termina-\\ntion, had fixed its roots deeply, and struck\\nthem with pernicious vitality into the very\\nheart of Christendom. Its origin and pro-\\ngress will be the object of future inquiry at\\npresent we shall confine our notice to a sub-\\nject very closely connected with it the celi-\\nbacy of the Clergy. In the first ages the\\nChurch Vv^riters advocated the universal law-\\nfulness of marriage against the heretical rigor\\nof the Encratites, of Saturninus and Basil-\\nides, of the Montanists, and even the Nova-\\ntians so that any undue respect for celibacy\\nwhich may have prevailed during the three\\nfirst ages cannot justly be attributed to the\\nChurch it was also very partial and vague\\nin its nature, and wholly unsupported by ca-\\nimagine not that they speak of written canons; they\\nspeak of all that was pi actised through a constant\\ntradition. For we must believe, according to the\\nmaxim of St. Augustin, that that which the Church\\nhas observed at every time, and in evei^y place, is\\napostolical tradition. In fact, from what other source\\ncould have come those universal practices, such as the\\nveneration of relics, the prayer for the dead, the ob-\\nsei-vance of Lentl Fleury, Discours sur PHist. des\\nSix Premiers Siecles, c. c. Of the three prac-\\ntices here Instanced, two at least were much posterior\\nto the times of the Apostles.\\n2i\\nnonical regulations. Afterwards, there can be\\nno question that the cause which first gave\\nimpulse to the principle, and carried it into\\npractice, and subjected it to repeated legisla-\\ntion, was the growing prevalence of Mona-\\nchism, and the popular veneration which was\\nfound to attach to excessive austerities. Al-\\nready at the Council of Nice it was propos-\\ned to forbid the marriage of the Clergy but\\nthrough the opposition of an Egyptian Bish-\\nop, named Paphnutius, it was only enacted,\\nthat all Clerks who had been married before\\nthey took orders should be allowed to retain\\ntheir wives, according to the ancient tradition\\nof the Church, but that they should not mar-\\nry a second time.f Such continued both the\\nrule and practice of the Eastern Church it\\nwas confirmed by the Council in Trullo in\\nthe year 692, with an exception against Bish-\\nops, who were obliged, on their promotion,\\nto separate from their wives and this law\\nwas never afterw^ards altered. But in the\\nWest, where the spirit of sacerdotal domina-\\ntion more strongly prevailed, many attempts\\nwere made in those days to enforce perfect\\ncelibacy on all the orders of the ministry,\\nand their constant repetition proves their in-\\nefficacy. Siricius, who held the See of Rome\\nfrom 385 to 398, published some letters or\\ndecretals, which have acquired the weight of\\ncanons in the Roman Church. One of his\\ngreat objects was to discourage the marriage\\nof the Clergy, but it does not appear I that\\nhis regulations much exceeded the severity\\nof those of Nice. However, it must be ad-\\nmitted, that the perseverance of his succes-\\nsors was not fruitless, at least so far as their\\nimmediate influence extended; and we are\\nassured that at the end of the fifth century,\\nthe rule of celibacy was very commonly ob-\\nserved by the Clergy of Rome. But a hun-\\nEleven years earlier it was enacted, by the tenth\\ncanon of the Council of Ancyra, that Avhen a Deacon\\ndeclared his intention to marry, at the time of his or-\\ndination, he might be allowed to do so, but not other-\\nwise. Dupin. Nouv. Bib), tome ii. p. 312. Bingham,\\nChurch Antiq. b. iv. ch. v. Dupin, Nouv. Biblioth.,\\ntome i. (Abrege de la Discipline) mentions, as the\\nrule of the early (ante-Nicene) Church, that it was\\npermitted to a Priest to keep his wife, but not to\\nmarry again on a Deacon there was no such restraint.\\nIt is impossible to trace that, which is mentioned as\\nbeing imposed upon the Priest, to the first ages; but\\nin the beginning of the fourth century, perhaps some-\\nwhat earlier, it was undoubtedly established, diat no\\nman who was ordained Priest could marry.\\nt Socrates, lib. i., c. 11. Sozomen, lib. i., c. 23.\\ni Dupin, Nouv. Bibl., Vie de SIrice.\\nA distiuctjon in this respect was observed a cen-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0193.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "186\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ndred years afterwards, Gregory, as we have\\nseen, was still engaged in the same struggle\\nagainst the natural affections and the com-\\nmon reason of man, and he transmitted it,\\nstill unfinished, to his distant* posterity. His\\nobject was clerical celibacy in the strictest\\nsense but we should remark that no ordin-\\nance going to that extent had yet been enact-\\ned by any general Council, even of the West-\\nern Church, and that the common practice\\nwas still in opposition to it a great number,\\nprobably far the larger proportion, of the Ger-\\nman, French, English, and Spanish Clergy\\ncontinued to avail themselves at least of that\\nportion of their scriptural right, which the\\nCouncil of Nice had left them.\\nThe penitential discipline of the ante-\\nNicene Church was exceedingly severe, even\\nin the season of persecution, and it was by\\nrigor rather than indulgence that it sought to\\nsecure the fidelity and increase the number\\nof its members. For the space of fifteen, or\\nsometimes of twenty years, it might be for\\nhis whole life, the repentant sinner was ex-\\ncluded from the precincts of the Church, and\\nexposed to the contempt or compassion of\\nevery beholder. After this long endurance,\\nwhen the gates of the sanctuary were at\\nlength unclased to him, it was only, perhaps,\\nthat he might worship there for some addi-\\ntional years in the attitude of prostration,\\nmufHed and unshaven, fasting and covered\\nwith ashes, f A discipline which, in some\\nages, would be deemed barbarous if it were\\nnot impracticable, was found very effectual\\nin those early times, both in preserving indi-\\nvidual morality, and in upholding the exter-\\nnal show and dignity of the Church. It\\nseems to have been maintained in its original\\nspirit throughout the fourth century, and its\\ntiiry earlier between the Catholic and the Arian Clergy\\nthe laxity of the latter, who were almost universally\\nmarried, was made matter of reproach by their more\\nrigid adversaries.\\nIn the ninth century (about the year 860) we ob-\\nserve Hulderic, Bishop of Augsburg, vigorously re-\\nsisting the Edicts of Pope Nicholas; and two hundred\\nand twenty years afterwards, when Gregory VII. at\\nlength achieved the object which had foiled his prede-\\ncessors for above six centuries, he encountered an\\nopposition which could scarcely have been surmounted\\nby a less extraordinary character.\\nt Fleury, Discours sur les Six Premiers Siecles,\\nc. et passim. Cyprian is the most ancient Father\\nwho is mentioned as having laid down rules of pen-\\nance. But some derive such rules from the discipline\\nimposed in the Pagan system previous to initiation in\\nthe great mysteries.\\nSee Dupin, Nouv. Bibl. tome ii. p. 247, Vie de\\nrigor was still further aggravated by the ne-\\ncessity of public confession. The measure\\nof Pope Leo, which substituted private con-\\nfession, may have been made necessary by\\nthe universal profession of Christianity, and\\nthe degeneracy of many who professed it.\\nBut not only was it attended by an immedi-\\nate relaxation in the penitential discipline of\\nt^iG Church (for secret penance very speedily\\nfollowed secret confession,) but it became, in\\nprocess of time, one of the most abundant\\nsources of sacerdotal influence.\\nDuring the four first centuries there was\\nno mention or thought of Purgatory neither\\nSt. Ambrose, nor even St. Jerome, had any\\nbelief in such an intermediate state. But\\nSt. Augustin* expi-esses himself somewhat\\nmore ambiguously for if, in some passages,\\nhe rejects the supposition as vain and improb-\\nable, in others he admits that the truth cannot\\nbe certainly ascertained, but may deserve in-\\nvestigation. During the two following ages,\\nthe plausible scheme gained some little credit\\namong the Clergy of the West, and most es-\\npecially among the monastic orders but the\\ncredit of establishing it among the unques-\\ntionable truths of the Church is due to the\\nsuperstition or the craft of Gregory the Great.\\nIn the Fourth Book of his Dialogues he main-\\ntains the existence of a purgatory for the ex-\\npiation of the more venial offences of persons,\\nwhose general excellence may have deserved\\nsuch indulgence. He then takes occasion to\\nremark, that many discoveries had lately been\\nmade respecting the condition of souls afler\\ndeath, which had not been penetrated by an-\\ntiquity, and for this reason ^thatas this world\\nwas approaching to its end, men saw more\\nclosely into the secrets of the nextf A theory\\nS. Ambroise. 1. Sinners were expected to request\\nthat they might be admitted to penance. 2. The cir-\\ncumstance of their doing penance separated them from\\nthe Communion. 3. They did penance publicly.\\n4. They practised a number of fastings, austerities,\\nand humiliations during the whole time of penance.\\n5. They could be admitted to that penance once only.\\nOf course the penance here mentioned was the severest\\nwhich the Church ever inflicted for the most enormous\\nsins.\\nMosheim (cent. v. p. ii. c. iii.) remarks that\\nthe famous Pagan doctrine concerning the purifica-\\ntion of departed souls by means of a certain kind of\\nfire was more amply explained and confirmed now\\nthan it had hitherto been, and he refers to St. Augus-\\ntin, De vi)i. Questionibus ad Dulcitium N. xiii. tome\\nvi. De Fide et Operibus, cap. xvi. p. 182. DeFide,\\nSi^e et Charitate, sect. 118, p. 222. Enarrat. Psalm\\nXXXV. s, 3.\\nt See Dupin, Nouv. Bibl., Vie de St. Gr^goire I.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0194.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "FAiinCULAR INNOVATIONS.\\n187\\nWhich had been tolerated by St. Augustin,\\nand defended, however absurdly, by St. Gre-\\ngory, found easy acceptance in the Western\\nChurch it was eagerly seized by the Bene-\\ndictine Monks, and was presently perceived\\nto be so profitable in its operation on the\\npeople, that it soon became one of the dear-\\nest and most necessary tenets of the Roman\\nCommunion.\\nThe general influence of Paganism on the\\nChristian ceremonies was already discover-\\nable in the second and third ages; and the\\nparticular practice which, in its abuse, was\\nespecially destined to assimilate two forms of\\nworship essentially dissociable, and to bring\\nthem together, too, on that very point where\\ntheir difference had been the widest, may be\\ntraced, perhaps, to the early but innocent rev-\\nerence which was paid to martyrs. During\\nthe progress of the fourth and fifth centuries\\nmany new concessions were made, on vari-\\nous and important points, to the popular\\ngenius of the old superstition. Expiatory\\nprocessions and supplications were framed\\nand conducted after the ancient models.\\nThe sanctity which had been inherent in the\\nTemples of the Gods was now transferred to\\nthe Christian Churches, which began to\\nrival tlie splendor and magnitude, if they\\nfailed to emulate the elegance, of their pro-\\nfane competitors. If any inspiration had\\nbeen communicated to the devout Pagan by\\nsleeping within the holy precincts, the same\\ndescended upon the Convert when he re-\\nposed upon a martyr s tomb. If any purity\\nhad been conferred by customary lustration,\\nit was compensated by the frequent use of\\nholy water. Other such compromises might\\nbe mentioned and so completely was the\\nspirit of the rejected worship transfused into\\nthe system which succeeded it, that the very\\nmiracles which the Christian writers of those\\ndays credulously retailed concerning their\\nsaints and martyrs wex e, in many instances,\\nonly ungraceful copies of the long-exploded\\nfables of heathenism f so poisonous was the\\nexpiring breath of that base superstition, and\\nso fatal the garment which it cast, even dur-\\ning its latest struggles, over its heavenly de-\\nstroyer. But in no respect was its malice so\\nlastingly pernicious as when it fastened upon\\nThe ancient privilege of sanctuary was conferred\\nupon Christian Churches by Constantine, and after-\\nwards extended by Theodosius II. to the consecrated\\nprecincts.\\nt See Jortin, Eccl. Hist. vol. iv. p. 73, 124, 220,\\n238, c. c. and Middleton s Letter from Rome,\\npassim.\\nChristianity the badge of his own character\\nby the communication of idolatrous worship.\\nIt is true that in the ante-Nicene Church\\nmartyrs were reverenced, and even relics\\nheld in some estimation but no description\\nof image, whether carved or painted, was\\ntolerated in the Churches of Christ, and it\\nwas through that distinction chiefly that they\\nclaimed exclusive sanctity. In the fourth\\nand fifth centuries the previous veneration\\nfor the saints was exalted into actual worship,\\ntheir lives and their miracles were recited\\nand devoured with ardent credulity, aston-\\nishing prodigies were performed by frag-\\nments of their bones or garments, distant and\\ndangerous pilgrimages were undertaken to\\nobtain their ashes, or only to pray at their\\ntombs and this rage was encouraged by the\\nunanimous acclamation of the ecclesiastical\\ndirectors. Yet does it not ap[)ear that any\\none, even the least considerate among those\\nwriters, warmly advocated the worship, or\\neven the use, of images the opinions and\\npractice of some of them were certainly op-\\nposed to it. Among the Emperors, both\\nValens and Theodosius enacted laws against\\nthe painting or graving the likeness of Christ.\\nNevertheless we perceive (from passages in\\nGregory of Nyssa, St. Cyril, St. Basil, and\\nothers) that representations of the combats of\\nthe martyrs, and of some scriptural scenes,\\nhad already obtained place in some of the\\nChurches, though they were not yet in gene^\\nral honor. Thus the seeds were soavii, and\\nas they were watered by the enthusiasm of\\nthe vulgar, ever prone to some sort of sensible\\nworship, and fondly nourished by the head-\\nSt. Epiphanius, in his letter to John of Jerusa-\\nlem, translated by St. Jerome, and written towards\\nthe end of the fourth century, writes as follows:\\nHaving entered into a church in a village in Pales-\\ntine, named Anablatha, I found there a veil which was^\\nsuspended at the door, and painted with a represen-\\ntation, whether of Jesus Christ or of some Saint, for\\nI do not well recollect whose image it was, but seeing\\nthat, in opposition to the authority of Scripture, there\\nwas a human image in the Church of Jesus Christ, I\\ntore it in pieces, and gave order to those who had\\ncare of that Church to bury a corpse with the veil.\\nAnd as they grumbled out some answer, that since\\nhe has chosen to tear the veil he might as well find\\nanother, I. promised them one, and I now discharge\\nthat promise. Baronius, Bellarmiue, and some oth-\\ners, have disputed the genuineness of this passage by\\narguments, which have been very easily and candidly\\nconfuted by Dupin, Nouv. Bibl. Vie de S. Epiphane.\\nSt. Augustin somewhere praises the religious severity\\nof the ancient Romans, wlio worshipped God without\\nimages,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0195.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "188\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nstrong prejudice of the heathen converts\\nand as the fathers of the Church did not in-\\nterpose to root them out, they spread with\\nrapid, though, perhaps, silent gi owth, and\\nbefore the end of the sixth century the use of\\nimages was very generally permitted through-\\nout the Christian world. During the pontifi-\\ncate of Gregory the Great, Severus, Bishop\\nof Marseilles, observing that the people wor-\\nsliipped the images which were placed in his\\nChurch, tore them down and destroyed them\\non this occasion the Pope addressed to him\\ntwo epistles, in which, while he praised the\\nzeal that combated any show of idolatry,\\nhe maintained the propriety of filling the\\nChurches with idols; for there is a great\\ndifference, he says, between worshipping\\nan image, and learning, from the history rep- 1\\nresented by that image, what it is that we j\\nought to worship for that which wi iting I\\nteaches to those who can read, painting makes j\\nintelligible to all who have eyes to see. It is\\nin such representation that the ignorant per-\\nceive what they ought to follow; it is the\\nbook of the illiterate. On this account it is\\nof great service to the barbarians, to which\\ncircumstance you, who are placed in the\\nmidst of barbarians, should be peculiarly at-\\ntentive, so as to cause them no scandal by an\\nindiscreet zeal. This pas ^age probably dis-\\ncloses the principal motive of that attachment\\nto the cause of the images which was after-\\nwards so warmly manifested by the Church\\nof Rome at least, it teaches us, that the\\nplaces, which they had gradually usurped\\nduring the three preceding ages in the Chris-\\ntian Churches, were at length confirmed to\\nthem, and secured by the highest authority.\\nWe may pause once more to condemn the\\nsophistry which distinguished between the\\nuse and the worship, and coldly forbade the\\nignorant barbarian to adore an object which\\ncould not seriously be placed in his hands\\nwith any other prospect.\\nThe Church in connexion with the State.\\nFrom the above review of the principal\\nabuses in doctrine and discipline which\\nDupin has collected from the works of Athanasius\\na sort of summary of the discipline of tliat age. Among\\nthe particulars we observe, that there were Priests,\\nand even Bishops, who were married, though in small\\nnumber; that the people and Clergy continued to\\nchoose their Bishops; that there were no transla-\\ntions that Lent was observed as a fast Easter as a\\nsolemn festival; that the Gospel was read in the\\nvulgar tongue. It is St. Jerome who has somewhere\\ndeclared, that fasting is not so truly called a virtue\\nas tlie foundation of every virtue.\\ntook root in the Church .during the three\\ncenturies following its establishment, let us\\nproceed to consider that body first, in re-\\ngard to its connexion with the state secondlj^,\\nin respect to its own internal administration.\\nAs the Pagan system was merely an engine\\nof State, so its entire regulation, even to the\\nperformance of its most sacred rights and\\noffices, was consistently and properly intrust-\\ned to the control and exercise of the civil\\nmagistrate. The power which directed it,\\nthe power which its ministers possessed to\\nenforce their decrees, was not distinguished\\nfrom that with which they were invested\\nfor any other purpose, it was strictly and\\nexclusively temporal. Christianity rose from\\na very different foundation it claimed to be\\na direct revelation from Heaven its truth,\\nnot its utility, was the fact which its profess-\\nors unbendingly asserted by their arguments\\nand their sufferings they believed that it was\\nthe work of God which they were forward-\\ning, and that their souls were placed for ever\\nin his retributive hands. From this lofty\\ngronnd they were enabled to discern that\\nthere w^as a limit to all human authority, and\\nthat there was a Power above, which was\\ngreater than the might of Emperors. That\\nheavenly power they considered to be, ia\\nsome degree, communicated to Christ s min-\\nisters on earth, and associated with then*\\nspiritual office.\\nDuring the period preceding the accession\\nof Constantine, the exercise of this power\\nwas confined to preserving the purity of the\\napostolical doctrine, to augmenting the num-\\nber, enforcing the morality, and preventing\\nthe apostasy of the converts. It was working\\nsilently among the faithful, and had already\\nestablished a solemn and indissoluble con-\\nnexion between the clergy and the lower\\norders but it had not hitherto, on any occa-\\nsion, been brought into open communication\\nwith the temporal power, either to co-operate\\nor to contend with it, nor, indeed, was its\\nexistence yet acknowledged, or perhaps per-\\nceived, by the latter. Let us now advance\\nPaul of Samosata was the subject and favorite of\\nZenobia, and that Queen was engaged in hostile de-\\nsigns against the Roman empire at the time when\\nAurelian, on the solicitation of the Italian Bishops,\\ndeposed the heretic. Semler (Observat. Novae, sec.\\niii. sec. Iv.) seems to infer from this coincidence, that\\nthe whole accusation against Paul proceeded from\\npolitical rather than from spiritual differences, which\\nis not probable but we so far agree with him as to\\nattribute the interference of the Emperor entirely to\\nthat motive. It Ls an isolated fact in the history of", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0196.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.\\n189\\none century, and consider the position of the\\nChurch as it then stood in connexion with\\nthe State. Its real substantial weight pro-\\nceeded, in fact, from one cause, and from one\\nonly, the influence of the Clergy over the\\npeople. Many circumstances at this time\\ncontributed to confirm and consolidate that\\ninfluence the judicial authority and ac-\\nknowledged dignity of the Bishops, the in-\\ncrease in their number and wealth, the pop-\\nular character of their election, their public\\nand powerful eloquence. Moreover, there\\ncan be no question that even the spu it-\\nual control of the ecclesiastics was exerted\\nwith greater confidence, when the civil pow-\\ner was at hand to support them while their\\nzeal was wamily and successfiilly employed\\nin asserting the Vast superiority of that con-\\ntrol, and the interests connected with it, over\\nany that were merely temporal and worldly.\\nTo these considerations we should add, that\\nduring the three preceding centuries the no-\\nbility of the Roman emph*e had, for the most\\npart, fallen mto decay no body had grown\\nup in the State to supply the defect of the ar-\\nistocratical influence, and hence it rose that\\nthe vacant place in the social system was\\noccupied by the Christian hierarchy. This\\norder, sometimes powerful from other causes,\\nalways possessed peculiar advantages for the\\nacquisition of popular influence, through the\\nvery ofiice which forces it into contact with\\nthe lower classes, and through the attractive\\ncharacter of its duties, which are such as can\\nnever fail, when faithfully and discreetly dis-\\ncharged, to conciliate the affections of those\\nfor whose happiness alone they are imposed.\\nFrom the above and similar causes, the\\nauthority of the Church grew with gi-eat ra-\\npidity even during the first century after its\\nalliance with the State of the boldness thus\\ncommunicated to its individual Ministers,\\nboth m speech and action, some instances\\nhave been mentioned, and many might be\\nadded. Indeed, the mere existence of eigh-\\nteen hundred magistrates (to speak of the\\nBishops only) who held their offices for life,\\nover whose nomination the civil power had\\nno direct control, who were connected by in-\\ntimate relations with the people, and who, for\\nthe most part, were bound together by com-\\nmon opinions and principles and interests,\\nwas alone su^cient to estabhsh a counter-\\npoise against the weight of imperial despot-\\nthe ante-Nicene Church, and probably only proves\\nAurelian s willingness to avail himself of any charge\\nto punish a inagistrate who was in favor with his\\nenemy.\\nism. In fact, under the uncertain sceptre of\\nthe successors of Constantine, it might have\\nbeen difficult to moderate the progress of ec-\\nclesiastical power, had it not been checked\\nand dissipated by the perpetual dissensions\\nwhich divided the Church itself.\\nThe same cause which restrained the vigor,\\npolluted the character, of the Church for be-\\ning unable immediately to repress by its own\\nspiritual weapons the violent animosities of\\nits ministers, and impatient of the gradual in-\\nfluence of time and reason, in a dark and dis-\\nastrous moment it had recourse to that tem-\\nporal sword which was not intended for its\\nsei vice, and which it has never yet employed\\nwithout disgrace or with impunity. Thus\\nwas it, indeed, a blind, if not suspicious aflFec-\\ntion, which led even the most orthodox Em-\\nperors to labor for the Unity of the Church\\nsince it was the unfailing effect of their meas-\\nures to influence and nourish the intolerance\\nof the ruling party, without entirely quench-\\ning even one among the thousand eternal\\nfountains of dissent. We repeat that the most\\nfatal consequence which has in any age result-\\ned from the connexion between Church and\\nState, is the apphcation of the penalties of the\\none to the disorders of the other, the correc-\\ntion of spiritual offences by temporal chas-\\ntisements. But that abuse of the civil power\\nis so far from being the necessary conse-\\nquence of that connexion, that it is manifestly\\ninjurious to the interests of both and since\\nits wickedness and its folly have been expos-\\ned and acknowledged, there can now be no\\ncircumstances under which a wise govern-\\nment would employ such interference, or an\\nenlightened priesthood desire it.\\nInterned administration of the Church. It\\nhas been observed that in the ante-Nicene\\nChurch the power of the Bishop was closely\\nlimited by that of the Presbytery of his dio-\\ncese, though less so in the third, as it would\\nseem, than in the preceding century. During\\nthe three following ages that restraint was\\ngi-adiially loosened, though not yet entirely\\ncast away. The affairs of the diocese were\\nstill, in name at least, conducted with the as-\\nsent of the clergy (cum assensu clericorum;)\\nand their influence, in many places, was prob-\\nably more than nominal. Still we cannot fail\\nto observe that a higher and more independ-\\nent authority was assumed by the Prelates\\na broader interval was interposed between\\nthe different ranks of the hierarchy the gov-\\nernment lost most of the remains of its pop-\\nular character, and assumed the form of an\\nactive and powerful aristocraoy. Some of", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0197.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "190\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe causes of this change have been incident-\\nally mentioned in the preceding pages and\\namong them we should particularly notice\\nthe prevalence of councils, both general and\\nprovincial, by which the public affairs of the\\nChurch were now regulated, and in which\\nthe only influential members were the Bish-\\nops.* The legislative authority thus exercis-\\ned by the order, added to the judicial power\\nwhich was vested in the individual, raised the\\nprelacy to a necessary and legal preeminence\\nbefore the next inferior gi-ade of the ministry.\\nIt would appear, moreover, especially from\\nthe records of the fifth and sixth centuries,\\nthat the greater portion of the learning of those\\ntimes was in possession of the episcopal or-\\nder. Such reasons are sufficient to account\\nfor the aggrandizement of that order while,\\nat the same time, they show us, that the steps\\nby which it rose were neither unlawful nor\\ndishonorable. The change in the form of\\nChurch government naturally followed the\\nchange in other circumstances and it would\\nbe unjust to qualify that as usurpation, which\\nproceeded from causes independent of private\\ninterest or professional ambition. It is not\\ndenied that such motives may frequently have\\nstimulated many to individual encroachment;\\nbut the elevation of the body was the natural\\neffect of ecclesiastical, of political, and even\\nof moral combinations.\\nHaving observed in what respect the alter-\\nation in the general administration of the\\nChurch extended to the economy of its sev-\\neral dioceses, we shall shortly retrace some\\nof those early vestiges of the monarchical form\\nof administration, which were already dis-\\ncernible during the rise and progress of the\\nreligious aristocracy or, in other words, we\\nshall search among the component parts of\\nthe episcopal system for some elements of the\\npapal government. Before the establishment\\nof the Church, notwithstanding one or two\\nattempts at aggression on the part of Rome,\\nwhich were immediately repelled, the various\\nFifteen Councils are recorded to have been held\\nin France alone during the fourth, aud five-and-tvven-\\nty during the fifth century. The Bishops still attend-\\ned as the deputies of their people, but Presbyters\\nappear now to have been never present, unless as\\nrepresentatives of their Bishop. Many canons of the\\nCouncils of the fifth century (especially of that of Or-\\nange held in 441) declare that no Council shall ever\\nseparfite without appointing the time of the next\\nmeeting. The ancient canonical regulation for meet-\\ning twice a year was still in force, but in those dis-\\nturbed ages it was not easily observed. See Guizot,\\nCours d Histoire Moderne, le^on iii.\\nSees were, without any acknowledged dis-\\ntinction, equal and independent. Thus far\\nat least, the Bishop of that city had no superi-\\nority, or even claim to superiority, above his\\nbrethren and it was to the imperial dignity\\nof his See that he owed any accidental and\\nvoluntary deference which may have been\\noffered to him. The next circumstance,\\nsecond in time and very considerable in in-\\nfluence, which contributed to his exaltation,\\nwas the name (for it was little more than the\\nname) of Patriarch. This title was conferred\\nfirst upon three, subsequently upon four, of\\nthe Prelates of the Eastern Church but in\\nthe West it was confined to the Bishop of\\nRome and the distinction was not without\\neffect in creating, especially among the dis-\\ntant and the ignorant, that sort of blind and\\nindefinite respect which is so easily converted\\ninto submission.\\nThe next event which may be mentioned\\nas having augmented the authority of the See\\nwas the removal of the civil government from\\nRome to Ravenna by Honorius. The do-\\nmestic importance of the Bishop was essen-\\ntially increased, and facilities for usurpation\\nwere created by the absence of the Emperor.\\nThat which follows, perhaps, next in time\\n(for we are disposed to place it towards the end\\nof the fifth century,) but which yields to none\\nin importance, was the special protection\\nvouchsafed by St. Peter to the same See, and\\nat this time loudly asserted by it. While some\\nhave invented circumstantial fables respect-\\ning the marvellous success of that apostle in\\nItaly and at Rome, others have advanced in-\\ngenious arguments to show that he never at\\nall visited that city. To us, so far as any\\nopinion can be formed on so obscure a mat-\\nter, it appears probable that St. Peter died at\\nRome, as well as St. Paul and during their\\nprevious residence there, it is not impossible\\nthat the one may have presided over the\\nJewish, while the other superintended the\\nheathen, converts. But the question itself\\ncan now possess so little importance in the\\nmind of any reasonable being, that we care\\nnot to leave it in uncertainty. However, it in\\nundisputed, that in the fifth and the following\\nages a vast accession of honor and sanctity\\naccrued to the See of Rome from its perse-\\nverance in that claim. In times when the\\nparticular protection of heaven was believed\\nto attend the possession of the meanest relic\\nof the most obscure martyr when stupend-\\nous prodigies were performed by the fragment\\nof the garment of some nameless saint, or the\\ndust which had been brought from his tomb,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0198.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "FROIVI GREGORY TO CHARLEMAGNE.\\n191\\nwas it strange that a peculiar impression of\\nholiness should attach to that spot where the\\nchief of the Apostles had suffered a barbarous\\ndeath, and where his bones still lay unviolated\\nin sacred repose But this was not all the\\nmartyr of Christ had been at the same time\\nthe Bishop of Rome and the keys which had\\nbeen confided to his inspired wisdom were\\nstill preserved, through a long and uninter-\\nrupted chain, to the Bishops his successors.\\nSuch assertions were first advanced about\\nthis period, or very soon afterwards and it\\nis one of the most certain proofs of the credit\\nthey obtained, that applications now began\\nvery commonly to be made, from many parts\\nof Europe, for counsel or opinion, on points\\nof discipline or faith to the Roman See. It\\nmight, indeed, not rarely happen, that its re-\\nscripts were not obeyed or respected but\\nstill the appeal was becoming customary, and\\neach successive reference confirmed a prac-\\ntice which could not fail in time to give some\\nauthority to the decision. These are some\\nof the leading circumstances which were so\\nfar improved by the genius of two among the\\nPopes, and the perseverance of almost all,\\nthat, at the death of Gregory the Great, the\\nBisliop of Rome, though he might in vain\\ndispute the name of universal supremacy\\nv;ith the Patriarch of Constantinople, was\\nunquestionably acknowledged to be the lead-\\ning member of the ecclesiastical aristocracy\\nof Europe, the spiritual head or president of\\nthe Western hierarchy.\\nIII. From Gregory to Charlemagne. An\\naccount of the general changes which took\\nplace in the Church, during the two centuries\\nbetween Gregory and Charlemagne, has been\\ngiven in a preceding chapter and in respect\\nto particular abuses in belief or discipline, it\\nappears not that any remarkable novelty pre-\\nsented itself during this period. Among its\\nleading features, we have observed, Jirst, an\\nStill it is not asserted that his authority was\\ngenerally acknowledged even in the West. Fleury\\n(lib. XXXV. s. 19.) fairly admits that Gregory exer-\\ncised no definite jurisdiction beyond the Churches\\nwhich immediately depended on the Holy See, and\\nwere therefore called Suburbicarian (Giannon. Stor.\\ndi Nap. lib. ii. c. 8.) those of the South of Italy,\\nSicily, and some other islands. It is true that the\\nBishop of Aries was his vicar in Gaul, as that of\\nThessalonica was in Western Ulyria; and that he\\nexercised some inspection over the Churches of Africa\\nfor the assembling of Councils and the observation\\nof the canons but he possessed no ordinary official\\nauthority over those Churches, nor did they yet ac-\\nknowledge any direct positive dependence on Rome.\\nincreasing dissimilarity in character and in-\\nstitutions between the Eastern and Western\\nChurches, which gradually loosened the\\nbonds of their union, and prepared them for\\ndissolution. The alterations which caused\\nthe distinction originated for the most part in\\nthe West, and are chiefly to be ascribed to\\nthe entire social revolution which was effect-\\ned by the barbarian conquests whereas, in\\nthe East, the undisputed supremacy of the\\ncivil power and the unvarying character of\\nthe government prevented any important in-\\nnovations. They prevailed, indeed, to such\\nan extent, that even the divisions which dur-\\ning this period disturbed the Oriental Com-\\nmunion,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 those respecting the two wills of\\nChrist, and the worship of images, receiv-\\ned in both instances their first impulse from\\nthe throne. In the West the subdivision of\\nthe empire into numerous and variously-\\nconstituted kingdoms, the peculiar institu-\\ntions, the superstitions and the ignorance of\\nthe people, opened an extensive field for ec-\\nclesiastical exertion. That many among the\\nclergy availed themselves of these circum-\\nstances for personal or professional aggrand-\\nizement, the voice of history is ever forward\\nto proclaim to us but the private piety of\\nthe more numerous and obscure members of\\nthat order, who interposed, not ineffectually,\\ntheir religious offices to alleviate the wretch-\\nedness and soften the barbarism of those\\ndreary times, is slightly and incidentally re-\\ncorded, though better deserving of celebrity,\\nsince its claims are on the gratitude of the\\nlatest posterity.\\nThe second characteristic of this period\\n(and we here confine ourselves to the West-\\nern Church) was the continued and even in-\\nordinate growth of episcopal authority. A\\ngreat number of causes contributed to that\\nresult, some of which had been in continual\\noperation since the establishment of Chris-\\ntianity others had grown up in later ages.\\nThe most direct and effectual were the ex-\\ntensive and increasing domains of the Bish-\\nops; the judicial and even municipal power\\nwhich they exercised in their metropolis;\\ntheir political influence in the great national\\nassemblies the exclusive possession of a\\ncontracted learning, which still was mistaken\\nfor wisdom in an age nearly destitute of both.\\nTo these we may add the removal of some\\nrestraints. The superintendence of the me-\\ntropolitans was abolished, and it was supplied\\nby no other for the civil governments were\\nthen too weak and unstable to enforce a dis-\\nputed authority, while that of the Pope was", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0199.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "192\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ndistant and indefinite, even where it was\\nacknowledged to be rightful. On the other\\nhand, the degraded condition of the priest-\\nhood and the independence conferred on the\\nprelate by the disuse of popular election,\\nplaced him above any apprehension of oppo-\\nsition or censure from the lower ranks of the\\nclergy. And since the Councils, to whose\\nlegislation he v/as liable, were entirely com-\\nposed of his own order, he had little reason\\nto expect severity from that quarter. We\\nhave observed into what great license that\\nunbridled episcopal power was carried.\\nThirdly. The Bishop of Rome failed not\\nto profit, at least in an equal degree, by the\\nvarious causes which conspired to the exalta-\\ntion of his brethren and let us add to these,\\nsince we can add it with truth, that the con-\\nduct of the Popes during this period was for\\nthe most part such as inspired respect, and\\neven commanded gratitude. If they were\\nstained with the superstitions of the day, they\\nlost nothing in popular opinion by that fail-\\ning born at Rome and at once elevated fi om\\nthe native priesthood, not translated from a\\nforeign See, they began with some claims on\\nthe attachment of their subjects, and they\\nmaintained them by the severe and uncor-\\nrupted sanctity of their morals. But besides\\nthese circumstances, we should also recollect\\nthat two events occurred in the eighth cen-\\ntury, which exclusively promoted the ad-\\nvancem.ent of that See the political separa-\\ntion of Rome from the Eastern empire, and\\nthe donation of Pepin. During the short re-\\npublic which followed the former, the nations\\n(as Gibbon has remarked) began once more\\nto. seek, on the banks of the Tiber, the kings,\\nthe laws, and the oracles of their fate and\\nthe solid power conferred by the latter, and\\nconfirmed by Charlemagne, did much more\\nthan compensate for the loss of a recent and\\nprecarious independence. Once more asso-\\nciated as a powerful member of the Western\\nempire, Rome reoccupied the proper field\\nof her ambition and her triumphs. It is\\ntrue that the nature of her warfare, and the\\ncharacter of her weapons, were now wholly\\nchanged nevertheless, the temporalities so\\nprofusely conferred upon her, failed not to\\ngive great additional efficacy to her sphitual\\nIt would scarcely appear, for instance, that the\\nPope had any official communication with the Church\\nof Gaul betweoi Gregory I. and Gregory II., i. e.\\nfor about a hundred and ten years. Yet tlie Bishop\\nof Aries presided over that Church in the character,\\nor rather under the name, of his Vicar. See Guir-ot,\\nHist, de la Civil, de la France, le^on xix.\\nclaims claims which slie had already ad-\\nvanced with some boldness, but which she\\nwas now qualified to press, if disposed so to\\npress them, to the last extremity of usurpation.\\nThe Athanasian Creed. Before we take\\nleave of this period, it is proper to mention,\\nthat the first appearance of the Creed, com-\\nmonly called Athanasian, is ascribed to it\\nwith great probability.* There can be no\\ndoubt that this exposition of faith was com-\\nposed in the West, and in Latin but the\\nexact date of its composition has been the\\nsubject of much difference. The very defi-\\nnite terms, in which it expresses the Church\\ndoctrine of the Incarnation, are sufficient to\\nprove it posterior to the Councils of Ephesus\\nand Chalcedon, or, later than the middle of\\nthe fifth century. Again, if we are to con-\\nsider the doctrine of the double procession of\\nthe Holy Spirit as being expressly declared\\nin it since that mystery was scarcely made\\nmatter of public controversy until the eighth\\ncentury, it might seem difficult to refer a\\ncreed, positively asserting the more recent\\ndoctrine, to an earlier age. But the historical\\nmonuments of the Church do not quite sup-\\nport this supposition the Creed, such prob-\\nably as it now exists, is mentioned by the\\nCouncil of Autun f in the year 670, and its\\nfaithful repetition by the Clergy enjoined\\nand we find the same injunction repeated in\\nthe beginning of the ninth age. Thus it\\ngradually gained ground nevertheless, there\\nseems to be great reason for the opinion, that\\nit was not universally received even in the\\nWestern Church until nearly two centuries\\nafterwards.\\nConsidered as an exposition of doctrine,\\nBishop Pearson, Archbishop Usher, Haniond,\\nL Estrange, Dr. Cave, Schelstrate, Pagi, and Du\\nPin, are all of opinion that this creed was composed,\\nnot by Athanasius, but by a later and a Latin writer.\\nVossius, Quesnel, and others, go so far as to ascribe\\nit to Vigilius Tapsensis, an African Bishop, who\\nlived at the end of the fifdi century. This last posi-\\ntion, however, is not indisputable; tliough Vigilius\\ncertainly published some writings under tlie name of\\nAthanasius, with which this creed is frequently\\njoined.\\nf Siquis Presbyter, Diaconus, Subdiaconus, vel\\nClericus, Sjonbolum, quod inspirante S. Spiritu\\nApostoli tradiderant, vel Fidem S. Athanasii Fra-\\nsulis irreprehensibiliter non recensuerit ab Episcopo\\ncondamnetur. Cone. Augustodun. Can. ult., as\\ncited by Bingham. At a Council, held at Toledo i\\n675, an exposition of this Trinitarian doctrine was\u00c2\u00bb\\npublished, very nearly resembling that contained in\\nthe Athanasian Creed. (Semler. Cent. vii. cap. iii.)\\nIn 794Theodulphus Aurelianensis again mentions ths\\nCreed as Athanasius s.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0200.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "JURISDICTION OF THE CLERGY.\\n193\\nthe Athanasian creed contains a faithful sum-\\nmary of the high mysteries of Christianity as\\ninterpreted by the Church of Rome. Con-\\nsidered as a rule of necessary faith enforced\\nby the penalty of eternal condemnation, the\\nsame creed again expresses one of the most\\nrigid principles of the same Church. The\\nUnity of the Church comprehended unity of\\nbelief: there could be no salvation out of it\\nnor any hope for those who deviated even\\nfrom the most mysterious among its tenets.\\nAnd thus, by constant familiarity vs^ith the\\ndeclaration of an exclusive faith, the heart of\\nmany a Romish priest may have been closed\\nagainst the sufferings of the heretic, rescued\\n(as he might think) by the merciful chastise-\\nment of the Church from the flames which\\nare never quenbhed\\nIt would be iiTelevant in this work, and\\nwholly unprofitable, to inquu-e, how far any\\ntemporary circumstances may have justified\\nthe introduction of the Athanasian creed into\\nthe Liturgy of our own Church constructed\\nas that Church is on the very opposite princi-\\nple of universal charity. But we cannot for-\\nbear to offer one remark, naturally suggested\\nby the character and history of this creed,\\nthat if, at any future time, it should be judged\\nexpedient to expunge it, there is no reason,\\nthere is scarcely any prejudice, which could\\nbe offended by such erasure. The sublime\\ntruths which it contains are not ex])ressed in\\nthe language of Holy Scripture nor could\\nthey possibly have been so expressed, since\\nthe inspired writers were not studious mi-\\nnutely to expound inscrutable mysteries.\\nNeither can it ]ilead any sanctity from high\\nantiquity or even traditional authority since\\nThe opinions of some of our owm Churchmen on\\nthis subject, are collected by Clarke in his Book on\\nthe Trinity. The expression of Bishop Tomline\\ncannot be too generally known We know (he\\nsays) tliat different persons hase deduced different\\nand even opposite doctrines from the words of Scrip-\\nture, and consequently there must be many errors\\namong Christians but since the Gospel nov/here in-\\nforms us what degree of error will exclude from eter-\\nnal happiness, I am ready to acknowledge that in my\\njudgment, nothwithstanding the authority of former\\nlimes, our Church would have acted more wisely and\\nmore consistently with its general principles of mild-\\nness and toleration, if it had not adopted the damna-\\ntory clauses of the Athanasian Creed. Though I\\nfirmly believe that the doctrines themselves of this\\nCreed are all founded in Scripture, I cannot but con-\\nceive it to be both unnecessary and presumptuous to\\nsay, that except every one do keep them whole and\\nundefiled, without doubt he shall perish everlasting-\\nly. Exposition, part iii. art. viii.\\n25\\nit was composed many centuries after the\\ntime of the apostles, in a very corrupt age of\\na corrupt Church, and composed in so much\\nobscurity, that the very pen from which it\\nproceeded is not certainly known to us\\nThe inventions of men, when they have been\\nassociated for ages with the exercise of re-\\nligion, should indeed be touched with respect\\nand discretion but it is a dangerous error to\\ntreat them as inviolable and it is something\\nworse than error to confound them in holi-\\nness and reverence with the words and\\nthings of God.\\nIV. There are two subjects which we\\nhave hitherto refrained from noticing, not-\\nwithstanding their great importance the\\nJurisdiction and Judicial Immunities of the\\nClergy, and the Revenues of the Church.\\nWe have purposely deferred them until this\\noccasion because both were deeply influ-\\nenced by the ecclesiastical policy of Charle-\\nmagne and the former can scarcely be said\\nto have assumed any definite or tangible form\\nbefore his reign. United, they constituted\\nthe temporal power of the Clergy and that\\nobject will be so constantly before our eyes\\nin the future pages of this History, that we\\nmust no longer delay to examine the materi-\\nals which formed it.\\nJurisdiction of the Clergy. The arbitrative\\nauthority of the Primitive Bishops was tole-\\nrated or overlooked by the Pagan Emperors\\nif it received no direct discouragement from\\nthe civil power, it was never aided nor even\\nrecognised by it. It reached of course only\\nthose who voluntarily sought it, and was\\nbinding upon none who chose to appeal\\nfrom it to the secular courts. The ecclesi-\\nastical offences of Bishops were subject to\\nthe decision of provincial councils but in\\nrespect to all temporal matters, they were on\\nthe same footing with the other subjects of\\nthe empire.\\nThe arbitration of the Bishops was ratified\\nby Constantine and the magistrates were\\ninstructed to execute the episcopal decrees.\\nAt the same time it seems certain that this\\npower was for some time confined (1.) to\\nspiritual differences and offences; (2.) to\\nsuch questions of a temporal nature as were\\nbrought before the Bishop by the joint refer-\\nGibbon (who quotes Euseb. Vit. Const, iv. 27i\\nand Sozom. i. 9) has treated this subject in his twen-\\ntieth chapter but in the following account we have\\nchiefly followed Fleury, in his Seventh Discourse;\\nand Giannone., Storia di Napoli, 1. ii. c. 8; 1. iii. c\\n6; I. vi. c. 7.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0201.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "194\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nence of both parties (3.) to civil suits, in\\nwhich both parties were Clerks. And it is\\neven probable, that, in the second of these,\\nthe decision of the Bishop was then liable to\\nan appeal to the civil tribunals. The suc-\\nceeding Emperors, for nearly two hundred\\nyears, were contented to publish such occa-\\nsional edicts, as seem rather intended to\\ncheck any encroachments by which the ec-\\nclesiastical privileges may have gained or\\nsuffered, than to alter the nature of the laws\\non that su^bject. For instance, in the year\\n398, Honorius proclaimed that it was permit-\\nted to those who desired it, to plead before\\nthe Bishop, but in civil matters only and in\\n408, he ordered the arbitrative sentence of\\nthe Bishop to be executed without appeal to\\nthe civil officers. In 456, Marcian ordained,\\nthat a plaintiff who should object to bring a\\nClerk before the Archbishop had no resource,\\nexcept to summon him before the Prastorian\\nPrefect, which he might do. In 452, Valen-\\ntinian III. declared, that the Bishop had no\\npower to judge even Clerks, unless by their\\nown consent, and in virtue of a compromise\\nbecause ecclesiastics had no tribunal estab-\\nlished by law, nor any legal cognizance,\\nexcept of religious matters. There were\\nconstitutions of Arcadius and Honorius and\\nof Theodosius to the same effect. Thus far,\\nthen, it seems clear, that the Episcopal\\nCourts (if we are to give them that name)\\npossessed no coercive authority over laymen,\\nnor indeed any which could properly be de-\\nsignated jurisdiction.\\nThe first change was introduced by Jus-\\ntinian and it is important to observe exactly\\nto what extent it went. That legi lator, wil-\\nling to enlarge the privileges of the Church,\\nenacted (1.), That in Civil actions Monks and\\nClerks should, in the first instance, go before\\nthe Bishop, who should decide the difference\\nwithout any publicity or judicial parade\\nstill, if either party, within ten days, declared\\nhimself discontented with the decision, that\\nthe civil magistrate should take cognizance\\nof the cause, not as a superior, in form of\\nappeal, but as an equal, examining a new\\nquestion. Their agreement was conclusive\\nif they differed, an appeal was open to the\\nImperial court. (2.) In criminal causes a\\nClerk might be sued either before the Bishop\\nor in the ordinary Courts but if the defend-\\nant should be found guilty by a lay judge,\\nstill the sentence could not be executed, nor\\nthe priest degraded, without the approbation\\nof the Bishop. In case that was refused,\\nthere was a direct appeal to the Emperor.\\n(3.) The Bishops were entirely exempted\\nfrom lay jurisdiction. It may seem scarcely\\nnecessary to add, that all cognizance of spir-\\nitual matters, from the crime of Heresy down\\nto what were held the more venial offences\\nof Simony, clerical insubordination, and even\\nthe violation of the ecclesiastical discipline\\nhy laymen, was confided^ as it had always\\nbeen, to the unrestricted authority of the\\nChurch. Still we should observe, that as\\ntemporal power was yet entrusted to the\\nspiritual judges for the enforcement of their\\nsentence, the penalties which they could im-\\nmediately inflict were censure, suspension,\\ndeposition, fasting, penance, excommunica-\\ntion penalties which, in those ages, not only\\ninspired terror, but involved much positive\\nsuffering ^but to touch the person or proper-\\nty of the culprit the aid of the secular author-\\nity was still necessary.\\nAfter the time of Justinian, we are not\\ninformed that any material change was intro-\\nduced into this department of the constitutioji\\nof the Eastern Church in fact and practice\\nit is not probable that the Clergy then en-\\ncroached with any success on the civil, which\\nwas so nearly identified with the imperial,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2power, and which at all times was jealously\\nmaintained. In the West, during the period\\nof dark confusion which divided Justinian\\nfi-om Charlemagne, some additions were\\nmade to the immunities of the Clergy in most\\nof the provinces, and especially in Gaul but\\nneither were these universally acknowledged,\\nnor securely enjoyed and it was not till the\\ngreat restorer of the Western Empire had\\nleisure to legislate for the happiness (as he\\nbelieved) of his subjects, that the character\\nof ecclesiastical jurisdiction and immunity\\nwas wholly and permanently altered. Char-\\nlemagne voluntarily conceded to the Church\\n(1.) that the jurisdiction of the Bishop should\\nextend to all causes which either of the par-\\nties, whether Clerks or not, chose to refer to\\nit, and that there should be no appeal from\\nhis decision (2.) that the whole body of\\nthe Clergy should be entirely exempt from\\nsecular jurisdiction. The enormous extent\\nof power f conferred by the first of these\\nCapitularies was confirmed by the right of\\nimprisonment (the Jus Carceris), which was\\nalso granted to the episcopal Judge so that\\nTiie testimony of one bishop was received in\\nevery cause as conclusive.\\nt By the Council held at Aries in 813, the edicts\\nof which were confirmed by Charlemagne, it was or-\\ndained, that, if judges and people in power do not\\npay deference to the bishop s instructions, he shall", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0202.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "JURISDICTION OF THE CLERGY.\\n195\\nthe meaus which he thus possessed of execut-\\ning his own decisions, rendered him, in a\\ngreat degree, independent of the civil author-\\nities. The effect of the second was to widen\\nthe distinction, already too broad, which sub-\\nsisted between Clerks and Laymen, and to\\nincrease the distrust with which the sacred\\norders already began to be regarded, by en-\\ntirely withdrawing their offences from the\\ncognizance of secular justice. It seems, in-\\ndeed, to be true, that Charlemagne thus grant-\\ned to the Clergy both greater power and\\ngreater immunity, than the existing state of\\nsociety permitted them to exert or enjoy.\\nSuch, nevertheless, were become their rights i\\nand in so far as the mere possession of them\\nwas the object of the straggles which they\\nmaintained in after ages, we cannot jusdy\\ncensure them. Neither ought we to forget,\\nthat a different, and even a more solid ground-\\nwork of judicial authority began to fall into\\ntheir occupation during this period. Many\\nof the Sees were already enriched with large\\nterritorial endowments, and consequently ex-\\nercised all the rights in those days annexed\\nto them and not the least valuable among\\nthese was the administration of justice. By\\nthis circumstance the character of the Ec-\\nclesiastical jurisdiction became inextricably\\ncomplicated; and the lines, by which it was\\nseparated from the authority of the civil tribu-\\nnals, were rendered so indistinct even where\\nthey really existed, that incessant and una-\\nvoidable occasions were afforded for artful\\nencroachment on the one hand, and violent\\naggression on the other. But these were\\nthe evils of after ages the design of Charle-\\nmagne was probably no more, than to vest\\nextensive judicial power in the most enlight-\\ntened body in his empire and no doubt he\\ntrusted to prevent its abuse by the vigorous\\nexercise of his own supremacy.\\nIn the mean time, while the Episcopal\\norder was thus generally strengthened and\\naggrandized, the particular interests of the\\nBishop of Rome were especially promoted.\\nAdrian I., a man of great talents and much\\ninfluence with the French King, occupied\\nthe Papal Chair at this crisis and while he\\nprofited, as he was justified in doing, by the\\nvoluntary and legitimate donations of that\\nMonarch, he also adopted (as some historians\\nthink) a less ingenuous method of exalting his\\ngive information thereof to the king. All the people\\nshall obey the bishop, even the counts and judges and\\ntliey shall act in concert for the maintenance of peace\\nand justice. SeeFleury, H. E. 1. 46, sect. ii.\\nown See. So much, at least, is certain, that\\ntwo instruments, now denominated the False\\nDecretals, and the Donation of Constantine,\\nthe two most celebrated monuments of hu-\\nman imposture and credulity, were put forth\\nabout the conclusion of the eighth century,\\nand immediately and universally received as\\ngenuine. Probably they were the composi-\\ntion of some monk or scribe of that age.*\\nTheir direct object was the unlimited ad-\\nvancement of the Roman See and for that\\npurpose, the Decretals furnished the spiritual,\\nthe donation the temporal, authority the for-\\nmer, professing to be a compilation of the\\nepistles and decrees of primitive Popes and\\nearly Emperors, derived from the first ages\\nthe ghostly omnipotence of Rome.f While\\nthe latter proclaimed no less than that Con-\\nstantine, on removing the seat of government\\nto the East, had consigned the Western Em-\\npire to the temporal as well as spiritual gov-\\nernment of the Bishop of Rome unbounded\\ndominion over Churches, and nations, and\\nkings, was delegated to the successor of St.\\nPeter and the Vicar of Christ. It was assert-\\ned that the original deed of the Emperor had\\nbeen recently discovered the monstrous for-\\ngeiy went forth, and spread itself through the\\nworld without confutation, seemingly without\\nsuspicion and it continued for above six\\nhundred years to form the most prominent,\\nand not the least solid, among the bulwarks\\nof Papacy.\\nIf, indeed, Charlemagne shared in this\\nmatter the credulity of his subjects, we may\\nreasonably infer the very narrow extent of his\\nown learning, and his little familiarity with\\nSee Mosh. Cent. viii. p. ii. chap. ii. The former\\nof these forgeries is frequently called the Decretals of\\nIsidore. There was a celebrated Bishop of Seville of\\nthat name in the sixth century, and it was probably\\nthought, that it would add some authority to the Col-\\nlection, if it could be received as his work. But,\\nunfortunately, it contains some mention of the Sixth\\nGeneral Council, which was later than the death of\\nthat Isidore. The clumsiness of the fabrication is ac-\\nknowledged and exposed by Fleury,liv. xliv. sect. 22.\\nf The false Decretals advanced to this end, to the\\ngreat detriment both of Church and State, chiefly by\\nthree methods: (1.) They diminished the frequency\\nof provincial councils by asserting for the Pope the\\nexclusive right to summon them; and those councils\\ncontributed very usefully both to the discipline and\\nindependence of the Church. (2.) They gave great\\nencouragement to Episcopal license by subjecting the\\nBishops to Papal authority only, and thus offermg\\nthem a fair prospect of impunity. (3.) They disturb-\\ned the course, and diverted the efficacy, of justice, by\\npromoting the practice of appeal to the Roman Seo,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0203.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "I9\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe annals of the preceding ages. That he\\ndid so is not impossible at least, it appears\\ncertain, that his capitulary respecting Epis-\\ncopal jurisdiction was in part founded on an-\\nother forgery a Constitution which was for\\nmany ages attached, under the name of Con-\\nstantine, to the Theodosian Code, but which\\nhas long been condemned as a production of\\nthe eighth or preceding century. The credit\\nof this preliminary fraud may have embold-\\nened its patrons to make a more audacious\\nattempt on his facility. Upon the whole,\\nhowever, we are very far from attributing so\\ndecided a course of policy in so great a\\nPrince to the success of an ecclesiastical im-\\nposture. Without any knowledge of the pre-\\ntensions or existence of those fabrications,\\nthere were reasons sufficient why Charle-\\nmagne should be willing to aggrandize a\\nPrelate whose interests were closely connect-\\ned with his own and to propitiate an order\\nof which the power was very considerable,\\nand the influence still greater than the power\\nfrom which he was receiving and expecting\\neminent personal as well as political services\\nwhich he considei-ed as a counterpoise to the\\nlicentiousness of his nobles, and to which he\\nlooked for the gradual improvement and civ-\\nilization of his subjects. It should be I emem-\\nbered, too, that during the whole of his long\\nreign he maintained the royal authority in-\\ndisputably paramount to every other, and that\\nif his posterity, some of whom were the fee-\\nblest of the human race, had inherited any\\nshare of his talent or vigor^ the subsequent\\nusurpations of the Clergy could not have been\\naccomplished, and might not have been med-\\nitated while the advantages, which Charle-\\nmagne reasonably anticipated for the State\\nfrom their subordinate co-operation with the\\nPrince, would have been certainly and splen-\\ndidly realized.\\nV. Revenues of the Church. During the\\ntliree first centuries the clergy were support-\\nThe increase of Papal power was very feiirly\\nbalanced within the Church by the general augmen-\\ntation of Episcopal authority and influence which ae-\\neompanied it, Tlie entire Ecclesiastical body was\\nexceedingly aggrandized, but in such measare that the\\nhead did not immediately exceed the proportion of\\nthe other principal members. It is true that, by the\\nseeds then sown, the disease o^f after ages was engen-\\ndered; but time was required to give them efficacy,\\nand during the century which followed Charlemagne,\\nthe power of t\\\\te Bishops, or (as they called it) their\\nindependence, was boldly and not uncommonly as-\\nserted.\\ned by the voluntary oblations of the faithful\\nthese were, in the first instance, daily or\\nweekly they were offered on the altar, and\\nfor the most part by communicants. This\\nexample led at an early period to the pay-\\nment of monthly offerings, which were placed\\nin the treasury of the Church. Every one\\n(says Tertullian*) bi ings a moderate contri-\\nbution once a month, or when he chooses,\\nand only if he chooses and is able for there\\nis no compulsion, but the gift is spontaneous\\nbeing, as it were, the deposit of piety.**\\nThe sums which were thus presented by the\\ngenerous devotion of the converts^ and which,\\nin the third century at least, were far from in-\\nconsiderable, were entrusted to the adminis-\\ntration of the Bishop and employed in the\\nmaintenance of the clergy, f in the support\\nof public worship, in the relief of widows and\\norphans, and persons suffering persecution.\\nIt also appears, that, before the reign of Dio-\\ncletian, the Church had become pos^ssed of\\nsome fixed property, which that Emperor con-\\nfiscated we do not learn whether it was ob-\\ntained by purchase or donation in either\\ncase it must have borne a very trifling pro-\\nportion to the revenues derived from custom-\\nary oblation.\\nConstantino restored and confirmed to the\\nChurch such property as it had acquired\\nunder the heathen Emperors, and then enact-\\ned laws to permit and encourage its increase.\\nThus the sources of ecclesiastical wealth\\nwere varied and multiplied, and the work\\nApolog. c. 29. His words are these Neque pre-\\ntio uUa res Dei constat. Etiam siquod Arcae genus\\nest, non de oneraria summa quasi rederaptee religionis\\ncongregatur: modicam unusquisque stipem menstrua\\ndie, vel cum velit, et si modo velit et si modo possit, ap-\\nponit. Nam nemo eompellitur,sedspouteconfert. H?ec\\nquasi depositapietatis sunt. The term (stipem) is bor-\\nrowed from the use of the heathen in the collections\\nmade by them for religious purposes. Tertullian pro-\\nceeds to enumerate several charitable objects to which\\nthe Christian offerings were applied. Egeeis alendis\\nhumamiisque, et pueris ac puellis re et parentibus des-\\ntitutis, a^tateque domitis senibus, item naufragis et si\\nqui in metallis et si qui in insulis vel in custodiis dun-\\ntaxat ex causa Dei sectae alumni confessionis suae\\nfiunt.\\nf The monthly salaries given to the Ministers of\\nthe Gospel are mentioned by Cyprian by the name of\\nMensurnse Divisiones.\\nI Padre Paolo (Hist. Eccles. Benefices) ascribes it\\nto donations made during the confusion which pre-\\nvailed in the empire after the imprisonment of Valeri-\\nan, when the general Roman law, which forbade tlie\\nbequeathing of real estates to any college, society, or\\ncorporation, without the approbation of tlie Senate or\\nthe Prince, may have been violated witlt safety", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0204.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "REVENUES.\\n197\\nwhich was begun by Constantine was some-\\nwhat advanced by his immediate successors.\\nOccasional allowances were advanced from\\nthe exchequer; the estates of martyrs and\\nconfessors dying without heirs were settled\\non the Church presently those of all clergy-\\nmen so dying were similarly disposed of;\\nand while some Princes transferred to the\\nChristian establishment the temples of the\\nHeathen and their revenues, there were oth-\\ners who extended the same principle to the\\nChurches of the heretics. At the same time,\\nthe original oblations continued to be abun-\\ndantly supplied and a still broader field was\\nopened by the general and unlimited permis-\\nsion which was given to bestow real property\\nupon the Church, both by donation and lega-\\ncy. The disposition not uncommonly exist-\\ning to act on that permission was encouraged\\nby the baser portion of the clergy and their\\npersuasions were sometimes conducted with\\nso little decency, that it became necessary to\\nimpose a legal restraint f upon their cupidity.\\nNevertheless, in spite of occasional inteiTup-\\ntion, the tide flowed onward the partial de-\\nrelictions of the ecclesiastical body were\\nforgotten in their general power, their dignity,\\nand their virtues and, before the close of\\nThe former by a law of Constantine, tlie latter\\nby one of Theodosius 11. and Valeutinian III. See\\nBingham s Antiq. book v. ch. iv.\\nt There is a remarkable law of Valentinian (made\\nin 370, and particularly addressed to Daiuasus,\\nBishop of Rome), which forbids Churchmen to fre-\\nquent the houses of widows and orphans, or to receive\\naay gifts, directly or indirectly, by will or donation,\\nfrom women to whom they might have attached them-\\nselves under pretext of religion. Ecclesiastici aut\\nex ecclesiaticis vidiiarum et pupillorum domus non\\nadeant, sed publicis exterminentur judiciis, si eos\\naffines eorura vel propinqui putaverint deferendos.\\nCensemus etiam ut memorati nihil de ejus mulieris,\\ncui se privatim sub pretextu reiigionis adjunxerint,\\nliberalitate quacunque vel extremo judicio possint\\nadipisci, et omne in tantum inefficax sit quod alicui\\nliorum ab his fuerit derelictum, ut nee per subjectam\\npersonam valeant alirjuid vel donatione vel testamento\\nrecipere. (Lege 20. Cod. Theod. de Episc, et Ec-\\ncles.) This was presently (in 3M) followed by an-\\nother to the same effect, but more generally expressed.\\nThe former would not seem to preclude gifts to the\\nQiureh, as a body, only to individual ministers; the\\nlatter goes so far as to ordain nullam Ecclesiam,\\nnullum Clericum, nullum pauperem scribat hseredes.\\nWe may here also observe, that Charlemagne made a\\nlaw to prevent the Church from receiving any gifts\\nwhich disinherited children and kindred. See Padre\\nPaolo, ch. vi.\\nThe most pious among the Fathers raised their\\nvoices very early against the practice of making\\nover fixed property to the Church. St. Chrysostom\\nthe fifth century, the Church had very amply\\nprofited by the pious generosity of the faiih-\\nfiil.\\nThe increase of ecclesiastical revenues was\\nfurther aided by certain exemptions granted\\nto the clergy by the first Christian Emperors.\\nThese, though not so general as some have\\nsupposed, were numerous and important.. It\\nappears certain that Church lands were liable\\nto the ordinary tax (census agrorum) or ca-\\nnonical tribute and also, that they contin-\\nued subject after donation to all burdens\\nwhich might have been previously charged\\nupon them but a law of Theodosius II.\\nexempted them from all extraordinary im-\\npositions. Moreover, ecclesiastics were not\\nliable, even from the time of Constantine, to\\nthe census capitum or capitation tax; they\\nwere also excepted (by Honorius and Theo-\\ndosius II.) from the payment of a number of\\noccasional imposts, many of which are speci-\\nfied by Bingham and it was not a trifling\\nprivilege, even in a pecuniary view, that they\\nwere relieved from the discharge of all the\\ncivil offices of whatsoever degree, which\\nwere attached to the possession of fixed pro-\\nperty. So studious were those early princes\\nto observe the distinction between the spirit-\\nual and the temporal character, and, while\\nthey prevented the encroachments of the\\nclergy on that which did not belong to them,\\nto give them the full benefit of that which\\nwas peculiarly their own.\\nThe ancient manner of dispensing the\\nrevenues of the Church was for some time\\nmaintained without any remarkable altera-\\ntion. All alms and incomes arising from\\n(Horail. 86. in Matt.) attributes the great corruption\\nof the Bishops and other Churchmen to the possession\\nof lands and fixed revenues since they forsook th^\\nspiritual occupations to sell their corn and wine, to\\nincrease the value of their property, or to defend it in\\ncourts of law. He looks back with admiration on\\nthe Apostolical purity of the Church, when it was\\nnourished only by oblation and charity. It is like-\\nwise related of St. Augustin, that he would neither\\npurchase land, nor even accept inheritances whioh\\nwere left to the Church also maintaining, that the\\nsystem of oblation and lithe would be better calculat-\\ned to preserve the peculiar character of the clergy.\\nP. Simon observes that the possession of any great\\nwealth was for a long time confined to the Churches\\nof the principal cities. The opulence of the Bishop\\nof Rome, as mentioned by Ammianus Marcelhnus\\n(lib. xxvii.), must have been derived almost entirely\\nfrom oblation but towards the end of the sixth cen-\\ntury we find that Prelate in enjoyment of ample\\nPatrimonies, not in Italy only, but far beyond its\\nlimits. See Fleuiy, liv. xxxv. sect. 15.\\nSee Bingham, book v. ch. iii.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0205.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "198\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nreal estates were yet in common, under the\\nimmediate care of Deacons and Subdeacons,\\nbut under the control and at tlie discretion of\\nthe Bishop, who ordered all the distributions.\\nThe whole of the clergy in every Church\\nwas maintained from the general funds of\\nthat Church; and in many places we find\\nthat great multitudes of poor were nourished\\nIjy the same resources.\\nWe are not informed that any material\\nchange in the application of its revenues at\\nany time took place in the Eastern Church\\nand we may even be allowed to doubt,\\nwhether its property received any very great\\naugmentation after the fifth or sixth century.\\nAt least such increase was incessantly watch-\\ned by a powerful and jealous Sovereign f\\nand the political revolutions, which finally\\nraised the hierarchy of the West to such in-\\nordinate opulence, extended neither in act\\nnor influence beyond the Adriatic. The\\nprevalence of the monastic spirit did not\\nfail, indeed, to create new establishments,\\nenriched by new endowments but even that\\nspirit, after two or three centuries from the\\ndays of St. Basil, blazed with little compara-\\ntive ardor in the East, where it was neither\\nrenovated by perpetual reformations, nor\\nnourished and diversified by the interested\\npatronage of Papacy.\\nBut in the West, the confusion introduced\\nby the invaders made it necessary, even in\\nthe fifth century, to legislate more expressly\\nrespecting the revenues of the Church. It\\nwas discovered that the confidence, placed\\nfrom the earliest ages in the discretion of the\\nBishop, was now occasionally abused, and\\nbegan to require the restraint of some canon-\\nical regulations. It was, therefore, ordained\\nabout the year 470 1 that the revenue should\\nSee Padre Paolo, Eccles. Benef. ch. vi.\\nt At an early period stewards were appointed to\\nsuperintend the temporalities of the Churches, and\\nwere chosen by the Bishop. But as abuses were\\nfound to proceed from this arrangement, the Council\\nof Chalcedon decreed, that the stewards should for\\nthe future be chosen from among the clergy, and that\\nthe administration of the revenues should no longer\\nbe left in the power of the Bishop. That office be-\\ncame afterwards so considerable in the Church of\\nConstantinople, that the Emperors took from the\\nclergy the nomination of the stewards into their own\\nhands. This practice lasted till the time of Isaac\\nComnenus, who remitted that right to the discretion\\nof the Patriarch. See P. Simon s History of Eccle-\\nsiastical Revenues.\\nX We follow the probable conclusion of Padre\\nPaolo, without being ignorant that this division has\\nbeen sometimes ascribed to Pope Sylvester (who\\nbe divided into four parts; the first for tne\\nBishop, the second for the rest of the Clergy,\\nthe third for the fabric of the Church, the\\nfourth for the poor. The duties of hospital-\\nity, which included the entertainment of\\nindigent strangers, were annexed to the\\nEpiscopal office. This distribution related\\nonly to the income of the several Churches:\\nthe funds whence they proceeded, whether\\nimmovables, oblations, or alms, continued,\\nas heretofore, the common property of the\\nbody. In the meantime, it would be incor-\\nrect to suppose that the above division was\\nnecessarily made into four equal portions:\\nthe great variation in the number of the cler-\\ngy and of the poor, in the size and splendor\\nof the fabrics, in the extent of the diocese,\\nmust have subjected so very broad a rule to\\nvery frequent modification.\\nDuring the tumultuous ages which follow-\\ned, it is asserted, without any improbability,\\nthat the bishops and clergy in many places\\nenlarged their own portions to the neglect of\\nthe sacred buildings and the destitution of\\nthe poor; that the minister frequently con-\\nverted to his own use the offerings deposited\\nin his own church and, in some places, that\\nthe lands themselves were divided for the\\nusufruct of particular individuals. These\\ninnovations may have gained footing insen-\\nsibly at different times, in different places\\nand the last was ultimately absorbed in that\\ngreat change in the nature and distribution\\nof church property which was introduced by\\nthe vsystem of. feudalities.\\nThose estates, which the Franks and Lom-\\nbards called Fiefs, were, by the Latins, de-\\nsignated Beneficia, as being held by the\\nbounty of the Prince. This term was orig-\\ninally confined to baronial or military ten-\\nures, and thence it afterwards passed into\\nthe service of the church. To the endow-\\nments of sees or churches, in those times so\\ncommonly made by princes, the word Ben-\\nefice was applied, perhaps without impro-\\npriety it was easily extended to such digni-\\nties as were conferred by the bishops with\\nthe permission of the princes and thus it\\nbecame common to all the separate portions\\nof the ecclesiastical estates. These altera-\\ntions, though not completed till a much later\\nperiod, were in gradual process during the\\nlived one hundred and fifty years before), on the\\nfaith of some v/ritings falsely attributed to him.\\nSome footsteps of the foundations of Benefices\\nand the right of patronage may perhaps be discovered\\nin the lOlh Canon of the First Council of Orange,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0206.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "REVENUES.\\n]9d\\nseventh and eighth centuries in the mean-\\ntmie the territorial possessions of the Church\\nwere spreading widely and they had already\\nswelled to a bulk too great for their security,\\nwhen Charlemagne ascended the throne of\\nthe Western empire.\\nSome portion of those possessions was un-\\nquestionably acquired by methods disgi-aceful\\nto individual churchmen, or through the cor-\\nruptions of the Church itself; and this was\\nmore especially the case (for reasons which\\nwe have already given) in the Latin com-\\nmunion. As to the former means the gross\\nignorance of the barbarian conquerors, and\\ntheir hereditary reverence for the ministers\\nof religion, offered irrisistible temptation to\\nthe astute avarice of the French and Italian\\nclergy for thus, besides that general abuse of\\nspiritual influence for the spoliation of weak,\\nor superstitious, or dying persons, which was\\ncommon to them with their Eastern brethren,\\npeculiar facilities and invitations to impostiu e\\nv/ere almost pressed upon them by the pop-\\nular credulity. The efficacy of gifts to expiate\\noffences was a profitable principle, for which\\nthe minds of the converts were already pre-\\npared by their previous prejudices the wild\\nrapacity of the savage is visually associated\\nwith reckless profusion and we cannot doubt\\nthat many individuals of the sacred order suc-\\ncessfully availed themselves of dispositions\\nso favorable to their own temporal interests.\\nRespecting the corruptions of the Church, it\\nwould probably be too much to assert, that\\nmasses for the release of souls and the fruit-\\nfiil fable of Purgatory were actually invented\\nfor the purpose of enriching that body but\\nwe need not hesitate to assign that among the\\nleading causes of the encouragement which\\nwas given to them. The pernicious swarm\\nof superstitious practices, such as the wor-\\nship of images, the adoration of Saints, and,\\nabove all, the demoralizing custom of pilgrim-\\nheld in 441: But the custom of that time (as P.\\nSimon remai ks) was far different from the present\\npractice. Again, about the year 500, under Pope\\nSymmachus, it appears that to some Churchmen por-\\ntions of land were assigned to be enjoyed by them for\\nlife this appears from an Epistle of that Pope to\\nCsesarius, where he prohibits the alienation of Chnrch\\nlands, unless it should be in favor of Clerks mji itlng\\nsuch reward nisi Clericis honorem meritis, aut\\nMonasterils, reiigionis intuitu, aut certe peiegrinis\\nnecessitas largari suaserit sic tamen ut ha3e ipsa non\\nperpetuo, sed temporaliter, donee vixerint, perfruan-\\nlur. But the establishment of the modern system of\\nBenefices is not commonly referred to an earlier pe-\\nriod than the end of the tenth, or the beginning of the\\neleventh century.\\nage,* was nourished and multiplied princi-\\npally with that object; and the state of the\\nChurch at that period affords just grounds for\\nthe melancholy reflection, that the grossest\\nperversions of religious truth were carefully\\nfostered, if they were not actually produced,\\nby the m.ost sordid of human motives.\\nThe Monastic orders did not lag behind\\ntheir secular competitors in the race of ava-\\nrice it appears indeed that a great proportion\\nof the rewards, at least during the seventh and\\neighth centuries, flowed into their establish-\\nments and though their members did not\\npossess the same facilities of private acquisi-\\ntion, the communities have obtained their full\\nshare of the profits of ecclesiastical corruption\\nin all ages of the Churcli.\\nIt would be unjust, however, to suppose\\nthat any very material part of the property\\nof the Church was amassed by the shameful\\nmethods which we have mentioned; they\\nhave contributed, indeed, somewhat to swell\\nits treasiires and greatly to soil its reputation\\nbut the most solid, and by far the largest por-\\ntion of its riches was derived from sources\\nnot only lawftil but honorable. The most\\nabundant of these was the pious or politic\\nmunificence of those Princes who employed\\nthe Clergy as the means of improving, or of\\ngoverning, their people. Such were extreme-\\nly common during the sixth, seventh, and\\neighth centuries and the respect and prefer-\\nence which they thus demonstrated for the\\nsacred order, evince its moral as well as in-\\ntellectual superiority over other classes of\\ntheir subjects. Again, the voluntary dona-\\ntions of wealthy individuals were not always\\nmade from superstitious hope or idle persua-\\nsion but much more frequently, because the\\nChiu ch was the only channel through which\\nthe charity of the rich could effectually re-\\nlieve the poor. This object was connected\\nwith many even of the earliest donations, and\\nPilgriixtages, chiefly to the shvines of St. Peter\\nat Rome, and St. Martin at Tours, were, in the\\neighth age, so common, that it is made a matter al-\\nmost of reproach to Charlemagne himself (by his\\nhistorian Eginhart,) that in the course of his long\\nreign he had undertaken only four. The Council of\\nChalons (in 813) acknowledges the abuses of pilgrim-\\nage. The clergy pretend thereby to purge them-\\nselves from sin, and to be restored to their functions;\\nthe laity to acquire impunity for sins past or future;\\nthe powerful convert them into a pj-el,ex-t of extor-\\ntion, the poor of mendicity. Sti41j we praise the\\ndevotion of those, who, to accomplish the penance\\nwhich their priest has imposed on them, make such\\npilgrimages accompanied by prayer, alms, and cor-\\nrection of morals Fleury, H. E., 1. xlvi., sect, v", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0207.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "200\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nis conspicuous in the numerous monuments\\nof the eighth and ninth centuries and the\\nlarge sums which were thus entrusted to reh-\\ngious persons or establishments for tliat pur-\\npose, while they multiplied and maintained the\\nindigent dependants of the Church, became the\\nsafest and the noblest gi-ound of its influence\\nand popularity. Again, a great proportion\\nof the territorial endowments of the cathedrals\\nand monasteries consisted of unappropriated\\nand uncultivated lands. These were gradu-\\nally brought to fertility by the superior skill\\nand industry of their new possessors and\\nthey thus acquired the most substantial right\\nof possession by labors which were beneficial\\nto society. Lastly the abundance of some\\nestablishments and the economy of others\\nfrequently enabled the community to amass\\nsums which were expended from time to\\ntime in the purchase of additional estates.\\nThese were annexed to the original patrimo-\\nny and since, in the general insecurity of\\nproperty prevailing in turbulent ages, there\\nwere few individuals who exercised foresight\\nor economy, these virtues, almost peculiar to\\nthe ecclesiastical establishments, were a sure\\nand effective instrument of their prosperity.\\nOn the other hand, they were peculiarly\\nexposed to the evils of that turbulence, both\\nby their wealth and their defencelessness.\\nAmidst the tumults of unsettled governments\\nand uncivilized society, what had been lav-\\nished by the bounty of one was frequently\\ntorn away by the rapacity of another and\\nnot the nobles only, and other powerful sub-\\njects engaged in the work of spoliation, but\\neven princes f would sometimes reward their\\ngreedy followers by grants of Church proper-\\nty. By such injustice its increasing dimen-\\nsions were restrained and if we have suffi-\\ncient reason to lament that the means by\\nwhich it was acquired were not all without\\nreproach, there may at least be room for rea-\\nsonable doubt, whether, upon the whole, the\\nChurch did not suffer as much by violence\\nas it gained by fraud, in ages equally favor-\\nable to the exercise of both.\\nSee Muratori s Dissert, xxxvii. De Hospitali-\\nbus, c, and also bis Ivith, De Religione per Itali-\\nam, post anil. 500.\\nf Charles Martel, for instance, very amply com-\\npensated his military followers for their successful\\ndefence of Christianity by the monasteries and other\\necclesiastical endowments, which he distributed among\\nthem. He thus incurred the indignation of St. Boni-\\nface: but as to the celebrated vision of Pulcheriiis,\\nthere seems great reason to doubt whether the Bishop\\ndid not precede the Prince in the race of mortality.\\nSee Baron, apud Selden, ch. v\\nThere is another source of ecclesiastical\\nwealth which we have not yet mentioned,\\nbecause it acquired no certain existence be-\\nfore the reign of Charlemagne the posses-\\nsion of Tithes but it is here proper to employ\\na few sentences on that subject. It seems\\nquite clear that no sort of tithe was paid to\\nthe ante-Nicene Church, nor imposed by any\\nof its councils, nor even directly claimed\\nby its leading ministers. The Levitical insti-\\ntution is indeed mentioned both by Cyprian\\nand Origen by the former slightly and al-\\nmost incidentally by the latter with rather\\nmore fulness, f in a homily respecting the\\nfirst-fruits in the law. But even Origen goes\\nno farther in his conclusion, than that the\\ncommand concerning, the first-fruits of corn\\nand cattle should still be observed according\\nto the letter and we have no evidence to\\npersuade us that even that limited position\\nwas carried into general practice.\\nIn the records of Constantino s generosity\\nto the new establishment there is no mention\\nmade of tithes nevertheless, the expressions\\nboth of St. Ambrose and St. Augustin on this\\nsubject forbid us to doubt, that such payment\\nwas voluntarily, though perhaps very partially\\nmade, at least in the Western Church, before\\nthe end of the fourth century. St. Ambrose\\nboldly claims it as due by the law of God\\nIt is not enough that we bear the name of\\nChristians, if we do not Christian works the\\nLord exacts of us the annual tithe of all our\\ncorn, cattle, c. c. Whosoever is con-\\nscious that he hath not faithfully given his\\ntithes, let him supply what is deficient; and\\nwhat is the faithful payment of tithes, except\\nto offer to God neither more nor less than\\nthat portion, whether of your corn or your\\nwine, or the fruit of your trees, or your catde,\\nor of the produce of your garden, your busi-\\nEpist. 66. De Unitat. Eccles. sec. xxiii. In the\\nformer place he is reproaching one Geminius Fausti-\\nnus, a priest, for having undei taken the discharge of a\\nsecular office quge nunc ratio et forma in Clero ten-\\netur, ut qui in Ecclesia Domini ad ordinationem Cler-\\nicalem promoventur, nullo modo ab administratioue\\ndivina avocentur, sed, in honore sportulantiura fra-\\ntrum, tanquam Decimas ex fructibus accipientes ab\\naltari et sacrificiis non recedant. In the latter,\\nwhile deploring the lukewarm devotion of the faith-\\nful, he complains, at nunc de patrimonio nee deci-\\nm.as damus. See Selden, chap. 4.\\nf This may surprise those historians who distin-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0uish Origen from the Church writers, and exalt him\\naccordingly. Had Cyprian published a homily to in-\\nculcate the divine obligation of paying first-fruits to\\nthe priest, he would have been stigmatized as the most\\navaricious (he is already denounced as the most am\\nbilious) among those eaily churchmen.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0208.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "REVENUES.\\n201\\nness, or your hunting Of all substance\\nwhich God has given to man, he has reserved\\nthe tenth part to himself, and, therefore, man\\nmay not retain that w^hich God has appro-\\npriated to his own use. St. Augustin, in a\\nhomily on that subject, presses the same right\\nto the same extent, in terms not less posi-\\ntive; with this difference, however, that he\\nputs forward more zealously the charitable\\npurpose of the institution. About the same\\ntime St. Chrysostom and St. Jerome added\\ntheir exhortations to the same effect, though\\nthey did not specify so exactly the nature of\\nthe contribution, nor insist so strongly on the\\ndivine obligation. There can be no question\\nthat the exertions of individual ministers ef-\\nfectually influenced the more devout among\\ntheir listeners, especially in the Western na-\\ntions, and in somewhat later ages according-\\nly we find that in sundry places Tithes f were\\npaid both to monasteries, to the poor, and to\\nthe clergy, by many pious individuals during\\nthe four centuries which followed. It has\\nalso been asserted (though the evidence is\\nnot sufficiently clear) that they already en-\\ngaged the attention, and even claimed the\\nauthority, of one or two provincial J councils.\\nMoreover, it seems probable, that some spe-\\ncial endowments of them were made on par-\\nticular Churches before the time of Charle-\\nmagne, though these were few in number,\\nand scarcely earlier than the end of the\\nseventh age. But, on the other hand, it is\\nunquestionably certain that no canon or\\nother law for the purpose of compelling the\\npayment of tithes were generally received\\nbefore the concluding part of the eighth cen-\\ntury. The offerings hitherto contributed un-\\nder that name were made in compliance with\\nthe doctrine which pleaded the divine right,\\nQuodcunque te pascit ingenium Dei est; et inde\\ndecimas expetit unde vivis de militia, de negotio, de\\nartificio redde decimas: aliiid euim pro terra dependi-\\nmus, aliud pro usura vitae pensamus. Selden appears\\nto share in a doubt which has been raised, whether\\nthe Homily in question be really the production of\\nAugustin.\\nf These may not have been in fact exactly tenths,\\nbut some indefinite proportion of things titheable, va-\\nrying according to the abundance or devotion of tlie\\ncontributor.\\n4: We refer particularly to Selden s 5th chap., and\\nhis remarks on the Council of Mascon (in 586).\\nThomassin (Vetus et Nova Ecclesiae Discipliua, P.\\nIII. 1. i. c. vi.) presses the authority of the Second j\\nCouncil of Tours. At any rate the prelates on that\\noccasion proceeded no farther than exhortation\\ncommonemus, those of Macon decree statuimus\\net decern inius.\\n26\\nor with the precepts, or perhaps even with\\nthe practice of particular Churches, but they\\nwere not yet exacted either by civil or eccle-\\nsiastical legislation not even in the West\\nand in the Eastern Church we have not ob-\\nserved that any law has at any time been\\npromulgated on this subject.\\nThe first strictly legislative act which con-\\nferred on the clergy the right to tithe was\\npassed by Charlemagne. In the year 778,\\nthe eleventh of his reign over France and\\nGermany, in a general assembly of estates,\\nboth spiritual and temporal, held under him,\\nit was ordained, That every one should give\\nhis tenth, and that it should be disposed of\\naccording to the orders of his bishop.\\nOther constitutions to the same effect were\\nafterwards published by the same prince, and\\nrepeated and confirmed by some of his de-\\nscendants they were iterated by the canons\\nof numerous provincial councils,! and re-\\nechoed from the pulpits of France and Italy.\\nNevertheless, it was found exceedingly dif-\\nficult to enforce them. X The laity were\\nUt unusquisque suam decimam donet; atque per\\njussionem Episcopi sui (or Pontificis, as some copies\\nread) dispensetur. This must be understood with\\nsome limitation, since the tripartite division of tithes\\nseems to be properly ascribed to Charlemagne that\\nof one share for the bishop, and clergy, a second for\\nthe poor, a third for the fabric of the Church. It\\nseems uncertain what part of these was at first in\\ntended for the maintenance of a resident clergy.\\nParochial divisions, such as they now exist, were\\nstill not very common, though they may be traced to\\nthe endowment of churches by individuals as early as\\nthe time of Justinian. The rural churches were, iq\\nthe first instance, chapels dependent on the neighbor-\\ning cathedral, and were served by itinerant ministers\\nof the bishop s appointment. It was some time be-\\nfore any of them obtained the privileges of baptism\\nand burial but these were indeed accompanied by a\\nfixed share of the tithes, and appear to have implied\\nin each case the independence of the Church and the\\nresidence of a minister.\\nt The celebrated Council of Francfort (in 794)\\npublished a canon for the universal payment of tithes,\\nbesides the rents due to the Church for benefices,\\nSee Fleury, 1. xliv. s. Ix. and Thomassin, P. III. 1\\ni. cap. vii.\\nI There is an epistle of Alcuin, in which he exhorts\\nhis master not yet to impose upon the tender faith of\\nhis new converts, the Saxons and Huns, what he\\ncalls the yoke of tithes. The passage deserves ci-\\ntation Vestra sanctissima pietas sapienti consiiio\\nprgevideat, si melius sit rudibus populis in principio\\nfidei jugum imponere Decimarum, ut plena fiat per\\nsingulas domus exactio illarum; an apostoli quoque\\nab ipso Deo Christo edocti et ad praedicandum mundo\\nmissi exactiones Decimarum exegissent, vel alicui\\ndemandasseut dari, considerandum est. Scimus quia", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0209.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "202\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nstrongly disposed to disobey such commands\\nas went to diminish their revenues, and the\\nviolation of any law was easy in those disor-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2dered times. But the long and lawful perse-\\nverance of the clergy at length prevailed\\nand, during a contest of nearly four centuries,\\nthey gradually entered into the possession of\\nail nnpopiilar, but unquestioned right.\\nWe can scarcely consider the payment of\\ntithes to have been universally enforced until\\nthe end of the twelfth century, when ecclesi-\\nastical authority had risen to a great height,\\nthrough the exaltation of the See of Rome.\\nThe first of the General Coimcils which men-\\ntions them is the Ninth, that of Lateran, held\\nunder Calixtus II., about the year 1119 but\\neven there they are spoken of only as they\\nwere received by special consecrations. Nor\\ndoes it appear that the payment was expressly\\ncommanded as a duty of common right\\nbefore the Pontifical Council held in the year\\n1215. It was held under Innocent III. and\\nin that age, and especially during that pon-\\ntificate, the canons of the church were not\\nlightly received nor contemned with security.\\nSuch are the principal quarters from which\\nthe revenues of the Western church were\\nderived. They varied in fruitfulness in dif-\\nferent times and provinces, according to the\\nextent of ecclesiastical influence, or the de-\\ngree of civil anarchy which prevailed. In\\nthe ages immediately following the barbarian\\nconquests, they may have lost by the violence\\nof the invaders more than they gained by\\ntheir piety or superstition but those losses\\nwere afterwards compensated by a liberality\\nDeeimatio substantive Hostrae valde bona est. Sed\\nmelius est illam amittere quam fidern perdere. Nos\\nvero in fide Catholica nati, nuttiti et edocti vix con-\\nsentimus substantiam nostrain pleniter decirnari\\nquanto magis tenera fides et infantilis animus et\\navara mens illorum laigitati non consentitl The\\npassage is quoted by Selden in Cliapter v.\\nSee Selden., chap- vi. There were various pon-\\ntifical decrees respecting Tithes by Nicholas K.,\\nAlexander II., and Gregory VII. in the eleventh\\ncentury. Selden mentions the direct command of\\nNicholas in 1059. Praecipiuuis ut Decimae et Prim-\\nitiae sen oblationes vivorum et mortuorum Ecclesiis\\nDei fideliter reddantur a Laicis, et ut in dispositione\\nEpiscoporum sint: quas qui retinuerint a S. Ecclesiae\\nCommumone separentur. Ten years earlier we ob-\\nserve that Leo IX., in his council against Simony,\\nestored Tithes to all the Churches, with the admis-\\nsion, that no mention was at that time made of them\\nin Apulia, and some other parts of the world. A\\ndouble division of them is on that occasion mentioned\\nbetween the Bishop, and the Altar, or Minister of\\nthe Church. See Wibertus, ap. Pagi., Vit. Leo IX.\\nwhich was sometimes heedless, sometimes\\npolitical; and, upon the whole, in spite of oc-\\ncasional spoliations, the funds of the Church\\ncontinued to extend themselves. They did\\nnot, however, reach any unreasonable extent\\nuntil the reign of Charlemagne and those of\\nhis successors; but thenceforward, as their\\nsecurity increased with their magnitude, they\\nswelled to such inordinate dimensions, and\\nassumed so substantial a shape, that they are\\nnot incredibly asserted to have comprehended,\\nin the twelfth century, one half of the culti-\\nvated soil of Europe. Nevertheless, it is im-\\npossible to dispute, that by far the greater\\nproportion of that property was acquired by\\njust and lawful means; and that we may not\\ndepart from this inquiry with the impression,\\nthat the prosperity of the Church was either\\nuniversally abuser!, or wholly unmerited, it\\nis proper to mention some of the blessings\\nwhich it conferred upon society, during a\\nperiod when the condition of man stood most\\nin need of aid and consolation.\\nGeneral Benefits conferred by the Church.\\nWe do not here propose to enumerate the\\nbeneficial effects of the religion itself, which\\nare scarcely contested by any one but only\\nto mention some of the good fruits of the\\nInstitution caWed the Church benefits pro-\\nduced in subservience to Christianity, in as\\nfar as its principles and motives were derived\\nfrom that source, but in contradistinction to\\nit, in as far as its outward form, government\\nand discipline were of human creation. With\\nall its earthly imperfections and impurities,\\nthe Church was still a powerful, if not neces-\\nsary, instrument for the support of the relig-\\nion and the diffusion of its principles and\\neven among those very imperfections there\\nwere some which it pleased Providence to\\nturn to its own honor, by converting them to\\nthe service of man.\\nBefore the end of the fifth century, tlie\\necclesiastical body was in possession of very\\nconsiderable dignity and power throughout\\nthe whole of Christendom and in that body\\nthe episcopal order had risen into a pre-\\neminence, not indeed in unison with its an-\\ncient humility, but attributable to its activity\\nand its virtues more than to its ambition, and\\nperhaps to the circumstances of the empire\\neven more than to either. In the enjoyment\\nof extensive revenues, of some municipal\\nSee Cod. Justin. 1. i., tit. iv. De Episcopal!\\nAudientia, s. 26, 30. The superintendence of public\\nworks, and of the funds for defraying their expenses,\\nwas intrusted to the bishop, together with some of the\\nleading men in the city.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0210.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "BENEFITS CONFERRED BY THE CHURCH.\\n203\\nauthority, of certain judicial privileges and\\nimmunities, of high rank and reputation, and\\nof very powerful influence over the people,\\nand united for all grand purposes by common\\nprinciples and common interests, the hierar-\\nchy occupied the first station among the sub-\\njects of the empire. Its weight was felt and\\nacknowledged by every rank of society, from\\nthe court downwards: the more so, as it\\nformed the only moral tie which bound them\\ntogether. The Unity of the Church was not\\ntnerely the watchword of bigotry, the signal\\nfor injustice and oppression, but also a princi-\\nple of some effect in maintaining the unity of\\nChristendom. Such was the position of the\\nChurch, and such the means at its disposal,\\nwhen the Westerrt Empire was overthrown\\nand occupied by unbelieving barbarians.\\nAt this crisis it is not too much to assert,\\nthat the Church was the instrument of Heav-\\nen for the preservation of the Religion. Chris-\\ntianity itself (unless miraculously sustained)\\nwould have been swept away from the surface\\nof the West,* had it not been rescued by an\\nestablished body of ministers, or had that\\nbody been less zealous or less influential.\\nx\\\\raong the conquered, the common people\\nwere, for the most part, recent and not always\\nvery serious converts from polytheism the\\nhigher classes were neither numerous nor\\npowerful, nor had any interest in the support\\nof Christianity the clergy alone composed\\nthe vital and efficient portion of the aristocra-\\ncy. Among the conquerors, the rudest sol-\\ndier brought with him a superstitious rever-\\nence for the office aud person of a religious\\nminister, which prepared him for adhesion to\\nthe religion itself, especially where the minis-\\ntei-s were honored and the ceremonies splen-\\ndid and the illiterate prince readily gave\\nattention to the counsels of the bishops, who\\nGuizot who treats ecclesiastical matters with\\nprofoundness, ingenuity, and judgment, aud has\\nbrought to that subject (a rarer merit) a mind unbias-\\nsed by the prejudices of a churchman, or the antipa-\\nthies of a sectarian or an infidel, and that fearless,\\nuncompromising candor which becomes a philosopher\\nand a historian Guizot (Histoire Generale, c. Le-\\n^on II.) has expressed tlie same opinion with the\\nsame confidence. Je ne crois pas trop dire en af-\\nfirmant qu a la fin du quatrieme et commencement du\\ncinquieme siecle, c est I Eglise Chretinne qui a sauve\\nle Christanisme. C est I Eglise, avec ses institutions,\\nses magistrats, son pouvoir qui s est defendue vigour-\\neusemeut contre la dissolution interieure de I empire,\\ncontre la Barbaric qui a conquis les barbares, qui\\nest devenue le lien, le moyen, le priucipe de civilisa-\\niion entre le monde Romain et le monde barbai-e,\\nc. c.\\nwere the most learned and the most respected\\namong his new subjects. Thence resulted\\nthe gradual conversion of the invaders, by\\nthe agency of the visible Church. Without\\nthose means bad Christianity then existed\\nas a mere individual belief, or even under a\\nless vigorous form of human government\\nthe religious society would have possessed\\nneither the energy nor discipline necessary for\\nresistance to the deluge which endangered it.\\nLet us next inquire, what influence did the\\nChurch afterwards exert on the society which\\nit had assembled in the name of Christ by\\nwhat exertions, by what habits, did it enforce\\nthe principles of the religion which it had\\npreserved First by the general exercise of\\ncharity. The generosity of its benefactoi-s\\nhad often been directed, in part at least, to\\nthat purpose. That excellent rule which had\\nbeen received from the earliest ages was not\\ndiscontinued the relief of the poor was as-\\nsociated with the ministry of religion the\\nworldly necessities of the wretched were al-\\nleviated by their spiritual Pastors, and the\\nmost excellent virtue of Christianity was in-\\nculcated by the practice of its Ministers. We\\nintend not to exalt the merit of that body in\\ndispensing among the indigent the funds en-\\ntrusted to them for that purpose we only as-\\nsert its great utility as a channel for the trans-\\nmission of blessings, which in those ages\\ncould not otherwise have reached their object\\nas a sacred repository, where the treasures\\nof the devout were stored up for the mitiga-\\ntion of misery which had no other resource\\nor hope. Secondly the penitential discipline\\nof the Church was extremely efficacious in\\nenforcing the moral precepts of the religion\\nand whatsoever advantage may have been\\nconferred on ancient Rome by the venerable\\noffice of the Censor, whatsoever restraints\\nmay have been imposed on the habits of a\\nhigh-minded people by the fear of ignomini-\\nous reproach awe more deep and lasting\\nmust have been impressed upon the supersti-\\ntious crowd by the terrible denunciations of\\nthe Church, by the deep humiliation of the\\npenitent, by his prolonged exposure to public\\nshame, by the bitterness and intensity of his\\nremorse. Without affecting to regret, as\\nsome have done, the present disuse of the\\npenitential system in the present enlightened\\nThat their conversion was, in the first instance,\\nimperfect, perhaps in many cases merely nominal, has\\nbeen already admitted. Still, where the affair was\\nwith a nation, and that too a very barbarous nation,\\nit was impossible, humanly speaking, tliat it could\\n,i have been otherwise tlmn imperfect.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0211.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "204\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nstate both of society and religion, we cannot\\nclose our eyes against its extraordinary pow-\\ner, as aD instrument of moral improvement,\\nin ages when the true spirit of religion was\\nless felt and comprehended when education\\nfurnished very slender means for self-correc-\\ntion and when even the secular laws were\\nfeebly or partially executed. Thirdly After\\nthe fifth century the office of Legislaiion\\nthroughout the Western provinces devolved\\nin a great measure on the ecclesiastical body\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094directly, in so far as they composed, or as-\\nsisted in, public assemblies indirectly, as\\nthey influenced the councils of Princes and\\ntheir nobility. Their power was effectually\\nexerted for the improvement of the barbarous\\nsystem of the invaders, the suppression of ab-\\nsurd practices, and the substitution of reason-\\nable principles. I have already spoken,\\nsays Guizot, of the difference which may be\\nobserved between the laws of the Visigoths,\\nproceeding in a great measure from the Coun-\\ncils of Toledo, and those of the other barba-\\nrians. It is impossible to compare them with-\\nout being struck by the immense superiority\\nm the ideas of the Church in matters of legis-\\nlation and justice, in all that affects the pursuit\\nof truth and the destiny of man. It is true\\nthat the greater part of these ideas were bor-\\nrowed from the Roman legislation but if the\\nChurch had not preserved and defended them,\\njf it had not labored to propagate them, they\\nwould have perished. Fourthly In further-\\nance of this faithful discharge of its duties\\nto the human race, the Church unceasingly\\nstrove to correct the vices of the social sys-\\ntem. The worst of these, and the principal\\nobject of her hostility, was the abomination\\nof slavery and if it be too much entirely to\\nattribute its final extirpation to the persever-\\nance of the Church in pressing the principles\\nof the Faith, and if it has been speciously in-\\nsinuated that her motives in the contest were\\nnot always disinterested, at least it is impossi-\\nble to dispute either her zeal in the righteous\\ncause, or the power and success with which\\nehe pleaded it,* or the great probability that.\\nII y en a une preuve irrecusable la plupart des\\nformules d afifranchissement, k diverses epoques, se\\nwithout such advocacy so steadily pursued\\nthrough so long and hopeless a period, the\\ncomplete emancipation of the lowest classes\\nwould have been accomplished much later,\\nperhaps not wholly accomplished even at this\\nmoment. Fifthly The same spirit which\\nwas so well directed to improve the internal\\nfabric of society turned itself also to the pre-\\nvention of civil outrage and even of interna-\\ntional warfare. In this attempt, indeed, it\\nhad not equal success, since it had to contend\\nwith the most intractable of human passions;\\nbut the pages even of profane history abound\\nwith proofs of the pacific policy and interpo-\\nsitions of the Church: nor were they entirely\\nsuspended even after the fatal moment, when\\nit engaged as a party in the temporal affairs\\nof Europe, and so frequently found its own\\npolicy and strength and triumph in the dis-\\ncord, devastation, and misery of its neigh-\\nbors. Lastly From considerations which\\nare more immediately connected with the\\nhappiness of mankind, we may descend to\\nmention a theme of praise which is seldom\\nwithheld from the Church by any description\\nof historians that of having preserved many\\nvaluable monuments of ancient genius and\\nalso of having nourished, even in the worst\\ntimes, such sort of literary instruction and\\nacquirement as was then perhaps attainable.\\nIt is true that these advantages were not gen-\\nerally diffused among the people that little\\ndesire was evinced by the Clergy to com-\\nmunicate such knowledge, or by the Laity to\\nshare in it still was it a possession useful, as\\nwell as honorable, to those who cherished\\nand maintained it, and through them, in some\\ndegree, to their fellow-subjects. Some lan-\\nguid rays it must have reflected even at the\\nmoment upon the surface of society; at least\\nit was preserved as a certain pledge of future\\nimprovement, as an inviolable and everlasting\\ntreasure, consecrated to the brighter destinies\\nof ages to come.\\nfondent sur iin motif religieux; c est au nom des idees\\nreligieuses, des esperances de raveuir, de I egalite\\nreligieuse des homines, que I afFranchissement est\\npresque toujours prononce. Guizot, Hist. Generale,\\nLe^on VI.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0212.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "INDEPENDENCE OF PAPAL ELECTION.\\n205\\nPART III.\\nFROM THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE TO THAT OF\\nPOPE GREGORY Aai. 814\u00e2\u0080\u00941085.\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\nOn the Government and Projects of the Church\\nduring the JVinth and Tenth Centuries.\\nDivision of the Subject into Three Parts. (I.) Indepen-\\ndence of Papal Election Original Law and Practice\\nFirst Violation Posterity of Charlemagne Charles the\\nBald\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Otho the Great\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Henry III. Alterations under\\nNicholas 1 1.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Reflections. (II.) Encroachment of Eccle-\\nsiastical on Civil Authority\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Indistinct Limits of Tem-\\nporal and Spiritual Power Till the time of Charle-\\nmagne After that time Influence of Feudal System\\nKind of Authority conferred by it on the Clergy\\nMilitary Service of Church Vassals of Clergy lat-\\nter forbidden by Charlemagne Superstitious Methods\\nof Trial By Hot Iron the Cross the Eucharist Po-\\nlitical Offices of the Clergy Influence from Intellectual\\nSuperiority\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Plunder of Church Property\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Lay Impro-\\npriators Advocates Louis le Debonnaire his Pe-\\nnance Council at Paris in 820 Charles the Bald\\nCouncil of Aix la Chapelle\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Lothaire, King of Lorraine\\nhis Excommunication Hincmar, Archbishop of\\nRheims his Conduct on two occasions Charles the\\nBald accepts the Empire from the Pope General Re-\\nflections Robert, King of France his Excommunica-\\ntion and Submission\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Episcopal distinct from Papal\\nEncroachment. (III.) Internal Usurpation of the Ro-\\nman See Its Original Dignity Metropolitan Privileges\\nAppellant Jurisdiction of Pope\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The False Decretals\\nContest between Gregory IV. and the French Bish-\\nops between Adrian II. and Hincmar Character of\\nHincmar Consequence of regular Appeals to the Pope\\nVicars of the Roman See Exemption of Monasteries\\nfrom Episcopal Superintendence Remarks.\\nThat we may avoid the confusion usually\\nattending the compression of a long series\\nof incidents, we shall here endeavor to dis-\\ntinguish the points which chiefly claim our\\nnotice, rather than follow chronologically the\\ncourse of events and though it may not be\\npossible, nor even desirable, to prevent the\\noccasional encroachments of subjects in some\\nrespects similar, yet in others very different,\\nwe shall not allow it to perplex our narra-\\ntive. It is an obscure and melancholy region\\ninto which we now enter but it is not al-\\ntogether destitute of interest and instruction,\\nsince we can discern, through the ambiguous\\ntwilight, those misshapen masses and dis-\\norderly elements out of which the fabric of\\nPapal despotism presently arose, and even\\ntrace the irregular progress of that stupen-\\ndous structure.\\nWe shall best attain this end by giving a se-\\nparate consideration to three subjects, which\\nwill be found to include the whole ecclesias-\\nti cal policy of the nmth and tenth centuries.\\nOther matters relating to that period, and\\npossessing perhaps even greater general im-\\nportance, will be treated in the next chapter\\nbut at present we shall confine our inquiry\\nto the following objects I. The endeavors\\nof the Popes to free their own election from\\nImperial interference of every description,\\nwhether to nominate or to confirm. TI. The\\nefforts of the Church to usurp dominion over\\nthe Western empire and generally to ad-\\nvaiice the spiritual as loftier and more legiti-\\nmate than the highest temporal authority.\\nIII. The exertions of the See of Rome to sub-\\ndue to itself the ecclesiastical body, and thus\\nto establish a despotism within the Church.\\nIn the two first of these objects we may re-\\ngard the Church as waging for the most part\\nan external warfare the last occasioned her\\nintestine or domestic struggles and the ex-\\namination of them will necessarily lead to\\nsome mention of the peculiarities introduced\\nby the feudal system of its influence on the\\nmanners, morals, and property of the clergy,\\nI. On the independency of Papal election^\\nThe original law and practice in this matter\\nhad passed, with some variations but little\\nlasting alteration, through the succession both\\nof the Greek and barbarian sovereigns of\\nRome, from the time of Constantine to that\\nof Charlemagne, and that Prince also trans-\\nmitted it unchanged to his posteritj^. It was\\nthis that the Pope should be elected by the\\npriests, nobles, and people of Rome, but that\\nhe should not be consecrated without the\\nconsent of the Emperor. This arrangement\\nwas found, for above eight centuries, to be\\nconsistent with the dignity of the Roman\\nBishop, and it was not till his spiritual pride\\nhad been inflated by temporal power, that it\\nwas discovered to be doubly objectionable-\\nit was no longer to be endured, either that\\nlaymen should interfere in the election of the\\nPope, or the Emperor in his consecration.\\nBoth these restraints became offensive to the\\nlofty principles of ecclesiastical independence^\\nbut the latter was that which it was first at-\\ntempted to remove.\\nCharlemagne was succeeded by his son", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0213.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "206\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nLewis, commonly called the Meek, a feeble\\nand superstitious monarch and of these de-\\nfects both Stephen V.* and Pascal I. so far\\navailed themselves, as to exercise the pontifi-\\ncal functions without awaiting his confirma-\\ntion. But when Eugene II. would have\\nfollowed their example, Lothaire, who was\\nassociated to the empire, complained of the\\nusurpation and resumed the Imperial right.\\nLewis died in 840, and was succeeded on the\\nthrone of t rance by Charles the Bald.\\nThat Prince reigned for thirty-seven years\\nwith scarcely greater vigor than his prede-\\ncessor but his reign is on several accounts\\nimportant in the history of Popery, and chief-\\nly on the following. Two years before his\\ndeath the Imperial throne became vacant.\\nCharles was ambitious to possess it he went\\nto Rome, accepted it at the hands of John\\nVIII. and then, that he might make a wor-\\nthy return for this office, he released the See\\nfrom the necessity of Imperial consent to the\\nconsecration of its Bishop. The claims which\\nwere derived by subsequent Popes from\\nJohn s assumed donation of the empire will\\nbe mentioned hereafter, and it will appear\\non how slight a ground they rested but the\\ninterference of the Emperor in Papal elec-\\ntions was on this occasion directly and un-\\nequivocally withdrawn.\\nNeither the interests nor the honor of the\\nSee gained any thing by its independence.\\nFrom that time (the event took place in 875)\\ntill 960, the most disgraceful confusion pre-\\nvailed in the elections, and clearly proved\\nthat the restraint heretofore imposed by civil\\nsuperintendence, had been salutary and if\\nthe emperors during that stormy period did\\nnot reclaim their former right, we should\\nrather attribute the neglect to their weakness\\nthan to their acknowledged cession of it. For\\nin the year 960, Otho the Great, on the invi-\\ntation of John XII., resumed the Imperial\\nauthority in Italy, and exercised, as long as\\nhe lived, the most arbitrary discretion in the\\nelection, and even appointment, of the Pon-\\ntiff. He presently degraded John, and sub-\\nstituted in his place Leo Vtll. and under\\nthat Pope (or anti-Pope for it is disputed)\\na Lateran council f was held in 964, which\\nconferred on Otho and all his successors not\\nmerely the kingdom of Italy, but the regula-\\ntion of the Holy See and the arbitrary elec-\\ntion of its bishops. And for the guidance of\\nGenerally called Stephen IV. See Baron, anu.\\n816. s. 96.\\nf Giannone, Stor. Nap., lib. viii., cap. vi.\\ntheir successors, Otho left an edict prohib-\\niting the election of any Pope without the\\nprevious^ knowledge and consent of the em-\\nperor, which was enforced during the next\\neighty years by all who possessed the power\\nto do so. But in the century following, in\\nthe year 1047, we observe that the same right\\nwas once more conceded to an emperor, Hen-\\nry III. and on this occasion an artful dis-\\ntinction was drawn by the Italians, which\\nled, no doubt, to the ultimate independence\\nof election the privilege of nominating the\\nPope was granted to Henry personally, f not\\nto the throne.\\nThis important advantage was followed\\nalmost immediately by another of still great-\\ner consequence. Nicholas II., under the di-\\nrection of Hildebrand, found means to restore\\nthe original principle of election, modified as\\nfollows the right of appointment was vested\\nin the College of cardinals, with the consent\\nof the people, and the approbation of the em-\\nperor. But the last mentioned restriction\\nwas expressly understood to extend only to\\nthe emperor of the time being, and to such\\nof his successors as should personally obtain\\nthe privilege. This grand measure was ac-\\ncomplished in a council held at Rome in\\n1059, fourteen years before the accession of\\nGregory VII. and so the matter rested,\\nwhen he took possession of the chair.\\nWe obsei-ve from this short account, that,\\nafter an interrupted struggle of two hundred\\nand fifty years, an absolute independence\\nof election was not yet confessedly effected.\\nThe contest had fluctuated very consider-\\nably the fir^t advantages were entirely on\\nthe side of the Pope in fact, at the death of\\nCharles the Bald, the victory seemed perfect-\\nly secure and the century which followed\\nwas so clouded by the mutual dissensions of\\nthe princes it was marked by such positive\\nweakness in their states, such vices in their\\npersonal character and internal administra-\\ntion, as to be in the highest degree favor-\\nable to the confirmation and extension of\\npapal privileges. Why then was it, that the\\nprivilege in question was not at that time\\nextended nor even permanently confirmed\\nWhy was it even that the next interference\\nof the emperor took place at the solicitation\\nof a Pope Chiefly because the removal of\\nImperial superintendence had thrown the\\nelection entirely into the hands of an unprin-\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Mosheim, Cent, x., p. ii.,c. ii.\\nt He had occasion to exert it three times. See\\nbelow, chap. xvi.\\n1", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0214.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "ECCLESIASTICAL ENCROACHMENTS.\\n207\\ncipled nobility,* an intriguing clergy, and a ve-\\nnal populace, whose united fraud and violence\\nusually favored the most flagitious candi-\\ndate, and promoted his success by means the\\nmost shameful. And, therefore, through this\\nlawless period we read of Popes tumultuous-\\nly chosen and hastily deposed hurried from\\nthe monastery to the chau-, from the chair to\\nprison or to death. Their reigns were usual-\\nly short and wasted in fruitless endeavors to\\nprolong them their sacred duties were for-\\ngotten or despised, and their personal char-\\nacters were even more detestable than those\\nof the princes their contemporaries. Fur-\\nther, we may observe, that when the Church\\nbegan to recover from the delirium of the\\ntenth century when one great man did at\\nlength arise within it, Hildebrand, the future\\nGregory, his influence was immediately ex-\\nerted, not only against Imperial interference\\nto confirm, but against popular license to\\nelect for he had learned from long and late\\nexperience, that no scheme for the universal\\nextension of Papal authority could be made\\neffective, until the Popes tliemselves were\\nsecured from the capricious insolence of a\\ndomestic tyrant. If things had not been\\nFrom the deposition of the last Cailovingian\\nking to the reign of Othothe Great, (a space of near-\\nly fifty years,) the authority of the princes who held\\nthe imperial title was always vacillating and con-\\ntested. In the meantime the city of Rome was no\\npart of the kingdom of Italy, but depended on the\\nimperial crown only; so that during the vacancy of\\nthe empire it recovered its independence, and thus\\nfell under the turbulent oligarchy of its own nobles.\\nThese provided the candidates for the pontifical\\nthi one; and whosoever among them succeeded in\\nobtaining it, secured, by means of the church rev-\\nenues, a great preponderance over all the others, and\\nbecame as it were the chiefs of the republic. (See\\nSismondi, Repub. Ital. chap, iii.; to whose work\\nwe are compelled to refer the reader for the few facts\\nwhich are ascertained respecting the revolutions of\\nthe Roman Government during this period.) For\\nthe further degradation of the Roman See the influ-\\nence of female arts and charms was triumphantly ex-\\nerted. Jamais les femmes n eurent autant de credit\\nsur aucun gouvernement que celles de Rome en ob-\\ntinrent, dans le dixieme siecle, sur celui de leur pa-\\ntrie. Or auroit dit que la beaute avoit succede a\\ntous les droits de 1 empire. The names and scandals\\nof Theodora and Marozia are distinguished in the\\necclesiastical annals of the tenth century. In the\\nrapid succession of popes, those most marked by dis-\\ngrace or misfortune may have been Leo V., John X.,\\nJohn XL, John XII., Benedict VI., John XIV.;\\nbut to pursue the details of their history would be\\nalike painful and unprofitable: for their crimes would\\nteach us no lessons, and even their sufferings would\\nBcarcely raise our compassion.\\nthus if Papal elections had been regularly\\nand conscientiously conducted when the\\ncivil governments of Europe were at the\\nlowest point of contentious and stupid im-\\nbecihty the sera of Pontifical despotism\\nwould have been anticipated by nearly three\\ncentiu ies, and the empire of opinion would\\nhave been more oppressive and more last-\\ning, as the age was more deeply immersed\\nin ignorance and barbarism.\\nII. Encroachment of Ecclesiastical on Civil\\nAuthority. We proceed to examine the en-\\ncroachments of Church upon State during\\nthe same period and this part of our subject\\nmight again be subdivided under three heads\\nthe general usurpations of the See of Rome\\non any temporal rights the particular usur-\\npations of national councils of Bishops on the\\ncivil authorities and the individual usurpa-\\ntions of the episcopal office on that of the\\nsecular magistrate. But, not to perplex this\\nmatter by an attempt at exceeding minute-\\nness, we shall rather follow the course of\\nevents and illustrate them with such obser-\\nvations as they may appear severally to de-\\nmand. The first edict which permitted legal\\njurisdiction to the Episcopal order, and sup-\\nported its decisions by civil authority, sowed\\nthe seeds of that confusion which afterwards\\ninvolved and nearly obliterated the limits\\nof temporal and spiritual power. There is\\nscarcely any crime which an ingenious cas-\\nuist might not construe into an offence against\\nreligion, and subject to ecclesiastical cogni-\\nzance, in a rude and illiterate age while, on\\nthe other hand, the best defined and most\\ncertain rights of an unarmed and dependent\\nauthority were liable to continual outrage\\neither from a sovereign possessing no fixed\\nprinciples of government, or from a lawless\\naristocracy more powerful than the sove-\\nreign. In the Eastern empire, indeed, this\\nevil was greatly neutralized by the decided\\nand unvarying supreiriacy of the civil power,,\\nnor was it immediately felt even in the West\\nat least we read little or nothing about the\\nusurpation of the Clergy, until after the death\\nof Charlemagne. The Popes, it is true, had\\ndisplayed, from a very early period, great\\nanxiety to enlarge their authority; but the\\neflTorts of Leo and even of Gregory were\\nconfined to the acquisition of some privilege\\nfrom their own Metropolitans, or some title\\nor province from their rival at Constanti-\\nnople. The dream of universal empire seems\\nat no time to have warmed the imagination\\nof those more moderate Pontiffs, It is not", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0215.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntlmt we may not occasionally discover both\\nin the writings and in the conduct of the pre-\\nlates of earlier days an abundance of spiritual\\nzeal ever ready to overflow its just bounds,\\nand gain somewhat upon the secular empire.\\nThe latter, too, found its occasions to retort\\nbut we may remark, that while its operations\\nwere generally violent and interrupted, those\\nof the clergy w^ere more systematic and con-\\nlinuous. In the meantime the distinction be-\\ntween the two parties was becoming wider,\\nand their differences were approaching near\\nto dissension, before, and even during, the\\nreign of Charlemagne howbeit, the vigor-\\nous grasp of that monarch so firmly wielded\\nthe double sceptre, that the rent which was\\nbeginning to divide it was barely percepti-\\nble, when it fell from his hand but scarcely\\nhad it begun to tremble with the feeble touch\\nof Lewis his son, wlien its ill-cemented ma-\\nterials exhibited a wide and irreparable in-\\ncoherence.\\nThe extraordinary change which had tak-\\nen place in the institutions of the Western\\nEmpire during the two preceding, and which\\nwas progressive during the two present, cen-\\nturies, greatly increased both to church and\\nstate the facility of mutual encroachment.\\nUntil the permanent settlement of the north-\\nern nations generally introduced the feudal\\nsystem of government, the Clergy, though\\nenjoying great immunities and ample pos-\\nsessions, yet, as they lived under absolute\\nrule, had little real, and no independent pow-\\ner, excepting such as indirectly accrued to\\nIn the Capitularies of Interrogations proposed\\nby Charlemagne, three years before his death,\\nFirst, (he says) I will separate the bishops, the\\nabbots, and the secular nobles, and speak to them in\\nprivate. I will ask them why thoy are not willing\\nto assist each other, whether at home or in the\\ncamp, when the interests of their country demand it\\nWhence come those frequent complaints which I\\nhear, either concerning their property or the vassals\\nwhich pass from the one to the otherl In what the\\necclesiastics impede the service of die laity, the laity\\nthat of the ecclesiastics To what extent a bishop\\nor abbot ought to interfere in secular affairs; or a\\ncount or other layman in ecclesiastical matters, c.\\n(Fleury, H. Eccl. 1. xiv. sect. 51. Guizot, Hist. Mod.\\nLe9on 21.) Soon afterwards, in 826, the Council\\nof Paris, after proposing some very extravagant epis-\\ncopal claims, observes, as one great obstacle to har-\\nmony, that the princes have long mixed too much in\\necclesiastical matters, and that the clergy, whether\\nthrough avarice or ignorance, take unbecoming in-\\nterest in secular matters. Again, at the Synod of\\nAix-la-Chapelle (in 836) all the evils of the time are\\nexpressly attributed to the mutual encroachments of\\nthe spiritual and secular povvere.\\nthem through their influence. If they had\\nlands, no jurisdiction wa necessarily annex-\\ned to them they had no place in legislative\\nassemblies they had no control, as a body,\\nin the direction of the state.\\nThe devout spirit of the Barbarians pres-\\nently increased the extent of their landed\\npossessions without withholding from them\\nany of the rights which, according to their\\nsystem, were inseparable from land and thus\\nthey entered upon temporal jurisdiction co-\\nextensive with their estates. By these means\\nthe Episcopal Courts became possessed of\\na double jurisdiction over the Clergy and\\nLaity of their diocese for the cognizance of\\ncrimes against the ecclesiastical law, and over\\nthe vassals of their barony as lords para-\\nmount and these two departments they fre-\\nquently so far confounded as to use the spirit-\\nual weapon of excommunication to enforce\\nthe judgments of both.* In the next place the\\nClergy became an order in the state, and thus\\nentered into the enjoyment of privileges en-\\ntirely unconnected with their spiritual char-\\nacter. Yet the necessary effect of the union\\nof ecclesiastical with secular dignities was to\\nblend two powers in the same person almost\\nundistinguishably and to confound, by in-\\ndiscriminate use, the prerogatives of the bish-\\nop with those of the baron. Again, the Bish-\\nops being once established as feudal lords,\\nhad great advantages in increasing their pos-\\nsessions, owing to the influence which neces-\\nsarily devolved on them, not only from their\\ngreater virtues and knowledge, but also from\\nthe command of spiritual authority. And\\nas the vassals of the Church grew gradually\\nto be better secured from oppression and out-\\nrage than those of the lay nobility, its pro-\\ntection was more courted and its patrimonial\\ndomain more amply extended.\\nAt the first establishment of the system,\\nvassalage to an ecclesiastic conferred exemp-\\ntion from military service but, among rude\\nand warlike nations, when the greater force\\nwas generally the better law, this privilege\\nThis subject is treated clearly, though shortly, by\\nBurke, in his Abridgment of English History. Mos-\\nheini, who ascribes the secular encroachnients of\\nthe Bishops to their acquisition of secular titles, de-\\nnies that such titles were conferred on them before\\nthe tenth age. Louis Thomassin (De Disciplin.\\nEccles. Vet. et Nova) endeavors to trace the prac-\\ntice to the ninth and even to the eighth century.\\nWhatever may be the fact respecting the titles, tlie\\njurisdiction certainly gained great ground during the\\nninth age; more, perhaps, through the superstition\\nof the people, and the weakness of the princes, tlian\\nby its own legitimacy.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0216.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "ECCLESIASTICAL ENCROACHMENTS.\\n209\\ncould not possibly be of long duration. It\\nwas withdrawn universally, at different times,\\nby different princes, according to their power\\nor their necessities. The Church fiefdoms\\nthus assumed a very different appearance,\\nand the spirituality of the sacred character\\nbecame still further corrupted for, as soon\\nas the vassals became military, it was found\\ndifficult to hold them in subjection to an un-\\narmed lord, and the Clergy were, in many\\ninstances, obliged to descend from their\\npeaceful condition, assume the sword and\\nhelmet, and conduct their subjects into bat-\\ntle: in many instances they did so without\\nany such obligation. This direct derelic-\\ntion of the pastoral character became the im-\\nmediate means of securing their property f\\nand increasmg their power; but, notwith-\\nstanding the contempt to which the peaceful\\nvirtues are occasionally exposed among rude\\nand military nations, it is probable that they\\nlost thereby as much in influence as they\\ngained in power.\\nAgain, the strange and irrational method\\nof Trials which even now came generally\\ninto use, must have tended, by the inter-\\nmixture of superstition, to enlarge the do-\\nminion of ecclesiastical influence. The or-\\ndinary proofs by fire, by water, by hot iron,\\nindicate some imposture perhaps only prac-\\nticable by the more informed craft of the\\nclergy. The proofs of the Cross and the\\nEucharist bear more obvious marks of sa-\\ncerdotal superintendence. I The clergy dis-\\ngraced themselves by upholding such abuses\\nThe practice crept, without the same excuse, and\\nof course with much less frequency, into the Greek\\nChurch. In the year 713 a Subdeacon commanded\\nthe troops of Naples and the Admiral of the Em-\\nperor s fleet was a Deacon. (Fleury, ix. 172, c.)\\nBut the low ecclesiastical rank which these officers\\nheld would prove, if it were necessary, that they did\\nnot take the field as feudal lords. In the West this\\npractice appears to have commenced soon after the\\nadmission of barbarians to the clerical order; which,\\nif we are to judge by names, scarcely took place be-\\nfore the seventh century.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f In the address (ah eady mentioned) which was\\npresented on this subject to Charlemagne by his peo-\\nple, it is remarkable that the petitioners felt it neces-\\nsary to offer a solemn assurance, that their motive\\nfor disarming the Clergy was not (as might, it seems,\\nhave been suspected) a design to plunder their prop-\\nerty. We may add, that the indecent violation of\\nthe sacerdotal character is a reason, which seems to\\nhave been overlooked by both parties.\\n4: Even the trial by Duel, which seems the farthest\\nremoved from priestly interference, Avas preceded by\\nsome religious forms great precautions were taken\\nto prevent the arms from being enchanted; and in\\n27\\nof their judicial authority, and they divide\\nthat disgi-ace with the Kings and the civil\\nmagistrates of the time but they had not\\nthe crime of introducing them. They re-\\nceived and executed tb em as they were hand-\\ned down from a remote and blind antiquity\\nand it is but justice to add, that they made\\nfrequent attempts to abolish them.\\nMoreover, through the free spirit which\\nformed the only merit of the feudal system,\\nthe affairs of the state were more or less\\nregulated by public assemblies, and the high-\\ner ranks of the clergy found a place in these.\\nThus, again, were they placed in contact\\nwith the great temporal interests of their\\ncountry, and invited to examine and direct\\nthem and no doubt their feudal temporal-\\nities, as well as their sphitual influence, added\\nweight and authority to their counsel. But,\\nbesides these, which some might overbear\\nand others might affect to despise, their po-\\nlitical consideration was derived from an-\\nother a more honorable and a more certain\\ninstrument of powder their intellectual su-\\nperiority. The learning of the age continued\\nstill to be confined to their order f few\\namong the laity could even read, and there-\\nfore few were qualified for any public duty,\\nand thus the various ofiices requu ing any\\ndegi-ee of literature fell necessarily into the\\nhands of the clergy. Those who consider\\ntheir advance to such ofiices as usurpations\\ndo not sufficiently weigh the circumstances\\nof the times they do not reflect that there\\nare moral as well as physical necessities, and\\nthat a state of society is not even possible, in\\ncase of any injustice a miracle was constantly ex-\\npected to remedy it.\\nA council held at Attigni, probably in 822, un-\\nder Lewis the Meek, especially prohibited the Trial\\nby the Cross according to Avhich, the two parties\\nstood up before a cross, and whichever of them fell\\nfirst lost his cause. Again, at the Council of Worms\\n(in 829,) these judgments Avere strongly discouraged.\\nAgobard, Archbishop of Lyons, an influential pre-\\nlate, had written expressly against them. The Coun-\\ncil of Valence, held in 855, published the following\\ncanon. Duels shall not be suffered, though author-\\nized by custom. He who shall have slain his adver-\\nsary shall be subject to the penance of homicide he\\nwho shall have been slain, shall be deprived of the\\nprayers and sepulture of the church. The Emperor\\nshall be prayed to abolish that abuse by public ordi-\\nnance. See Fleuiy, 1. xlvi., s. 48. 1. xlvii, s. 30. I.\\nxlix., s. 23.\\nf In many of the councils held during the ninth\\ncentury, canons were enacted enjoining the Bishop to\\nsuspend a Priest for ignorance, and to promote ana\\nregulate the schools which were established for the\\neducation of the clergy.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0217.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": ":10\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwhich the only persons at all qualified to fill\\nthe ofHces of the state should be the only\\npersons excluded fi*om them. It is far from\\nour intention to advocate any general depar-\\nture from the spiritual character in the sacred\\norders; and the divines of the ninth and\\ntenth centuries vs^ould undoubtedly have been\\ngreat gaieera both in virtue and in happiness,\\nhad they preserved that character pure and\\nuncontaminated. But it was made impos-\\nsible by the political system under which\\nthey lived, that it could be so and without\\nseeking any excuse for the individual mis-\\nconduct of thousands among them, we can-\\nnot avoid perceiving, that their interference\\nin temporal affairs, to a certain extent, was\\nabsolutely unavoidable and where and by\\nwhom, in those unsettled ages, were the lim-\\nits of that interference to be drawn and pre-\\nserved\\nIf the clergy were in many respects gainers\\nby the imperfection of civil government, it\\nwould he partial to conceal, that they were\\nsufferers by it also. In times of confusion\\n(and those days were seldom tranquil) the\\nproperty of the Church was the constant ob-\\nject of cupidity and invasion.* On such oc-\\ncasions no inconsiderable portion of its rev-\\nenues passed into the hands of lay impropri-\\nators, who employed curates at the cheapest\\nrate, f And both Bishops and Monasteries\\nwere obliged to invest powerful lay protec-\\nThe councils of the ninth century abound with\\ncomplaints of tlie spoliation of Church property by\\nlaymen, who are frequently specified; and new Ca-\\npitularies were continually enacted to prevent or allay\\ndifferences between the Clergy and the laity. The\\nconfusion generally prevalent is proved by the capit-\\nularies published at Quercy (in 857,) by which every\\ndiocesan is exhorted to preach against pillage and\\nviolence, as well as by the Letters of Hincmar pub-\\nlished in 859, and that of the Bisliops of France to\\nKing Lewis, attributed to the same prelate. The\\nfrecjuency too of personal assaults on the Clergy is\\nevinced by various regulations for their protection,\\nand even more so, perhaps, by the slight punishment\\nattached to such offences. Some promulgated in\\nFrance (probably in 822) ordain as follows the\\nmurderer of a Deacon or Priest is condemned to a\\npenance of twelve years and a fine of 900 sous the\\nmurderer of a Bishop is to abstain from flesh and\\nwine for the whole of his life, to quit the profession of\\narms, and abstain from marriage. Yet the confir-\\nmation of this canon was thought highly important\\nby the episcopal order. Fleury 1. xlvi, s. 48; l.xlix,\\n^s.40.\\nf An abuse (as Mr. Hallam remarks) which has\\nnever ceased in the Church. Middle Ages, chap. vii.\\nWe take this opportunity of acknowledging various\\nobligations to tlv^t historian.\\ntors, under the name of Advocates, mth corr-\\nsiderable fiefs, as the price of their protection\\nagainst depredators. But those Advocates\\nbecame themselves too often the spoilers, and\\noppressed the helpless ecclesiastics for whose\\ndefence they had been engaged.\\nWe have thouglit it right, though at the\\nrisk of some repetition, to premise this gen-\\neral view of the relative situation of the cler-\\ngy and laity during the period which we are\\ndescribing otherwise it would be difficult to\\nform any just and impartial views, or even\\nany very definite notions, of the real charac-\\nter of the events which it contains.\\nPenance of Lewis the Meek. In the civil\\nwar which took place in the year 833 be-\\ntween Lewis the Meek and his sons, Pope\\nGregoiy IV. presented himself in France at\\nthe camp of the rebels. The motive which\\nhe pretended was to reconcile the combatants\\nand terminate a dissension f so scandalous\\nto Christendom and such really may have\\nbeen his design. At least it is certain that\\nhis interference was a single and inconse-\\nquent act, unaccompanied by any insolence\\nof pretension the Pope offered his media-\\ntion, and, though we may suspect his impar-\\ntiality, he advanced no claim of apostolical\\nauthority to dispose of the crown. We shall,\\ntherefore, pass on from this event to one\\nwhich immediately followed it, and which\\nFrench historians consider as the first in-\\nstance of ecclesiastical aggression on the\\nrights of their sovereign. Lewis was betray-\\ned by his soldiers into the hands of his sous,\\nwho immediately deposed him and divided\\nthe empire amongst themselves but fearing\\nthat he might hereafter be restored by popu-\\nlar favor, they determined to inflict upon him\\na still deeper and even hopeless humiliation.\\nAn assembly held at Compiegne condemned\\nhhn to perform public penance, and he sub-\\nmitted with some reluctance to the sentence.\\nHaving received a paper containing the list\\nCharlemagne died in 814; Lewis the Meek in\\n840, and his successor, Charles the Bald, in 877.\\nThe empire passed from Charlemagne s descendants\\nto the German Conrad just a century after his death\\nand in 987 his dynasty was extinguished in France\\nby the accession of Hugh Capet.\\nfBaro4i., ann. 833, s. v. Gregory held the See\\nfrom 828 to 844. It was made a complaint against\\nthe Emperor by Agobard, the Archbishop of Lyons\\n(ap. Baron., ann. 833, s. vi.) that he did not address\\nthe Pope with the due expressions of respect\u00e2\u0080\u0094 since\\nhe saluted him, in a letter, Brother and Papa iudis-\\ncriminately: the paternal appellatioa should alone, i\\\\\\nseems, have been adopted.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0218.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "ECCLESIASTICAL ENCROACHMENTS.\\n211\\nof his pretended crimes, and confessed his\\nguilt, he prostrated himself on a rough mat\\nat the foot of the altar, cast aside his baldric,\\nhis sword, and his secular vestments, and as-\\nsumed the garb of a penitent. And, after the\\nBishops had placed their hands on him, and\\nthe customary psalms and prayers had been\\nperformed, he was conducted in sackcloth to\\nthe cell assigned for his perpetual residence.\\nIt was intended by those who condemned\\nhim to this ignominy, thereby to disqualify\\ntheir former sovereign for every office both\\ncivil and military. But neither does it ap-\\npear that such was the necessary conse-\\nquence of canonical penance, unless when\\nimposed for life nor could they have for-\\ngotten that eleven years previously the same\\nmonarch had already performed a public\\npenance, for certain political offences then\\ncharged on him. It proved then, as might\\nhave been expected, that the ceremony de-\\nscribed had no more important effect than the\\ntemporary humiliation of the royal person.\\nProbably his popularity was increased by the\\nshow of persecution and, as soon as politi-\\ncal circumstances changed in his favor, the\\nBishops immediately reconciled the penitent\\nto the Church, and replaced him on the\\nthrone, f\\nThis stretch of Episcopal power is blamed\\nhy many Roman Catholic historians, who,\\nat the same time, are careful to show that it\\nwas simply an act of penance, not of deposi-\\ntion, justified by the memorable submission\\nof Theodosius to ecclesiastical discipline.\\nNevertheless, we cannot injustice otherwise\\nconsider it, than as a daring outrage commit-\\nted on the highest temporal authority, with\\nthe intention of perpetuating the deposition\\nof Lewis by the pretext of penance. Yet it\\nliad been surpassed in an earlier age and in\\na different country, by a measure of episcopal\\nusurpation which is less generally recorded.\\nAt the twelfth Council of Toledo, in 682, the\\nbishops undertook to decide on the succes-\\nsion to the crown. Vamba, king of the Vis-\\nigoths, having done penance and assumed the\\nmonastic habit, formally abdicated in favor\\nof Epvigius on which matter the prelates\\npronounced as follows We have read this\\nThe prohibition to carry arms or discharge civil\\noffices did not extend beyond the duration of the pen-\\nance. See Fleury, 1. xlvii. s. 40. Baron, ann. 882.\\ns. i.; ann. 833. s. xix.\\nfWe read in Baronius (ann. 834, s. i.,)that, dur-\\ning the time of his deposition, violent and unseason-\\nable tempests prevailed, which instantly dispersed at\\nhis restoration.\\nact and think right to give it our confirmation.\\nWherefore we declare that the people is ab-\\nsolved from all obligation and oath by which it\\nwas engaged to Vamba, and that it should re-\\ncognise for its only master Ervigius, whom\\nGod has chosen, whom his predecessor has\\nappointed, and, what is still more, whom the\\nwhole people desires. Still we may observe\\nthat, even in this instance, the prelates did\\nnot professedly proceed to the whole length\\nof deposition, though such was unquestion-\\nably the real nature of the measure. We\\nmay also remind the reader, that the aggres-\\nsions which have been thus far mentioned\\nwere entirely the work of the episcopal or-\\nder, not in any way directed or influenced by\\nthe See of Rome. It is very true that they\\nmay have prepared the way for the more\\nextensive usurpations of Papacy, and the au-\\nthority which had been insulted by provincial\\nbishops could scarcely hope to be long held\\nsacred by the Chief of the whole body: still\\nthe Pope had not yet found himself sufficient-\\nly powerful to engage in the enterprise.\\nCharles the Bald. The long reign of Charles\\nthe Bald furnishes more numerous instances\\nof the exercise of ecclesiastical influence in\\naffairs of state, some of which deserve our\\nnotice. That prince and Lewis of Bavaria\\nbeing desirous to dispossess their brother\\nLothaire of a portion of his dominions, did\\nnot presume, notwithstanding great military\\nadvantages which they had obtained over\\nhim, to proceed in then- design without the\\nsanction of the Clergy. To that end they\\nsummoned a council of Bishops and Priests f\\nat Aix-la-Chapelle, in the year 842, and sub-\\nmitted the question to their consideration.\\nThe assembly condemned the crimes and\\nincapacity of Lothaire, and declared that\\nGod had justly withdrawn his protection\\nfrom him but it would not permit his bro-\\nthers to occupy his kingdom until they had\\nmade a public vow to govern it, not after the\\nexample of Lothaire, but according to the\\nwill of God. The Bishops then pronounced\\ntheir final decision in these words Receive\\nthe kingdom by the authority of God, and\\ngovern it according to his will we counsel,\\nwe exhort, we command you to do so. The\\neffect of this sentence was not, indeed, the\\nentire spoliation of Lothaire, who retained his\\nthrone to the end of his life but certain pro-\\nvinces, already in the occupation of the con-\\nIt is the first canon of the Council, and is cited\\nby Fleury, 1. xl. s. 29.\\nt Fleury, H. E. 1. xlviii. s. 11. Baron., ann. 842.\\ns. 1,2,8.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0219.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "212\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nquerors, were immediately, and, as it would\\nseem, permanently transferred to their scep-\\ntre in consequence of the episcopal award.\\nIn the year 859 Charles presented to the\\nCouncil of Savonieres a formal complaint\\nagainst Venilo, Archbishop of Sens, which\\nbreathes the lowest spirit of humiliation. By\\nhis own election (the King says,) and that\\nof the other Bishops, and by the will and\\nconsent and acclamation of the rest of my\\nsubjects, Venilo, with the other Bishops and\\nArchbishops, consecrated me King, accord-\\ning to the tradition of the Church, and anoint-\\ned me to the kingdom with the holy chrism,\\nand raised me to the throne with the diadem\\nand sceptre. After which consecration and\\nregal elevation I ought to have been degraded\\nby no one without the hearing and judgment\\nof the Bishops, by whose ministry I was\\nconsecrated to royalty, who are called the\\nthrones of God. In them God sits by them\\nhe makes known his judgments and to tlieir\\npaternal corrections and penal authority I\\nwas prepared to subject myself, and am now\\nsubject These words (as Fleury admits)\\nare remarkable in the mouth of a king, and es-\\npecially of a king of France but the example\\nof his predecessor, enforced by his own mis-\\nfortunes f and feebleness, may have reduced\\nCharles to the necessity of such degradation.\\nBut, on the other hand, can we feel astonish-\\nment that the Hierarchy took advantage of\\nwhat appeared the voluntary and gratuitous\\nprostration of royalty When we blame the\\nambition of those who received ttie offering,\\nshould we forget the weakness and pusillan-\\nimity of those who presented it\\nA year or two afterwards, Lothaire, King\\nof Lorraine, grandson of Lewis the Meek,\\ndivorced his wife in order to espouse his con-\\ncubine. It appears that no less than three\\nCouncils of Bishops sanctioned the act of\\ntheir monarch nevertheless the repudiated\\nqueen made her appeal to Rome. Nicholas\\nI. was then Pope, and he interfered in her\\nfavour with his usual vehemence and per-\\n*The original is cited by Baronius, ann. 859. s.\\nxxvi. The Bishops liad a very simple process of\\nreasoning, by which they proved their supremacy.\\nA Bishop can consecrate a King, but a King cannot\\nconsecrate a Bishop: therefore a Bishop is superior\\nto a King. We might well wonder that any serious\\nattention should ever have been paid to such undis-\\nguised nonsense, if we did not recollect what undue\\nweight is always attached to ceremony in ignorant\\nages.\\nt It should also be recollected that this was the\\ncrisis of the general dissolution of government and\\nsociety into the feudal fornix\\nseverance the threat of excommunication\\nwas long suspended over the king, who em-\\nployed submissive language and persisted in\\ndisobedience. There is some reason to be-\\nlieve that the Pope, towards the end of his\\nlife, executed his menace and if so, it may\\nseem a strange return for the generosity of\\nCharlemagne to the Holy See, that the first\\ndischarge of its deadliest bolt should have\\nbeen directed, within fifty years irom his\\ndeath, against one of his own descendants.\\nBut he had in some degree secured this re-\\ntribution by his own imprudence for it was\\nhis custom to engage the Bishops to pervert\\nthe ecclesiastical censures to the service of the\\ncivil government. The confusion between\\nthe two powers was thus augmented and\\nthe misapplication of the great spiritual wea-\\npon to the purposes of the state naturally led\\nto the second abuse, which turned it, for\\nChurch purposes, against the state.\\nOn the death of Lothaire, Adrian II. en^r\\ndeavored to exclude Charles the Bald from\\nthe succession to his states, and to confer\\nthem on the Emperor Lewis. To eflTect this\\nobject he addressed one letter to the nobles\\nof the kingdom of Lothaire, in which he ex-\\nhorted them to adhere to the Emperor on\\npain of anathema and excommunication and\\na second to the subjects of Charles, in which\\nhe eulogized the Emperor, and repeated the\\nsame menaces. He continued to the follow-\\ning purpose If any one shall oppose him-\\nself to the just pretensions of the Emperor,\\nlet him know that the Holy See is in favor\\nof that Prince, and that the arms which God\\nhas placed in our hands are prepared for his\\ndefence. We may consider this as the first\\nattempt of papal ambition to regulate the\\nsuccessions of princes. It was unsuccessful\\nCharles, with the aid of Hincmar, Archbishop\\nof Rheims, and other Prelates, had already\\nplaced himself in possession of the throne\\nwhen the legates of Adrian arrived and the\\nsubsequent efforts of the Pontiff to obhge him\\nto abdication were repelled with courage and\\nconstancy both by the king and his metro-\\npolitan, f\\nFleury (1. li. s. 7.) collects the fact from the\\nPope s letter to Charles, in favor of Heltrude, widow\\nof Count Berenger, and sister of Lothaire. But many\\nhistorians are silent respecting it, and in the first in-\\ntercourse between Lothaire and Adrian 11. the suc-\\ncessor of Nicholas, we can discover no proof that the\\nKing was then lying under the sentence.\\nt The Pope commanded Hincmar to abstain from\\nthe communion of Charles, if he continued refractory.\\nThe Archbishop (professedly in the name of his fel-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0220.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "ECCLESIASTICAL ENCROACHMENTS.\\n213\\nLewis III. and Hincmar o/Rheims. These\\nevents took place about the year 870 and\\nten years afterwards the same Hincmar was\\nequally firm in defending the rights of the\\nChurch when they were in opposition to the\\nclaims of the king, Lewis IIL That Prince\\nwas desirous to intrude into the See of Beau-\\nvais an unworthy minister, and pressed his\\nappointment by supplication and menace.\\nHincmar defended the original liberty of elec-\\ntions which had been restored by Lewis the\\nMeek, and the independence of the Church.\\nThat you are the master of the elections, and\\nof the ecclesiastical property, are assertions\\nproceeding from hell and from the mouth of\\nthe serpent. Remember the promise which\\nyou made at your consecration, which you\\nsubscribed with your hand, and presented to\\nGod on the altar in the presence of the Bish-\\nops. Reconsider it with the aid of your\\nCouncil, and pretend not to introduce into the\\nChurch that which the mighty Emperors,\\nyour predecessors, pretended not in their\\ntime. I trust that I shall always preserve\\ntowards you the fidelity and devotion which\\nare due I labored much for your election\\ndo not then return me evil for good by per-\\nsuading me to abandon in my old age the ho-\\nly regulations which I have followed, through\\nlow-subjects) replied, among other matters, Let tlie\\nPope consider that he is not at the same time king\\nand bishop; that his predecessors have regulated the\\nChurch, which is their concern not the State, which\\nis the heritage of kings; and consequently that he\\nshould neither command us to obey a king too distant\\nto protect us against the sudden attacks of the Pagans,\\nnor pretend to subjugate us us who are Franks\\nIf a Bishop excommunicates a Christian, contrary to\\nrule, he abuses his power; but he can deprive no one\\nof eternal life who is not deprived of it by his sins.\\nIt is improper in a Bishop to say that any man not\\nincorrigible should be separated from the Christian\\nsame and consigned to condemnation and that too,\\nnot on account of his crimes, but for the sake of with-\\nholding or conferring a temporal sovereignty. If then\\nthe Pope is really desirous to establish concord, let\\nhim not attempt it by fomenting dissensions for he\\nwill never persuade us that we cannot arrive at the\\nkingdom of Heaven except by receiving the king\\n-whom he may choose to give us on earth. Again, in\\nan answer of Charles to an epistle of Adrian, that\\nPrince argues respecting the distinction between the\\ntemporal and the spiritual power, and also alleges the\\npeculiar supremacy of the kings of France. To prove\\n-these and similar points, he refers not oaly to the\\nArchives of the Roman Church, but to the writings of\\nSt. Gelasius, St. Leo, St. Gregory, and even St. Au-\\ngustin himself. (See Hist. Litteraire de la France.\\nFleury, 1. lii., s. 8, 22.) Hincniar wrote many of\\nthat king s letters, and may probably have been the\\nauthor of this.\\nthe grace of God, during six and thirty years\\nof episcopacy A subsequent letter\\nby the same Prelate contained even stronger\\nexpressions to the following effect It is\\nnot you who have chosen me to govern the\\nChurch but it is I and my colleagues and\\nthe rest of the faithful who have chosen you\\nto govern the kingdom, on the condition of\\nobserving the laws. We fear not to give\\naccount of our conduct before the Bishops,\\nbecause we have not violated the Canons.\\nBut as to you, if you change not what you\\nhave ill done, God will redress it in his own\\ngood time. The Emperor Lewis lived not so\\nlong as his father Charles your grandfather\\nCharles lived not so long as his father, nor\\nyour father as his father and when you are\\nat Compiegne, where they repose, cast down\\nyour eyes and look where lies your father\\nand where your grandfather is buried^ and\\npresume not to exalt yoiu self in the presence\\nof Him who died for you and for us all, and\\nwho was raised again, and dies no more\\nYou will pass away speedily but the Holy\\nChurch and its ministers under Jesus Christ\\ntheir Chief will subsist eternally according to\\nhis promise. This vain menace of temporal\\nretribution (for as such it was obviously in-\\ntended) was however singularly accomplish-\\ned Lewis, in the vigor of youth, died in the\\nfollowing year and the strange coincidence\\nmay have encouraged future Prelates to in-\\ndulge in similar predictions which proved not\\nequally fortunate.\\nWe have already mentioned that Charles\\nthe Bald, about fifteen years after his contest\\nwith Pope Nicholas, condescended to accept\\nthe vacant empire as the donation of John\\nVHL The immediate result of this act was,\\nthat the government of Italy and the Imperial\\nthrone were, for some years afterwards, placed\\nin a great measure at the disposal of the\\nPope, who shamelessly abused his influence.!\\nBut it had a more lasting and still more per-\\nnicious consequence, in so far as it furnished\\nto the more powerful Pontiffs of after ages\\none of their pretexts for interference in the\\nsuccession to the Imperial throne. The cere-\\nmony of coronation to which Charlemagne\\nhad consented to submit at Rome was their\\nonly foundation for the pretension that the\\nempire had been transferred from the Greeks\\nto the Latins by papal authority and on the\\nsame ground it was subsequently transferred\\nLewis the Stammerer,\\nt See Mosh. Cent. ix. p. ii\\nStor. Nap. lib. viii. Introduct.\\nGiannone,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0221.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "214\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nby the same agency from the French to the\\nItalians, from the Italians to Otho I. and the\\nGermans. The mere act of ministry in a\\ncustomary, and, as was then thought, a neces-\\nsary solemnity, was exalted into a display of\\nsuperiority and an exercise of power and\\nmany among the ignorant vulgar were really\\nled to believe that the rights of sovereignty\\nwere conferred by the form of consecration.\\nBut the condescension of Charles the Bald,\\nthough conceding no very definite privilege,\\nnor any which could be reasonably binding\\non his successors, yet furnished a pretence\\nwhich was somewhat more substantial than a\\nmere ceremony.*\\nOn a review of this short narrative, we\\nperceive that the Prelates of the ninth century\\nadvanced, for the first time, claims of temporal\\nauthority that such claims were asserted by\\nnational assemblies of Bishops even more\\ndaringly than by the Popes and that they\\nwere so immoderate as to be inconsistent with\\nthe necessary rights of Princes, and the vigor\\nand stability of civil government. We ob-\\nserve, moreover, that the Hierarchy, though\\non some particular occasions their efforts were\\nfrustrated, had made, during the period of\\nsixty-three years from the death of Charle-\\nmagne to that of Charles the Bald, very con-\\nsiderable strides in the advancement of their\\npower and privileges. The immediate suc-\\ncessor of Charles, Lewis the Stammerer, was\\nconsecrated to the throne of France by the\\nPope and a Council of Bishops assembled at\\nTroyes about the same time (in 878,) publish-\\ned, as the first Canon, that the Powers of the\\nworld should treat the Bishops with every\\nsort of respect, and that no one should pre-\\nsume to sit down in their presence unless by\\ntheir command as the last, that all those\\nCanons be observed, under pain of deposition\\nfor clerks, and privation of all dignity for\\nlaymen. The Pope and the King were both\\nSome of the expressions of the Pope delivered on\\nthis occasion should be cited. Unde nos, tantis\\nindiciJs divinitus incumbentibus, luce clarius agnitis,\\nsuperni decreti consilium manifest^ cognovimus. Et\\nquia pridem Apostolicse memoriae Decessori nostro\\nPapse Nicolao idipsum jam inspiratione divina\\nrevelatum fuisse comperimus, elegimus merito et\\napprobavimus una cum annisu et voto omnium Fra-\\ntrura et Coepiscoporum nostrorura et aliorum Sanctee\\nRom. Ecclesife Ministrorum, amplique senatus, toti-\\nusque Rom. populi gentisque togatse, et secundum pris-\\ncam consuetudinem, solemniter ad Imperii Romani\\nSceptra proveximus, et Augustali nomine decoravi-\\nmus, ungeutes eum oleo extrinsecus, ut interioris\\nquoque Spiritus Sancti unctionis monstraremus virtu-\\nJem, c See Baron. Ann. S76, s. 6.\\npresent at this Council, and the latter appears\\nto have sanctioned the very bold usurpatioa\\ncontained in the last clause.\\nSoon after this period the Popes became s\\nmuch embarrassed by domestic inquietud\u00c2\u00bbj\\nand disorder, that they had little leisure to\\nextend their conquests abroad and thus fof\\nabove a century the thunders of the Vaticac:\\nmurmured with extreme faintness, or alto-\\ngether slept. But the principle of ecclesias-\\ntical supremacy, and the disposition to submit\\nto it were not extinguished in the tumults of\\nthe tenth age and the storm, when it again\\nbroke forth, seemed even to have gained\\nstrength from the sullen repose which had\\npreceded it. The occasion was this Robert,\\nKing of France, had married a relative, four\\ndegrees removed, ihdeed, but still too near\\nakin for the severity of canonical morality.\\nGregory V. in a Council of Italian Bishops,\\nheld at Rome in the year 998, launched a\\nperemptory order, that the king should put\\naway his wife, and both parties perform seven\\nyears of penance. The king resisted but so\\nunited was the Church at that time, and so\\npowerfiil, that he was presently excommuni-\\ncated by his own Prelates, and shunned by\\nhis nobles and people. At length, after some\\nineffectual struggles, he submitted to anathe-\\nmas so generally respected and enforced,*\\nand complied with both the injunctions of the\\nPontiff. This is the third instance of an\\nauthoritative interference on the part of the\\nPopes in the concerns of sovereigns which\\nwe have had occasion to mention, and we\\nmay here remind the reader that two of them\\nwere on the ground of uncanonical mar-\\nriages.\\nIt is not our intention to enumerate the\\nmany trifling occasions on which the claims\\nof the Church were brought into collision\\nwith the rights or dignity of monarchs: the\\ninstances which have been produced are the\\nmost important, and they are worthy of more\\nparticular reflection than can here be bes-\\ntowed on them. But at present it must suffice\\nto have noticed, even thus briefly, the earliest\\nmovements by which the spirit of ecclesias-\\nPetrus Damiani, who wrote about sixty years\\nafterwards, relates, that the ecclesiastical censure was\\nso exactly observed, that no one would hold any com-\\nmunion with the kiug, excepting two servants who\\ncarried him the necessaries of life, and that even these\\nburnt the vessels which he had used. But that au-\\nthor throws suspicion on a narration not improbable,\\nby adding that the fruit of the marriage was a mon-\\nster which had the head and neck of a goose. See\\nFleury, 1. lvii,,s. 57.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0222.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "USURPATIONS OF THE ROMAN SEE.\\n215\\ntical ambition pressed towards universal do-\\nmination, and to have called some attention\\nto those bold, but irregular, encroachments,\\nvv^hich furnished to after ages precedents for\\nvoider and more systematic usurpation.\\nIII. Internal usurpations of the Roman See.\\nWe have already mentioned that, from a very\\nearly period, the Bishop of Rome possessed\\nthe fii-st rank among the rulers of the Church\\nand if, after the Council of Chalcedon, it was\\ndisputed with him by the Patriarch of Con-\\nstantinople, it was at no time contested (at\\nleast after the time of Constantine) in the\\nwestern Churches. It is equally true, that\\nhis preeminence in rank was unattended by\\nany sort of authority beyond the limits of his\\nown diocese and the sort of superintendence\\nwhich it might seem his duty to exercise over\\necclesiastical affairs, was confined to the sim-\\nple right of remonstrance. More than this\\nis not asserted by moderate Catholics, nor can\\nan impartial Protestant concede less.\\nWe have also noticed some of the steps\\nwhich were taken by early Popes, not onl)^ to\\nextend the boundaries of their jurisdiction,\\nbut to establish an absolute authority within\\nthem. Their earliest success was the transfer\\nto the Holy See of the Metropolitan privileges\\nthroughout the diocese. Among these the\\nmost important were the consecration of\\nbishops, the convocation of synods, and the\\nultimate decision of appeals privileges which\\nmight obviously be applied to restrain the\\npower and independence of the bishops.\\nDuring the fifth and sixth centuries some lit-\\ntle progress was made towards that object.\\nValentinian III. made to Leo I. some conces-\\nsions which were valuable, though that Pope\\nhad no means of enforcing them but the\\nacquisitions of Gregory the Great were more\\nsubstantial, and that most especially so was\\nthe establishment of the appellant jurisdiction\\nof the see. A more general subjection of\\nMetropolitan to Papal authority was intro-\\nduced by the Council of Frankfort; and such\\nwas the relative situation of the parties on the\\naccession of Charlemagne to the empire.\\nBut presently afterwards, as if impatient of\\nthe tedious progress of gi-adual usui*pation,\\nthe Spirit of Papacy called into existence, by\\nan effort of amazing audacity, a new system\\nof government, and a new code of principles,\\nwhich led by a single step to the most abso-\\nlute power. The false Decretals were im-\\nposed on the credulity of mankind. Still\\nHincmar was not, indeed, blindly submissive to\\nthe moment w^ not yet arrived in which it\\nwas possible to enforce all the rights so boldly\\nclaimed on their authority; and though some\\nground was gained by Pope Nicholas I., their\\nefforts were not brought into full operation\\ntill the pontificate of Gregory VII.\\nIn recording some instances of the temporal\\ninterference of the Church, we have remarked\\nthe success of episcopal, as distinct fi*om papal\\npresumption, and observed the independence,\\nas well as the force, with which the Councils\\nof Bishops acted against the secular powers.\\nThe ninth has been peculiarly characterized\\nas the Age of the Bishops; it becomes there-\\nfore more important to examine the relation\\nin which they then stood, even in the moment\\nof their highest glory, to the power which was\\nnow spreading in every direction from Rome.\\nIt has been mentioned that when the sons of\\nLewis the Meek were in revolt against their\\nfather. Pope Gregory IV. presented himself\\n(as has been mentioned) at the camp of the\\nrebels, and under pretence of mediation, fa-\\nvored (as was thought) their party. On this\\noccasion, certain French prelates, who re-\\nmained faithful to Lewis, addressedi^n epistle\\nto the Pope, wherein they accused him of\\nhaving violated the oath which he had taken\\nto the Emperor they denied his power to\\nexcommunicate any person, or make any\\ndisposition in their dioceses, without their\\npermission they boldly declared that if he\\ncame with the intention of excommunicating\\nthem, he should return himself excommuni-\\ncated and even proceeded so far as to threat-\\nen him with deposition. The Pope was\\nalarmed but, on the assurance of his attend-\\nants that he had received power from God to\\nsuperintend the affairs of all nations and the\\nconcord of all Churches, and that, with au-\\nthority to judge every one, he was not himself\\nsubject to any judgment, he wrote in answer,\\nthat ecclesiastical is placed high above secular\\npower, and that the obedience of the Bishops\\nwas due to him rather than to the Emperor;\\nthat he could not better discharge his oath\\nthan by restoring concord and that none\\ncould withdraw themselves from the Church\\nof Rome without incurring the guilt of schism.\\nThe irritation of the parties is sufficiently\\ndiscovered in their letters but their firmness\\nwas not put to trial for the rebels obtained\\nby treachery a temporary success, and the\\nthe Decretals but it was their authority which he\\nquestioned ratlier than their authenticity proving\\nthat his national or episcopal spirit of independence\\nwas greater than his critical sagacity.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0223.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "216\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nPope returned to Italy without either pro-\\nTMJuncing or receiving excommunication.\\nThe occurrence which we shall next men-\\ntion took place thirty years afterwards and\\nit is the more remarkable, because the two\\ngreatest ecclesiastics of that age, Nicholas I.\\nand Hincmar of Rheims, were placed in di-\\nrect opposition to each other. The circum-\\nstances were nearly the following. A Bishop\\nof Soissons, named Rothadus, incurred the\\ndispleasure of Hincmar, and after being con-\\ndemned in two Councils held at Soissons in\\n862, under the direction of the Metropolitan,\\nwas first excommunicated, and very soon af-\\nterwards deposed and imprisoned. Rothadus,\\non the first sentence, appealed to the see of\\nRome, and found a very willing and proba-\\nbly partial judge in Nicholas. The Pope in-\\nstantly despatched to Hincmar a peremptory\\norder, either to restore Rothadus within thirty\\ndays, or to appear at Rome in person or by\\nlegate for the determination of the difference,\\non pain of suspension from his ministry. In\\nthe year following, Hincmar sent Odo, Bishop\\nof Beauvais, to Rome, with the commission\\nto request the Pope s confirmation of the acts\\nof the synod of Soissons. But Nicholas, on\\nthe co itrary, rescinded its decisions, and de-\\nmand^, with repeated menaces, the imme-\\ndiate liberation of Rothadus, in order to the\\nperson? I prosecution of his appeal at Rome.\\nThrough the interference of Charles the\\nBald, tie prisoner was released; and after\\nsome delays, the deputies of Hincmar also\\nappeared before the pontifical tribunal. The\\ndecision was such as all probably anticipated\\nall the charges against Rothadus were ascrib-\\ned to the malice and perfidy of his enemy\\nhe was ordered to resume the episcopal vest-\\nments, and a legate was sent to escort him on\\nhis return to his country and his see. It does\\nnot appear, from the particulars of this con-\\ntest, that Hincmar and the Bishops who sup-\\nported him went so far as to deny the right of\\na deposed Bishop to appeal to Rome against\\nthe sentence of his Metropolitan indeed, they\\nrested their defence on much lower ground,\\nBesides the ecclesiastical historians, see the Life\\nof Nicholas in the Breviarium Pontif. Romanor. R.\\nP. Francisci Pagi, tome ii. That Pope, in his Epis-\\ntle Ad iiniveisos Gallise Episcopos, admits, how-\\never, that the authority of the Decretals was not yet\\nuniversally received in the GalJican Church. We\\nread in the same author, that Adrian II. commanded\\nthe Gallican Bishops to raise Actardus of Nantes to\\nthe first Metropolitan see which might be vacant and\\nthat, in the year 871, he was raised to that of Tours,\\nbut with the addition Regc, clero, ac populo postu-\\nlantibus.\\nand thus conceded that which was most im-\\nportant. At any rate, the triumph of Nich-\\nolas was complete and though the right in\\nquestion was first advanced by him, and on\\nno more solid authority than the (forged) De-\\ncretals of the Ancient Pontiflfs, he prevailed\\nwith scarcely any difficulty against the most\\nlearned canonist and the most independent\\necclesiastic of those days.\\nAbout five years after the restoration of\\nRothadus, Hincmar found himself once more\\nin contest with the Holy See and his zeal\\non this occasion may possibly have been an-\\nimated by the recollection of his former hu-\\nmiliation. His vigorous opposition to Adrian\\nII., respecting the succession to the crown\\nof Lorraine, has been already noticed; and\\nif he failed when he would have vindicated\\nthe independence of the Church of France\\nfrom Roman superintendence, his success\\nwas even more remarkable when he defend-\\ned the rights of the throne from similar in-\\nvasion.\\nThe visit of John VIII. to France, during\\nthe year 878, certainly confirmed, and prob-\\nably extended, papal authority in that coun-\\ntry. Before the Council had assembled at\\nTroyes, he obtained the consent of the king\\nto some regulations, one of which was, that\\nno metropolitan should be permitted to or-\\ndain, until he had received the paUium or\\nvest from Rome. During the Session of the\\nCouncil we observe the following declaration\\nto have been made by Hincmar himself: In\\nobedience to the Holy Canons, I condemn\\nthose whom the Holy See has condemned,\\nand receive those whom it receives, and hold\\nthat which it holds in conformity with Scrip-\\nture and the Canons. The Bishops who\\nwere present professed the strictest unanimity\\nwith the Pontiff; and the good understand-\\ning which was then, perhaps, established be-\\ntween the Churches of Rome and France,\\nand which assumed the inferiority, f if not\\nIn 853, Hincmar had deposed a number of Clerks\\nordained by his predecessor, whose canonical right to\\nthe See was disputed. In 866, Pope Nicholas order-\\ned a revision of that aifair; Hincmar maintained the\\nsentence vigorously; but Nicholas, having Charles on\\nhis side, obtained once more a complete triumph, and\\nrestored the Ecclesiastics to their rank in the Church.\\nIn both these disputes it would appear that the popu-\\nlar voice was against Hincmar.\\nt The following is the substance of an Address to\\nthe Pope, made by the Bishops at this Council the\\noriginal may be found in Baronius. Ann. 878, s. 17,\\nc. We, the Bishops of Gaul and Belgium, yotir\\nsons, servants, and disciples, deeply suffer through\\nthe wounds which have been inflicted upon our Holy", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0224.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "USURPATIONS OF THE ROMAN SEE.\\n217\\nthe dependence of the latter, appears to have\\nsubsisted long, with no material interruption.\\nCharacter of Hincmar. Hincmar died a\\nfew years afterwards. He was descended\\nfrom a noble family and the early part of\\nhis life he so divided between the Court and\\nthe Cloister, and displayed so much ability\\nand enthusiasm in the discharge of the duties\\nattached to either situation, as to combine the\\npractical penetration of a Statesman with the\\nrigor of a zealous Ecclesiastic. He was rais-\\ned to the See of Rheims in the year 845, at\\nthe age of thirty-nine, and filled it for nearly\\nforty years with firmness and vigor. In the\\nninth century, when the mightiest events\\nwere brought about by ecclesiastical guid-\\nance, he stands among the leading charac-\\nters, if, indeed, we should not rather consider\\nhim as the most eminent. He was the great\\nChurchman of the age: on all public occa-\\nsions of weighty deliberation, at all public\\nceremonies of coronation or consecration,\\nHincmar is invariably to be found as the ac-\\ntive and directing spirit. His great know-\\nledge of canonical law enabled him to rule\\nthe Councils of the Clergy his universal\\ntalents rendered him necessary to the state,\\nand gave him more influence in political af-\\nfairs than any other subject: while his cor-\\nrespondence attests his close intercourse\\nwith all the leading characters of his age. In\\nthe management of his Diocese, he was no\\nless careful to instruct and enlighten than\\nstrict to regulate and while he issued and\\nenforced his Capitularies of Discipline with\\nthe air and authority of a civil despot, he\\nwaged incessant warfare with ignorance. It\\nis indeed probable that he possessed less the-\\nological learning than his less celebrated con-\\ntemporary, Rabanus Maurus but he had\\nmuch more of that active energy of character\\nMother, tlie mistress of all Churches, and unanimous-\\nly repeat the sentence which you have launched against\\nyour enemies, excommunicating those whom you have\\nexcommunicated, and anathematizing those whom you\\nhave anathematized And since we also have\\nmatter for lamentation in our own Churches, we hum-\\nbly supplicate you to assist us with your authority,\\nand promulgate an ordinance (Capitulum) to show in\\nwhat manner we ought to act against the spoliators\\nof the Church that, being fortified by the censure of\\nthe Apostolical 8ee, we may be more powerful and\\nconfident, c.\\nFrodoard mentions 423 letters of Hincmar, be-\\nsides many others not specified. He was present at\\nthirty-nine important Councils, at most of which he\\npresided. His history and character are very well\\nillustrated by Guizot in his 28th Lecon de la Civil,\\nen France.\\n28\\nso seldom associated with contemplative hab-\\nits. It is also true that he was crafty, imperi-\\nous, and intolerant that he paid his sedulous\\ndevotions to the Virgin,* and was infected\\nwith other superstitions of his age. His\\noccasional resistance to the see of Rome has\\nacquired for him much of his celebrity but\\nif Divine Providence had so disposed, that\\nHincmar had been Bishop of Rome for as\\nlong a space as he was Primate of France,\\nhe would unquestionably have exalted papal\\nsupremacy with more courage, consistency,\\nand success, than he opposed it.\\nPopish usurpations. We have observed that\\none of the most successful means of papal\\nusurpation within the Church was the en-\\ncouragement of appeals to Rome. It is in-\\ndeed scarcely possible to measure the advan-\\ntages which the see derived from that prac-\\ntice and perhaps we do not value it too\\nhighly when we ascribe to it chiefly a vague\\nnotion of the Pope s omnipotence, which seems\\nto have made some impression among the\\nlaity during the ninth century. Before we\\nquit this subject, we should mention a remon-\\nstrance from the pen of Hincmar, which was\\naddressed to the Pope under the name of\\nCharles the Bald, and towards the end of his\\nlife. In this letter the Emperor is made to\\ncomplain, that it is no longer deemed suffi-\\ncient that Bishops, condemned by their Metro-\\npolitans, should cross the Alps for redress, but\\nthat every Priest, who has been canonically\\nsentenced by his Bishop, now hurries to Rome\\nfor a repeal of the sentence. The origin of\\nappeals to Rome is traced to the Council of\\nSardica but by that authority they were\\nproperly liable to two restrictions they were\\npermitted to Bishops only, and were necessa-\\nrily determined on the spot. The inferior\\norders were amenable to their respective\\nBishops, who judged in conjunction with\\ntheir Clergy and the only lawful appeal from\\nthe decision was to a Provincial Council.\\nThe second restriction had been confirmed\\nby the Canons of the African Church, which\\nin former days had defended its independence\\nagainst the aggressions of Rome, and which\\nnow furnished weapons to the Prelates of\\nGaul, invaded after so long an interval by the\\npersevering ambition of the same adversary.\\nAnother method of papal encroachment\\nwas the appointment of a Vicar in distant\\nprovinces, to whom the Pope delegated his\\nassumed authority, and by whose acknow-\\nThis appears from his epitaph, written by himself,\\nin some very indifferent hexameter and pentameter", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0225.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "218\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nledgment the existence of that authority was\\nin fact admitted.\\nIn the year 876, John VIII. designated the\\nArchbishop of Sens as Primate of the Gauls\\nand Germany, and Vicar of the Pope for the\\nConvocation of Councils and other ecclesias-\\ntical affairs and especially to promulgate the\\npontifical edicts, and superintend their execu-\\ntion. The Bishops of France hesitated to\\nreceive the yoke so manifestly prepared for\\nthem and on this occasion we again observe\\nHincmar of Rheims defending and directing\\ntheir opposition. He protested before the\\nassembled Council, that this attempt was\\ncontrary to the Holy Canons he appealed to\\nthe regulations of Nice, which subjected every\\nprovince to its own Metropohtan, and con-\\nfirmed the original privileges of the Church-\\nes he fortified the decisions of Nice by the\\nauthority of St. Leo and other Popes he\\ndenied that the particular jurisdiction which\\nthe Pontiff confessedly exercised over certain\\ndistant provinces (as Macedonia and parts of\\nIllyria) absorbed the rights of the Metropoli-\\ntans and, while he admitted that the Popes\\nhad more than once established their Vicars\\nin Gaul itself, he contended that the office\\nwas temporary, instituted for occasional and\\nspecific purposes, such as the prevention of\\nsimony, the conversion of unbelievers, the\\nrestoration of discipline, and that it ceased\\nwith rbe particular abuses which had made it\\nnecessary.* The weight of antiquity, which\\nfurnishes a conclusive argument in ignorant\\nages, was, without question, on the side of\\nHincmar. On the other hand, the Pope had\\nengaged the Emperor in tlie defence of his\\nclaims; and, as it was one part of his policy\\nto coalesce with the national hierarchy when-\\never the rights of princes could be assailed\\nwith advantage, so was it another to draw\\nthe princes into his own designs against the\\npower and independence of their Clergy.\\nAnd here it is proper to notice another\\nprivilege, which, though its origin may be\\ntraced to Gregory the Great, was little exer-\\ncised by the Popes until the ninth, or the\\nbeginning of the tenth age. Hitherto the\\nmonasteries, with very few exceptions, were\\nsubject to the Bishop of the diocese in which\\nthey stood, and who in many cases had been\\ntheir founders. Exemptions from episcopal\\njurisdiction were now granted with some\\nfrequency, and the establishments thus privi-\\n*Fleury, H. E. lib. lii., s. 33. Frodoardus (in a\\npassage cited by Baronius, Ann. 876. s. 24) admits\\nthe powerful resistance of Hincmar on this occasion.\\nledged acknowledged a direct dependence on\\nthe Pope. He had many motives for this\\npolicy, but that which most concerns our\\npresent subject is the following. To secure\\nhis triumph over the liberties of the Church,\\nit was necessary to divide it and his scheme\\nof reducing the higher ranks of the Clergy\\nwas mainly promoted by a practice which\\ncurtailed their authority in a very important\\nbranch, which transferred that authority to\\nhimself, and at the same time created lasting\\njealousy and dissension between the regular\\nand secular orders.\\nTwo other objects may be mentioned to\\nwhich the ambition of Rome was steadily and\\neflfectually directed to establish the princi-\\nple that Bishops derived their power entirely\\nfrom the Pope, and to prevent the convoca-\\ntion of Councils without his express command.\\nTowards the accomplishment of the second,\\nvery great though very gradual progress was\\nmade during the ninth age by a series of\\nusurpations, of which the earliest served as\\nprecedents whereon to found the practice.\\nThe greater obscurity and confusion of the\\ntenth century were more favorable to the suc-\\ncess of the first and if it be true that, even\\nafter that time, there were to be found some\\nbolder Prelates, both in France and Germany,\\nwho disputed these and others among the\\npontifical claims, it cannot be questioned that\\nthey had then acquired so much prevalence,\\nand had struck so deeply into the prejudices\\nand habits of men, that a powerful hand alone\\nwas wanted to call them into light and action,\\nand to give them the most fatal efficacy.\\nThe preceding pages have presented to us\\na variety of incidents hitherto nearly novel in\\nthe history of the Church, but with which\\nexperience will presently render us familiar.\\nWe have been astonished by the arrogant\\nclaims of the Episcopal Order and the extent\\nof political power which it actually possessed,\\nand shocked by the ill purpose to which it\\nsometimes applied that power. But our most\\nthoughtful attention has still been fixed upon\\nthe proceedings of the Pope. We have ob-\\nserved him, in the first place, contending with\\nthe Emperor for the independence of his own\\nelection with a great degree of success next\\nwe have beheld him engaged in occasional\\ncontests with the most powerful Sovereigns\\nof the age, not only in those domestic concerns\\nwhich might seem to give some plea for\\necclesiastical interference, but about affairs\\nstrictly secular, and the very successions to\\nSee Mosheim, Cent, x., p. 2, c. 2.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0226.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "ITS OPINIONS.\\n219\\ntheir thrones; and, lastly, we have noticed\\nthe movements of that more confined, but\\nscarcely more legitimate ambition, which\\npretended to depress the superior ranks of\\nthe Clergy, to despoil them of their privi-\\nleges, and to remove them to so humble a\\ndistance from the Roman See, that the Pope\\nmight seem to concentrate (if it were possi-\\nble) in his own person the entire authority of\\nthe ecclesiastical order. The particular facts\\nby which these designs were manifested be-\\nlong, for the most part, to the ninth century\\nbut the grand pontifical principles, if they\\nsuffered a partial suspension, yet lost none of\\ntheir force and vitality during that which fol-\\nlowed. And upon the whole it is a true and\\nunavoidable observation, that the period dur-\\ning which the mighty scheme first grew and\\ndeveloped itself, embraced that portion of pa-\\npal history which, above all others, is most\\nscandalously eminent for the disorders of\\nthe See, and for the weakness and undis-\\nguised profligacy of those who occupied it. f\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nOn the Opinions, lAterature, Discipline, and\\nExternal Fortunes of the Church.\\nI. On the Eucharist Original Opinions of the Church\\nDoctrine of Paschasius Radbert combated by Ratram\\nand John Scotus Conclusion of the Controversy Pre-\\ndestination Opinions and persecution of Gotteschal-\\ncus Millennarianism in the Tenth Century its\\nstrange and general Effect. II. Literature Rabanus\\nRlaurus, John Scotus, Alfred its Progress among the\\nSaracens Spain South of Italy France Rome\\nPope Sylvester II. III. Discipline of the Church-\\nConduct of Charlemagne and his Successors St. Ben-\\nedict of Aniane. Institution of Canons regular Epis-\\ncopal election Translations by Bishops prohibited.\\nPope Stephen VI. Claudius Bishop of Turin Peniten-\\ntial System. IV. Conversion of the North of Europe\\nof Denmark, Sweden, Russia of Poland and Hun-\\ngarj how accomplished and to what Extent The\\nNormans The Turks.\\nThe particulars contained in the preceding\\nChapter present an imperfect picture of the\\nThis is more particularly true of the tenth cen-\\ntury, but even the ninth was not exempt from the\\nsame charge. To this age belongs the popular story\\nof the female Pope; the pontificate of Joan is record-\\ned to have commenced on the death of Leo IV., in\\n855, and to have lasted for about two years. Histori-\\nans agree that very great confusion prevailed at Rome\\nrespecting the election of Leo s successor, and that\\nBenedict III. did not prevail without a severe and\\ntumultuous struggle with a rival named Anastasius.\\nThe rule of Pope Joan is now indeed generally dis-\\ncredited; but the early invention of the tale, and the\\nbelief so long attached to it, attest a condition of\\ntilings which made it at least possible.\\ntThe Lives of the Popes (Liber Pontificalis) were\\ncondition of Religion during the ninth and\\ntenth centuries. They are sufficient, perhaps,\\nto exhibit the outlines of the visible Church,\\nas it was gradually changing its shape and\\nconstitution, and passing through a region of\\ndisorder and darkness, from a state of con-\\ntested rights and restricted authority to a sit-\\nuation of acknowledged might and unbound-\\ned pretension. They may also have discov-\\nered to us, in some manner, the process of the\\nchange, and certain of the less obvious means\\nand causes through which it was accomplish-\\ned still the inquiry has been confined to the\\nexternal Church it has gone to examine a\\nhuman and perishable institution no far-\\nther it has illustrated the outworks which\\nman had thrown up for the protection (as he\\nimagined) of God s fortress nothing more.\\nIt remains, then, to complete the task, and to\\nnotice some circumstances in the history of\\nthis period unconnected with the ambitious\\nstruggles of Popes or Bishops.\\nIt is observable that, during the seventh\\nand eighth ages. Religion lost much of its\\nvigor and efficacy in France and Italy, while\\nit took root and spread in Britain during\\nthe ninth, it arose, through the institutions\\nof Charlemagne, with renovated power in\\nFrance; in tlie course of the tenth, its pro-\\ngress in Germany made some amends for\\nits general degradation. These fluctuations\\ncorresponded, upon the whole, with the lite-\\nrary revolutions of those countries. Learning\\nwas, in those days, the only faithful ally and\\nsupi)ort of religion, and the causes which\\nwithered the one never failed to blight the\\nother. Indeed, as learning was then almost\\nwholly confined to the Clergy, it naturally\\npartook of a theological character and as the\\nseason of scholastic sophistry had not yet set\\nin, the theology did not so commonly ob-\\nscure, it even commonly illustrated, the re-\\nligion.\\nReligious zeal, when informed by imper-\\nfect education, and unrestrained by a mod-\\nerate and charitable temper, is rarely unat-\\ntended by religious dissension and thus it\\nhappened, that, while the intellectual torpor\\nof the tenth century was little or nothing\\nagitated by such disputes, the ninth, which\\nwas partially enlightened, witnessed three\\nwritten by Anastasius, a librarian, who died before\\n882; they reach as far as the death of Nicholas I. in\\n867. The lives of some other Popes, as far as 889,\\nj were added by another librarian named Guillaume.\\nI From 889 to 1050 (where the Collection of Cardinal\\nd Aragon begins) there is a suspension of pontifical\\nI biography.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0227.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "220\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nimportant controversies. The first was that\\nwhich Photius carried on with the Roman\\nSee, regarding Image worship and other\\ndifferences, the work of preceding genera-\\ntions and it has been already treated. The\\nother two respected the manner of Christ s\\npresence at the Eucharist, and the doctrine\\nof Salvation by Grace, and they shall now be\\nnoticed it will afterwards be necessary to\\nsay a few words on the Discipline of the\\nChurch and we shall then observe the pro-\\ngress of Christianity among distant and bar-\\nbarous nations, as well as the severe reverse\\nw^hich afflicted it.\\nI. Ecclesiastical Controversies. Mosheim\\nasserts without hesitation, that it had been\\nhitherto the unanimous opinion of the\\nChurch, that the body and blood of Christ\\nwere really administered to those who re-\\nceived the Sacrament, and that they were\\nconsequently present at the administration,\\nbut that the sentiments of Christians concern-\\ning the nature and manner of this presence\\nwere various and contradictory. No Council\\nLad yet determined with precision the man-\\nner in which that presence was to be under-\\nstood both reason and folly were hitherto\\nleft free in this matter nor had any imperi-\\nous mode of faith suspended the exercise of\\nthe one, or controlled the extravagance of the\\nother. The historian s first position is laid\\ndown, perhaps, somewhat too peremptorily\\nfor though many passages may be adduced\\nfrom very ancient fathers in affirmation of the\\nbodily presence, the obscurity or different\\ntendency of others would rather persuade us,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2that even that doctrine was also left a good\\n-deal to individual judgment. The second is\\n.strictly true and the question which had\\nescaped the vain and intrusive curiosity of\\noriental theologians, was at length engendered\\nin a Convent in Gaul. In the year 831, Pas-\\nchasius Radbert, a Benedictine Monk, after-\\nwards Abbot of Corbie, published a treatise\\nconcerning the Sacrament of the Body and\\nBlood of Christ, which he presented, fifteen\\nyears afterwards, carefully revised and aug-\\nmented, to Charles the Bald. The doctrine\\nadvanced by Paschasius may be expressed in\\nthe two following propositions First, that\\nafter the consecration of the bread and wine,\\nnothing remains of those symbols except the\\noutward figure, under which the body and\\nblood of Christ were really and locally pres-\\nent. Secondly, that the body of Christ, thus\\npresent, is the same body which was born of\\nCent. ix. p. 2, c. 3.\\nthe Virgin, which suffered upon the cross,\\nand was raised from the dead.* Charles ap-\\npears decidedly to have disapproved of this\\ndoctrine. And it might perhaps have been\\nexpected that, after the example of so many\\nprinces, he would have summoned a Council,\\nstigmatized it as heresy, and persecuted its\\nauthor. He did not do so but, on the con-\\ntrary, adopted a method of opposition worthy\\nof a wiser Prince and a more enlightened\\nage. He commissioned two of the ablest\\nwriters of the day, Ratramn f and Johannes\\nScotus, to investigate by arguments the sus-\\nPachasius derived three consequences from his\\ndoctrine. 1. That Jesus Christ was immolated anew\\nevery day, in reality but in mystery. 2. That the\\nEucharist is both truth and figure together. 3. That\\nit is not liable to the consequences of digestion. The\\nfirst of these positions assumes a new and express\\ncreation on every occasion of the celebration of the\\nSacrament. The disputes arising from the third af-\\nterwards gave birth to the heresy named Stercoranisra.\\nFleury, 1. xlvii., s. 35. Semler (sec. ix. cap. iii.)\\nis willing to deduce Paschasius doctrine from the\\nMonophysite Controversy, and the opinions respect-\\ning one incarnate nature of Christ, which had still\\nsome prevalence in the East.\\nt A monk of Corbie. His book was long received\\nunder the name of Bertram and some have even\\nsupposed it to be the work of John Scotus on the\\nsame subject, but clearly without reason. Dupin,\\nHist. Eccl., Cent. ix. c. vii. Fleury, 1. xlix., s. 52,\\n53. Semler, loc. cit. Ratramn proposes the sub-\\nject in the following manner: Your Majesty in-\\nquires whether the body and blood of Jesus Christ,\\nwhich is received in the Church by the mouth of the\\nfaithful, is made in mystery that is, if it contains\\nany thing secret which only appears to the eyes of\\nfaith or if, without any veil of mystery, the eyes of\\nthe body perceive without, that which the view of the\\nspirit perceives within; so that all which is made is\\nmanifestly apparent. You inquire besides, whether\\nit is the same body which was born of the Virgin\\nMary, which suffered, died, and was buried; and\\nwhich, after its resurrection, ascended to Heaven,\\nand sat on the right hand of the Father. Respect-\\ning the second question., the opimon of Ratramn was\\nin direct opposition to that of Paschasius; but, in\\nthe treatment of the first, it would be diificult certain-\\nly to pronounce on what they differed, or indeed on\\nwhat they agreed. There is moreover extant an\\nanonymous composition, which combats the second\\nproposition of Paschasius\u00e2\u0080\u0094 first in ilself, and then in\\nits consequence that Jesus Christ suffers anew Oa\\nevery occasion that mass is celebrated. The writer\\nacknowledges the real presence as a necessarj tenet.\\nEvery Christian (thus he commences) ought to\\nbelieve and confess that the body and blood of the\\nLord is true flesh and true blood; whoever denies\\nthis proves himself to be without faith. It appears\\nindeed true that Paschasius second proposition gave\\nmuch more general offence than the first.\\nX John Scotus Erigena (i. e. John the Irishman)", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0228.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "ITS OPINIONS.\\n221\\npicious opinion. The composition of the\\nformer is still extant, and has exercised the\\ningenuity of the learned even in recent times\\nbut they have not succeeded in extricating\\nfrom the perplexities of his reasoning, and,\\nperhaps, the uncertainty of his belief, the real\\nopinions of the author. The work of Johan-\\nnes Scotus is lost; but we learn that his\\narguments were more direct, and his senti-\\nments more perspicuous and consistent he\\nplainly declared, that the bread and wine\\nwere no more th-an symbols of the absent\\nbody and blood of Christ, and memorials of\\nthe last supper. Other theologians engaged\\nin the dispute, and a decided superiority, both\\nin number and talents,* was opposed to the\\ndoctrine of Paschasius yet so opposed, that\\nthere was little unanimity among its adversa-\\nries, and no very perfect consistency even in\\ntheir several writings.f\\nThe controversy died away before the end\\nof the ninth century, without having occa-\\nsioned any great mischief, and the subject\\nwas left open to individual inquiry or neglect,\\nas it had ever been. The mtellectual lethargy\\nof the century following was not to be dis-\\nturbed by an argument demanding some\\nacuteness, and susceptible of much sophistry\\nand an age of entire ignorance has at least\\nthis advantage over one of superficial learn-\\ning, that it suffers nothing from the abuse\\nof the human understanding. But very early\\nin the eleventh century, the dispute was again\\nawakened; it assumed, under different cir-\\ncumstances and other principles, another\\naspect and character, and closed in a very\\nwas a layman of great acuteness and much profane learn-\\ning, and irreproachable moral character. He was in\\nhigh estimation at the court of Charles the Bald, and\\nhonored by the personal partiality of that prince. He\\nis described in the Hist. Litt. de la France, to have\\nbeen of tres petite taille, vif, penetrant, et enjoue.\\nFleury (1. xlviii., s. 48) disputes the great extent of\\nhis theological acquirements, and perhaps with justice.\\nHis book on the Eucharist was burnt about two hun-\\ndred years afterwards by the hand of bis disciple\\nBerenger, on ecclesiastical compulsion.\\n*Hincmar appears to have held the doctrine of the\\nreal presence and it is difficult to pronounce whether\\nor not he confined his meaning to a spiritual presence.\\nt The worship of the elements is not mentioned by\\nany of the disputants it was an extravagance of\\nsuperstition too violent for the controversialists of the\\nninth century.\\n:{:As early as the conclusion of the eighth century,\\na heresy respecting the nature of Jesus Christ appear-\\ned in the Western Church that of the Adoptians.\\nIt was condemned by Charlemagne in three Councils,\\nbetween the years 790 and 800, and presently disap-\\npeared.\\ndifferent termination. But as this event be-\\nlongs more properly to the life of Gregory\\nVII. we shall not anticipate the triumph of\\nthat Pontiff nor deprive his name of any ray\\nof that ambiguous splendor which illustrates it.\\nOpinions of Godeschalcus. The subject of\\nPredestination and Divine Grace, which had\\nalready been controverted in France with\\nsome acuteness, and, what is much better,\\nwith candor and charity, was subjected to\\nanother investigation in the ninth century.\\nGodeschalcus, otherwise called Fulgentius,\\nwas a native of Germany, and a monk of\\nOrbais, in the diocese of Soissons. He was\\nadmitted to orders, during the vacancy of the\\nSee, by the Chorepiscopus a circumstance\\nto which the subsequent animosity of Hinc-\\nmar is sometimes attributed. He possessed\\nconsiderable learning, but a mind withal too\\nprone to pursue abstruse and unprofitable\\ninquiries. Early in life he consulted Lupus,\\nAbbot of Ferrara, on the question, whether,\\nafter the resurrection, the blessed shall see\\nGod with the eyes of the body The Abbot\\nconcluded a reluctant reply to the following\\neffect I exhort you, my venerable brother,\\nno longer to weary your spirit with suchlike\\nspeculations, lest, through too great devotion\\nto them, you become incapacitated for exam-\\nining and teaching things more useful. Why\\nwaste so many researches on matters, which\\nit is not yet, perhaps, expedient that we should\\nknow Let us rather exercise our talents in\\nthe spacious fields of Holy Writ let us apply\\nentirely to that meditation, and let prayer be\\nassociated to our studies. God will not fail\\nin his goodness to manifest himself in the\\nmanner which shall be best for us, though we\\nshould cease to pry into things which are placed\\nabove us. The speculations of Godeschalcus\\nwere diverted by this judicious rebuke, but\\nnot repressed and the books of Scripture\\nwere still rivalled or superseded in his atten-\\ntion by those of Augustin. Accordingly he\\ninvolved himself deeply and inextricably m\\nthe mazes of fatalism. About the year 846j^\\nhe made a pilgrimage to Rome,, and on his\\nreturn, soon afterwards, he expressed his\\nopinions on that subject very publicly in the\\ndiocese of Verona. Information was instant-\\nly conveyed to Rabanus Maurus, Archbishop\\nof Mayence, the most profound theologian of\\nthe age. That Prelate immediately replied\\nand in combating the errror of a professed\\nAugustinian, protected himself also by the\\nauthority of Augustin.f\\nIn the fifth century. See chap. xi.\\ntRabanus was the most profound divine in the", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0229.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "J222\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nHappy had it been for the author of the\\ncontroversy, if his adversary had allowed it to\\nremain on that footing but the doctrine was\\nbecoming too popular, and threatened moral\\neffects too pernicious to be overlooked by\\nthe Church. Rabanus assembled, in 848, a\\nCouncil at Mayence, at which the king was\\npresent, and Godeschalcus was summoned\\nbefore it. Here he defended, in a written\\ntreatise, the doctrine of double predestination\\nthat of the elect, to eternal life by the free\\nGrace of God that of the wicked, to ever-\\nlasting damnation through their own sins.\\nHis explanations did not satisfy the Council,\\nand the tenet was rejected and condemned\\nbut its advocate was not considered amenable\\nto that tribunal, as he had been ordained in\\nthe diocese of Rheims wherefore Rabanus\\nconsigned him to the final custody of Hinc-\\nmar, who then held that See.\\nThe unfortunate heretic (he had now de-\\nserved that appellation) profited nothing by\\nthis change in jurisdiction. Hincmar, in the\\nfollowing year, caused him to be accused\\nbefore the Council of Q,uiercy sur Oise, when\\nhe was pronounced incorrigible, and deposed\\nfrom the priesthood. Moreover, as the pen-\\nalty of his insolence and contumacy, he was\\ncondemned to public flagellation and perpetual\\nimprisonment. The sentence was rigidly ex-\\necuted, and Charles was not ashamed to\\ncountenance it by his royal presence. It is\\naffirmed, that under the prolonged agony of\\nsevere torture, the sufferer yielded so far as\\nto commit to the flames the Texts which he\\nhad collected in defence of his opinions and\\nif he did so, it was human and excusable\\nweakness, f But it is certain that he was\\nninth century, as Augustin was in the fifth, but the\\nspirit of the one age was original thought and reason-\\ning that of the other, blind and servile imitation\\ntherefore Rabanus was contented to cite and explain\\nAugustin and the controversy descended from lofty\\nphilosophical investigation to logical, and even critical\\nsubtility. The object in the fifth age was, to solve\\nan abstruse and difficult question that in the ninth,\\nto penetrate the real opinions of an ancient writer.\\nIn one of the letters written on this subject,\\nRabanus asserts that the doctrine of Godeschalcus had\\nalready driven many to despair, and that several began\\nto inquire Wherefore should I strive and labor for\\nmy salvation In what does it profit me to be right-\\neous, if I am not predestined to happiness What\\nevil may I not safely commit, if 1 am surely predes-\\ntined to life eternal 1 This natural inference, how-\\never disavowed by the more ingenious teachers of the\\ndoctrine, is very liable to be drawn by the people,\\neven in ages much more enlightened than the ninth.\\nt Godeschalcus solicited permission to maintain\\nconfined to the walls of a convent for almost\\ntwenty years, and that at length, during the\\nagonies of his latest moments, he was required\\nto subscribe a formulary of faith, as the only\\ncondition of reconciliation with the Church\\nthat he disdained to make any sacrifice, even\\nat that moment, to that consideration, and\\nthat his corpse was deprived of Christian\\nsepulture by the unrelenting bigotry of Hinc-\\nmar.\\nThe precise extent f of Godeschalcus s\\nerrors is, according to the usual history of\\nthe truth of his doctrine in the presence of the King,\\nthe Clergy, and the whole people, by passing through\\nfour barrels filled with boiling water and oil and pitch,\\nand afterwards through a large fire. If he should\\ncome out unhurt, let the doctrine be acknowledged\\nand received if otherwise, let the flames take their\\ncourse. Milner, whose account of this Controvei sy\\nshould be mentioned with praise, can scarcely pardon\\nthis desire of his persecuted favorite as if the cham-\\npion of Predestination had been less liable than his\\nneighbors to the superstitious contagion of his age.\\nIn this case, however, his imperfection was peculiarly\\nexcused by the more deliberate absurdity of Hincmar\\nhimself, who had so far degraded his genius as to\\nwrite a serious treatise on Trials by Hot and Cold\\nWater. See Hist. Litt. de la France.\\nHis death is usually referred to the year 866.\\nWe should observe that his suflTerings did not escape\\nthe compassion of some of his contemporaries. Remy,\\nwho succeeded Amolon in the see of Lyons, wrote on\\nthe subject with some warmth. It is an unprece-\\ndented instance of cruelty, which has filled the world\\nwith horror, that he was lacerated with stripes, as\\neye-witnesses attest, until he cast into the fire a me-\\nmorial containing the passages from scripture and the\\nfathers which he drew up to present to the Council;\\nwhile all former heretics have been convicted by\\nwords and reasons. The long and inhuman detention\\nof that wretched man ought at least to be tempered by\\nsome consolation, so as rather to win by charity a\\nbrother for whom Jesus Christ died, than to overwhelm\\nhim with misery. See Fleury, 1. xlix., s. 5.\\nt Godeschalcus appears to have propounded three\\nleading questions to Rabanus and the other Doctors.\\n(1.) Whether it could be said that there w^as any\\npredestination to evil. (2.) Concerning the will and\\ndeath of Christ for all men whether God has a true\\nwill to save anybut those which are saved. (.S.) Con-\\ncerning free will The theologians of Mayence,\\nhowever, very prudently confined their attention to\\nthe first Whether it can be said that God predesti-\\nnates the wicked to damnation V (Dupin, H. E.,\\nCen. ix.) About four years afterwards, Amolon,\\nArchbishop of Lyons, in a letter addressed to Hinc-\\nmar, reduced (or rather expanded) the errors to sev-\\nen one of them being the following that God and\\nthe Saints rejoiced in the fall of the reproved.\\n(Fleury, H. E. lib. xlviii., s. 59.) This was ob-\\nviously a consequence; and no doubt the heretic had\\neasy means of getting rid of it. For a full and per-\\nhaps faithful account of the whole controversy, see", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0230.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "ITS OPIFIONS.\\n223\\nsuch controversies, a matter of difference, and\\nfor the usual reason, that consequences were\\nimputed by his adversaries which his follow-\\ners disclaimed. But it is certain that his\\nproselytes multiplied during the continuance\\nof his imprisonment, and that some provincial\\nCouncils declared in his favor and it is pro-\\nbable that his doctrines have been uninter-\\nruptedly perpetuated, not by sects only, but\\nby individuals in the bosom of the Church,\\nfrom that age to the present.\\nMillennarian error. The dispute, however,\\ndid not long survive its author, and seems to\\nhave expired before the end of the century\\nand during the concluding part of that which\\nfollowed, in the absence of political talent,\\nof piety, of knowledge, of industry, of eveiy\\nvirtue, and every motive which might give\\nenergy to the human character in the sup-\\npression even of the narrow controversial\\nspirit which enlivens the understanding, how-\\never it may sometimes pervert the principles,\\na very wild and extraordinary delusion arose\\nand spread itself, and at length so far prevail-\\ned as not only to subdue the reason, but to\\nactuate the conduct of vast multitudes. It\\nproceeded from the misinterpretation of a\\nwell-known passage in the Revelations, f\\nAnd he laid hold on the Dragon, that old\\nSerpent, which is the devil and Satan, and\\nbound him a thousand years, and cast him into\\nthe bottomless pit, and shut him up, and set a\\nseal upon him, that he should deceive the\\nnations no more till the thousand years should\\nbe fulfilled And after that he must be loosed\\na little season. It does not appear that the\\nearlier Divines derived from this prophecy\\nthat specific expectation respecting the mo-\\nment of the world s dissolution, which now\\nbecame general nor do we learn that the\\npeople before this time much busied them-\\nselves about a matter which could not possi-\\nbly aflfect their own generation but about the\\nyear 960, as the season approached nearer,\\none Bcrnhard, a hermit of Thuringia, a j er-\\nson not destitute of knowledge, boldly pro-\\nmulgated (on the faith of a particular revela-\\ntion from God) the certain assurance, that at\\nthe end of the thousandth year the fetters of\\nSatan were to be broken and, after the reign\\nHist. LiUer. de la France, Cen. ix., vol. iv. p. 263.\\nIt is, however, worth remarking, that the Divines on\\nboth sides alike professed to support the doctrine of\\nthe Church, as taught by the Fathers, and especially\\nSt. Augustin whose authority on this question was\\nuniversally admitted, while his real opinion was dis-\\nputed.\\nt Chap. XX. 2 and 3.\\nof Antichrist should be terminated, that the\\nworld would be consumed by sudden confla-\\ngration. There was something plausible in\\nthe doctrine, and it was peculiarly suited to the\\ngloomy superstition of the age the Clergy\\nadopted it without delay the pulpits loudly\\nresounded with it it was diffused in every\\ndirection with astonishing rapidity, and em-\\nbraced with an ardor proportioned to the\\nobscurity of the subject, and the greediness\\nof human credulity. The behef pervaded\\nand possessed every rank f of society, not as\\na cold and indifferent assent, but as a motive\\nfor the most important undertakings. Many\\nabandoned their friends and their families,\\nand hastened to the shores of Palestine, with\\nthe pious persuasion that Mount Sion would\\nbe the throne of Christ when he should\\ndescend to judge the world and these, in\\norder to secure a more partial sentence from\\nthe God of mercy and charity, usually made\\nover their property, before they departed, to\\nsome adjacent Church or Monastery. Others,\\nwhose pecuniary means were thought, per-\\nhaps, insufficient to bribe the justice of Hea-\\nven, devoted their personal service to the\\nsame establishments, and resigned their very\\nliberty to those holy mediators, whose plead-\\nings, they doubted not, would find favor at\\nthe eternal judgment seat. Others permitted\\ntheir lands to lie waste, and their houses to\\ndecay or, terrified by some unusual pheno-\\nmenon in the Heaven, betook themselves in\\nhasty flight to the shelter of rocks and caverns,:]:\\nas if the temples of Nature were destined to\\npreservation amidst the wreck of man and\\nhis works.\\nThe year of terror arrived, and passed\\naway without any extraordinary convulsion\\nand at present it is chiefly remarkable as\\nhaving terminated the most shameful century\\nin the annals of Christianity. The people re-\\nturned to their homes, and repaired their build-\\nings, and resumed their former occupations\\n*Hist. Litt. de la France, x. Siecle. Mosheim\\n(Cen. X., p. 2, c. iii.) cites a passage from the Apolo-\\ngeticum of Abbo, Abbot of Fleury De fine quoque\\nmundi coram populo sermonem in Ecclesia Parisiorum\\nadolescentulus audivi, quod statim finirto mille annorura\\nnumero Anti-Christus adveniret, et non longo post\\ntempore universale judicium succederet; cui praedica-\\ntioni ex Evangeliis ac Apocalypsi et libro Danielis,\\nqua potui virtute restiti, c.\\nt Not Nobles only, but Princes, and even Bishops,\\nare mentioned as having made a pilgrimage to Pales-\\ntine on this occasion.\\n:j:An opportune eclipse of the sun produced this\\neffect on the army of Otho the Great.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0231.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "224\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nand the only lasting effect of this stupendous\\npanic was the augmentation of the temporal\\nprosperity of the Church.\\n11. State of Learning. The intellectual\\nenergy of Europe (if we except perhaps the\\nBritish Islands f) was in a condition of gradu-\\nal decay from the fifth till the middle of the\\nseventh and eighth century J and it was\\nthen that the progress of ignorance reached\\nits widest and darkest boundaries. It was\\narrested by the genius of Charlemagne and\\nthe beacon which was set up by his mighty\\nhand shone forth even upon his degenerate\\ndescendants, some of whom lighted their\\ntorches at its embers. Thus, during the\\nwhole of the ninth century, the western\\nworld, and France especially, was animated\\nby much literary exertion, and enlightened\\neven by the ill-directed talents of many learn-\\ned men. The name of Alcuin was not dis-\\ngraced by those of his successors, Rabanus,\\nEginhard, Claudius, Godeschalcus, Pascha-\\nsius, Ratramn, Hincmar, and Johannes Sco-\\ntus.\u00c2\u00a7 The theological works of the first of\\nthese were so highly esteemed, as not only to\\nAlmost all the donations which were made to the\\nChurch in this century proceeded from this avowed\\nmotive. Appropinquante jam raundi termino, c.\\nSince the end of the world is now at hand. Mosh.,\\nCen. X., p. 2, ch. iii. These monuments sufficiently\\nattest the generality of the delusion.\\nf The Venerable Bede flourished in the early part\\nof the eighth century. He brought down his Eccle-\\nsiastical History as far as 731, and appears to have\\ndied four years afterwards.\\n:}:This decline is very commonly imputed to the\\ndespotism of the Church, and the triumph of the papal\\nprinciple of a blind faith, and absolute submission over\\nthe independence of reason. But this is a mistake pro-\\nceeding from an imperfect knowledge of ecclesiastical\\nhistory. At the period in question, the Church had not\\nby any means attained the degree of authority necessa-\\nry for that purpose it was not yet sufficiently organized,\\nnor even sufficiently united, to possess any power of\\nuniversal individual tyranny the Romish system was\\nstill only in its infancy; the Episcopal system, which\\nwas predominant, was full of disorder and disunion\\nthe principle in question was certainly to be found in\\nthe archives of the Church, but the day was not yet\\narrived to enforce it. It came indeed into full effect\\nin the twelfth and following ages, and not earlier than\\nthe twelfth; but learning then revived in despite of it,\\nand grew up to overthrow it. The truth is, that the\\ndegradation of the sixth and seventh centuries are\\nsufficiently accounted for by the political confusion, or\\nrather anarchy, then so generally prevalent, as to\\nmake any moi-al exellence almost impossible, and to\\ndebase the Church in common with every thing else.\\nGuizot has selected Hincmar and Johannes Sco-\\ntus as the tw\u00c2\u00a9 representatives of the learning of the\\nfurnish materials for contemporary instruc-\\ntion, but also to maintain great authority in\\nthe religious discussions of the four following\\ncenturies and the last, the friend and com-\\npanion of Charles the Bald, displayed an\\naccuracy of philosophical induction, and a\\nfreedom and boldness of original thought,\\nwhich would have subjected him, in a some-\\nwhat later age, to ecclesiastical persecution.\\nWe should mention, too, that in the same age\\nin which the genius of an Irishman instruct-\\ned the Court of France, the foundations of\\nEnglish learning were deeply fixed and sub-\\nstantially constructed by the wisdom and\\npiety of Alfi*ed. The comparative languor\\nof Italy was excited by the disputes at that\\ntime so warmly waged between the Roman\\nand Eastern Churches, and which served to\\nsharpen the ingenuity, while they degraded\\nthe principles, of both.\\nAt Constantinople, the Emperor Theophi-\\nlus, and his son, Michael III., made some\\nendeavors towards the revival of letters in the\\nninth age but the scattered rays which may\\nhave illustrated the East at that time, were\\noverpowered by the pre-eminence of Photius,\\nso that little has reached posterity excepting\\nhis celebrity. It is true that, in the century\\nfollowing, while the advance of learning was\\nalmost wholly suspended in Europe, and its\\ngrowing power paralyzed, Constantine Por-\\nphyrogeneta made some zealous attempts to\\nrevive the industry of his country but as his\\nencouragement was directed rather to the\\nimitation of ancient models than to the de-\\nvelopement of original thought, the impulse\\nwas faintly felt and, so far from creating any\\nstrong and lasting effect, it failed to excite\\neven the momentary energy of the Greeks.\\nBut, during the same period, there occurred\\nin the Eastern world a phenomenon which is\\namong the most remarkable in the history of\\nliterature, and which no penetration could\\npossibly have foreseen. We have recounted\\nthat, in the seventh century, the companions\\nand successors of Mahomet desolated the\\nface of the earth with their arms, and dark-\\nened it by their ignorance and the acts of\\nbarbarism ascribed to them, and whether\\ntruly ascribed or not,* generally credited,\\nage the former as the centre of the theological move-\\nment; the latter as the philosopher of his day. It is,\\nindeed, impossible to convey any faithful notion of\\nthe literature of any age without entering into some\\nsuch detail\\nThe burning of the Alexandrian Library by the\\nSaracens stands on authority about as good as the\\nsimilar Vandalism charged on Gregory the Great.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0232.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "DISCIPLINE.\\n225\\nattest at least their contempt of learning, and\\ntheir aversion for the monuments which they\\nare stated to have destroyed. In the eighth\\ncentury, the conquerors settled with tranquil-\\nlity in the countries which they had subdued,\\nwhich, in most instances, they converted, and\\nwhich they continued to possess and govern.\\nIn the ninth, under the auspices of a wise\\nand munificent Caliph, they applied the same\\nardor to the pursuit of literature which had\\nheretofore been confined to the exercise of\\narms. Ample schools were founded in the\\nprincipal cities of Asia,* Bagdad, and Cufa,\\nand Bassora numerous libraries were formed\\nwith care and diligence, and men of learning\\nand science were solicitously invited to the\\nsplendid court of Almamunis. Greece, which\\nhad civilized the Roman republic, and was\\ndestined, in a much later age, to enlighten\\nthe extremities of the West, was now called\\nupon to turn the stream of her lore into the\\nbarren bosom of Asia for Greece was still the\\nonly land possessing an original national lite-\\nrature. Her noblest productions were now\\ntranslated into the ruling language of the\\nEast, and the Arabians took pleasure in pur-\\nsuing the speculations, or submitting to the\\nrules, of her philosophy. The impulse thus\\ngiven to the genius and industry of Asia was\\ncommunicated with inconceivable rapidity,\\nalong the shores of Egypt and Africa, to the\\nschools of Seville and Cordova and the shock\\nwas not felt least sensibly by those who last\\nreceived it. Henceforward the genius of\\nlearning accompanied even the arms of the\\nSaracens. They conquered Sicily; from\\nSicily they invaded the Southern Provinces\\nof Italy; and, as if to complete the eccentric\\nrevolution of Grecian literature, the wisdom\\nof Pythagoras was restored to the land of its\\norigin by ihe descendants of an Arabian\\nwarrior.\\nThe adopted literature of that ingenious\\npeople, augmented by some original discov-\\neries, passed with a more pacific progress\\nfrom Spain into France, fi-om France into\\nItaly, even to the pontifical chair. In the\\nyear 999, Gerbert, a Frenchman, was raised\\nto that eminence under the title of Sylvester\\nII. This eminent person, whose talents,\\nthough peculiarly calculated for the compre-\\nhension of the abstract sciences, were not\\ndisqualified for less severe application, stea-\\ndily devoted his industry, his intelligence,\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Contemporary with the foundation of Oxford;\\nand where are they now The history and charac-\\nter of the Turks can answer that question\\n29\\nand his power to the acquii-ement, the ampli-\\nfication, and the diffusion of knowledge.\\nAmong the vulgar, indeed, he obtained a\\nformidable reputation for magical skill but\\nhe was honored by the wise and the great\\neven of his own days and of Sylvester that\\nmay be more justly affirmed, which a Roman\\nCatholic writer has rather chosen to predicate\\nof the papal energy of Leo. IX., that he\\nundertook to repair the ruins of the tenth\\ncentury.\\nIII. Discipline of the Church. At no for-\\nmer period had the Western Church suffered\\nsuch complete disorganization as during the\\nfirst half of the eighth century: the longer it\\nwas connected with the barbarous political\\nsystem of the conquerors the more closely\\nit became associated with their institutions,\\ntheir habits, and their persons as they were\\ngradually admitted to ecclesiastical dignities\\nthe more shameful was the license, the\\ndeeper the corruption which pervaded it.\\nThe progress of the malady was arrested by\\nCharlemagne not with a reluctant or ir-\\nresolute hand, but with the vigor which the\\noccasion required, and which was justified by\\nhis noble designs. He repressed the disorders\\nof the Bishops he assembled numerous Coun-\\ncils, and he enforced the observance of their\\ncanons thus he infused sudden energies into\\na body too torpid for self-reform; and he\\nendeavored to perpetuate the impulse by\\npromoting education and rewarding litera-\\nture. The last, in truth, was that which gave\\nhis other measures their efficacy for above\\nsixty years after his death, under the feeble\\nsceptres of Lewis and Charles, the spirit sent\\nforth by Charlemagne continued to animate\\nthe Church. Very general activity and supe-\\nrior intelligence distinguished the Clergy,\\nespecially the higher orders and the frequen-\\ncy with .which they assembled their Councils,\\nand the important regulations which they\\nenacted, evinced a zeal for the restoration of\\necclesiastical discipline, which was not wholly\\nwithout effect. Lewis was probably sincei e\\nin his co-operation for that purpose but the\\nmerit of having directed, or even vigorously\\nstimulated, the exertions of his prelates cannot\\nSome ingenious inventions of Gerbert are men-\\ntioned in the Hist. Litt. de la France. His various\\nvirtues are higlily extolled in the same work and the\\nonly fault which his eulogists can find in his character\\nis, that he used too much flattery in making his court\\nto the great. The grandees of tlie tenth century\\nappear to have pardoned him this imperfectiou.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0233.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "nQ\\nHISTORY OF THE \u00e2\u0082\u00acHURCH.\\njustly be ascribed to so weak a prince.\\nRespecting Charles, there seems reason to\\nsuspect, that he, as well as his nobles, regard-\\ned with some jealousy the progress of reform,\\nand that the attempts, so numerous during\\nhis reign, should rather be attributed to the\\nperseverance of the Bishops, and especially\\nof Hincmar, than to the virtue or wisdom of\\nthe secular government. In proof of this\\nopinion (which, if true, is not without import-\\nance) we may mention the following circum-\\nstance. In the year 844, Councils were held\\nat Thionville and Verneuil for the remedy\\nof abuses both in Church and State their\\nregulations were confirmed and amplified in\\nthe year following at Meaux, and after that\\nat Paris and on this last occasion the prelates\\nrecurred with some impatience to the exhor-\\ntations which they had frequently and inef-\\nfectually addressed to the Throne, and to\\nthat neglect they presumed to ascribe the\\ntemporal calamities which then afflicted the\\ncountiy. Presentlj^ afterwards, in an assem-\\nbly of Barons held at Epernay, the Canons\\nof Meaux and Paris were taken into consider-\\nation and while those which restricted eccle-\\nsiastics received the King s assent, others\\nwhich touched the vices of the nobility were\\nentirely rejected.f Nevertheless, Councils\\ncontinued to meet with great frequency\\ndliring this reign but we must not suppose\\nthat all of them had the same grand object\\nsome were convoked to arrange the disputes\\nof the Bishops, either among themselves, or\\nwith the Pope, or with the King others met\\nto restrain, had it been possible, the general\\nlicentiousness of the times and of many it\\nIt appears from one of the Canons here published,\\nthat, in contempt of Charlemagne s Capitulary, the\\nmilitary service of the Bishops was already renewed,\\nif indeed it was ever wholly discontinued.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0j: Ffeury, L xlvili., s. 35.\\nX France was at this time the principal scene of\\necclesiastical exertion. During the forty-six years of\\nCharlemagne s reign, the number of Councils which\\nmet in France was thirty-five. Lewis, in twenty-six\\nyears, held twenty-nine, but na less than sixty-nine\\nwere assembled during the thirty-seven years of\\nCharles the Bald.. Their frequency then g,radually\\ndecreased; and in the following hundred and ten\\nyears, to the accession of Hugh Capet, we observe no\\nmore than fifty-six.\\n\u00c2\u00a7The disorders of the age are vtvidly depicted in\\nthe prefatory Exposition of the Council of Mayence in\\n888. Behold the magnificent edifices, which the\\nservants of God were wont to inhabit, destroyed and\\nburnt to ashes the altars overthrown and trampled\\nunder foot, the most precious ornaments of the\\nChurches dispersed or consumed the Bishops, Priests,\\nwas the principal purpose to launch excom-\\nmunication and anathema against the spolia-\\ntors of ecclesiastical property, and to protect\\nthe persons of clerks and monks and nuns\\nfrom the violence of the laity.\\nIt is not easy either to specify any partic-\\nular changes introduced into the discipline of\\nthe Church during these ages, oi* precisely to\\ndetermine the rigor of that discipline for\\nsuch innovations are for the most part of slow\\nand almost insensible growth and, though\\nthe canonical regulations are in themselves\\nsufficiently explicit, their enforcement de-\\npended in each diocese on the authority or\\ncharacter of the Bishop. If, indeed, it had\\nbeen possible at once to force into full oper-\\nation the principles pf the False Decretals,\\nthe sudden revolution thus occasioned would\\nhave been perceptible to the eye of the most\\ncareless historian but the pretensions which\\nthey contained were utterly disproportioned\\nto the power which the See then possessed\\nof asserting them. Their tacit acknowledg-\\nment led to their gradual adoption and in\\nthe patient progi-ess of this usurpation every\\nstep that was gained gave fresh vigor, as well\\nas loftier ground, to the usurper but in the\\nninth century the French were too indepen-\\ndent entirely to submit to the servitude in-\\ntended for them, and in the tenth the Popes\\nwere too weak and contemptible eflTectually\\nto impose it. Nevertheless, time and igno-\\nrance were steadily engaged in sanctifying\\nthe imposture, and preparing it for more\\nmischievous service in the hand of Hilde-\\nbrand.\\nThough we propose to defer a little longer\\nany general account of the Monastic Order,\\nit is proper here to notice that very power-\\nand other Clerks, together with Laymen of every age\\nand sex, overtaken by sword or fire, or some other\\nmanner of massacre, c. Similar calamities are\\neven more particularly detailed by the Council of\\nTrosle in 909, attended with some charges of spiritual\\nnegligence in the Bishops themselves. (See Fleury,\\n1. liv., s. 2 and 44.) In 865, Pope Nicholas address-\\ned some strong pacific exhortations to the princes of\\nFrance: Parcite gladio: humanum fundere sangui-\\nnem formidolosius exhorrescite cesset ira, sedentuF\\nodia, sopiantur jurgia, et omnis ex vobis simultaa\\nradicitus evellatur. Non in vobis vanae gloriae\\ntypus, non alterius usurpandi terminos ambitio, sed\\njustitia, charitas, et concordia regnet et summum pax\\ninter vos teneat omnino fastigium. But such gener-\\nal addresses had probably little effect; and the first\\nauthoritative interference of the Church for the partial\\nrestoration of peace, and the institution of the Tr^ve\\nde Dieu, took place in the first half of the eleventh\\ncentury.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0234.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "DISCIPLINE.\\n227\\nful renovation of the system which was ac-\\ncomphshed about this time by Benedict of\\nAniane\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a venerable name, which yields to\\nnone save Benedict of Nursia, in the reve-\\nrence of monkish annalists. He was con-\\ntemporary with Charlemagne and his suc-\\ncessor, and was called in 817 to preside at\\nthe Council assembled at Aix-la-Chapelle for\\nthe reform of monastic abuses. The regula-\\ntions which were then enacted, though they\\noffended the simplicity of the primitive rule\\nby many frivolous injunctions, were still use-\\nful in recalling to some form of discipline the\\nbroken ranks of the regular clergy. We\\nshould also mention, that the institution of\\nCanons Regular, by Chrodegand, Bishop of\\nMetz, was undertaken during the same pe-\\nriod, and was completed under Lewis the\\nMeek in a Council, also held at Aix-la-Cha-\\npelle, in 826.\\nThe original form of Episcopal election\\nhad been habitually violated by the barbarian\\nkmgs and if it was nominally restored by\\nCharlemagne, it still appears that he contin-\\nued in practice to profit by the usurpation of\\nhis predecessors, and to fill up vacant sees\\nby his own direct appointment. Lewis, how-\\never, had not been long on the throne, when\\nhe published (seemingly at the Parliament of\\nAttigni in 822) a capitulary to reinstate the\\nChurch in her pristine rights. Nor was this\\nconcession merely formal on the contrary,\\nit was brought into immediate force, and for\\nsome time actually directed the form of elec-\\ntion. For instance, we observe that, in the\\nyear 845, Hincmar was raised to the See of\\nliheims by the Clergy and people of Rheiras,\\nby the Bishops of the province, with the con-\\nsent of the Archbishop of Sens, the Bishop\\nof Paris, and the Abbot of St. Denis his su-\\nperior, and with the approbation of the King\\nand from several monuments of that age, and\\nespecially the letters of Hincmar himself,\\nIt appears that, as soon as the vacancy was de-\\nclared, the King appointed from among the Bishops a\\nvisiter to the vacant see, who presided at the election.\\nThe only persons eligible (or very nearly so) were the\\nClergy of the diocese but they were not the only\\nelectors the monasteries and the Curates, or paro-\\nchial Clergy, sent their deputies. Nor were the no-\\nble laymen or the citizens of the city excluded on\\nthe principle that all should assist in the election of\\none whom all were bound to obey. (See Fleury, 1.\\nxlvi.,s. 47; 1. xlviii.,s. 38; 1. liii., s. 33.) Still\\nit would appear, even from the expression of Hinc-\\nmar, in an epistle to Charles on this subject, as well\\nas from a Canon of the Council of Valence held in\\n855, that the Church exercised the privilege rather\\nas an indulgence fi om the Sovereign, than by it^ own\\nw^e learn, that, at least during the reign of\\nCharles, the Church continued in the recov-\\nered possession of her original liberty.\\nTranslation of Bishops. The translation\\nof Bishops continued to be prohibited during\\nthe ninth century, according to the ancient\\ncanons and though the rule might be occa-\\nsionally violated by the interference of the\\nPrince, and though the Pope did occasion-\\nally, though rarely, exercise that pernicious\\npower which the Decretals, false as they\\nwere, and fatal to ecclesiastical discipline,\\nnevertheless gave him, the clergy and the\\npeople labored to maintain the ancient and\\nsalutary practice. It appears, however, fi ora\\na very strange occurrence, which is related\\nto have passed in this age, tliat the Bishops\\nof Rome, however willing to exert their\\ngroundless authority elsewhere, were ex-\\ntremely jealous of any translation to their\\nown See. In the year 892, Formosus was\\nraised from the See of Porto to that of Rome\\nhe was a prelate of great piety and consid-\\nerable attainments, but he offered the first\\ninstance of the elevation of a foreign Bishop\\nto the throne of St. Peter. He held it for\\nabout four years, and died in possession of it.\\nBut scarcely were his ashes cold, when his\\nsuccessor, Stephen VL, a name which has\\nearned peculiar distinction even among the\\npontifical barbarians of those days, sum-\\nmoned a Council to sit in judgment on the\\ndeceased. Formosus was dragged from his\\ngrave and introduced into the midst of the\\nassembly. He was then solemnly reinvested\\nwith the ornaments of office, and placed in\\nthe Apostolical chair, and the mockery of an\\nadvocate to plead in his defence Was added.\\nThen Stephen inquired of his senseless pre-\\ndecessor Wherefore, Bishop of Porto, hast\\nthou urged thy ambition so far, as to usurp\\nthe See of Rome The Council immedi-\\nately passed the sentence of deposition and\\nthe condemned carcass, after being stripped\\nof the sacred vestments and brutally mutila-\\nted, was cast contemptuously into the Tiber.\\nBut the day of retribution was neai- at hand,\\nfor, in the order of Providence, the most re-\\nvolting offences are sometimes overtaken by\\nthe swiftest calamities. Only a few weeks\\noriginal and lawful right. The Prince shall be pe-\\ntitioned to leave to the Clergy and People the liberty\\nof election. The Bishop shall be chosen from the\\nClergy of the Cathedral or of the Diocese, or at least\\nof its immediate neighborhood. If a Clerk attached\\nto the service of the Prince is proposed, his capacity\\nand his morals shall be rigorously examined, c\\nCouncil of Valence.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0235.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "228\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nelapsed, and Stephen himself was seized, and\\ndriven from the See and thrown into an ob-\\nscure dungeon, loaded with chains, where he\\nwas presently strangled.\\nIt had been hitherto the practice of the\\nBishop of Rome to retain on his election the\\nname by which he had been previously\\nknown: the first exception to this rule took\\nplace in the tenth century. In 956, Octavi-\\nanus, a noble Roman, W\u00c2\u00a3is raised to the See\\nat the age of eighteen, and expressed his\\ndetermination to assume the name of John\\nXII.* It does not appear that his boyish\\ninclination was opposed and it is certain\\nthat the precedent was very soon and ver}^\\ngenerally followed. Neither was the exam-\\nple of Formosus forgotten in succeeding\\nelections, though it was not so commonly\\nimitated but before the end of this age we\\nfind that Gerbert, Archbishop of Ravenna,\\nbecame, by a double change, Sylvester, Bish-\\nop of Rome, without any offence or reproach.\\nx^mong the inferior clergy, the canonical\\ndiscipline was extremely rigid it was strict-\\nly forbidden to undertake the charge of two\\nchurches, to hold a prebend f in a monastery\\nwith a parochial cure, or even to exchange\\none church for another. That these regu-\\nlations were sometimes, perhaps generally,\\nenforced, appears from the earnestness with\\nwhich they are pressed by Hincmar and it\\nis from his Synodal Statutes, even more than\\nSee Pagi. Breviar. Gest.. Rom. Pont. Vit. Jo-\\nhan. Xn.\\nt A Prebend then signified the divideitd afforded\\nto a Canon for his subsistence. The prohibition Avas\\nrepeated in 889 by the Council of Metz which seems\\nto prove that it was either not generally received^ or\\nimperfectly obeyed.\\n:J: We have very little space for quotations, but the\\nfollowing are curious I have often notified to you\\nrespecting the poor who are inscribed in the Books\\nof the Church, how you ought to treat them and dis-\\ntribute to them a part of the tithe. I have forbidden\\nyou to receive, in return for their portion (called ma-\\ntricula,) either present or service, in the house or\\nelsewhere. I persist in forbidding it; since such\\nconduct is to sell charity. I declare to you, that the\\npriest who does so, shall be deposed, and even the\\nportion of the tithe which is given to other paupers\\nshall be refused to him. Again I learn that some\\namong, you neglect their churches and buy private\\nproperty which they cultivate, and build houses there\\nin which women reside; and that they do not be-\\nqueath their property to {he Church, according to the\\nCanons, but to their relatives or others. Be inform-\\ned that I shall punish with the utmost rigor of the\\nRules those whom I shall find guilty of this abuse.\\nIt was another of Hincmar s meritorious endeavors\\nto restrict the abuse of private patronage, by r^fusino-\\nfrom the Canons of Councils, that we leam\\nthe practice of the Gallican Church during\\nthe ninth century that of the Churches of\\nItaly was probably less severe.\\nClaudius, Bishop of Turin. The practice\\nof Auricular Confession, which, though gen-\\nerally prevalent, was not universally received\\nin the time of Charlemagne, may be said to\\nhave completed its establishniem during the\\ntwo following ages. We observe, too, in the\\nannals of those times, that the transfer of re-\\nlics from place to place was carried on with\\nextraordinary ardor, proportioned to the sanc-\\ntity attached to them, and to the wonders\\nwhich they are recorded to have wrought.\\nThis superstition was, indeed, boldly assailed\\nby one real Christian,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Claudius, Bishop of\\nTurin, f the Protestant of the ninth century.\\nordination to every unworthy candidate. See Flevt-\\nry,l. lii.,s. 28.\\nThe travels of St. Vitus from Leucadia to Rome,\\nfrom Rome to Saxony, may not perhaps deserve to\\nbe traced by us biit we may be excused for pursuing\\nthe history of a pious prelate, whose living virtues\\nwe found occasion to mention St. Martin of Tours.\\nAbout the middle of the ninth century, the approach\\nof the Normans made it expedient to remove the ven-\\nerable relics of that Saint from Tours to Auxerre,\\nwhere he was confided, as a temporary deposit, to the\\ncare of the Bishop. Duiing one-and-thirty years of\\nexile, St. Martin continued to perform the most stu-\\npendous miracles and thus he became so valuable to\\nthe Bishop of Auxerre, that when restitution was de-\\nmanded, that prelate at once refused it. Hereupon\\nthe Archbishop of Tours prevailed upon a powerful\\nBaron, whose domains were adjacent, to avenge the\\nperfidy and to recover the treasm e by force^ Thu\u00c2\u00bb\\nSt. Martin returned triumphantly to his native city,\\nescorted by a band of six thousand soldiers. The sto-\\nry is told in the last chapter of Fleury, Book liii.\\nAgain, in theyear 826, two holy Abbots set out from\\nFrance to Rome, in order to bring away the bodies\\nof St. Sebastian, and even of St. Gregory himself.\\nThey returned triumphant the former had been sol-\\nemnly granted to the Emperor by the Pope the lat-\\nter they had stolen away by a pious artifice. Their\\nsuccess is recorded by Eginhard, or Einhard, the con-\\ntemporary biographer of Charlemagne.. But the loss-\\nhas never been acknowledged by the Romans, nor is\\nk probable that they ever sustained it.\\nt He was a native of Spain, and died in his diocese\\nof Turin, about the year 840. His vigorous opposi-\\ntion to the worship of images could not be so gener-\\nally unpopular on the other side of the Alps as in Ita-\\nly yet we observe that one of his principal opponents\\nwas Jonas,, a Bishop of Orleans. It was another of\\nhis errors that he denied that the power of the priest-\\nhood, to bind and loose, extended beyond this world;\\nand the last, and probably the greatest, that he as-\\nserted the term Apostolical Father to be properly\\napplied, not to hiiii who filled the chair of the Apos-\\ntle, but to him who discharged the duties attached to", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0236.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "EXTERNAL FORTUNES.\\n229\\nWherefore (he indignantly exclaimed) do\\nnot the worshippers of the wood of the Cross,\\nin conformity with their new principles, adore\\nchaplets of thorns, because Christ was crown-\\ned with thorns, or cradles, linen, or boats,\\nbecause he made use of them, or spears, be-\\ncause he was pierced with that weapon Or\\nwhy do they not fall down before the image\\nof an ass, because he rode on that animal\\nChrist Jesus did not command us to wor-\\nship the Cross, but to bear it to renounce\\nthe world and ourselves. The inconsistency\\nwhich the pious Bishop objected to his Church\\nwas indeed, to a great extent, removed by the\\nmultiplied corruptions of after ages but\\nthe remonstrances of the Reformer roused\\nthe indignation of his contemporaries his\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0endeavor to distinguish the corruptions from\\nthe substance of the system brought down\\nupon him the usual reproaches of hostility\\nand schism from the more rigid Churchmen\\nof the day and had he lived in an age in\\nwhich the secular power was subsei-vient to\\nto their principles, he would have been va-\\nriously known to posterity, as a chastised\\nheretic or as a blessed martyr.\\nDuring this same period the penitential\\nsystem of the Church underwent a more\\nregular organization ecclesiastical f punish-\\nments were adjusted with more discrimina-\\ntion to the offence of the penitent, and greater\\nuniformity of practice was established in the\\ndifferent dioceses. The Liturgy received\\nseveral improvements indeed it assumed at\\nthis time the form in which it was transmit-\\nted, with very slight, if any, variation to the\\nmore splendid ages of the Roman Church.\\nThe celebration of the religious offices, their\\nrules, and their history employed the dili-\\nit. The works for which Claudius was particularly\\ncelebrated, were his Commentaries on Scripture, both\\nof the Old and New Testament.\\nSee Gilly s Introduction to the History of the\\nWaldenses.\\nt The following passage (from Hincmar s Instruc-\\ntions to his Clergy, published about 857) shows the\\nextent to which the arm of the Clergy then reached,\\nas well as the manner in which it acted. As soon\\nas a homicide, or any other public crime, shall have\\nbeen committed, the curate (the resident clergyman)\\nshall signify to the culprit to present himself before\\nthe Doyen and the other curates, and to submit to pe-\\nnance and they shall send information to their supe-\\nriors, who reside in the city, so that, in the course of\\na fortnight, the offender may appear before us and re-\\nceive public penance with imposition of hands. The\\nday on which the crime was committed shall be care-\\nfully noted down, as well as that on which the penance\\nwas imposed. When the curates shall assemble at\\nthe calends they shall confer together respecting their\\ngence of the learned, and received elaborate\\nand useful illustrations. The credit of these\\nexertions belongs indeed entirely to the theo-\\nlogians of the ninth century but the works\\nwhich they raised, after resisting the tempests\\nwhich followed, continued to constitute an\\nunportant portion of the ecclesiastical edifice.\\nIV. External progress of Christianity.\\nDuring the period which we have now des-\\ncribed, while the centre and heart of Chris-\\ntendom was for the most part cold and cor-\\nrupted, the vital stream was ceaselessly flow-\\ning towai ds the northern extremities of Eu-\\nrope. It would be an attractive, and it might\\nbe a profitable employment to trace the fee-\\nble and sometimes ineffectual missions, which\\nintroduced our holy religion among the Pa-\\ngans of Denmark, Sweden, Russia, and Nor-\\nway, and to observe the other circumstances\\nwhich, in conjunction with their pious per-\\nseverance, finally established it there. This\\nmighty success we may consider to have been\\nobtained before the middle of the eleventh\\ncentury: not, perhaps, that the faith of Christ\\nwas universally embraced by the lowest clas-\\nses, still less was it thoroughly comprehended\\nor practised; but it had gained such deep\\nand general footing, as to secure its final and\\nperfect triumph.\\nDenmark and Sweden. We shall concisely\\nmention some of the leading ch curastances\\nby which this great event was accomplished.\\nHeriold, King of Denmark, an exile and a\\nsuppliant at the court of Lewis the Meek,\\nwas there prevailed upon to adopt the Chris-\\ntian religion. But as this conversion did not\\nseem calculated to facilitate his restoration to\\nhis throne, Lewis presented him with an es-\\ntate in Friesland, for which he departed. He\\nwas accompanied to that retreat by a monk\\nof Corbie, named Anscaire or Ansgarius, a\\nyoung and fearless enthusiast, ardent for the\\ntoils of a missionary and the glory of a mar-\\ntyr. His first exertions were made in Den-\\npenitents, to inform us in what manner each performs\\nhis penance, that we may judge when he ought to be\\nreconciled to the Church. If the criminal does not\\nsubmit to the penance within the days specified, he\\nshall be excommunicated until he does submrt.\\nAmalarius, a disciple of Alcuin, clerk of the\\nchurch of Metz, was, among these, the most celebra-\\nted. His corrected Treatise on the Ecclesiastical\\nOffices was published, under the auspices of Lewis,\\nin the year 831 and it is highly valued by Roman\\nCatholic writers as proving the very high antiquity\\nof the greater part of the services of their Church\\nFleury gives a short account of this work in I. xlvii.,\\ns. S6.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0237.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "230\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6-nark; presently afterwards (in 830) he ad-\\nvanced into Sweden and such promise of\\nsuccess attended him, that Lewis determined\\nto establish an Archiepiscopal See at Ham-\\nburgh, as the centre of future operations.\\nGregory IV. gave his consent, and bestowed\\nthe palhum, together with the dignity of\\nPontifical Legate, upon Ansgarius. Thus\\nexalted and strengthened, he persevered in\\nhis enterprise, encouraging the exertions of\\nothers, and not sparing his own. And what-\\nsoever degree of credit we may find it pos-\\nsible to attach to the stories of supernatural\\nassistance, continually vouchsafed both to him\\nand his ministers, we may be assured that the\\ncharacter, with which he was occasionally\\ninvested, of Ambassador from the Emperor\\nof the West, together with the fame of his\\nprivate sanctity, gave additional efficacy to\\nhis religious labors. The account of Anscaire s\\nsuccessful expedition into Sweden (in the year\\n854,) as it is transmitted to us from early days,\\ncontains much that is curious, and nothing\\nthat is improbable. When the Bishop arriv-\\ned at the capital, he communicated to the\\nKing, Olef or Olave, the object of his mis-\\nsion. The King replied I would willing-\\nly consent to your desire, but I can accord\\nnothing until I have consulted our gods by\\nthe lot, and till I know the will of the people,\\nwho have more influence in public affairs\\nthan I have. Olef first consulted his nobles,\\nand, after the customary probation by lot, the\\ngods were ascertained to be favorable to the\\nproposal. The General Assembly of the\\npeople was then convoked and the King\\ncaused a herald to proclaim the object of the\\nimperial embassy. The people murmured\\nloudly and while they were yet divided in\\ntheir opinions as to the reception of the reli-\\ngion of Christ, an old man rose up among\\nthem and said King and people listen to\\nme. We are already acquainted with the\\nservice of that God, and he has been found\\nof great assistance to those who invoke him.\\nThere are many among us who have expe-\\nrienced it in perils by sea and on other occa-\\nsions why, then, should we reject Him\\nFornjerly there were some who travelled to\\nDorstadt for the sake of embracing that re-\\nligion of which they well knew the utility\\nwhy, then, should we now refuse that bles-\\nAfter relating some extraordinary prodigies (I.\\nxlix., s. 19,) Fleury observes These miracles de-\\nserve belief, if ever there were any which did so,\\nsince they are related in the Life of St. Anscaire by\\nRembert, his disciple and successor; and if we are\\nuitted to assort^ that there is any occasion on\\nsing, when it is here proposed and presented\\nto us The people were convinced by this\\ndiscourse, and unanimously consented to the\\nestablishment of the Christian religion, and\\nthe residence of its ministers among them.\\nAnscarius died ten years afterwards and the\\nfootsteps which he had traced in that rude\\nsoil were greatly defaced during the follow-\\ning century, though it is too much to assert\\nthat they were wholly obliterated.\\nRussia, Poland and Hungary. Some ex-\\nertions were made for the conversioji of the\\nSclavonians about the middle of the ninth\\nage but that event was not finally accom-\\nplished until the conquest of Bohemia by\\nOtho, in the year 950. In the same manner\\nBasil, the Emperor of the East, in conjunc-\\ntion with his patriarch Ignatius, endeavored\\nto introduce into the heart of Russia the\\nknowledge of the Gospel. An Archbishop\\nwas purposely ordained and sent on that mis-\\nsion and a miracle, which was performett\\nin the presence of the prince and his people,\\nobtained a partial reception for the new reli-\\ngion. This event occurred in 871 but the\\nfaith made little consequent progress, and its\\nministers were subjected to insult and perse-\\ncution nor are we justified in assigning the\\ncomplete conversion of that nation to a period\\nearlier than the end of the tenth century. In\\n989 Vladimer, Prince of the Russians, espous-\\ned the sister of the Emperors Basil and Con\\nstantine, and embraced, in consequence, the\\nChristian belief. He lived to an extreme ola\\nage, and during a long reign found many im-\\nitators his faith became the rule of their\\nworship and the knowledge of its principles\\nand the practice of its precepts were pre\\nceded, as in so many other instances, by its\\nbare nominal profession. About twenty\\nyears earlier the Duke of Poland, whose con-\\nversion is also attributed to the influence of a\\nChristian Queen, promoted the spiritual re-\\nwhich God might be expected to perform miracles it\\nis doubtless in support of his infant Churches/ a re-\\nligious and pious observation, to which we give our\\nfull assent. But the work of Rembert is lost, and\\nour only accounts of Ansgarius are derived from the\\nancient chronicles. See Baronius, Ann. 858, s. 14,\\n15, c. and Fleury, 1. xlix., s. 21, and 1. Iv s. 19.\\nWe are not to suppose that even the general pro-\\nfession of the faith was immedi-ate in fact we ob-\\nserve that a pious missionary of the Roman Church,\\nnamed Bruno or Boniface, was massacred in the ye r\\n1009, with several associates, by certain Russians\\nwhom he would have converted. His ardor for mar-\\ntyrdom was roused by the sight of a church, dedica-\\nted at Rome to the ancient martyr Boniface.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See\\nFetrus Damiani ap. Baron. Ann. 996, s. 33,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0238.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "OREGORY VII.\\n231\\ngeneralion of his subjects; aiid, during the\\nfirst year of the following age, Stephen, King\\nor Duke of Hungary, undertook, with still\\ngreater zeal and success, the same holy en-\\nterprise.\\nThe above facts, though so briefly stated,\\nare perhaps sufficient to prove to us (and\\ncould we pursue them more deeply into de-\\ntail the inference would be still clearer) that,\\nin those days, the public preaching of pious\\nindividuals was extremely uncertain in its ef-\\nfect upon the mass of the community, unless\\nwhen supported by the example or authority\\nof chiefe and princes. Nor is this surprising;\\nfor to nations wholly uncivilized and unin-\\nstructed it is almost hopeless to address the\\nrevelations of truth or the persuasions of rea-\\nson. And accordingly we observe, that the\\nKttle perceptible success which attended those\\nmissionaries in their direct intercourse with\\nthe people is usually ascribed to their miraeu-\\nlous powers, or possibly to the sanctity of\\ntheir character-; seldom to their arguments\\nor their eloquence. But it would have been\\nthe gi-eatest of all miracles had this been\\notherwise the barbarians were too deeply\\nplunged in ignorance and superstition long\\nto listen to any admonitions which were not\\naddressed to them by the voice of power.\\nAnd thus, when it pleased God in due season\\nto bri\u00c2\u00abg them over to his own service, it may\\nbe that He vouchsafed to them some faint and\\noccasional manifestations of his own omnipo-\\ntence but it was certainly fi-om amongst the\\npowers and principalities of this world, that\\nhe selected his most efficient earthly instru-\\nments.\\nThe JVormans and Turks. In the mean-\\ntime, during the accomplishment of these\\ngradual and distant conquests, the Saracens\\nhad wasted the south of Italy, and approached\\nthe very walls of the pontifical city. On the\\nother side, for their chastisement and expul-\\nsion, a new and vigorous race presented itself)\\nrecently sent forth from the extremities of the\\nNorth. And (what, besides, is a strange co-\\nincidence, and deserving of more curious ob-\\nservation than we can here bestow upon it)\\nwhile the Norman Pagans were overspread-\\ning some of the fairest provinces of the West\\nwith fire and relentless desolation, the Turk-\\nish Pagans of the East were entering, even at\\nthe same moment, on their pestilential career\\nof conquest. The former adopted the religion\\nof the vanquished, and then, by the infusion\\nof their own vigorous character, they made\\nsome compensation to Christendom for the\\nwrongs which they had inflicted. In like\\nmanner did the Turks embrace the rehgion,\\nwhile they overthrew the dynasty of the\\nArabs, who preceded them and not their\\ndynasty only, but their arts, their industry,\\nand their genius. And, in the place of these,\\nthey substituted a savage and sullen despotism,\\nalike destructive to the character and the fac-\\nulties, since its firmest principles are founded\\nin superstition, and bigotry is the legitimate\\nspirit by which it is warmed and animated.\\nIt is, indeed, true, that the Arabian invaders\\nhad devastated many flourishing Christian\\ncountries without justice and without mercy\\nbut it was no mild or insufficient retribution,\\nwhich so soon subjected them to the deadly\\nscourge of Turkish oppression.\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\nThe Life of Gregory VH.\\nWe shall divide this long and important chap-\\nter into three sections. The first will contain\\nthe principal events which were brought about\\nby the Popes who immediately preceded Gre-\\ngory and acted under his influence. The sec-\\nond will describe the great ecclesiastical and\\npolitical occurrences of his pontificate. In\\nthe third we shall consider separately the con-\\ntroversy concerning Berenger, and the general\\nestablishment of the Latin Liturgy.\\nSection L\\nPope Leo IX. Early History of Hildebrand Succession\\nof Victor II. of Stephen IX. of Nicholas II. his\\nMeasure respecting Papal Election the College of\\nCardinals imperfection of that Measure Subsequent\\nand final Regulation Inconveniences of popular Suf-\\nfrage Restriction of the Imperial Right of Confirma-\\ntion Homage of Robert Guiscard and the Normans\\nDissensions on the Death of Nicholas Succession of\\nAlexander II. actual Supremacy of Hildebrand\\nMeasures taken during that Pontificate Alexander is\\nsucceeded by Hildebrand, under the title of Gregory\\nVII.\\nGreat hopes were entertained that the disor-\\nders of Italy and the calamities of the Church\\nwould find some respite, if not a final tennin-\\nation, on the accession of Leo IX. This Pope\\n(Bruno, Bishop of Toul), a native of Germany\\nand of splendid reputation, as well for learning\\nas for piety, was appointed by the Emperor\\nHenry III. at the request of the Romans, and\\nascended the chair in the year 1049 and the\\ndignity of his royal connexion confirmed the\\nhopes which his personal virtues had excited.\\nWe are informed* that while he was proceed-\\nGiannoni, Storia di Napoli, 1. ix., s. 3. Mura-\\ntori, Vit. Rom. Pontif., t. iii., p. 2. The earliest", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0239.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "S32\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ning through France into Italy in his pontifical\\nvestments, he became acquainted at Cluni\\nwith a monk named Hildebrand; who pre-\\nvailed upon him to lay aside those ornaments\\nwhich he had prematurely assumed, to enter\\nRome in the dress of a pilgrim, and there to\\nreceive from the Clergy and people that apos-\\ntolical ofiice which no layman had the right\\nto confer. The Pope was struck by the talents\\nand character of this Monk, and carried him\\nalong with him to Rome.\\nHildebrand was probably a native of Saona,\\nin Tuscany, and (so at least it is generally as-\\nserted) of low origin;* yet he became early\\nin life the disciple of Laurence, Archbishop\\nof Melpha; presently he gained the notice\\nand even the confidence of Benedict IX. and\\nGregory VI., and it was not till tlie death of\\nthe latter that he retired to the monastery of\\nCluni. From a retreat so little suited to his\\nresdess spirit he was finally called by Leo IX.\\nto that vast theatre of ecclesiastical ambition,\\nin which so extraordinary a part was destined\\nto himself\\nLeo presided over the Church for five years\\nhis reign was distinguished by some attempts\\nat salutary reform, and especially by the fam-\\nous Council which he held at Rheims with\\ntliat purpose (or under that pretext,) in defi-\\nance of the royal authority, f On his death\\nthe election of a successor was confided by\\nthe clergy of Rome to the judgment and ad-\\ndress of Hildebrand. He selected Victor II.,\\nand obtained, by a difficult negotiation, his\\nconfirmation from the Emperor. During this\\nPontificate he was sent into France as legate,\\nand vigorously maintained the authority of\\nauthority for tliis story seems to be Otho Frisingensis,\\nwho flourished in the middle of the following century.\\nWibertus, who was Leo s archdeacon and biographer,\\ndoes not mention it. However, the two facts that\\nHildebrand accompanied him to Rome, and that he\\nentered that city in the habit of a pilgrim, are not\\ndisputed. See Pagi, Breviar. Vit. Leo IX.\\nBoth these facts are contested. In the Chronicle\\nof Hugo Flaviniacensis it is expressly asserted that\\nhe was a Roman, born of Roman citizens; and Pa-\\npenbrochius thinks it probable that he was of a noble\\nfamily. Pagi (Vit. Greg. VII. s. 8.) admits that the\\ntruth cannot be clearly ascertained.\\nt He made an unsuccessful campaign against the\\nNormans, and was defeated by them in person tlie\\nyear before his death. On this occasion Hildebrand\\nmay have learnt the policy of cultivating their friend-\\nship.\\n4: Leo Ostiensis, lib. ii., cap. 90. The Emperor\\nprofessed extreme reluctance to part with his coun-\\nsellor and favorite.\\nHe deposed six Bishops on various charges by\\nthe Holy See. Victor was succeeded in 1057\\nby Stephen IX., and on his death, in the year\\nfollowing, a violent division arose among the\\nelectors. The nobles of Rome were for the\\nmost part united, and appear to have made\\na hasty and illegal choice but several Car-\\ndinals, who had no share in this transaction,\\nassembled at Siena and chose another can-\\ndidate, who was finally confirmed and placed\\nin possession of the See by the Empress, the\\nmother of Henry IV. This candidate was\\nNicholas II. and the difficulties which had\\nattended his own election probably led hun,\\nunder the guidance of Hildebrand, his coun-\\nsellor and patron, to that measure, which was\\nthe foundation of Papal independence.\\nEnactment on Papal election. In a late\\nchapter we briefly mentioned what that mea-\\nsure was, and we shall now add a few remai-ks\\nin illustration of it. We have thought prop-\\ner to enact (says the Pontiflf that, upon the\\ndecease of the Bishop of this Roman Univer-\\nsal Church, the aflTair of the election be treat-\\ned first and with most diligent consideration\\nby the Cardinal Bishops who shall afterwards\\ncall into their council the Cardinal Clerks\\nand finally require the consent of the rest of\\nthe Clergy and people. f The term Cardinal\\nhad hitherto been adopted with very great and\\nindefinite latitude in all the Latin Churches,\\nand even applied to the regular orders, as well\\nas to the secular Clergy but by this edict it\\nwas restrained to the seven Bishops who pre-\\nsided in the city and territory of Rome, and\\nto the twenty-eight Clerks or Presbyters, who\\nwere the ministers of the twenty -eight Roman\\nparishes or principal Churches. These five-\\nand-thirty persons constituted the College of\\nCardinals. The previous examination of the\\nclaims of the candidates rested with the Bish-\\nops, but they could not proceed to election\\nthe authority of the Roman See. Respecting one of\\nthese it is recorded by several writers, that having\\nbeen guilty of simony he became unable to articulate\\nthe offended name of the Holy Ghost, though he could\\npronounce those of the Father and the Son without\\nany difficulty. Petrus Damiani, Epist. ad Nicolaum\\nPapam. Desiderius Abbas Cassinensis., c. c.\\nPope Stephen, by consent of the Bishops, Clergy,\\nand Roman people, had ordained that at his death no\\nsuccessor should be chosen, except by the counsel of\\nHildebrand, then Subdeacon of Rome. Hildebrand\\nchose Gerand, Bishop of Florence, who took the\\nname of Nicholas II. Hist. Litt. de la France, Vie\\nNich. II. See also Leo Ostiensis, lib. ii., cap. 101.\\nPagi, Breviar. Vit. Steph. IX.\\nt Mosh. Cent, xi., p. ii., c. ii. The Cardinals\\nwere to be unanimous in their choice. Hist Litt.\\nFranc, Vie Nich. II.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0240.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "GREGORY VII.\\n233\\nexcept in conjunction with the Presbj^ters.\\nThe rest of the Clergy, the nobility, and the\\npeople, were excluded from any positive share\\nm the election, but were allowed a negative\\nsuffrage in giving or withholding their con-\\nsent. It was obvious, that this last provision\\nwould produce frequent disorder and confu-\\nsion, and that those, who had been so sud-\\ndenly deprived of the most substantial part\\nof their rights, would lose no opportunity of\\nabusing that which remained to them. And\\nit is probable that Hildebrand, when he coun-\\nselled a measure of imperfect reform, was\\nobliged to confine himself to what was at the\\nmoment practicable, reserving the completion\\nof his design to some more favorable period.\\nAnd so, indeed, it proved the nobles, the\\nClergy, and the populace continued very fre-\\nquently to disturb the elections which they\\ngradually lost the power to influence and it\\nwas not till the century following that Alex-\\nander III. found means to perfect the scheme\\nof Hildebrand, and finally purify them from\\nall such interference. Thenceforward the\\nright of election was vested in the College\\nof Cardinals alone, and so it has continued to\\nthe present time.\\nNo one acquainted with the frightful f dis-\\norders which were the scandal of the Roman\\nChurch during the two preceding centuries,\\nand vi^hich were occasionally felt even at much\\nearlier periods, will affect to censure a mea-\\nsure which removed the principal cause of\\nthem by subverting the system of popular\\nelection. In defence of a custom, which in\\nprinciple was not calculated for a numerous\\nsociety, and which had been condemned by\\nthe experience of at least five centuries, it was\\nin vain to plead the venerable institution of\\nantiquity. Universal in its origin, it had for\\nsome time been adopted in Episcopal elections\\nthroughout the whole of Christendom but\\nas its inconveniences were multiplied by the\\nincrease of proselytes, it fell into gradual dis-\\nuse, first in the East, and afterwards in the\\nWestern Church and at the period which\\nwe are now describing, it was perhaps no-\\nwhere in full operation except at Rome. The\\nevils, which at Rome it had so pre-eminently\\nproduced, abundantly justify the wisdom of\\nthe Reformer.^\\nThe College received, on that occasion, some\\nadditions for the purpose of conciliating the aristoc-\\nracy and the civil authorities but the people gained\\nlittle or nothing by them.\\nt Giannoni (Hist. Nap., 1. v., c. vi.) details them\\nwith great force.\\nJ Gibbon seems to have considered the Popes as\\n30\\nImperial Confirmation. We have also men-\\ntioned another important clause contained in\\nthe Edict of Nicholas that which reduced\\nthe imperial confirmation to a mere personal\\nprivilege, conferred indeed on Henry IIL, but\\nliable to be withheld from his successors.*\\nThe long minority of that Prince, and the\\nweakness of his government, favoured this\\nusurpation, and accelerated the result which\\nHildebrand foresaw from it, namely, total\\nemancipation from imperial interference. In\\nfact, the very following Pontiff, Alexander\\nII., maintained himself without the sanction,\\nand even against the will, of the Emperor\\nand though Gregory himself vouchsafed to\\ndefer his own consecration till Henry had rat-\\nified his election, succeeding Popes did not on\\nany occasion acknowledge such right- as any\\nlonger vested in the Throne, but proceeded\\nto the exercise of their office, without await-\\ning even the form of confirmation from Ger-\\nmany. Thus we perceive that the celebrated\\nCouncil of 1059 was the instrument of finally\\naccomplishing (and that at no very distant\\nperiod) both the objects at which it aimed,\\nwithout the power of immediately effecting\\neither the entire independence of papal elec-\\ntion from the opposite restraints of popular\\nsuffrage and imperial confirmation. It is true\\nendeared to the people by the practice of popular\\nelection. The affection of the Romans for their\\nPopes (we speak not now of those earlier ages when\\nall episcopal elections were popular) was probably\\nconfined to that period which intervened between their\\nneglect by the Eastern Emperor and the accession of\\nCharlemagne and during that interval, while en-\\ndangered by the constant invasions of the Lombards,\\nthey were certainly and strongly attached to their\\nleader by the sense of common peril. There are also\\nother and more respectable reasons for that attach-\\nment. The Popes of that time were generally Ro-\\nmans by birth, and known to their subjects, as they\\nare known to posterity, by their piety and their vir-\\ntues. The ecclesiastical revenues were employed to\\nprotect the Churches and convents against a barbarous\\nand Arian foe; and the affection awakened by the\\nmerits of the Popes was multiplied by their services.\\nSee Sismondi, Republ. Ital., c. iii.\\nIt is important to cite the words of this Edict.\\nCardinales Episcopi diligentissima simul considera-\\ntione tractantes raox sibi Clericos Cardinales adhi-\\nbeant, sicque reliquus Clerus et populus ad consensum\\nnovae electionis accedant. Eligant autem\\nde ipsius Ecclesige gremio, si repertus fuerit idoneus\\net si de ipsa non invenitur ex alia assumatur salvo\\ndebito honore et reverentia dilecti Filii nostri Henri-\\nci, qui imprsesentiarum Rex habetur, et futurus Tm-\\nperator Deo concedente speratur, sicut jam ipsi con-\\ncessimus, et successorum illius qui ab Apostolica\\nSede personaliter hoc jus impetraverint. Pagi,\\nBrev. Vit. Nicolai II., s. 7.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0241.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "234\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\nthat Hildebrand lived not to behold with his\\nown eyes the completion of the work which\\nhe had projected; but such is commonly the\\nfate of those who engage in comprehensive\\nschemes of reformation, and whose measures\\nare accommodated to their permanent fulfil-\\nment. The work which they build is not for\\nthe gratification of their own vanit}^, or the\\nprofit of their own days it is enough for\\nthem that the structure proceeds with some\\nimmediate advantage and great promise of\\nfuture excellence the use and enjoyment of\\nits perfection is destined to other generations.\\nAnother important event distinguished the\\npontificate of Nicholas. The Norman con-\\nquerors of the South of Italy being harassed\\non the one hand by the hostility of the Greek\\nEmperor, and by the violent incursions of the\\nSaracens on the other, imagined that they\\nshould improve their title to their conquests,\\nand increase their security, if they held them\\nas a fief from the See of Rome. The PontiflT\\nreadily availed himself of a concession, which\\nimplied the acknowledgement of one of the\\nbroadest principles of papal ambition. And\\nthus he consented to receive the homage of\\nthe Normans, and solemnly to create Robert\\nGuiscard Duke of Apulia, Calabria and Sicily,\\non condition that he should observe, as a faith-\\nful vassal, inviolable allegiance, and pay an an-\\nnual tribute, in proof of his subjection to the\\nApostolic See. The pei-manence of this feu-\\ndal grant increases its claims on our attention\\nand the kingdom of the two Sicilies, even as\\nit now subsists, stands on that foundation.\\nThe nature of this ti-ansaction is so closely al-\\nlied to that of others which we are now ap-\\nproaching, that there is no difficulty in tracing\\nIt to the hand of Hildebrand.\\nAlexander 11. On the death of Nicholas in\\n1061, the dissensions which had disturbed his\\nelection were to some extent renewed. The\\nmore powerful party, under the guidance of\\nHildebrand, placed Alexander H. in the chair\\nthe Nobles resisted, and their opposition was\\nencouraged by the direct support of the Em-\\nperor whose confirmation had not been re-\\nquired by the new Pope, and who was justly\\nexasperated at the neglect. Nevertheless, the\\ngenius of Hildebrand triumphed over all dif-\\nficulties and after a contest of three years\\nAlexander was firmly established in the chair,\\nAccepta prius ab iis, cum sacramento, Romanse\\necclesiae fidelitate censuque quotannis per juga bourn\\nsingula denariis duodecim. Leo Ostiensis, lib. iii.\\ncap. 15, The words of the oath are cited by Baron-\\nius.\\nthough it was still feebly disputed with him.\\nHe occupied it for twelve years, and passed\\nthe greater portion of that time in the retire-\\nment of Lucca or Monte Cassino\u00e2\u0080\u0094 but the See\\nlost nothing by his secession, since he intrust-\\ned its various interests and the entire direction\\nof public affairs to the diligent zeal of Hilde-\\nbrand, who had been raised by Nicholas to\\nthe dignity of Archdeacon of Rome, and who\\nexerted there an unbounded and undisguised\\nauthority.*\\nAccordingly we find, during this pontifi\\ncate, (1) that various attempts were made to\\nreform the morals of the Clergy and the\\nabuses of the Church (2) that the famous\\nquestion concerning Investitures was first\\nmoved (3^ that, by a constitution of Alexan-\\nder, no Bishop in the Catholic Church was\\npermitted to exercise his functions, until he\\nhad received the confirmation of the Holy\\nSee f (4) that the Emperor himself was sum-\\nmoned to Rome, to answer to the charge of\\nsimony, and other complaints which had\\nreached the See respecting him. Under\\nthese various heads we perceive the operation\\nof the same master-spirit aiming steadily at\\nthe reform of the Church, at its independence,\\nat the extension of papal authority over the\\nepiscopal order, and over the conduct and\\nsceptre of Princes.\\nAlexander II. died in 1073 and thus for\\nfour-and-twenty years Hildebrand had exer-\\ncised in the Vatican an unremitting influence\\nwhidn had latterly grown into despotic au-\\nthority and thus far contented with the real-\\nity of pontificial power, he had not cared to\\ninvest himself with the name and rank. Per-\\nhaps he had thought the moment not yet ar-\\nrived in which he could occupj^ the office\\nwith dignity, or fill it with gi-eat advantage\\nprobably he was desirous to complete, under\\nother names, the train which he had been\\nlong preparing, and to which he designed to\\nThe foliowing contemporary verses perhaps do\\nnot much exaggerate the actual supremacy of Hilde-\\nbrand.\\nPapam rite colo, sed te prostratus adoro:\\nTu facis hunc dominum te facit ille Deum.\\nVivere vis Romae clara depromito voce.\\nPlus Domino Papae, quam Domno pareo Papae.\\nPetr. Damiani.\\nt St. Marc, p. 460. Hallam (Midd. Ages, c. vii.)\\nconsiders this provision to have contributed more than\\nany other papal privilege, to the maintenance of the\\ntemporal influence, as well as the ecclesiastical su-\\npremacy of Rome.\\nX See Semler, cent. xi. c. 1, and Pagi, Vit. Alex-\\nand. II. sect. 48. This part of Mosheim s history is\\nexceedingly hurried and imperfect.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0242.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "GREGORY S PONTIFICATE.\\n235\\napply the torch in his own person it is even\\npossible, that his severe and imperious char-\\nacter, by aUenating popular favor, rendered\\nhis election uncertain. It was not, assuredly,\\nthat he valued the security of a humbler post\\nfor, among the numerous vices with which he\\nhas been charged, the baseness of selfish tim-\\nidity has never been accounted as one. At\\nlength, on the very day of Alexander s death,\\nHildebrand was elected his successor by the\\nunanimous suffrage of the Cardinals, and the\\nuniversal acclamation of the Clergy and peo-\\nple and that he might mark, at least, the\\nbeginning of his pontificate by an act of\\nmoderation, he waited for the Emperor s con-\\nsent before his consecration. But it is true\\nthat he rather claimed than requested that\\nconsent, and that it was gi-anted with the\\ngraceless reluctance of impotent jealousy.\\nHe assumed the title of Gregory VII. and,\\nafter twelve years of restless exertion, he left\\nthat name invested with a portentous celebri-\\nty which attaches to no other in the annals of\\nthe Church.\\nSection II. The Pontificate of Gregory,\\nGregory s First Council its two objects to prevent (1.)\\nMarriage or Concubinage of the Clergy (2.) Simoniacal\\nSale of Benefices On the Celibacy of the Clergy why\\nencouraged by Popes Leo IX. Severity and Conse-\\nquence of Gregory s Edict Original Method of ap-\\npointment to Benefices Usurpations of Princes how\\nabused the Question of Investiture Explained Pre-\\ntext for Royal Encroachments Original form of Con-\\nsecration by the King and Crown Right usurped by\\nOtho State of the (Question at the Accession of Greg-\\nory Conduct of Henrj further measures of the Pope\\nIndifference of Henry\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Summoned before a Council at\\nE.ome Council of Worms Excommunication of the\\nEmperor and Absolution of his Subjects from their Al-\\nlegiance Consequence of this Edict Dissensions in\\nGermany\u00e2\u0080\u0094 how suspended\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Henry does Penance at\\nCanossa\u00e2\u0080\u0094 restored to the Communion of the Church-\\nagain takes the field Rodolphus declared Emperor\\nGregory s Neutrality Remarks on the course of Greg-\\nory s Measures\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Universality of his temporal Claims\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nhis probable project Considerations in excuse of his\\nSchemes partial admission of his Claims Ground on\\nwhich he founded them\u00e2\u0080\u0094 power to bind and to loose\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nBleans by which he supported them Excommunication\\nInterdict Legates i Latere Alliance with Matilda\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094his Norman allies\u00e2\u0080\u0094 German Rebels\u00e2\u0080\u0094 internal Ad-\\nministration\u00e2\u0080\u0094Effect of his rigorous Measures of Reform\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094his grand scheme of Supremacy within the Church\\nThis is Sismondi s opinion, chap. iii. and we\\ncan readily believe, that the stern virtues of Gregory\\nwere not likely to recommend him to a venal popu-\\nlace. Yet, when at length he did propose himself,\\nwe hear nothing of any opposition from that quarter,\\nwhile the acclamations which attended his election\\nare universally recorded. But, after all, that severi-\\nty of manner, which is known to be connected with\\nan austere sanctity of life, is not an unpopular feature\\nin tlie sacerdotal character.\\nFalse Decretals Power conferred by them on the Pope\\nbrought into action by Gregory Appeals to Pope\\nGenerally encouraged and practised their pernicious\\nEffects\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gregory s do?tiZe Scheme of Universal Domin-\\nion Return to Narrative Clement III. anti-Pope\\nDeath of Rodolphus Henry twice repulsed from before\\nRome\u00e2\u0080\u0094 finally succeeds\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his Coronation by Clement\\nthe Normans restore Gregory he follows them to Sa-\\nlerno and there dies\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his historical importance\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his\\nCharacter Public his grand principle in the Admin\\nistration of the Church Private\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as to Morality\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as to\\nReligion.\\nIn the year following his advancement, Greg-\\noiy assembled a numerous Council at Rome,\\nchiefly for the purpose of correcting two\\nabuses in Church discipline and government,\\nwhich appeared most to require reform.\\nThese were (1) the marriage or concubinage\\nof the Clergy (2) the simoniacal sale of bene-\\nfices.\\n1. Marriage of the Clergy. Most of the early\\nFathers were diligent in their endeavors to\\nestablish the connexion between celibacy and\\nsanctity, and to persuade men that those who\\nwere wedded to the Church were contamin-\\nated by an earthly union. This notion was\\nreadily embraced by the Laity and many\\nof the Clergy acted upon it without reluct-\\nance, owing to the greater commendation of\\nausterity which the practice was found to con-\\nfer upon them still, in the Eastern Church,\\nwhere it originated, it was never very rigidly\\nenforced and a Council of Constantinople\\nheld in 691, pemiitted, with certain limita-\\ntions, the ordination of married men. These\\nCanons were never formally received in the\\nWest, where celibacy and strict continence\\nwere unrelentmgly enjoined on all orders of\\nthe priesthood. With whatsoever laxity the\\nlatter injunction may have been observed,\\nthere are not many complaints of the open\\nviolation of the former, at least from the end\\nof the sixth, until the conclusion of the ninth,\\nand the progress of the tenth century but\\nduring this period the irregularity spread\\nwidely, and even displayed itself with undis-\\nguised confidence throughout every branch\\nof the Roman Hierarchy. The Popes were\\nnaturally averse to this relaxation of discipline\\npartly from the contmued prevalence of the\\noriginal notion, that those were better qualifi-\\ned for spiritual meditations and offices who\\nwere severed from secular interests and affec-\\ntions partly from the scandal thus occasion-\\ned to the prejudices of the laity partly from\\nrespect to established ordinances and usages\\npartly from attachment to a principle, which,\\nby withdrawing the Clergy from worldly\\nconnexions, bound them more closely to each\\nother and to their Head. At any rate the evil", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0243.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nhad now grown to so gi-eat a height, that it was\\nbecome quite necessaiy either to repeal the\\nlaws so openly violated, or to enforce them.\\nThey chose the latter office, and the jfirst who\\ndistinguished himself in the difficult enter-\\nprise was Leo IX. His immediate successors\\ntrod in his steps but as sufficient measures\\nwere not taken (perhaps could not have been\\ntaken) to carry these edicts into effect, they\\nseem generally to have fallen to the ground\\nwithout advantage, except in so far as they\\nprepared the way for the more vigorous exer-\\ntions of Gregory.\\nIn the above-mentioned Council it was or-\\ndained that the sacerdotal orders should\\nabstain from marriage and that such mem-\\nbers of them as had already wives or con-\\ncubines should immediately dismiss them or\\nquit the priestly office. The more difficult\\npart remained to enforce this decree and\\nherein Gregor}^ did not confine himself to the\\nlegitimate weaj)on of spiritual censure, but\\nalso exerted his powerful influence to arm\\nthe temporal authorities in his service. Nu-\\nmerous disorders were the consequence of\\nthis measure at Milan and in Germany the\\nEdict was openly resisted, and many ecclesi-\\nastics were found in every country, who pre-\\nferred the sacrifice of their dignities and inter-\\nests to the abandonment of those connexions\\nwhich they held dearer than either.f The\\nAt Milan a violent dispute on this subject had\\narisen between the Clergy and the Laity, under Ste-\\nphen IX., in the year 1057. (Pagi, Vit. Steph. IX.)\\nThe schism continued under Nicholas II., who sent\\nlegates to compose it; but it still continued during\\nthe pontificate of Alexander. The Popes took part\\nwith the Laity against the married Clergy, who were\\nnamed Nicolaites.\\nt Malle se sacerdotium quam conjugium deserere.\\nLambert. Schaffn. in Chronico. Gregory is much\\ncensured by Mosheim and others for not having dis-\\ntinguished, in his sweeping decree, between the wives\\nand the concubines of the Clergy and with justice,\\nsince he visited the violation of canonical law with\\nthe same severity with which he protected the eternal\\nprecepts of Christian morality. It must be admitted,\\nhowever, that as his object was the entire and imme-\\ndiate extirpation of what he considered a scandalous\\nabuse, he took the only means at all likely to accom-\\nplish it. It was in vain that the Milanese Clergy\\npleaded the authority of St. Ambrose and the example\\nof the Greeks it was well known that the former pro-\\ntected not those who admitted papal supremacy and\\nthat the Council, which permitted tlie latter, was never\\nacknowledged by the Roman Church. It seems in-\\ndeed probable that St. Gregory was the first Pope\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0who rigidly enforced the practice of celibacy but for\\ntwo centuries after his time, it was both the law and\\nthe practice of the Church, and in the two ages which\\nconfusion thus created was indeed gradually\\ntranquillized by the progress of time, by the\\nperseverance of the Pontiff, by the aid, per-\\nhaps, of the laity, by the inditference of the\\nSovereigns but the practice itself was not so\\neasily removed and though, through severe\\nrestraint, it proceeded constantly to abate, it\\ncontinued in some degree to disturb the\\nChurch during the following century, and to\\ncall down the denunciations of her Popes and\\nher Councils.\\n2. Edict against Simony. Another Edict\\nof the same Council forbade in the severest\\nterms the sale of ecclesiastical benefices and\\nthe followmg circumstance made that Edict\\nnecessary. The Bishop was originally elect-\\ned by the Clergy and people of the diocese\\nbut in process of time, the people, as we have\\nalready seen, were in most places excluded,\\nand the election rested with the Clergy alone.\\nPresently, in the anarchy which prevailed\\nafter the dissolution of the Western Empire,\\nthe wealth which flowed into the coffers of\\nthe Church, as it brought with it no propor-\\ntionate security, not only tempted the rapacity\\nof the Nobles, but invited the usurpation of\\nthe Sovereigns. Thus, at an early period,\\nlong antecedent to the reign of Charlemagne,\\nthe Western Princes commenced their in-\\nterference in Episcopal elections first, as\\nit would seem, by simple recommendation\\nthen by the interposition of threats and show\\nof authority lastly, by positive appointment.\\nThe partial restoration of the right which took\\nplace in the ninth century, under Lewis the\\nMeek and his successor, was probably confin-\\ned to the Church of France and to the life of\\nHincmar.\\nTheir next step was to abuse the privilege\\nwhich they had usurped, and the manner of\\nabuse was alike indecent and scandalous\\nthe spoils of their injustice were retailed to\\ntheir avarice and the most important charg-\\nes and offices of the ministry were commonly\\nand publicly sold to the highest bidder, with-\\nout regard to literaiy qualification or sanctity\\nof character, or the most obvious interests of\\nreligion. This was, in fact, the avowed cor-\\nruption which Gregory sought to remedy;\\nand the specious object to which his exertions\\nand those of his successors, through so many\\nconflicts, tended, was to deprive the Prince of\\nhis usurped authority in Episcopal election.\\nsucceeded, though it had ceased to be the practice, it\\nstill continued the law. See Bayle, Vie Greg. I.\\nFlem-y, Discours sur 1 H. E. depuis 600 jusqu k\\n1100.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0244.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "GREGORY S PONTIFICATE.\\n237\\nA secondary view was closely attached to\\nthis, but not yet so boldly professed\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to trans-\\nfer that authority, if not in form, in* sub-\\nstance, to the Pope.\\nInvestiture. Thus much appears exceed-\\ningly simple; but the point on which the\\ndispute did in reality turn, and which has\\ngiven the name to the contest, was one, as it\\nmight seem, of mere formality the Investi-\\nture of the Bishop or Abbot. We must now\\nshortly explain this part of the question and\\nwe shall thus become acquainted with the\\ncircumstances which are urged m justifica-\\ntion of the royal claims. When the early\\nconquerors of the West conferred territorial\\ngrants upon the Church, the individuals who\\ncame to the enjoyment of them were obliged\\nto present themselves at Court, to swear alle-\\ngiance to the King, and to receive from his\\nhands some symbol, in proof that the tempo-\\nralities were placed in their possession. The\\nsame ceremony, in fact, was imposed on the\\necclesiastical as on the lay proprietor of royal\\nfiefs and it was called Investiture. After-\\nwards, when the Princes had usurped the\\npresentation to all valuable benefices, even to\\nthose which had not been derived from royal\\nbounty, they introduced no distinction found-\\ned on the different sources of the revenue,\\nbut continued to subject those whom they\\nnominated, to the same oath of allegiance,\\nand the same ceremony of investiture, with\\nthe laity.\\nIn the meantime it had been an early cus-\\ntom, on the consecration of a Bishop, that the\\nMetropolitan, who by right performed the\\nceremony, should place in the hands of the\\nPrelate elect a ring and a crosier symbols\\nof his spiritual connexion with the Church,\\nand of his pastoral duties. This was a form\\nof investiture purely ecclesiastical, and the\\nPrinces, even afl;er they had usurped the pre-\\nsentation to benefices, did not at first venture\\nto make use of it; and, it is said, that they\\nwere finally led to do so by some artful at-\\ntempts on the part of the Clergy to recover\\ntheir original right of election. Mosheim (in\\nopposition to m.any less celebrated writers) is\\nof opinion that Otho the Great was the first\\nPrince who ventured to present with profane\\nhand the emblems of spiritual authority at\\nleast it is quite certain that this custom had\\nbeen in very general use for some time before\\nthe accession of Gregory. And thus the tem-\\nporal power had gradually succeeded in a\\ndouble usurpation on ecclesiastical privileges\\nBy conceding to him the right of confinnafion.\\nfirst, in despoiling the lower Clergy of their\\nright of election next, in encroaching upon\\nthe province of the Metropolitans, and pre-\\nsuming to dispense m their place the symbols\\nof a spiritual office.\\nAs a partial palliation of the conduct of the\\nthrone it is maintained, that the homage re-\\nquu ed from the Bishop or Abbot at investi-\\nture was for his temporalities only and in so\\nfar as these were the feudal grants of former\\nprinces, the claim was manifestly just, but no\\nfarther than this. The crown could not fairly\\nassert any suzerainty over the vast domains\\nand enormous extent of property which had\\naccrued to the Church from other quarters,\\nbefore the establishment of the feudal system,\\nand which, therefore, were not held on any\\nfeudal tenure nor can any sufficient plea be\\nfound for its general assumption of the dispo-\\nsal of benefices (to say nothing of the flagi-\\ntious manner in which they were retailed),\\nand its adoption of a foi-m of investiture\\nwhich was purely ecclesiastical.\\nSuch, as nearly as we can collect, was\\nthe state of this question, when Gregory pub-\\nlished his edict against Simony in the year\\n1074. The results of the Council were com-\\nmunicated to the Emperor Henry IV., who\\nreceived the Legates courteously, and bestow-\\ned some unmeaning praise on the zeal of the\\nPope for the reform of his Church. But\\nGregory was not to be satisfied with expres-\\nsions; and, as he intended to give general\\neflfect to his decrees, he desired permission\\nto summon councils in Germany, by which\\nthose accused of simony might be convicted\\nand deposed. Henry refused that permission,\\npartly from the consciousness of his own\\ncriminality, partly because he was not really\\nanxious for any reform which would curtail\\nhis own patronage. This opposition obliged\\nthe Pope to proceed one step farther. After\\npressing the execution of his former ordi-\\nnances in a variety of letters, addressed, with\\nvarious eflfect or inefficacy, to different princes\\nand bishops, he convoked, early in the year\\nfollowing, a second council at Rome and,\\nwith its assistance, he proceeded to those-\\nmeasures which he had proposed to accom-\\nplish by synods in Germany, and, probably,\\nsomewhat beyond them. On this occasion\\nhe not only deposed the Archbishop of Bre-\\nmen and the Bishops of Strasbourg, Spires,\\nand Bamberg, besides some Lombard Bish-\\nAccording to the church writers, King- only.\\nHe had not yet gone through the ceremony of cora^.\\nnatioaat Rome.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0245.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "238\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nops, but also excommunicated five of the Im-\\nperial Court, whose ministry the prince had\\nused in simoniacal transactions. At the same\\ntime he pronounced his formal anathema\\nagainst any one who should receive the in-\\nvestiture of a Bishopric or Abbey from the\\nhands of a layman, and also against all by\\nwhom such investiture should be performed.*\\nHenry paid no other attention to this edict,\\nthan to repeat his former general acknow-\\nledgment of the existence of simony, and his\\nintention, in future, to discourage it.\\nHenry summoned to Rome. Some partic-\\nular differences, respecting the appointment\\nto the See of Milan and other matters, tended\\nat this moment to exasperate the growing\\nhostility of Gregory and Henry it happened,\\ntoo, that the latter was disturbed and weak-\\nened by civil dissensions, occasioned, in some\\ndegree, by his own dissolute and profligate\\nrule, which, by distracting his forces, invited\\nthe aggression of his foreign enemies. It is\\neven asserted (by Dupin) that the malcontents\\nsent deputies to Rome to solicit the interfer-\\nence of the Pope. Such an application is\\nrendered probable by the fact which we now\\nproceed to mention, and which is a certain\\nand a memorable monument of papal extrava-\\ngance. Gregory sent Legates into Germany,\\nbearing positive orders to the Emperor to\\npresent himself forthwith at Rome, since it\\nbecame him to clear himself, before the Pope\\nand his Council, fi*om various charges which\\nhis subjects had alleged against him. These\\ncharges might possibly be confined to ecclesi-\\nastical offences, of which the Emperor had\\nnotoriously been guilty but never, before\\nthe days of Hiidebrand, had it been expressly\\nasserted that he was amenable for such of-\\nfences to any ecclesiastical tribunal.\\nExcommunicated and deposed. He treated\\nthe summons as a wanton insult, and wan-\\nThe words of the edict are: Si quis deinceps\\nEpiscopatum vel Abbatiam de manu alicujus laicee\\npersonge siisceperit, nuUatenus inter Episcopos vel\\nAbbates habeatur, nee ulla ei ut Episcopo vel Abbati\\naudientia concedatur. Insuper etiam gratiam B. Pe-\\ntri et introitum Ecclesife interdicimus, quoad usque\\nlocum, quem sub crimine tam ambitionis quain ino-\\nbedientije, quod est scelus idoiolatrise, cepit, deserue-\\nrit. Similiter etiam de inferioribus Ecclesiasticis\\ndignitatibus constituimus. Item si quis Imperatorum,\\nDucum, Marchionum, Comitum, vel quilibet secula-\\nrium potestatum aut personarum investituram Epis-\\ncopatus, vel alicujus Ecclesiastic?e dignitatis dare\\npraesumpserit, ejusdem sententiae vinculo se adstric-\\ntum sciat. Hugo Flaviniacensis, ap. Pag. Vit.\\nGreg. VII., s. 26.\\ntonly retorted it. He collected at Worms\\na council of about twenty German Bishops\\n(some of whom were already personally em-\\nbroiled with Gregoiy) and these prelates,\\nafter passing many censures on the conduct,\\nelection, and constitutions of Hiidebrand, pro-\\nnounced him unworthy of his dignity, and\\naccordingly deposed him. Gregory was not\\nfurther disturbed by such empty denuncia-\\ntions, than to take measures to return them\\nmuch more effectually. In a full assembly\\nof one hundred and ten Bishops, he suspend-\\ned from their offices the ecclesiastics who\\nhad declared against him he then pronoun-\\nced the excommunication of the Emperor\\nand accompanied his anathema by the un-\\nqualified sentence,, that he had forfeited the\\nkingdoms of Germany and Italy, and that his\\nsubjects were absolved from their oath of\\nfealty. f\\nThis assertion of control over the allegi-\\nance of subjects was hitherto without prece-\\ndent in the history of the Papal Church and\\nit was now, for the first time, advanced to the\\nprejudice of a monarch, whose character,\\nthough stained both by vices and weaknesses,\\nwas not wholly depraved nor universally odi-\\nous. Nevertheless, the edict of Gregory was\\nQuae legatio Regem vehementer permovit; sta-\\ntimque abjectis cum gravi contumelia Legatis, omnes\\nqui in regno suo essent Episcopos et Abbates Wor-\\nmeticB Dominica Septuagesimas convenire prajcepit,\\ntractare cum eis volens ad deponendum Romaniun\\nPontificem, si qua sibi via, si qua ratio pateret: in\\nhoc cardine totam verti ratus salutem suam et\\nregni stabilitatem, si is non esset JEpiscopus.\\nLambert Schaftn. ad ann. 1076.\\nt The words in which this celebrated sentence Vv as\\nconveyed should be recorded: Petre Apostolorum\\nPrinceps, etc. etc. Hac fiducia fretus pro Ecclesiae\\ntuce honore et defensione, ex parte Omnipotentis Dei,\\nPatris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, per tuam potesta-\\ntem et auctoritatem Henrico Regi, filio Henrici Im-\\nperatoris, qui contra Ecclesiam tam inaudita superbia\\ninsurrexit, totius regni Teutonicorum et Italioe gu-\\nbernacula contradico, et omnes Christianos a vinculo\\njuramenti quod sibi fecere vel facient, ahsolvo; et\\nut nullus ei sicut Regi serviat, interdico. Dignum\\nest enim, ut, qui studet honorera Ecclesise tuse immi-\\nnuere, ipse honorem amittat quem videtur habere.\\nEt quia Christianus contempsit obedire nee ad Dom-\\ninum rediit, quem dimisit participandoexcommunica-\\ntls et multas iniquitates faciendo, meaque monita,\\nqucB pro salute sua sibi misi, te teste speryiendo,\\nseque ab Ecclesia sua, tentans earn scindere separan-\\ndo, vinculo eum anathematis vice tua alligo, at sci-\\nant Gentes et comprobent quia Tu es Petrus, et\\nsuper tuam Petram Filius Dei vivi aedificavit Eccle-\\nsiam suam, et portse Inferi non praevalebunt adversus\\nearn. Paul. Beruried., cap. 75; Pagi, Vit., Greg.\\nVII., s. 42.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0246.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "GREGORY S PONTIFICATE,\\n239\\ndiligently promulgated throughout Germany\\nnor was it idly cast into a kingdom already\\ndivided, and among a people already discon-\\ntented and accustomed to rebellion. The\\nDukes of Swabia, headed by Rodolphus,\\npresently rose in arms they were supported\\nby a fresh revolt of the Saxons and there\\nwere those even among Henry s best friends,\\nwhose fidelity was somewhat paralyzed by\\nthe anathema under which he had fallen.\\nAfter a short but angry struggle, an arrange-\\nment was made greatly to his disadvantage\\nthat the claims and wrongs of both parties\\nshould be subjected to the decision of the\\nPope, who was invited to preside at a council\\nat Augsbourg for that purpose and that, in\\nthe meantime, Henry should be suspended\\nfrom the royal dignity. It is not easy to de-\\ncide how much of this success should be at-\\ntributed to the previous animosity of the\\nparties opposed to Heniy, how much to a\\nblind respect for the edict and authority of\\nthe Pope but the treaty to which all con-\\nsented certainly implied an acknowledgment\\nof the power which Gregory had assumed,\\nand gave a sort of foundation and countenance\\nto his future measures.\\nHenry does penance at Canossa. Heniy,\\nwho had little to hope from a public sentence,\\nto be delivered in the midst of his rebellious\\nsubjects by his professed enemy, determined\\nto anticipate, or, if possible, to prevent his\\ndisgrace by an act of private submission to\\nPontifical authority. For that purpose he\\ncrossed the Alps with few attendants during\\nthe severity of an inclement winter, and pro-\\nceeded to Canossa, a fortress in the neighbor-\\nhood of Parma, in which Gregory was then\\nresiding. In penitential garments, with his\\nfeet and head bare and unsheltered from the\\nseason, the Emperor presented himself at the\\ngate of the fortress, as a sinner and a suppli-\\nant. His humble request was to be admitted\\nto the presence of the Pontiflf and to receive\\nhis absolution. For three dreary days, from\\ndawn till sunset, the proudest sovereign in\\nEurope was condemned to continue his fast\\nand his penance before the walls, and proba-\\nbly under the eyes of Gregory, in solitary\\nHenry is represented to have traversed the Alps\\nat extreme risk by unfrequented roads, as the ordi-\\nnary passes were guarded by his enemies; and Lam-\\nbertus of Aschaffenbourg, a contemporary historian,\\ndescribes the castle of Canossa as surrounded by a\\ntriple wall, within the second of which the Emperor\\nwas admitted to his penance, while the whole of his\\nsuite remained without the exterior. See Sismondi,\\nHist. Rep. Ital. c. iii. Paul. Bernried speaks of the\\ninsolita pap(E duritia shown on this occasion.\\nand helpless humiliation. At length, on the\\nfourth day, he was permitted to approach the\\nperson of the Pontiff, and was absolved from\\nthe sentence of excommunication. Yet even\\nthis favour was not vouchsafed him uncon-\\nditionally he was still suspended from the\\ntitle and offices of royalty, and enjoined to\\nappear at the Congress of Augsbourg and\\nabide by the decision which should then be\\npassed upon him.\\nHenry soon discovered that he had gained\\nnothing by this degradation, except contempt\\nand after descending to the lowest humiliation\\nwhich ever Prince had voluntarily undergone,\\nhe found himself precisely in his former situ-\\nation, with the Council of Augsbourg still\\nhanging over his head. Of an useless sub-\\nmission he repented vehemently he aban-\\ndoned himself to his feelings of shame and\\nindignation, resumed his tide and his func-\\ntions and prepared once more to confront his\\nadversaries. The Saxons and Swabians im-\\nmediately declared Rodolphus Emperor of\\nGermany (in 1077) Henry was supported by\\nthe Lombards in Italy and a sanguinary war\\nwas carried on in both countries with various\\nsuccess and general devastation. For three\\nyears Gregory preserved the show, perhaps\\nthe substance, of neutrality he received the\\ndeputies of both parties with equal courtesy,\\nand seemed to wish to profit so far only by\\ntheir dissensions, as to engage them to aid\\nhim in the execution of his original edicts.\\nThe oath which he took is given at length by\\nPaulus Bernriedensis, Vit. Greg. VII. Sismondi de-\\nsignates the conduct of Gregory as une trahison\\ninsigne, but not justly so;, since it cannot be shown\\nthat the Pope had bound himself by any engagement\\nto the Emperor which he did not strictly fulfil the\\nlatter did penance for his contumacy towards the\\nChurch, and the Pope, in consequence, restored him\\nto the Communion of the Church. The Council or\\nDiet to be held at Augsbourg was a measure previ-\\nously arranged, to which many other eminent persons\\nwere parties; and it Avas intended for the settlement\\nof political, at least as much as of ecclesiastical dif-\\nferences whereas the penance at Canossa was\\nmerely a particular atonement to the See of Rome,\\nnot at all connected with the general maladministra-\\ntion of Henry. In fact, Gregory s own- words are\\nconclusive on the question. Henricus, confijsus et\\nhumiliatus ad me veniens absolutionem ab excomrau-\\nnicatrone quaesivit. Quera ego videns humiliatum,\\nmultis ab eo promissionibus acceptis de vitte suae\\nemendation*, soiam ei communionem reddidi; non\\ntamen in regno instauravi, nee fidelitatem hominum\\nqui sibi juraverant vel erant juraturi ut sibi serventur\\npreecepi, c. See Mabill., Vit. Greg. VII., c. 107.\\nPagi, Vit. Greg. VII., s. xliii. Denina,-Delle Rivol\\ndTtalia, lib. x.jC. vi.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0247.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "240\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\nBut in the year 1080, decided, as some say,\\nby the misfortunes, as others assert, by the\\ncrimes of Henry, he pronounced a second\\nsentence of deposition, and confen-ed upon\\nRodolphus the crown of Germany, f\\nTemporal claims of Gregory. Thus far we\\nhave traced, witliout much comment, the rapid\\nbut regular progress of Gregory. The first\\nmeasure, as we have seen, in his temporal\\nusurpation (for in his earliest decrees against\\nChurch abuses he did not exceed the just\\nlimits of his authority,) was to declare the\\nEmperor amenable to a Papal court of judi-\\ncature, and to summon him before it; the\\nnext was to deprive him of his throne and to\\nabsolve his subjects from their oath of allegi-\\nance the last was to dispose of the empire,\\nwith absolute authority, as a fief of St. Peter.\\nWithout further examination we might at\\nonce have concluded, that claims so extrava-\\ngant and irrational were merely the passionate\\nebullitions of a feeble spirit, irritated by per-\\nsonal pique or effeminate vanity. But this\\nwas not so the claims in question were ad-\\nvanced by the most vigorous and consistent\\ncharacter of his age, and they were pressed\\nwith a deliberate and earnest zeal which\\nevinced a conviction of their justice. They\\nwere not confined to the dominions of Henry\\nthey displayed themselves in every state and\\nprovince of Europe. The kingdom o^ Prance\\nwas declared tribuatry to the See of Rome,\\nand Papal legates were commissioned to de-\\nmand the annual payment of the tribute, X by\\nvirtue of the true obedience due to that See\\nby every Frenchman. And the King himself\\n(Philip I.) was reminded that both his king-\\ndom and bis soul were under the dominion\\nof St. Peter, who had the power to hind and\\nto loose both in Heaven and on earth. Saxony\\nwas pronounced to be held on feudal tenure\\nfrom the Apostolic chair and in subjection\\nSismondi, whose partialities are against Gregory\\nand the Church, says respecting Henry, that his\\ncharacter was generous and noble but he abandoned\\nhimself with too little restraint to the passions of his\\nnge and those passions undoubtedly led him to\\nthe commission of great political offences. Private\\nexcesses may sometimes find their excuse in youth;\\nbut the vices of Kings deserve less indulgence, since\\nthey usually influence the morals and happiness of\\ntheir subjects. A less favorable, but probably a more\\ncorrect view of the character of Henry is taken by\\nDenina. Delle Rivoluz. d ltaiia, lib. x., c. v.\\nf The act and the authority for it were expressed\\nin a hexameter verse, inscribed on the crown which\\nGregory sent to Rodolph\\nPetra dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rodolpho.\\nX Per verani obedientiam.\\nto it. It was pretended that the kingdom of\\nSpain had been the property of the Holy See\\nfrom the earliest ages of Christianity. Wil-\\nliam the Norman, after the conquest of Eng-\\nland, was astonished to learn that he held that\\ncountry as a fief of Rome and tributary to it.\\nThe entire feudal submission of the kingdom\\nof JVaples has been already mentioned. No-\\nthing was so lofty as to daunt the ambition\\nof Gregory, or so low as to escape it. The\\nnumerous Dukes or Princes of Germany,\\nthose of Hungary, of Denmark, of Russia, of\\nPoland, of Croatia and Dalmatia, were either\\nsolicited to subject their states to the suzerainty\\nof St. Peter, or reminded of their actual sub-\\njection. And the grand object of Gregory\\nis probably not exaggerated by those who\\nbelieve that be designed to re-establish the\\nWestern empire on the basis of opinion, and\\nto bind by one spiritual chain to the chair of\\nSt. Peter the political governments and ever-\\nconflicting interests of the universal kingdom\\nof Christ, f\\nAre we astonished at the magnificence, or\\ndo we laugh at the wildness of this project.?\\nLet us first inquire by what means the mighty\\narchitect proposed to combine and consolidate\\nhis structure. Gregory seriously designed to\\nregulate his truly Catholic empire by a coun-\\ncil of bishops, who were to be assembled at\\nRome annually, with full power to decide the\\ndiflferences of princes both with each other\\nand with their subjects to examine the rights\\nand pretensions of all parties, and to arbitrate\\nin all the perplexed concerns of international\\npolicy. If we can, indeed, imagine that Gre-\\ngory was animated by that general spirit of\\nThus, in effect, the Western empire of which\\nthe foundations were really laid at the coronation\\nof Charlemagne, was not the temporal dominion at\\nwhich the Prince aspired, and which so soon passed\\naway from his sceptre, but that spiritual despotism,\\naffected by the Priest, and which was much more\\nextensive, as it was much more durable.\\nt Amid this multiplicity of objects, which divided\\nwithout distracting the mind of Gregory, he did not\\nallow himself to forget either the schism or calamities\\nof the East; he even projected to remedy both by\\npersonally conducting an army against the Mahome-\\ntans. This is mentioned in a letter to Henry, written\\nin 1074, in which, after some mention of his project,\\nhe adds Illud enim me ad hoc opus permaxime in-\\nstigat, quod Constantinopolitana ecclesia de Spiritu\\nSancto a nobis dissidens concordiam Apostolicae Sedis\\nexpetat, c. Pagi, Vit. Greg. VH., s. xx. We\\nmay observe that, among the numerous points of dif-\\nference which had in latter times grown up between\\nthe two Churches, and had been exaggerated with\\nsuch intemperate zeal by both, the eye of Gregory\\nnotices one only.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0248.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "GREGORY S PONTIFICATE.\\n241\\nphilanthropy which is ever found to burn\\nmost brightly in the noblest minds if he\\nreally dared to hope that his project would\\nreconcile the quarrels of the licentious princes\\nof his day, or remedy the vices of their gov-\\nernments, or alleviate the misery of the people\\nwho were suffering equally from both those\\ncauses we may smile at the vanity of the\\nvision, but we are bound to respect the mo-\\ntive which created it. Nor is it only the po-\\nlitical degradation of Europe which we are\\ncalled upon to consider, before we may pro-\\nnounce sentence upon that Pontiff; we must\\nalso make great allowance for the principles\\nof ecclesiastical supremacy which had already\\ntaken root before his time, which had been\\npartially acted upon, and which, to a certain\\nextent, were acknowledged for the necessary\\nconfusion of temporal with spkitual authority,\\nwhich the feudal system had still worse con-\\nfounded, so that then* limits were indiscerni-\\nble, inviting both parties to mutual aggression\\nand for the usurpations which the crown\\nhad already made on the privileges of the\\nChurch, and the evil purposes to which it\\nhad turned them. These circumstances, when\\nduly and impartially weighed by us, will miti-\\ngate the astonishment which the bare recital\\nof Gregory s proceedings is calculated to\\nawaken, and moderate the indignant censure\\nwith which the example of other wi-iters\\nmight dispose us to visit them.\\nWe are not, however, to imagine, that the\\nPope s extraordinary claims were universally\\nadmitted. The King of France refused the\\ntribute demanded of him the conqueror of\\nEngland consented to the tribute (called Pe-\\nter s pence,) but disclaimed allegiance. Vari-\\nous success attended his attempts on the other\\nstates, according to the variety of then* strength\\nor weakness, or the circumstances of their ac-\\ntual politics. But at the same time, the mere\\nfact that such claims were confidently asserted\\nand repeated obstinately, that in many instan-\\nces they were practically assented to, and very\\nrarely repelled with vigour and intrepidity,\\npersuaded ignorant people (and almost all\\nwere ignorant) that there was indeed some\\nreal foundation for them, and that the Holy\\nSee was, in truth, invested with some vague\\nprescriptive right of universal control, and\\nsurrounded by mysterious, but inviolable\\nsanctity.\\nWe must add a few words, both respecting\\nthe grounds on which Gregory founded those\\nclaims, and the means which he employed to\\nenforce them. As to the former, it does not\\nappear that he openly availed himself of the\\n31\\ngi and forgery of his predecessors, or at least\\nthat he justified any of his pretensions by di-\\nrect appeal to the donation of Constantino\\nunless, indeed, it were assumed that the uni-\\nversal rights of St. Peter over the Western\\nEmpire originated in that donation. Re-\\nspecting Spain, for instance, he particularly\\nadmitted that, though that country was among\\nthe earliest of the pontifical possessions, the\\ngrant which made it so had perished among\\nother ancient records. In treating with\\nthose provinces which had formed no part\\nof the Western Empire, he seems to have as-\\nsailed them severally as the circumstances of\\ntheir history happened to favor his demands.\\nSaxony, for example, he asserts to have been\\nbestowed on the Roman See by the piety of\\nCharlemagne. Some among the smaller states\\nwere merely exhorted to make a cession of\\ntheir territories to St. Peter by which it was\\nadmitted that the apostle had yet obtained no\\nrights over them. Some of them made such\\ncession, and thus encouraged the arrogance\\nof Gregory and the aggressions of future pon-\\ntiffs.\\nThe power possessed by the successors of\\nSt. Peter to bind and to loose was not con-\\nfined by them to spu itual affairs, however\\nwide the extremities to which they pushed it\\nin these matters. It was extended also to\\ntemporal transactions, and so far extended as\\nto be made the plea of justification with a\\nPope, whenever he presumed to loose the\\nsacred bonds of allegiance which connect the\\nsubject with the sovereign. It would be difii-\\ncult, perhaps, to produce a more certain index\\nof the character of religious knowledge, and\\nthe degradation of the reasoning faculty, which\\nprevailed in those days, than by exhibiting that\\nmuch perverted text as the single basis on\\nwhich so monstrous a pretension rested and\\nwas upheld.\\nPower of Gregory. Secondly The appall-\\ning influence of anathema and excommunica-\\ntion f over a blind and superstitious people\\nhad long been known and frequently put to\\ntrial by preceding Popes and the still more\\nformidable weapon of Interdict began to be\\nLib. X., epist. 28.\\nt The frequent use and abuse of excommunication\\nby all orders of the priesthood had greatly diminished\\nthe terror and efficacy of the sentence even in much\\nearlier ages. We find the councils of the ninth cen-\\ntury continually legislating for the purpose of restoring\\ntheir weight to both ecclesiastical weapons. By the\\nCouncil of Meaux (held in 845) it was especially\\nenacted, that the anathema could not be pronounced\\neven by a bishop, unless by the consent of the arch-\\nbishop and the other bishops of the province.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0249.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "242\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nvalued and adopted about the time of Gregory.\\nExtraordinary legates,* whose office suspend-\\ned the resident vicars of the pontiff, had been\\nsparingly commissioned before the end of the\\ntenth century they now became much more\\ncommon, and fearlessly exercised their un-\\nbounded authority in holding councils, in\\npromulgating canons, in deposing bishops,\\nand issuing at discretion the severest censures\\nof the Church. But it was not concealed from\\nthe wisdom of Gregory that temporal author-\\nity could not surely be advanced or perma-\\nnently supported without temporal power.\\nAccordingly he cemented his previous alli-\\nance with the Normans of Naples and also\\n(which was still more important, and proved,\\nperhaps, the most substantial among his tem-\\nporal conquests) he prevailed upon Matilda,\\nthe daughter and heiress of Boniface, Duke\\nof Tuscany, to make over her extensive terri-\\ntories to the apostle, and hold it on feudal\\ntenure from his successors. By these means\\nthe ecclesiastical states were fortified, both on\\nthe north and south, by powerful and obedient\\nallies, while the disaffection of Henry s sub-\\njects created a great military diversion in the\\nPope s favor in Saxony and Swabia.\\nObjects of Gregory in the internal adminis-\\ntration of the Church. Let us return for a\\nmoment to the internal administration of the\\nChurch. We are disposed to think that the\\nvery vigorous measures which Gregory em-\\nployed for what he considered its reform were\\nfavorable, upon the whole, to the success of\\nhis other projects. We may obsei-ve that\\nthese were of two descriptions, one of which\\ntended to restore the discipline of the clergy\\ntlie otlier to reduce the ecclesiastical orders\\ninto more direct subjection to the Papal See.\\nIt is true that, by the former of these, great\\ndisaffection was excited among such as suf-\\nfered by them that is, among those who had\\nbeen already living in open disobedience to\\nthe canons of the Church but such, it is pro-\\nbable, were not the most numerous, as cer-\\ntainly they were the least respectable portion\\nof the body. The same severity which of-\\nfended them would naturally gratify and attach\\nall those^ whose religious zeal and austere\\nmorality secured them greater influence in\\nthe Church and deeper veneration from the\\npeople. So that, notwithstanding the clamors\\nof the moment, we doubt not that the Pope\\nwas substantially a gainer by his exertions\\nand that (like every judicious reformer) he\\nextended his actual power and credit with\\nCalled Legates d latere sent fcom. the side of\\ne Pope..\\nonly the partial loss of a worthless popu-\\nlarity.\\nThe second object of Gregory in his eccle-\\nsiastical government has not yet been men-\\ntioned by us. It seems to have been no less\\nthan to destroy the independence of national\\nChurches and to merge all such local dis-\\ntinctions in the body and substance of the\\nChurch universal, whose head was at Rome.\\nFor the effecting of this mighty scheme he\\nused every exertion to loosen the connexion\\nof bishops and abbots with their several sove-\\nreigns, and to persuade them that their alle-\\ngiance was due to one master only, the suc-\\ncessor of St. Peter. And to that end he very\\nreadily availed himself of the materials which\\nhe found prepared for his purpose^ and which\\nhad been transmitted to him undisputed by so\\nmany predecessors, that it probably never\\noccurred to him to doubt their legitimacy.\\nThe false decretals contained the canons\\nwhich he sought and Gregory had the bold-\\nness at length to bring them forth from the\\ncomparative obscurity in which they had re-\\nposed for above two hundred and fifty years,\\nand openly to force them into action. We\\nhave mentioned the nature of those decretals\\nthey were a series of epistles professing to\\nbe written by the oldest bishops of Rome, the\\nAnacletes, Sixtus the First and Second, Fa-\\nbian, Victor, Zephyrinus, Marcellus, and oth-\\ners.* They recorded the primitive practice in\\nthe nomination to the highest ecclesiastical\\noffices, and in that and many other matters\\nascribed authority almost unlimited to the\\nHoly See. It is worth while here to particu-\\nlarize, even at the risk of repetition, some of\\nthe points on which they most insisted. (1.)\\nThat it was not permitted to hold any council,\\nwithout the command or consent of the pope\\na regulation which destroyed the independ-\\nence of those local synods, by which the\\nChurch was for many centuries governed.\\n(2.) That bishops could not be definitely judg-\\nThe first collection of canons made in the west\\nwas the work of a Roman monk named Dionysius,\\nwho Kved in the sixth century. This was followed\\nby many others but that which gained the greatest\\ncelebrity was the one ascribed to St. Isidore, Bishop\\nof Seville; and it had great prevalence in Gaul as\\nwell as in Spain. Guizot remarks that it was in the\\nNorth and East of France that the false decretals\\nfirst made their appearance, in the beginning of the\\nninth century. (Hist, de la Civ. en Finance, Le^on,\\n27.) The collection of decrees, known by the name\\nof Dictatus Hildebrandini, and falsely ascribed to\\nGregory VII., is generally held to be the next forgery\\nwhich disgraced the principles and swelled the au-\\nthority of the Roman Churclu", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0250.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "GREGORY S PONTIFICATE.\\n243\\ned, except by the Pope. (3.) That the light of\\nepiscopal translation rested with the Pope\\nalone. (4.) That not only every bishop, but\\nevery priest, and not the clergy only, but every\\nindividual,* had the right of direct appeal\\nfrom all other judgments to that of the Pope.\\nThese rights, and such as these, had been\\nneglected or vainly asserted by the Roman\\nSee during the long period of imbecihtyf\\nwhich followed their forgery but the spu-\\nriousness of their origin had never been ex-\\nposed or suspected and the simpUcity of\\nevery succeeding generation added to their\\nsecurity, their antiquity, and then respecta-\\nbility. Gregory at length undertook to give\\nthem full efficacy and though none were\\nceded or overlooked by hun, that which he\\nappears most earnestly to have pressed was\\nthe Pope s exclusive jurisdiction over the\\nwhole episcopal order to this end he en-\\nforced universal appeal to Rome. Orders to\\nattend before the pontifical court were issued\\nto every quarter of Europe and they gene-\\nrally met with obedient attention, not only\\nfrom those whose prmciples sincerely ac-\\nknowledged such spiritual supremacy, or\\nwho expected from their submission a more\\nfavorable sentence, but also from the gi*eat\\nmass of offenders, who naturally preferred a\\ndistant and ecclesiastical tribunal to tlie close\\njudicial inspection of a temporal magistrate.\\nThe good which Gregory proposed from this\\nsystem could be one only, and that a very\\nambiguous advantage to secure the independ-\\nence of the Church, or, in fact, to withdraw it\\nfrom the control of aU secular power, and\\nsubject it to one single spiritual despot. The\\nevils which he occasioned were numerous\\nand of most serious magnitude to create and\\nnourish inextinguishable dissensions between\\nprinces and their clergy, to retard and perplex\\nthe operations of justice, and to multiply the\\nchances of a partial or erroneous decision.^\\nFleury, 4 e Disc, sur H. E. sect. v.\\nPope Nicholas I., who ruled from 858 to 867, is\\nthe principal exception to this remark: he is described\\nby contemporary chronicles as the greatest pontiff since\\nthe days of St. Gregory kind and lenient in his\\ntreatment of the clergy, but bold and imperious in his\\nintercourse with kings. His conduct to Hincmar in\\nthe affair of Rothadus is at seeming variance with\\npart of this eulogy; but though Nicholas was trium-\\nphant both in that dispute and in the more important\\ndifference with Lothaire, neither he nor any other\\nPope under tlie Carlovingian dynasty could establish,\\nin France at least, the claim first mentioned in the\\ntext. The emperors continued to convoke all councils\\nand to confirm their canons.\\nGregory also obliged the Metropolitans to attend\\nHis double scheme of universal dominion.\\nIn the prosecution of this history we have\\nfrequently lamented the necessity of dismiss-\\ning some important event or useful specula-\\ntion with a few hasty and unsatisfactory sen-\\ntences, and especially do we lament it at this\\nmoment. But enough may possibly have\\nbeen said to give the reader some insight into\\nthe DOUBLE scheme of universal dominion to\\nwhich the vast ambition of Gregory was di-\\nrected enough to make it evident how he\\nprojected, in the first place, to unite under the\\nsuzerain authority of St. Peter and his suc-\\ncessors the entire territory of Christian Eu-\\nrope, so as to exert a sort of feudal jurisdiction\\nover its princes, and nobles, and civil govern-\\nors and, in the next place, to establish through-\\nout the same wide extent of various and di-\\nversely constituted states one single spiritual\\nmonarchy, of which Rome should be the centre\\nand sole metropolis a monarchy so pure and\\nundivided, that every individual minister of\\nthat church should look up to no other earthly\\nsovereign than the Pope. Such does indeed\\nappear to have been the stupendous scheme\\nof Gregory VII. We have already seen by\\nwhat measures he proceeded to its execution,\\nand we shall now trace his extraordinary\\ncareer to its conclusion.\\nHenry advances to Rome. The election of\\na new Emperor by the Pope was very rea-\\nsonably retorted by the election of a new\\nPope by the Emperor and Clement III. was\\nexalted to the honor of being the rival of\\nGregory. But a much more sensible injury\\nwas inflicted on the fortunes of that pontiff\\nimmediately afterwards by the defeat and\\ndeath of Rodolphus. That prince received a\\nmortal wound in battle in the year 1080 and\\nwith him was extinguished the sphit of rebel-\\nlion, or at least the hope of its success. Hen-\\nry immediately turned his victorious arms\\nagainst Italy the opposition presented to him\\nby Matilda and the Tuscans he overcame or\\nevaded, and advanced with speed and in-\\ndignation to the gates of Rome. From his\\ndreams of universal empire from the lofty\\nanticipations of princes suppliant and nations\\nprostrate m allegiance before the apostolic\\nat Rome from all countries, in order to receive the\\npallium at his hands. This, together with the appeal\\nsystem, kept that capital continually crowded with\\nforeign prelates, with great vexation to themselves,\\nwilli great detriment to their dioceses, and with no\\nreal profit to the Catholic Church. In the meantime,\\nit is certain that mere papal influence gained by this\\nsystem; for all authority, to be always respected, must\\nsometimes be felt but unfounded and irrational au-\\nthority most chiefly so", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0251.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "244\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nthrone, Gregory was rudely awakened by the\\nshouts of a hostile army, pressing round the\\nImperial City. But he woke to the tasks of\\nconstancy and courage and so formidable a\\nshow of resistance was presented, that Henry,\\nafter desolating the neighboring country, with-\\ndrew, without honor or advantage, to the cities\\nof his Lombard allies.\\nNot deterred by this repulse, he renewed\\nhis attempt early in the spring following, and\\nencountered the same opposition with the\\nsame result. The soldiers of Germany re-\\ntired for the second time before the arms of\\nthe un warlike Romans and the name of Gre-\\ngory. But in the succeeding year (1084,) the\\nefforts of the Emperor were followed by\\ngreater success. The citizens, wearied by\\nrepeated invasions, and suffering from the\\nravages attending them, abandoned that which\\nnow appeared the weaker cause on this third\\n\u00c2\u00a9ccasion they threw open their gates to Hen-\\nry, and to Clement, the Antipope, who follow-\\ned in his train. Henry placed his creature on\\nthe throne of Gregory, and the exultation of\\nthat moment may have rewarded him for the\\nbittei*ncss of many reverses. The measure\\nwhich he next adopted should be carefully\\nnoticed, since it proves the veneration which\\nwas exacted even from him by the See itself,\\nwithout consideration of its occupant. By an\\nimmediate act of submission to the chair\\nwhich his own power had so recently be-\\nstowed, he solicited the Imperial Crown from\\nthe hand of Clement, and he received it amid\\nthe faithless salutations of the Roman people.\\nIn the meantime, his victory was neither\\ncomplete nor secure from the Casde of St.\\nAngelo, Gregory sui-veyed in safety the partial\\noverthrow of his fortunes, and awaited the\\nsuccors from the south with which he pur-\\nposed to repair them. Robert Guiscard\\nwhether mindful of his feudal allegiance, or\\njealous of the Emperor s progress was al-\\nready approaching at the head of his Norman\\nwarriors Henry and his Pope retired with\\nprecipitate haste, and Gregory was tmnultu-\\nously restored to his rightful dignity.\\nBeath of Gregory. The success of the Nor-\\nmans was disgraced by the pillage of a large\\nportion of the city this circumstance depress-\\ned still further the declining popularity of the\\nPope, and he had learnt by his late experience\\nhow little he could confide in the capricious\\nallegiance of the Romans.* Accordingly, on\\nthe return of Robert to his own dominions,\\nGregoiy followed him, and retired, first to the\\nGli umori sempre diversi del popolo Romano.\\nDenina, Riv. d Ital., lib. x., c. 8.\\nmonastery of Monte Cassino, afterwards to\\nSalerno. It is recorded that, on this occasion,\\nRobert would have profited by the weakness\\nor the gratitude of Gregoiy, to obtain frona\\nhim the concession, on the part of the Church,\\nof some disputed feudal right of no great im-\\nportance, but that the Pope resisted the soli-\\ncitations of his protector in the very centre of\\nhis camp. And, no doubt, his persevering\\nand fearless spirit was still meditating the re-\\noccupation of his chair, and the prosecution of\\nhis mighty projects. But such anticipations\\nVvere speedily cut short, and in the year 1085,\\nvery soon after his arrival at Salerno, he died.*\\nHe concluded a turbulent pontificate of twelve\\nyears in misfortune, in exile^ with little honor,\\nwith few lamentations;! without having wit-\\nnessed the perfect accomplishment of any\\nportion of the project which had animated his\\nexistence, and even at the very moment when\\nit appeared most hopeless. He died but he\\nleft behind him a name, which has arrested\\nwith singular force the attention of history,\\nwhich has been strangely disfigured indeed\\nby her capricious partiality, but which has\\nnever been overlooked, and will never be for-\\ngotten. He did more than that he left be-\\nhind him his spu it, his example, and his prin-\\nciples and they continued, through many suc-\\ncessive generations, to agitate the policy and\\ninfluence the destinies of the whole Christian\\nworld.\\nHis Character. The latest words of Greg-\\nory are recorded to have been these I\\nhave loved justice and hated iniquity there-\\nThese are Semler s words: Gregorius. .tantis\\nausibus ipse immortuus est nulli jam parti carus aut\\namatus; diu omnibus, execralionibus, scommatibus,\\nsatiris, mendaciis-que post mortem oneratus Sec.\\nxi. c. 1.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Guillielmus Apuliensis, a poetical eulogist of\\nGregory, sings, that Robert Guiscard, who would have\\nbeheld with tearless eyes the death of his father, his\\nson, and his wife, was moved to weakness by that of\\nGregory r\\nDux non se lacrymis audita forte coercet\\nMorte viri tanti: non mors patris amplius ilium\\nCogeret ad lacryraas, non filius ipse nee uxor,\\nExtremos etsi casus utriusque videret.\\nPagi, Vit. Greg. VII. sect. cxt.\\nI Millot, Hist, de la France. They are given\\nsomewhat differently by Paulus Bernriedensis\\nEgo, fratres mei dilectissimi, nullos labores meos\\nalicujus moment! facio, in hoc solummodo confidens,\\nquod semper dilexi justitiam et odio habui iniquita-\\ntera. And when his friends who were present ex-\\npressed some anxiety respecting his future condition,\\nhe stretched forth his hands to Heaven, and said\\nlUuc ascendam et obnixis precibus Deo propitio\\nvos comraittam.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0252.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "GREGORY\u00e2\u0080\u0094HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER.\\n245\\nfore I die in exile words which seem to in-\\ndicate a discontented spirit, reluctantly bend-\\ning before the decrees of Providence. But\\nthe same complaint may also have proceeded\\nfrom a sense of pious intention, and the re-\\ncollection of duties conscientiously performed.\\nIt becomes us then to inquire, in what really\\nconsisted that justice which he loved, and\\nthat iniquity which he hated what were the\\nprinciples which guided his public life what\\nwere the habits which regulated his private\\nconversation The leading, perhaps the only,\\nprinciple of his public life was to reform, unite,\\nand aggrandize the Church over which he pre-\\nsided, and especially to exalt the office which\\nhe filled. He may have been very serious\\nand sincere in that principle he may even\\nhave considered, that the whole of his duties\\nwere contained in it, and that he was bound\\nto pursue it through every danger and diffi-\\nculty, as a churchman and a pope. This was\\nhis grand and original delusion, and here alone\\ncan we discover any trace of narrowness and\\nlittleness. And yet there have existed so many\\ngood men in all ages, even in the most en-\\nlightened, who have mistaken their own form\\nof faith for the only true faith, and held their\\nown particular church to be synonymous with\\nthe Church of Christ, that the error of Greg-\\nory will meet with much sympathy, though\\nit can deserve no pardon. But when we ob-\\nserve the measures into which it betrayed\\nhim, and through which he followed it with\\ndeliberate hardihood when we recollect the\\nprofusion of blood which flowed through his\\nencouragement or instigation, for the support\\nof an ambitious and visionary project and,\\nmore than that, when we compare the nature\\nof that project with the humble, and holy,\\nand peaceful system of Christ, whose gospel\\nwas in the pontiffs hands, and whose blessed\\nname was incessantly profaned for the support\\nof his purposes it is then that we are obliged\\nto regard him with unmitigated disgust. His\\nendeavors to reform the morals of his clergy\\nand the system of his church will only be\\nSome writers have represented Gregory as an\\nenemy to innovation, as one of those characters who\\nhave placed their pride in keeping the age stationary,\\nand perpetuating all that was transmitted to them.\\nHad Gregory been such a man, he had been long ago\\nforgotten. Far otherwise: he was the greatest of all\\ninnovators but, like Charlemagne and Peter of Rus-\\nsia, he marched to his object by the road of despo-\\ntism. The reforms which he projected, in affairs\\ncivil, political, and ecclesiastical, embraced every in-\\nterest and reached every department of society but\\nit was by the establishment of a spiritual monarchy\\na sort of papal theocracy that he proposed to com-\\ncensured by those who prefer diseases to their\\nremedies, or who think it dangerous to apply\\nany remedy to ecclesiastical corruption\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and\\nover such persons the sceptre of reason has\\nno control. But his claims of temporal sove-\\nreignty, his usurpation of spiritual supremacy,\\nhis lofty bearing, and pontifical arrogance,\\nwere so widely at variance with the spirit of\\nthat book on which his church was origin-\\nally founded, that we must either suppose him\\nwholly to have disdained its precepts, or to\\nhave strangely f misinterpreted them.\\nIn descending to the personal character of\\nGregory, we may first observe, that he was\\nsuperior to the spirit of intolerance, which\\npass them. Guizot has somewhere made this obser-\\nvation he has further attributed to Gregory two er-\\nrors in the conduct of his plan, but not (as it seems\\nto us) with equal justice. He blames that pope for\\nhaving proclaimed his plan too pompously, menacing\\nwhen he had not the means of conquering; and also\\nfor not having confined his attempts to what might\\nfairly seem practicable. Guizot appears for the mo-\\nment to have forgotten on what uncertain ground the\\npapal power really rested how much of it was built\\non mere claims, disputed perhaps at first, but finally\\nestablished and enforced by mere impudent importu-\\nnity the very advance of such claims by one pope\\nwas always a stepping-stone for his successors. Again,\\nin treating of what was practicable by Gregory, if\\nwe well consider the peculiar nature of his weapons,\\nhitherto untried in any great contest, and the charac-\\nter of the age to be moved by them, it will seem quite\\nimpossible that he could exactly have calculated what\\nhe could, or what he could not, accomplish. Under\\nall circumstances it was probable, that the bolder his\\nclaims, and the more loudly he asserted them, the\\ngreater was his chance of some immediate success,\\nand the broader the path that was opened for future\\npontiffs. And Gregory had too extensive a genius\\nnot to think and act also for posterity.\\nThe first evil consequence of associating tradition\\nwith the gospel as the foundation of the Church was*\\nthat the former was soon considered as substantial a\\npart of the building as the latter. United in words,\\nthey were presently confounded in idea, and that not\\nby the very ignorant only, but even by men, especial-\\nly churchmen, who had deeply studied the subject,\\nand most so by monks. Gregory had received a mo-\\nnastic education and though his mind was naturally\\nvast and penetrating, it is not absurd to suppose that\\nhe might sincerely consider the false decretals (be-\\nlieving them to be genuine) as possessing authority\\nalmost equivalent to the Bible; at least, he might\\nthink it a fair compromise to govern his church by\\nthe former, and his private conduct by the latter rule,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j- In his epistles he frequently repeats the piophet s\\nwords Cursed is he that doeth the work of the Lord\\ndeceitfully, that keepeth back his sword fi-om\\nblood that is, who does not execute God s com-\\nmands in punishing God s enemies: hence his severity\\nwith simoniacal bishops, and other ecclesiastical of-\\nfenders.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0253.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "246\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwas then becoming manifest in his church.\\nThe only doctrinal controversy in which he\\nwas engaged was that with Berenger, on tran-\\nsubstantiation. The pope maintained the doc-\\ntrine, which appears then to have been gen-\\nerally received in Italy and France, and he\\nmay have menaced the contumacy of the\\nheretic. But no impartial reader can rise\\nfrom the perusal of that controversy with the\\nimpression that Gregory was personally the\\nadvocate of persecution. On the contraiy,\\nhis moderation has been noticed by writers\\nlittle favorable to his character, and has even\\nled some to the very unnecessary inference\\nthat he was friendly to the opinion, because\\nhe spared and endured its author.f\\nAmong the calumniators of Gregory, none\\nare found so unjust as to deny his extraordi-\\nnary talents and address, his intrepid constan-\\ncy, his inflexible perseverance. And there\\nare none among his blindest admirers who\\nwould excuse the unchristian arrogance of his\\nambition. His other qualities are for the most\\npart disputed his moral excellence,^ and the\\nJortin (among others) thinks that the pope was\\nmuch inclined to defend Berenger a merit which\\nmight have led that candid writer to pause before he\\nentered into the absurd and fanatical notion that Greg-\\nory was Antichrist. Milner also holds this last opin-\\nion more confidently a very remote point of contact\\nbetween two men of very different and even opposite\\nviews, but of equal sincerity and excellence! But (to\\nspeak without reference to either of those authors) it\\nhas been the misfortune of Gregory to excite the\\nspleen of two descriptions of writers who agree in\\nvery few of their principles those who abhor the\\nRoman Catholic Church and all its supporters with\\nvehement and unqualified hatred, and those who dis-\\nlike every church and every assertor of ecclesiastical\\nrights. The former are our religious, the latter our\\nphilosophical, historians both are equally unjust.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f After all, it is a question whether Gregory s\\nmoderation on questions purely theological does not\\nfurnish a fair argument against his general conduct.\\nIt proves, at least, that his violence and arrogance\\nwere not merely faults of temper, showing themselves\\nwhenever there was a dispute; but feelings which, to\\nexcite them, required the stimulus of temporal ambi-\\ntion. Again, in an age when reason and philosophy\\nhad little influence, moderation on theological ques-\\ntions naturally excites the suspicion of indifference.\\nBut if Gregory was indifferent on theological ques-\\ntions, and violent on matters touching the temporal\\naggrandizement of himself and his Church, his char-\\nacter had even less merit than we have assigned to it.\\nHis intrigue v-ith Matilda, which is insinuated\\nin a very childish manner by Mosheim, is expressly\\ndenied by Lambertus, a contemporary historian of\\ngood repute. Ambition was motive quite sufficient\\nfor his intimacy with that princess, and his advanced\\nage (seventy-two) might reasonably have saved him\\ndepth of his private piety, have been strongly\\nasserted by some, and contested by others:\\nfor our own part, after carefully comparing\\nthe conclusions of his more moderate histo-\\nrians with the particular acts and general\\nspirit of his life, we are disposed to assent to\\nthe more favorable judgment to this extent\\nat least, that we believe him to have possessed\\nthose austere monastic virtues, common, per-\\nhaps, in the cloister, but rare in those days\\neither among princes or popes. And if, in-\\ndeed, in addition to those merits, he was com-\\npassionate to the poor, the defender of the\\noppressed, the protector of the innocent (as a\\nvery impartial, as well as accurate, writer f\\naffirms) we shall find the greater reason to\\nlament that his private sanctity was overshad-\\nowed and dai-kened by his public administi a-\\ntion.\\nRespecting his religious disposition, though\\npassages may be found in his Epistles not un-\\ninspired with Christian piety, it is more pro-\\nbable that he sought his motives of godliness\\nfrom the imputation of any other. Besides which,\\nthere is no single fact or circumstance to authorize\\nthe suspicion and his deep enthusiasm and intrepid\\nzeal, and the very austerity which made him danger-\\nous, are qualities wholly inconsistent with vulgar hy-\\npocritical profligacy. That a widow of thirty (says\\nDenina,) also motherless, should be the declared pro-\\ntectress and body-guard of an old and austere pontiff,\\nfurnished a famous pretext for calumny to the con-\\ncubinary clergy who were persecuted by the Pope,\\n(Rivoluz. d ltal. 1. x. c. 6.) and to them we may\\nprobably ascribe this charge.\\nGregory reproved the abbot, who admitted Hugo,\\nDuke of Bm-gundy, into his monastery, on this ground\\nWe have abundance of good monks, but there is\\na great scarcity of good princes. Those are the vir-\\ntues which Gibbon calls dangerous; and it is in\\nspeaking of Gregory that he advances that remarka-\\nble assertion that the vices of the clergy are less\\ndangerous than their virtues, a position which is\\nseldom understood with the qualification which the\\nauthor obviously intended to attach to it. The pas-\\nsage is illustrated by another in the sixty-ninth chap-\\nter\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The scandals of the tenth century were oblit-\\nerated by the austere and more dangerous virtues of\\nGregory VII.\\nt Giannone, Storia di Napoli, lib. x. c. 6. Greg-\\nory has been reproached with placing faith in the pre-\\ndictions of astrologers with dealing in divinations,\\ninterpreting dreams, and exercising the magical art.\\nFew of those who have shone with great splendor in\\nan ignorant age have escaped the same suspicion.\\nI When Muratori (Vit. Rom, Pontif. in Leo IX.)\\nspeaks of him as Adolescens clari ingenii,\\nsanctaeque Religionis, and when Giannone calls\\nhim uomo pieno di Religione, nothing more is at\\nall necessarily implied than Gregory s monastic sanc-\\ntity would justify.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0254.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "THE AGE OF GREGORY,\\n247\\nand the aliment of his fervor in the interests\\nof his church, than in the lessons of his Bible.\\nA profound canonist, a skilful theologian, a\\nzealous churchman, he may still have been\\nunacquainted w^ith the feelings of a Christian,\\nand uninformed by the spirit of the faith.\\nAnd it is not impossible that even his reforms\\nin discipline and morals, which vv^ere the best\\namong his acts, proceeded from a narrow ec-\\nclesiastical zeal, not from the purer and holier\\ninfluence of evangelical devotion.\\nSection III.\\nyl.) Controversy respecting Transubstantiation\u00e2\u0080\u0094 suspen-\\nded in the Ninth, renewed in the Eleventh Century\\nCharacter of Berenger Council of Leo IX. of Victor\\nII. at Tours in 1054 Condemnation and conduct of\\nBerenger Council of Nicholas II. repeated Retracta-\\ntion and Relapse of Berenger Alexander II. Council\\nat Rome under Gregory VII. Extent of the Concession\\nthen required from Berenger further Requisition of\\nthe Bishops a Second Council assembled Conduct of\\nGregory Berenger again sloemnly assents to the Cath-\\nolic Doctrine, and again returns to his own his old\\nAge, Remorse and Death Remarks on his Conduct\\non the Moderation of Gregory. (II.) Latin Liturgy-\\nGradual Disuse of the Latin Language throughout Eu-\\nrope Adoption of the Gothic Missal in Spain Alfonso\\nproposes to substitute the Roman Decision by the Judg-\\nment of God\u00e2\u0080\u0094 by Combat- by Fiie\u00e2\u0080\u0094 doubtful Result\\nfinal Adoption of the Latin Liturgy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Its introduction\\namong the Bohemians by Gregory\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Motives of the\\nPopes other instances of services not performed in the\\nVulgar Tongue Usage of the early Christian Church.\\nOpinions and conduct of Berenger. The\\nage of Gregory was distinguished by a very\\nimportant doctrinal controversy but though\\nthat pontiff was abundantly pugnacious in\\nasserting the most inadmissible rights of the\\nchurch, he showed no disposition to encour-\\nage the dispute in question, nor any furious\\nzeal to extirpate the supposed en-or and yet\\nthe error was no less than a disbelief in the\\nmystery afterwards called Transubstantiation.\\nWe have already mentioned the promulgation\\nof that dogma by Paschasius Radliertus we\\nhave observed with what ardor and liberty it\\nwas both supported and combated during the\\nninth century, until the flames of the contro-\\nversy, unsustained by any public edicts, grad-\\nually and innocently expired. The arguments\\nwhich had been urged on both sides were\\nthus left to produce their respective fruits of\\ngood or evil, according to the soil on which\\nthey fell, and the season in which they were\\nsown. Both these circumstances were fear-\\nfully unfavorable to the growth of any w^hole-\\nsome knowledge for in those days reason\\nw^as less persuasive than its abuse, and truth\\nwas less attractive than specious show so\\nthat religion was buried in superstitious ob-\\nBei-vances. Thus it happened that, during\\nthe tenth centuiy, the opinion in question\\nmade a general, though silent progress and,\\nin the beginning of the eleventh, it was tacit-\\nly understood to be the doctrine of the Roman\\nchurch. In the year 1045, Berenger, princi-\\npal of the pubUc school (scholastic) at Tours,\\nand afterwards Archdeacon of Angers, pub-\\nlicly professed his opposition to it.\\nRoman Catholic writers do not dispute the\\nbrilliancy of his talents, the power of his elo-\\nquence, his skill in dialectics, and his general\\nerudition they admit, too, that habits of ex-\\nemplary virtue and piety gave life and efficacy\\nto his genius and his learning.f By these mer-\\nits he acquu ed the veneration of the people,\\nand the friendship of the most distinguished\\necclesiastics of his day. But when some of his\\nhistorians assert that his virtues suddenly de-\\nserted him, and were even changed into their\\nopposite vices, at the moment when he pro-\\npounded his opinion, we can only consider\\nthem as illustrating then* own definition of\\nheresy. It is also said, that Berenger was stim-\\nulated to publish, even to invent, his docti-ine\\nby private jealousy of the learned Lanfranc\\nand in truth the most splendid actions do so\\ncommonly originate in sordid motives, that this\\ncharge may possibly be true but it is not\\nprobable, because it is at variance with the\\ntenor of his character nor is it at all impor-\\ntant, since it affects neither the truth nor the\\nprevalence of his doctrine.\\nBereuger s opposition to transubstantiation\\nbecame known to Leo IX., who condemned\\nit at a council held at Rome in 1050 and in\\nthe same year two other councils were sum-\\nmoned in France, at Verceil and Paris, both\\nof which strongly anathematized the heresy\\nand, in consequence of the decree of the lat-\\nter, Henry I. deprived the offender of the\\ntemporalities proceeding from his benefice.\\nHe did not attend these councils, but continu-\\ned to profess and promulgate his doctrine.\\nDuring the pontificate of Victor II. a council\\nwas assembled at Tours m 1055, X at which\\nMosheim is guilty of a strange blunder in mak-\\ning him Archbishop of Angers, and of designating\\nhim throughout as a prelate. In fact, Angers is\\nonly an episcopal see, and Eusebius Bruno, one of\\nBerenger s own pupils, was raised to it in 1047.\\nHist. Litt. de la France, Vie de Berenger.\\nt His learning is perhaps sufficiently proved, by\\nthe fact, that he too attained the honorable reputation\\n(common to him with so many learned persons) of\\nbeing a magician.\\nt See Pagi, Vit. Victor II., sect, v., where vari-\\nous authorities are collected, and among them the\\nfollowing expressions from Lanfranc addressed to\\nBerenger: Denique in Concilio Turonensi, cui ipsi-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0255.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "248\\nHISTORY OF THL CHURCH.\\nHildebrand presided as legate of the pope.\\nBerenger was summoned before it, and on\\nthis occasion he obeyed the summons with\\nthe less apprehension, because he possessed\\nthe personal regard of Hildebrand. He ap-\\npears to have urged little in defence of his\\nopinion, and to have made no difficulty in\\nsubscribing an oath to the received faith of\\nthe Church concerning the real presence of\\nthe body and blood of Jesus Christ in the\\nEucharist. And having subscribed to this\\nfaith, he immediately returned to the propa-\\ngation of his actual opinions.\\nHe then remained undisturbed for four or\\nfive years, until Nicholas II. called upon him\\nto justify himself before a Roman Council.\\nHe appeared there, and professed his readi-\\nness to follow the doctrine which should\\nseem good to that assembly. Accordingly, a\\nprofession of faith was drawn up, which went\\nto the furthest extent to which the dogma has\\never been carried,* and with the same hand\\nwhich signed it Berenger committed to the\\nflames the books containing his opposition to\\nit. He then returned to France, resumed his\\nsincere profession, and abjured his abjuration.\\nAlexander II. (acting probably under his\\narchdeacon s counsels) contented himself with\\nns Victoi-is interfuere legati, data est tibi optio de-\\nfendendi partem tuam. Quam cum defendendam\\nsuscipere non auderes, confessus coram omnibus com-\\nmunem ecclesise fidera, jurasti te ab ilia hora ita cre-\\nditurum, sicut in Romano Concilio te jurasse est\\nsuperius comprehensum. From this it would appear\\nthat Berenger had been present at the council of Leo,\\nthough he disregarded those assembled in France;\\nunless indeed the Roman Council mentioned by Lan-\\nfranc be that afterwards held by Nicholas, which is\\nmore probable.\\nIn the presence of the pope, and one hundred\\nand thirteen bishops, Berenger subscribed the follow-\\ning profession Ego Berengarius, jndignus diaconus,\\nc. consentio S. R. Ecclesise et Ap. Sedi, et ore\\net corde profiteor de sacramento Dominicae mensse\\nearn fidem me tenere quam dominus et venerabilis\\nPapa Nicolaus et heec sancta synodus tenendam tra-\\ndidit scilicet panem et vinum, quae in altari po-\\nnuntur, post consecrationem non solum sacramentum\\nsed etiam verum corpus et sanguinem Domini nostri\\nJesu Christi esse; et sensualiter, non solum sacra-\\nmento sed in veritate, manibus sacerdotum tractari\\net frangi et fidelium dentibus atteri; jurans per sanc-\\ntam ethomoousiam Trinitatem. Eos vero qui contra\\nbanc fidem venerint aeterno anathemate dignos esse\\npronuntio. Quod si ego aliquando aliquid contra\\nhaec sentire et prgedicare prsesumpsero subjaceara ca-\\nnonum severitati. Lecto et perlecto sponte subscrip-\\nsi. It is cited by Pagi in the Life of Nicholas II.,\\nas are the second and third professions of Berenger\\n(in 1078 and 1079) in the Life of Gregory, sect. Ixx.\\ntjixii.\\naddressing to the heretic a letter of peaceful\\nand friendly exhortation but as his opinion\\nand his contumacy now created some confu-\\nsion in the Church, Hildebrand, not long aller\\nhis elevation to the chair, summoned Beren-\\nger to Rome a second time. For the space\\nof nearly a year Gregory retained him near\\nhis person, and honored him with his famil-\\niarity and then, in a council in 1078, he was\\ncontented to require his subscription to a\\nprofession which admitted the real presence\\nwithout any change of substance and Ber-\\nenger did not hesitate to sign it.\\nBut this moderation did not satisfy the zeal\\nof certain ardent prelates, who required not\\nonly a more specific declaration of orthodoxy,\\nbut also that the sincerity of the retractation\\nshould be approved by the fiery trial. Ber-\\nenger is stated to have prepared himself by\\nprayer and fasting for submission to that cer-\\nemony but Gregory, iJiough he accorded the\\nfirst of their requisitions, refused to counte-\\nnance the senseless mockery of the second.\\nThe year following, another council assem-\\nbled, and once more Berenger in their pres-\\nence solemnly renounced his opinions, and\\nconfirmed by oath his adherence to the broad-\\nest interpretation of the Catholic faith. He\\nwas then dismissed by the pontiff, with new\\nproofs of his satisfaction and no sooner was\\nhe restored to the security of his native coun-\\ntry, than he renewed the profession of the\\ndoctrine which he had never in truth abandon-\\ned. But he received little further molestation\\nfrom the ecclesiastical powers, and died in\\n1088, at a very advanced age, with no other\\ndisquietude than those severe internal suffer-\\nings which were the consequence of his re-\\npeated and deliberate perjuries, f\\nBerenger was anxious for the reputation of\\na gi-eat Reformer, and perhaps sincerely zeal-\\nous for the extirpation of what he considered\\na revolting corruption but he did not aspire\\nto the glory of martyrdom. And when he\\npresented himself at four successive councils,\\nunder the obligation either to defen-d or re-\\ntract his opinions, we cannot doubt that, as he\\nsaw the former course to be useless as well as\\nDupin mentions that he was summoned before a\\ncouncil at Bourdeaux, in 1080, where he gave an\\naccount of his faith.\\nt A loud and very unimportant dispute has been\\nraised between Papists and Protestants as to the\\nopinions in which Berenger actually died. The truth\\nappears to be that he died a penitent, \u00e2\u0080\u0094and the\\nformer attribute to the consciousness of his heresy\\nthat remorse which the latter much more probably\\nascribe to his perjury.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0256.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "THE AGE OF GREGORY,\\n249\\ndangerous, he went there calmly prepared to\\ndebase himself by an insincere and perjured\\nhumiliation. Perhaps he preserved his prop-\\nerty, or prolonged his life for a few years, by\\nsuch reiterated sin and degradation but if his\\nlatest days were passed in remorse and bitter\\npenitence, his gain was not great, and the\\nmoments which he added to his existence\\nwere taken away from his happiness. His\\nfollowers were not, probably, very numer-\\nous and they were chilled by his weak-\\nness and confounded by his frequent recan-\\ntations. His fortitude and constancy would\\nhave confirmed and multiplied and perpetu-\\nated them. We admire his talents, we re-\\nspect his virtues, and venerate the cause in\\nwhich he displayed them but in that age the\\ndefence of that cause demanded (as it deserv-\\ned) a character of sterner materials and more\\nrigid consistency than was that of Berenger.\\nFrom the moderation which Gregory used\\ntowards the person of that Reformer, it has\\nbeen iufeiTed that he secretly favored his\\nopinions and this may be so far true, that\\nhe generally inculcated an adherence to the\\nwords of scripture f and discouraged any\\ncurious researches and positive decisions re-\\nspecting the manner of Christ s presence at\\nthe Eucharist. And as a real spiritual (or in-\\ntellectual) J presence was probably admitted\\nby Berenger himself, who professed only to\\nfollow the opinions of John Scotus, there\\ncould remain no ground for any violent dif-\\nference between the pope and the heretic.\\nII. Estahlishment of the Latin Liturgy.\\nBut if we are to consider the doctrine of tran-\\nsubstantiation to have been effectually estab-\\nlished, rather through the obstinate zeal of his\\necclesiastics, than by the favor of Gregory,\\nwe shall have no hesitation in attributing to\\nhis personal exertions a contemporary cor-\\nruption in the ceremonies of the church. It\\nwas the will of Hildebrand that the liturgy\\nof the Universal Church should be delivered\\nm Latin only and having once adopted that\\nscheme, as in every other object which he\\nWe mean that they formed a very trifling pro-\\nportion to the whole body of the church. They con-\\ntained no individual of any great eminence, nor do\\nthey appear to have existed as a sect after the death\\nof Berenger.\\nt Mosheim, cent. xi.\\nHist. Litt. de la France, Vie de Berenger.\\nAmbrose, Jerome, and A ugustin are the Fathers\\non whose authority Berenger chiefly rests his defence.\\nLanfranc, before he became Archbishop of Canterbu-\\nry, was his most distinguished opponent.\\n32\\nthought proper to pursue, he neglected no\\nimaginable means to cany it into effect. The\\nuse of Latin as the vulgar tongue, which had\\nprevailed throughout the southern provinces\\nof Europe, gradually ceased during the course\\nof the ninth century and the language of the\\nfirst conquerors insensibly gave place to the\\nbarbarous jargon of the second. Latin thus\\nbecame a subject of study, and all knowledge\\nof it was presently confined to the priesthood,\\nstill it seems clear that, in France as well as\\nin Italy, the services of the church continued\\nto be performed entirely in Latin, and even\\nthat sermons were for some time delivered in\\nthat tongue to an audience most imperfectly\\nacquainted with it. But in Spain, the Gothic\\nmissal had gradually supplanted the Roman,\\nand at the middle of the eleventh century was\\nuniversally prevalent in that church. Soon\\nafter that time, by the united influence (as is\\nsaid) of Richard, the papal legate, and Con-\\nstance, Queen of Leon (who had brought\\nwith her from France an attachment to the\\nforms of her native church,) Alfonso, the\\nsixth of Leon and first of Castile, was per-\\nsuaded to propose the introduction of the\\nRoman liturgy. The nobility and the peo-\\nple, and even the majority of the clergy,\\nwarmly supported the established form, and\\nafter some heats had been excited on both\\nsides, a day was finally appointed to decide\\non the perfections of the rival missals. To\\nthis effect, recourse was had, according to the\\ncustoms of those days, to the judgments of\\nGod, and the trial to which they were first\\nsubmitted was that by combat. Two knights\\ncontended in the presence of a vast assembly,\\nand the Gothic champion prevailed. The\\nking, dissatisfied with this result, subjected\\nthe missals to a second proof, which they\\nwere qualified to sustain in their own per-\\nsons\u00e2\u0080\u0094the trial by fire. The Gothic liturgy\\nresisted the flames, and was taken out unhurt,\\nwhile the Roman yielded, and was consumed.\\nThe triumph of the former appeared now to\\nbe complete, when it was discovered that the\\nashes of the latter had curled to the top of\\nthe flames, and leaped out of them. By this\\nstrange phenomenon the scales were again\\nturned, or at least tlie victory was held to be\\nso doubtful, that the king, to preserve a show\\nof impartiality, established the use of both\\nliturgies. It then became very easy, by an\\nexclusive encouragement of the Roman, ef-\\nfectually, though gradually, to banish its com-\\npetitor.\\nSee Dr. Macrie s History of the Progress and\\nSuppression of tb Refor ^.t on in \u00c2\u00ab-?a=", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0257.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "250\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nIt was one of the latest acts of Alexander\\nII. especially to prohibit the Bohemians from\\nperforming service in their native Sclavonian,\\nand to impose on them the Roman missal\\nand about seven years afterguards Gregory\\nprosecuted, as pope, the enterprise which,\\nas archdeacon, he had doubtless originated.\\nLittle serious resistance appears to have been\\nopposed to this and similar attempts and it\\nmay be asserted without dispute, that before\\nthe conclusion of the eleventh century, the\\nLatin liturgy was very generally received in\\nthe western churches.\\nThe motive of the popes for this vexa-\\ntious exertion of ecclesiastical tyranny was\\nnudoubtedly their ardor for the Unity of the\\nchurch, as one body under one head and to\\nthis end it certainly conduced, that she should\\nspeak to all her children, of all nations and\\nraces, in one language only. It was also ne-\\ncessary that that language should be Latin,\\nbecause it thus became a chain which not\\nonly united to each other the extremities of\\nthe North and the West, but also bound them\\nin universal allegiance to a common Sovereign.\\nBut this policy, like some other of the pro-\\nfoundest schemes of the Vatican, was calcu-\\nlated on the continuation of general ignorance.\\ntest between the liturgies began during the pontificate\\nof Alexander II., between the years 1060 and 1068;\\nbut one of the first acts of Gregory was to give his\\nstrenuous and effectual support to the Roman. See\\nPagi,Vit. Alex. II. et Greg. VII.\\nThe reason, which Gregory fairly avowed in his\\nanswer to Vratislaus, Duke of Bohemia, was the im-\\npolicy of making the scriptures too public; and, in\\nthis document, it is curious to observe with what\\nease, when it suited his purpose, he could dispense\\n{like Gregory the Great) with the authority of the\\nprimitive church, so conclusive and venerable when it\\nwas expedient to follow it. The expressions of so\\ngreat a pontiff deserve to be recorded: Quia Nebi-\\nlitas tua postulavit, quod secundum Sclavonicam lin-\\nguam apud vos divinum celebrari annueremus officium,\\nscias nos huic petitioni tuae nequaquam posse favere.\\nEx hoc nempe seepe vol ventibus liquet non immerito\\nSacram Scripturam omnipotenti Deo placuisse\\nquibusdam locis esse occuUam, ne, si ad liquidum\\ncunctis pateret, forte vilesceret et subjaceret despectui,\\naut prave intellecta a mediocribus in errorem induce-\\nret. Neque enira ad excusationem juvet, quod qui-\\ndam religiosi viri hoc quod simpliciter populus quse-\\nsivit, patienter tulerunt, seu incorrectum dimiserunt;\\ncum Primitiva Ecclesia multa dissimulaverit, qua3\\na Sanctis Pairibus, postmodum firmata Christianitate\\net religione crescente, subtili examinatione correcta\\nsunt. Unde ne id fiat, quod a vestris imprudenter\\nexposcitur, auctoritate B. Petri inhibemus, atque ad\\nhonorem omnipotentis Dei huic vanae temeritati viri-\\nbus totis resistere prsecipimus.\\nand the stability of principles which the\\nslightest efforts of reason were sufficient to\\noverturn.\\nWe should add, however, that a similar\\ncustom prevails among certain other nations\\nand creeds, which cannot have originated in\\nsimilar motives, but is rather to be attributed\\nto the superstitious veneration for antiquity,\\nso common where the understanding has been\\nlittle cultivated. The ^Egyptians or Jacobites\\nperformed their service in Coptic the Nesto-\\nrians in Syriac the Abyssinians in the old\\nJEthiopic and the prayers which are offered\\nto the god of the Mahometans are universally\\naddressed in Arabic. But the usage was en-\\ntirely contrary to the practice of the early\\nChristian church, which permitted every va-\\nriety of language in its ceremonies a practice\\nwhich received the positive confirmation of\\nthe Council of Francfort at the end of the\\neighth centui-y, and which was not entirely\\nsubverted till the pontificate of Gregory and\\nof his immediate successors.\\n(1.) In an early part of this work (Chap. V.\\np. 63,) Justin Martyr is accused of error in\\nhaving given to Simon Magus a statue which,\\nin fact, was dedicated to Semo Sangus, a Sa-\\nbine deity. The question, however, is in-\\nvolved in some un-certainty for it appears\\nthat the inscription found in 1574 was not\\nengraved on a statue (as above asserted,) but\\non a stone, bearing resemblance, indeed, to\\nthe basis of a statue, yet so small, that it could\\nscarcely have supported any representation\\nof the human body. Such is the account of\\nBaronius, (Ann. 44.) which at the time had\\nescaped the author. Under these circum-\\nstances, whatever may be the leaning of our\\nown private judgment, we are historically\\nbound to admit the direct affirmation of\\nJustin, who expressly asserts that the statue\\nexisted in his time. If we believe Baronius,\\nYou may have observed (saj s Fleury) that the\\noffices of the church were then in the language most\\nused in each country, that is to say, in Latin through\\nall tlie West, and in Greek through all the East, ex-\\ncept in the remoter provinces, as in Thebais where\\nthe ^Egyptian was spoken, and in Upper Syria\\nwhere Syriac was used The Armenians\\nhave, from the very beginning, performed divine ser-\\nvice in their own tongue. If the nations were of a\\nmixed kind, there were in the church interpreters to\\nexplain Avhat was read In Palestine, St. Sabas\\nand St. Theodosius had in their monasteries many\\nchurches, wherein the monks of different nations had\\ntheir liturgy, each in his own language.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0258.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "COLLATERAL REMARKS.\\n251\\nthat this stone cannot reasonably be consider-\\ned as a pedestal, we must also believe Justin\\notherwise we are compelled to suppose that\\nthe Father deliberately called that a statue\\nwhich has no part, or even support, of a\\nstatue, but a mere stone consecrated to rude\\nPagan divinity. At any rate, the direct evi-\\ndence is all on one side, with only a bare, and\\nas many will think, unreasonable supposition\\non the other.\\n(2.) In Chapter X, p. 141, a passage is cited\\nfrom St. Eligius, a bishop of Noyon, contem-\\nporary of Gregory the Great. The sense, and\\neven the words in question, had been previ-\\nously retailed both by Robertson and Jortin\\nand the original Latin is quoted by Mosheim,\\nwhom the latter of those writers has followed.\\nThe author of this work, who had also con-\\nfided in the same guide, has been lately led\\nto look more particularly into the Life of\\nEligius, as it is published in the Spicilegium\\nDacherii (vol. v., p. 147 304;) and he was\\npleased to discover many excellent precepts\\nand pious exhortations scattered among the\\nstrange matter with which it abounds. But\\nat the same time, it was with great sorrow\\nand some shame, that he ascertained the\\ntreachery of his historical conductor. The\\nexpressions cited by Mosheim, and cited too\\nwith a direct reference to the Spicilegium^\\nare forcibly brought together by a very un-\\npardonable mutilation of his authority. They\\nare to be found, indeed, in a sermon preached\\nby the bishop but found in the society of so\\nmany good and Christian maxims, that it had\\nbeen charitable entirely to overlook them, as\\nit was certainly unfair to weed them out and\\nheap them together, without notice of the rich\\nharvest that surrounds them. In justice, then,\\nto the character both of St. Eligius and his\\nchurch, and that the exact extent of the his-\\ntorian s delinquency may be known, we shall\\nhere subjoin the entire passage which Mos-\\nheim has disfigured and we are glad of the\\noccasion to present even this short specimen\\nof the discourses, which were delivered to a\\nChristian people in the age of its darkest ig-\\nnorance.\\nWherefore, my brethren, love your friends\\nin God, and love your enemies on account of\\nGod, for he who loveth his neighbor (saith\\nthe apostle) hath fulfilled the law for the\\nrnan who would be a true Christian must\\nobserve the precepts, since he who observes\\nnot circumvents himself He, then, is a good\\nChristian, who believes not in charms or in-\\nventions of the devil, but places the whole of\\nhis hope in Christ alone who receives the\\nstranger with joy, as though he were receiv-\\ning Christ himself; since it was He who said,\\nI was a stranger, and ye took me in, and\\ninasmuch as ye have done it unto the least of\\nthese my brethren, ye have done it unto me\\nHe, 1 say, is a good Christian, who washes the\\nfeet of the strangers, and cherishes them as his\\nbeloved parents who gives alms to the pooi\\nin proportion to his possessions ivho goes\\nfrequently to church and makes his oblations at\\nGod^s altar who never tastes of his own fruit\\nuntil he hath presented some to God who has\\nno deceitful balances, nor deceitful measures\\nwho has never lent his money on usury who\\nboth lives chastely himself, and teaches his\\nchildren and his neighbors to live chastely\\nand in the fear of God and who for many\\ndays before the festivals obsejves strict chastity,\\nthough he be married, that he may approach the\\naltar with a safe conscience lastly, who can\\nrepeat the Creed and the Lord s Prayer, and\\nteaches the same to his children and his\\nfamily. He who is such as this, without any\\ndoubt is a true Christian, and Christ dwells\\nin him.\\nBehold ye have heard, my brethren, what\\nsort of people good Christians are wherefore\\nstrive as much as you are able, with the help\\nof God, that the name of Christ may not be\\nfalse in you but to the end that ye be true\\nChristians, always ponder the precepts of\\nChrist in your mind, and also fulfil them in\\nyour practice. Redeem your souls from pun-\\nishment whilst you have it in your power give\\nalms according to your means keep peace\\nand charity recall the contentious to concord\\navoid lies ti-emble at perjury bear not false\\nwitness commit no theft offer your free gifts\\nand tithes to the churches; contribute towards\\nthe luminaries in the holy places repeat the\\nCreed and the Lord s Prayer, and teach it to\\nyour children instruct and correct even your\\ngod-children, and recollect that you are their\\nsponsors with God. Repair frequently to\\nchurch, and humbly implore the protection of\\nthe saints observe the Lord s day, through\\nreverence for Christ s resurrection, without\\nany bodily work piously celebrate the so-\\nlemnities of the saints love your neighbors\\nas yourselves, and do as you would be done\\nby; and what you wish not to be done to\\nyourselves, that do to no man. Observe\\ncharity before all things, because charity cov-\\ners a multitude of sins be hospitable, hum-\\nble, placing all your solicitude in God, since\\nhe hath care of you. Visit the iniirm, seek", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0259.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "252\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nout those who are in prison, take charge of\\nstrangers, feed the hungry, clothe the naked.\\nDespise jugglers and magicians; be just in\\nTour measures; require of no man more than\\nyour due and on no account exact usury.\\nIf you observe these things, you may appear\\nboldly at GocTs tribunal in the day of judgment,\\nand say. Give, Lord, as we have given show\\ncompassion even as we have shown it we\\nhave fulfilled what thou hast commanded, do\\nthou now reward us as thou hast promised.\\nThe sentences rinted in italics are those\\nwhich Mosheim has selected and stmng to-\\ngether, without any notice of the context.\\nThe impression which, by this method, he\\nconveys to his readers, is wholly false and\\nthe calumny thus indirectly cast upon his\\nauthor is not the less reprehensible, because\\nit falls on one of the obscurest saints in the\\nRoman calendar. If the very essence of his-\\ntory be truth, and if any deliberate violation\\nof that be sinful in the profane annalist, still\\nless can it deserve pardon or mercy in the\\nhistorian of the Church of Christ.\\nPART IV.\\nFROM THE DEATH OF GREGORY VII. TO THAT OF BONIFACE VIII.\\nCHAPTER XVII.\\nFrom Gregory VII. to Innocent III.\\n(1 Papal history Urban II. Council of Placentia\\nthat of Clermont their principal acts The Crusades\\ntheir origin and possible advantage Pascal II. Re-\\nnewed disputes with Henry his misfortunes, private\\nand public his death and exhumation Henry, his\\nson, marches to Rome Convention with Pascal re-\\nspecting the regalia its violation Imprisonment of\\nthe Pope his concessions annulled by subsequent\\nCouncil Henry again at Rome Death and character\\nof Pascal Final arrangement of the investiture ques-\\ntion by Calixtus II. Observations The first Lateran\\n(ninth general) Council Death of Calixtus Subse-\\nquent confusion and its causes Arnold of Brescia\\nhis opinions, fate, and character Adrian IV. Frederic\\nBarbarossa Disputes between them, and final success\\nof the Pope Alexander III. his quarrel with Fred-\\neric, and advantages his talents and merits Celestine\\nIII. The differences between Rome and the Empire\\nThe internal dissensions at Rome on papal election\\nNational contentions between Church and State. (II.)\\nEducation and theological learning Review of pre-\\nceding ages in Italy and France Parochial schools\\nDeficiency in the material Papyrus Parchment\\nConsequent scarcity of MSS. Invention of paper\\nThree periods of theological literature the character-\\nistics of each Gradual improvement in the eleventh\\ncentury.\\nThe death of Gregory did not restore either\\nconcord to the Church or repose to the Em-\\npire. The successor, whom at the solicitation\\nof his cardinals, he nominated on his death-\\nbed, testified a singular, but sincere, repug-\\nnance for a dignity, which being probably too\\nfeeble to sustain, he was too wise to de-\\nsire. Desiderius, Abbot of Mount Cassino,\\nheld for a short period, under the name of\\nVictor III., a disputed rule and on his early\\ndeath in the year 1087, Urban II., a native of\\nFrance, was proclaimed in his place. But\\nClement the Antipope was still in possession\\nof the Capital, where the imperial party was\\ntriumphant, and five years of dissension in-\\ntervened before the authority of Urban was\\ngenerally acknowledged. That Pope had\\nbeen a monk of Clugni, and owed his pre-\\nferment to the See of Ostia to the favor of\\nGregory and he continued to the end of his\\nlife to exhibit his fidelity by following, as far\\nas his talents permitted him, the schemes\\nwhich had been traced by his patron.\\nUrban II. Of the numerous councils held\\nduring his pontificate two are entitled to par-\\nticular attention those of Placentia and Cler-\\nmont f in both of these he confirmed the\\nHis disinclination for the dangerous honor is\\nBaid to have been so great, that he was actually drag-\\nged to the Church, and forcibly invested with the\\npontifical garments. Fleury, H. E., liv. Ixiii., sect.\\n25 and 27. But this circumstance Lj not mentioned\\nby Pagi though, on the authority of Leo Ostiensis,\\nhe bears ample testimony to Victor s reluctance.\\nThe only remarkable acts of personal hostility\\nwhich these two rivals appear to have exchanged,\\nwas a satiric taunt couched on either side in a pair\\nof very iimocent hexameters. Clement, insolent in\\nthe possession of the city, wrote to his rusticating\\nadversary as follows:\\nDicer is Urbanus, cum sis projectus ab Urbe;\\nVel muta nomen, vel regrediaris ad Uibem.\\nTo this Urban replied,\\nClemens nomen habes, .sed Clemens non potes esse,\\nTradita solvendi cum sit tibl nulla potestas.\\nHist. Litt. de la France.\\nf Both were held in 1095 the former on March 1,\\nthe latter on November 18. At the former were\\npresent two hundred bishops, nearly four thousand of\\nthe inferior clergy, and more than thirty thousand\\nof the laity so that the assemblies were held in the\\nopen air. The latter appears to have been still more", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0260.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "PAPAL HISTORY.\\n253\\nlaws and asserted the principles of Greg-\\nory, and carried his favorite claims to their\\nfull extent for by the fifteenth canon of the\\nlatter he enacted, that no ecclesiastic shall\\nreceive any church dignity from the hand of\\na layman, or pay him liege homage for it\\nand that no prince shall give the investiture.\\nBut that council is recommended to general\\nhistory by other and more important recollec-\\ntions. And w^hile at Placentia the final sanc-\\ntion w^as given to the two strongest character-\\nistics in the doctrine and in the discipline of\\nthe Roman Church namely, f transubstanti-\\nation and the celibacy of the clergy, it was\\nthe Council of Clermont which first sounded\\nthat blast of fanaticism which shook the whole\\nfabric of society, from the extremities of the\\nwest even to the heart of Asia, for above two\\ncenturies.\\nOrigin of the Crusades. It may seem strange\\nthat the sanguinary project of launching the\\npower of Christendom in one vast armament\\nagainst the Mahometan conquerors of the\\nHoly Land should first have been proposed\\nby a Pope, who was celebrated for his studi-\\nous cultivation of the noblest arts of peace.\\nIt was Sylvester II. with whom the scheme\\nof a general crusade originated but to him it\\nmay have been suggested by personal obser-\\nnuraerously attended. See Fleury, H. E., liv. Ixiv.,\\nsect. 22. Hist. Litt. de la France.\\nNe episcopus vel sacerdos regi vel alicui laico\\nin raanibus ligiam fidelitatera faciat. See Mosheini,\\nCent. xi. p. ii. c. ii. Fleury, liv. Ixiv., sect. 29.\\nt Hist. Litt. de la France. Vie de Berenger.\\nFleury, loc. cit. The question regarding the ordina-\\ntion of the sons of presbyters, which was warmly de-\\nbated about this time, was set at rest by the Council\\nof Clermont. It was conceded, that with dispensa-\\ntion from the Pope they might be admitted to Holy\\nOrders. Pagi (Vit. Urban. II., sect. 43.) ascribes\\nto this period the practice of administering the Eu-\\ncharist to the laity under one species only, which,\\nhe adds, became more confirmed, after the establish-\\nment of the kingdom of Jerusalem by the crusaders\\nfor in that Church (he maintains) it has existed from\\nprimitive times. We may also mention in this place,\\nthat the Office of the Holy Virgin, though perhaps\\nnot composed by Urban, was brought into more gen-\\neral use during his pontificate.\\nX It will be recollected that Sylvester, as well as\\nUrban and his agent Peter the Hermit, was a French-\\nman. So that the entire credit of the scheme, both\\nof its invention and the bringing it into practice,\\nbelongs, such as it h, to that enthusiastic and incon-\\nsiderate people. It is a remark of Gibbon, that at\\nthe Council of Placentia, in Italy, the people wept\\nover the calamities of the Christians of the East\\nwhile at Clermont, in France, they took up arms to\\navenge them*\\nvation of the sufferings of Spain and the hu-\\nmiliation of the Christian name. And to any\\none beholding and deploring the various dis-\\norders of Europe\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the fierce contentions of\\nkings with each other, their more fatal dis-\\nsensions with their subjects, the military\\nlicense which every where prevailed and\\nforbade all security of person or property it\\nmight have seemed an act of comparative\\nmercy to unite those discordant spu its even\\nby the rudest tie, and to divert against a com-\\nmon foe the turbulence which engaged them\\nin mutual destruction. The same measure\\nwas not without some justification in pru-\\ndence since the slightest caprice of a Sara-\\ncen conqueror might have directed his rage\\nagainst Christendom, and especially against\\nItaly, the most attractive, the most exposed,\\nthe least defensible province the centre of\\nthe Christian Church, and, as it were, the Pa-\\nlestine of the West. These and similar con-\\nsiderations may have recommended the same\\nproject to a much greater mind than that of\\nSylvester for it was also (as has been men-\\ntioned) a favorite design of Gregory VII.,\\nwho proposed personally to conduct against\\nthe infidel the universal army of Christ. It\\nwas realized by Urban II. and his exhorta-\\ntions to the Council of Clermont, being at\\nthe same time addressed to the superstitious\\nand the military spirit, the two predominant\\nmotives of action in that age, were received\\nw^ith an enthusiastic acclamation of frenzy,\\nvi^hich was mistaken for the approbation of\\nGod.\\nThe Pope closed the session of the council by a\\nsermon, which has been variously reported by differ-\\nent writers. Fleury gives the following sentences as\\na part of it, on the authority of William of Tyre, a\\ngrave and judicious author: Do you then, my dear\\nchildren, arm yourselves with the zeal of God; march\\nto the succor of our brethren, and the Lord be with\\nyou. Turn against the enemy of the Christian name\\nthe arms which you employ in injuring each other.\\nRedeem, by a service so agreeable to God your pil-\\nlages, conflagrations, homicides, and other mortal\\ncrimes, so as to obtain his ready pardon. We ex-\\nhort you and enjoin you, for the remission of your\\nsins, to have pity on die affliction of our brethren in\\nJerusalem, and to repress the insolence of the infidels,\\nwho propose to subjugate kingdoms and empires, and\\nto extinguish the name of Christ. Hist. Eccl., Liv.\\nIxiv., sect. 32. As the populace devoutly believed\\nthe Pope s assurance, that the pilgrimage would alone\\nfor the most abominable crimes, the immediate effect\\nof the crusade might be to rid Europe of the refuse of\\nits population just as the certain consequence would\\nbe the encouragement of crime, when the method of\\natonement was always at hand\u00c2\u00bb", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0261.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "264\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nWe do not propose to enter into any de-\\nscription of the military adventures of the\\ncrusaders, which have employed the eloquence\\nof so many writers but shall confine our-\\nselves to the less attractive, but perhaps more\\nuseful, task of occasionally recurring to the\\ndomestic changes connected with them, and\\ninvestigating the traces which they have left\\nin the History of the Church.\\nPascal IL Urban died in 1099, and was\\nsucceeded by Pascal II. Nearly contempora-\\nneous with the decease of Urban was that of\\nClement III., the Antipope, who had main-\\ntained with some interruptions the possession\\nof the capital, though unacknowledged by\\nthe great body of the Church. The imperial\\nparty was at that moment too weak to appoint\\na successor, and therefore Pascal entered into\\nundisputed occupation of the chair. Pascal,\\nas well as Gregory and Urban, had been edu-\\ncated in the monastery of Clugni like the\\nformer, he was a Tuscan like the latter,- he\\nwas indebted for his early advancement to\\nGregory and thus the spirit of that extraor-\\ndinary man, by animating the congenial bo-\\nsoms of his two disciples, continued to haunt\\nthe pontifical chair, and to regulate the coun-\\ncils of the Vatican, for above thirty years after\\nhis departure.* And if Urban prosecuted the\\nreforms undertaken by his master, and real-\\nized one of his fondest speculations, to Pascal\\nremained the more difficult and odious office\\nof resuming with fresh violence the interrupt-\\ned contest with the empire. He engaged in\\nit earnestly, if not eagerly and as the empe-\\nror was still unprepared for submission, he\\nprevented an attempt (perhaps an insidious\\nattempt) at compromise, by renewing (in 1102)\\nall former decrees against mvestitures, and\\nthen commenced the conflict by the usual\\nsentence of excommunication.\\nMisfortunes and Death of Henry IV. Hen-\\nry IV., after surviving so many Popes, was\\nstill in possession of the throne but his latter\\nyears had been afflicted by the rebellion, and,\\nwhat might be less bitter to him, by the death\\nof his eldest son. The affections of his sub-\\njects he never possessed nor deserved but\\nwe do not learn that by any domestic delin-\\nquency he had forfeited the less dissoluble\\nallegiance of his children. And yet, scarcely\\nhad Conrad terminated his unnatural impiety\\nby death, when as if the anathemas of Greg-\\noiy were still suspended over him as if to\\nPascal died on January 18th, 1118, after an un-\\nusually long pontificate of eighteen years, five months,\\nand five days.\\naccomplish the temporal retribution which\\nthat pontiff had denounced against the foes\\nof St. Peter Henry, his other son, on learn-\\ning the excommunication of his father, rose\\nin arms against him. A scene revoltmg to\\nnature and humanity was the consequence\\nand even the death of the Emperor, which\\nspeedily followed, does not close the story of\\nhis persecutions. His body, which was still\\nlying under the anathema, having been incon-\\nsiderately consigned to consecrated ground,\\nwas immediately dug up, ejected from the\\nholy precincts, and condemned to an unhal-\\nlowed sepulchre f and there it rested for the\\nspace of five years, a revolting monument of\\npapal power and papal malignity at length\\nthe sentence was withdrawn,! and Henry V.\\nwas permitted to make a tardy atonement to\\noffended nature and piety.\\nThere is no proof that Pascal positively\\nexcited this monstrous rebellion, but it is well\\nknown that he countenanced and promoted\\nit, and that too, not as a reluctant concession\\nof virtue to interest, but with ardent and un-\\ncompromising zeal. Indeed, his interest was\\nnot engaged in this matter, but his passions\\nmerely, and the vindictive hatred for Henry\\nIV. which he had contracted in the school of\\nGregory. The Holy See had nothing to gain\\nby the death or deposition of an unpopular\\nmonarch, but everything to fear from the union\\nwhich would probably ensue among his sub-\\njects. For, as to any prospect of gratitude\\nfrom his successor any hope that the Em-\\nperor would be mindful of services conferred\\nupon the rebel, a Tuscan and a Pope could\\nscarcely indulge so simple an expectation.\\nIf Pascal did so, he very speedily discovered\\nhis error for scarcely was Henry IV. dead,\\nwhen his son asserted with equal vehemence\\nthe disputed rights. The Pope resisted, and\\nboth parties prepared for a second struggle.\\nIt will be recollected tliat, in his second excom-\\nmunication of Henry, Gregory supplicated St. Peter\\nto take away from that prince prosperity in war and\\nvictory over his enemies, that all the world may\\nknow (says he) that thou hast power both in heaven\\nand on earth.\\nt Comprobantibus his qui aderant Archiepiscopis\\net Episcopis; quia quibus vivis ecclesia non commu-\\nnicat, illis etiam nee mortuis communicare possit.\\nUrspergensis Abbas, ap. Pagi, Vit. Pascalis II.\\nSome ascribe this act of barbarity to the German\\nBishops, and exculpate the Pope, except in as far as\\nhe had set them the example, by exhumating the\\nbones of Guibert the Antipope, who had been buried\\nat Ravenna, and casting them into the neighboring\\nriver.\\nX Fleury, H. E., lib. Ixv. s. 44, and lib. Ixvi. s. 5.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0262.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "PAPAL HISTORY.\\n255\\nHenry V. nothing deterred by the porten-\\ntous appearance of a comet, which inspired\\ngeneral dismay, descended into Italy during\\nthe summer of 1110, cai-efully prepared for a\\ntwofold contest with the Holy See; for he\\nwas not only attended by a powerful army,\\nbut also by a suite of literary protectors,* so\\nthat the pen might be at hand to justify the\\ndeeds of the sword. His advance was pre-\\nceded by a declaration of his intention, which\\nwas to maintain a right acquired by privilege\\nand the custom of his predecessors from the\\ntime of Charlemagne, and preserved during\\nthree hundred years under sixty-three popes\\nthat of presenting to bishoprics and abbeys\\nby the ring and crosier. In reality, his ob-\\nject, when more fully explained, was to pre-\\nvent the election of bishops without his con-\\nsent, to invest the bishop-elect with the regalia,\\nto receive from him homage and the oath of\\nallegiance. At the same time, he proposed to\\nundergo the solemn ceremony of coronation\\nat the hands of the Pope.\\nDispute between Henry V. and Pascal, By\\nthe regalia above-mentioned were understood\\nvarious grants confeiTed on the bishops by\\nCharlemagne, which partook of the privileges\\nof royalty, such as the power of raising trib-\\nute, coining money, and also the possession\\nof certain independent lands, directly derived\\nfrom the crown, with some other immunities.\\nAnd it seemed natural that the successors of\\nCharlemagne should retain the right of con-\\nfirming the privileges which he had bestowed.\\nThis circumstance involved the Pope in gi-eat\\nperplexity and though it was easy to publish\\nedicts, and advance vague and exorbitant pre-\\ntensions, when the Emperor was distant or\\nemban-assed, he could scarcely hope by such\\nexpedients to withstand his near and armed\\napproach. In this difficulty, Pascal proved\\nat least the sincerity of his professions, and\\nhis attachment to the best and purest interests\\nof the Church. He had the virtue to prefer\\nits spiritual independence to its worldly splen-\\ndor, and the courage to proclaim his prefer-\\nence. This better part being chosen, he con-\\ncluded a treaty with Henry, by which it was\\nagreed that the bishops, on the one hand,\\nshould make to Henry a positive cession of\\nall that belonged to the crown in the time of\\nOne of them was a Scotsman named David,\\nwho had presided over the schools at Wurtemberg,\\nand whom the King had appointed his chaplain, a.\\ncause de sa vcrtu. He wrote a relation of this ex-\\npedition, but rather as a panegyrist than a historian.\\nFlem-y, lib. Ixvi. s. 1, on authority of Will. Mal-\\nmes., lib. v. p. 166.\\nLouis, Henry, and his other predecessors, on\\npain of excommunication if they attempted to\\nusurp such regalia; and that the En.peror,\\non the other, should resign the rigVit of inves-\\ntiture. On this arrangement, the Pope con-\\nsented to perform the ceremony of corona-\\ntion,* and Henry proceeded to Rome for that\\npurpose.\\nThe circumstances which followed are told\\nwith some trifling variations, but were proba-\\nbly thus. The bishops interested in the trea-\\nty, and especially those of Germany, who\\nwould have been the greatest sufferers, felt\\nthe deepest repugnance to resign so large a\\nportion of their splendid temporalities for a\\nremote and invisible object, which, however\\nit might be accessory to the honor of the\\nChurch, did not benefit theii* own immediate\\ninterests. Consequently they protested with\\nso much violence against the compromise,\\nwhich seemed to them to exchange a sub-\\nstance for a shadow, that the Pope despaired\\nof his power to execute that condition of the\\ntreaty. In the meantime, Henry arrived at\\nRome he was conducted with acclamations\\nto the Basilica of St. Peter, where the Pope,\\nwith his Bishops and Cardinals, was waiting\\nto receive him. The King, according to the\\naccustomed ceremony, prostrated himself be-\\nfore the Pope, and kissed his feet he then\\nread the usual oath, and they advanced to-\\ngether into the church.f But here, before\\nthey proceeded to the office of consecration,\\na dispute broke out respecting the fulfil uient\\nof the treaty, and it was presently inflamed\\ninto an angry quarrel. Henry availed him-\\nself of the presence of his soldiers to an-est\\nthe Pope and several Cardinals the Roman\\npopulace took arms and endeavored to rescue\\nhim a fierce and tumultuous conflict ensu-\\ned, and the courts of the Vatican, and even\\nFor this compact we have the authority of Petrus\\nDiaconus (who cites a contemporary account of the\\ntransaction) confirmed by that of Urspergens. Abbas,\\nas follows. Ibi Legati Apostolici cum missis Regis\\nadvenientes, promptum essePapam ad consecrationem\\nsi taraen ipse sibimet annueret libertatem Eccle-\\nsiarum, laicam ab illis prohibens investituram re-\\ncipiendo nihilominus ab Ec clesiis Ducatus, Marchias,\\nComitatus, Advocatias, Moneta, Telonia, ceeteror-\\numque Kegalium quae possident summam. See Pagf,\\nVit. Fasch. II. Fleury, lib. Ixvi. s. ii.\\nt This took place on Feb. 11, 1111. Ter se m-\\nvicem complexi, ter se invicem osculati sunt; et,\\nsicut mos. Rex dexteram Pontificis tenens cum magno\\npopuli gaudio et clamore adPortam venit Argenteam.\\nIbi ex libro professionem imperatoriam faciens a\\nPontifice designatus est Imperator, c. Acta Vati.\\ncana ap. Baronium.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0263.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "25Q\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\nthe hallowed pavement of St. Peter, were\\npolluted with blood but the Germans suc-\\nceeded in preserving their prisoners, and car-\\nried them away to their neighboring encamp-\\nment at Viterbo. After a rigorous confinement\\nof two months, Pascal yielded to such persua-\\nsion as a king may exercise over his captive\\nand then he not only performed the required\\nceremony, but, by a new convention, ceded\\nunconditionally the right of investiture.\\nThe presence of the Emperor was demand-\\ned m Germany Pascal returned to Rome\\nbut he was saluted there by such a tempest\\nof indignation, as to find it necessary, m the\\nyear following, to submit the whole affair,\\neven as it involved his own personal conduct,\\nto a very numerous Council at the Lateran.\\nHere the Pope confessed the error into which\\nhis weakness had betrayed him and the\\nCouncil, with his consent, solemnly revoked\\nand cancelled the treaty, and justified their\\nperfidy by pleading the violence which had\\nextorted it. The immediate resentment of\\nHenry was diverted by civil disorders but in\\n1117, he marched to Rome as an avowed en-\\nemy Pascal retired to Benevento, and sought\\nthe protection of his Norman vassals, still\\nfaithful to the chair of Gregory. The Empe-\\nror presently withdrew, and Pascal returned\\nto his see, and died and his fortunes, in\\nmany respects similar to those of his patron,\\nwere blessed with a happier termination,\\nsince he was permitted to close his eyes at\\nRome. His fortunes were, in some respects,\\nsimilar to those of Gregory, and similar was\\nthe audacity of his pretensions but he want-\\ned the firmness necessary to dignify the form-\\ner, and to give weight and stability to the\\nlatter; his adversity was inglorious, and his\\narrogance feeble and without consequence.\\nThe levity of his character disqualified him\\nfor the task he had undertaken, and its plian-\\ncy did not compensate for its want of cohe-\\nrence and consistency.\\nConclusion of the quarrels about Investitures.\\nThe question respecting investitures, after\\nhaving variously agitated the kmgdoms of\\nthe west for half a century, was now draw-\\ning near to its final decision. After a short\\ninterval of disputed succession,* then usual\\non the death of every Pope, Calixtus II.,\\nArchbishop of Vienna, a Count of Burgundy,\\nand a near relative of the Emperor, was rais-\\ned to the pontifical chair. It does not ap-\\npear, however, that he sacrificed to the claims\\nGelasius II. stands in the list of Popes as having\\nfilled that intei val.\\nof consanguinity any portion of the rights oP\\npretensions of his see but he consented that\\nthe differences should be submitted for their\\nfinal arrangement to a Council, or Diet, to be\\nassembled at Worms for that purpose. A\\nConvention was there concluded, which was\\nreasonable and pennanent its substance was\\nthis (1.) That the election of bishops and\\nabbots, in his Teutonic kingdom, take place in\\nits rightful form, without violence or simony,\\nin the presence of the Emperor or his legate,\\nso that in case of a difference, his protection\\nbe given with the advice of the metropolitan\\nto the juster claim, f (2.) That the ecclesias-\\ntic elected receive his regalia at the hand of\\nthe Emperor, and do homage for them. But\\n(3.) that in the ceremony of investiture the\\nEmperor no longer use the insignia of spirit-\\nual authority, but the sceptre only. A similar\\narrangement had previously J taken place in\\nEngland between Henry I. and Pascal II.\\nand in France, if the custom of investiture\\nby the ring and crosier ever prevailed, which\\nseems uncertain, it had been abolished about\\nthe same time.\\nThe terms of this treaty, in which each\\nparty yielded what was extravagant in his\\nclaims, 1| were undoubtedly favorable to the\\nSee Fleury, liv. Ixvii. sect. 30. Pagi, Vit. Cal-\\nlisti II. sect. xxiv. xxv. This convention took place\\nin September, 1122.\\nt Si qua inter partes discordia emerserit, metro-\\npolitan] provincialium consilio vel judicio, saniori\\nparti assensum et auxilium prsebeas. So this clause\\nis expressed in the acts of the Lateran Council held\\nin the following year.\\nProbably in 1106, after a severe dispute between\\nthe Pope and King during the primacy of Anselra.\\nHist. Litt. France, Vie Pascal. Pagi, Vit. Pascal. II.\\nGuillaume de Champeau, Bishop of Chalons, is\\nrelated to have addressed (in 1119) the following dis-\\ncourse to the Emperor: Sire, if you desire a sub-\\nstantial peace you must absolutely renounce the in-\\nvestiture to bishoprics and abbeys. And to assure\\nyou that you will thus suffer no diminution of your\\nroyal authority, let me inform you, that when I was\\nelected in the kingdom of France, I received nothing\\nfrom the hand of the king, neither before nor after\\nconsecration. Nevertheless I serve him as faithfully\\nin virtue of the tributes and various other rights of\\nthe state which Christian kings have in ancient days\\ngiven to the Church, as faithfully, I say, as your\\nbishops in your kingdom serve you, in virtue of that\\ninvestiture which has drawn such discords and anath-\\nemas on you. Fleury, H. E. liv. Ixvii., sec. 3.\\nThe Emperor yielded to that argument.\\nII The peace of the Church is thus celebrated by\\nGotfridus of Viterbo, in his Chronicle:\\nReddit Apostolico Caesar quaecunque rogavit;\\nPax bona conficitur sublata Deo reparavit\\nJura sua? partis laetus uterque trahit.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0264.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "PAPAL HISTORY\\n257\\nChurch. Her restitution of the riglitful\\nform of election deprived the Emperor of\\nan usurped privilege which had been ex-\\ntremely valuable and profitable to him, both\\nin its use and its abuse. And since the\\nPopes, ever aft\u00c2\u00abr the edict of Alexander II.,\\nhad claimed as indisputable the right of con-\\nJirmation in episcopal election\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a claim which,\\nas it was purely ecclesiastical, the Emperor\\nhad not greatly cared to contest a large por-\\ntion of the influence which was ceded by the\\ncrown did in fact devolve on the holy see.\\nAgain, the onginal form of election was in\\nno case positively restored, since the advan-\\ntage of excluding the people, and even the\\nbody of the diocesan clergy, had been long\\nand generally acknowiedged so that the\\nright seems to have been invested almost im-\\nmediately in the chapters of the cathedral\\nChurches at least it was confirmed to them\\nabout the end of the twelfth century.\\nThe second condition of the Convention\\nsecured to the sovereign the civil allegiance\\nof his ecclesiastical subjects, and repressed\\ntheir dangerous struggles for entire immunity\\nfrom feudal obligations. At the same time it\\nrestored to them the integrity of their ghostly\\nindependence, and cut off the last pretence\\nfor secular interference in matters strictly\\nspiritual.\\nSo easy and reasonable was the conclusion\\nof that debate, which, in addition to the usual\\ncalamities of international warfare, had excit-\\ned subjects against their sovereign, and chil-\\ndren against their fathers, which had con-\\nvulsed the holy Church, and oveithrown its\\nsanctuaries, and stained its altars with blood.\\nHowever, on a calm historical survey of the cir-\\ncumstances of the conflict, and of the crimes\\nand errors which led to them, we are little\\ndisposed to load with unmixed reprehension\\nany individual of either party. The crimes^\\nindeed, and the passions which produced\\nthem, were equally numerous and flagi-ant on\\neither side; on the one, were tyranny and\\nprofligacy and brutal violence: arrogance\\nand obstinacy and imposture, on the other\\npride and ambition and injustice, on both.\\nYet our prejudices naturalljf incline to the\\nimperial party; because the same or equal\\nvices become infinitely more detestable when\\nthey are found under the banners of religion.*\\nMosheim is disposed to throw all the reproach of\\nthis dispute on the monastic education and character\\nof Gregory and his two disciples; and these he con-\\ntrasts with the more secular virtues which high birth\\nand society had nourished in Calixtus. But in tlie\\nfirst place, the whole blame is not by any means on\\n33\\nBut the errors were those of the times rather\\nthan of the men, and even served, in some\\ndegree, to palliate the crimes. The barbarism\\nof preceding ages and the ignorance actually\\nexisting, had engendered and nourished a\\nswarm of obscure notions and active preju-\\ndices, which infatuated the vulgar, and par-\\ntially blinded even the best and the wisest.\\nThe records of past events were little studied;\\nindeed they were seen only by those discon-\\ntinuous glimpses, which perplex and deceive\\nfar more than they enlighten and reason\\nhad lost her native force, and health, and\\npenetration, through neglect and abuse so\\nthat claims the most absurd were established\\nby arguments the most senseless and men\\ncould not rightly discern the real nature of\\ntheir adversaries pretensions, nor even the\\nstrength of their own, so as effectually to\\ncontrovert the one, or rationally to maintain\\nthe other. Thus were their contests carried\\non in a sort of moral obscurity, which took\\noff nothing from their positiveness and ob-\\nstinacy, and permitted even additional license\\nto their malignity.\\nThe First Lateran Council. In the year\\n1123 a very numerous assembly was held at\\nRome, which is commonly acknowledged in\\nthat Church as the ninth General, and the\\nFirst Lateran council. Of the two-and-twen-\\nty canons which resulted from its labors, the\\ngreater part were in confirmation of the acts\\nof preceding Popes and we observe that the\\nobject of several of the original enactments\\nwas to protect the property of the Church\\nfrom alienation, and lay usurpations. There\\nwas one which promoted the Crusading zeal,\\nboth by spiritual promises and menaces. And\\namong the most important we may consider\\nthat (the 17th) which prohibited abbots and\\nmonks from the performance of public mass-\\nes, the administration of the holy chrism, and\\nother religious services, and confided those\\nsolemn offices entirely to the secular clergy.\\nThis was an early and very public manifesta-\\nthat side, but is very equally divided with the empire\\nand in the next, Pascal at least did actually prove,\\nby his arrangement with the English king, his dispo-\\nsition to end the controversy, on the very terms final-\\nly accepted by Calixtus. Mosheim moderates with\\ngreat impartiality between contending sects, and a\\nvery great merit that is; but when the contest is be-\\ntween a Pope and a German sovereign, his feelings\\nsometimes overpower his perfect judgment.\\nAbout a thousand prelates were present, of whom\\nabove three hundred were bishops, and above six\\nhundred abbots. Many pontifical Councils had been\\npreviously held at the Lateran, but this was the first\\nwhich obtained a place among the General Councils.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0265.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "258\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntioii of that jealousy between the two orders\\nof the Romish hierarchy, which in a later\\nage displayed itself so generally as to become\\nan efficient instrument in working its over-\\nthrow.\\nPopular tumults at Rome. Calixtus died in\\n1124, and during the thirty years which fol-\\nlowed, the pontifical city enjoyed scarcely\\nany intermission from discord and convul-\\nsion. The names of Honorius and Inno-\\ncent,* and Anaclete and Eugenius, with some\\nothers, pass by in rapid and tumultuous pro-\\ncession. The chair, which was generally\\ncontested, was never maintained to any good\\npurpose and one of its possessors, Lucius\\nII., was actually murdered by the populace\\nin an attempt to restore tranquillity.\\nArnold of Brescia. But we must here ob-\\nserve, that the popular commotions of this\\nperiod were not of the same description with\\nthose which we have already found occasion\\nto notice; the question of papal election had\\nceased to be their sole, or even their princi-\\npal, cause the turbulence which had been\\noccasioned by the abuse of that right, and\\nprolonged by the endeavor to reclaim it, was\\nnow founded in a deeper and much more\\npowerful motive. A party had lately grown\\nup in the Roman city of patriots ambitious to\\nrestore the name, and, as some might fondly\\ndeem, the glory of the ancient republic. And\\nthe first and necessary step towards the accom-\\nplishment of this scheme was the subversion,\\nor, at least, the entire reconstruction of the\\necclesiastical system. To diminish the privi-\\nleges, to reduce the revenues of the church,\\nto deprive the Pontiff of temporal power and\\nall civil jm isdiction, and to degrade (should\\nwe not rather say, to exalt his stately splen-\\ndor to the homeliness of his primitive pre-\\ndecessors these were the projects prepara-\\ntory to the political regeneration of Rome.\\nAbout the year 1135, Arnold, a native of Bres-\\ncia, a disciple of the celebrated Abelard, re-\\nturned to Italy from the schools of Paris, and\\nhaving assumed the monastic habit, began\\npublicly to preach and declaim against the\\nvices of the clergy. It is admitted by a\\nCatholic writer, f that the pomp of the pre-\\nThe Pontificate of Innocent II., though inter-\\nrupted by frequent dissension, was the longest and\\nthe most important; and during it, in the year 1139,\\nthe tenth General Council, or second Lateran, was\\nassembled.\\nf Fleury, H. E., lib. Ixviii., sect. 55. Arnold\\nmaintained that there was no hope of salvation for\\nprelates who held baronies, or for any clerks or monks\\n^ho possessed any fixed property that those posses\\nlates, and the soft licentious life both of clerks\\nand monks, furnished abundant materials for\\nhis denunciations but it is complained that\\nhe exceeded the limits of truth and modera-\\ntion and it is besides asserted, that his or-\\nthodoxy was liable to suspicion, and that he\\nheld some unsound opinions respecting the\\nEucharist and mfant baptism. In conse-\\nquence of these various charges, he was con-\\ndemned by a Lateran Council, in 1139 he\\nimmediately retired from Italy, and transfer-\\nred his popular declamation to Zurich, in\\nSwitzerland.\\nAdrian IV. Not many years afterwards,\\nencouraged by the independent spirit which\\nwas rising at Rome, he boldly selected that\\nmetropolis for the scene of his two-fold exer-\\ntions against papacy and despotism. In the\\nmeantime (in the year 1154) a man of decided\\nfirmness and energy had obtained possession\\nof the Chair. Adrian IV., the only English-\\nman who ever attamed that dignity, had raised\\nhimself from the very lowest office in society\\nto the throne of St. Peter; and though the ar-\\nrogance which he then exhibited might en-\\ntirely belong to his latest fortunes, an intrepid\\nresolution, tempered by the most refined ad-\\ndress, must have characterized every stage of\\nhis progress since these are qualities which\\noffices and dignities may exercise, but can\\nnever bestow. In the year following his ele-\\nvation, one of his cardinals was dangerously\\nwounded in some tumult excited by the asso-\\nciates of Arnold. Adrian instantly placed the\\ncity of Rome under an interdict the churches\\nwere closed, and the divine offices for some\\ntime suspended, in the very heart of the\\nCatholic church. The priests and the people\\nwearied the pontifical chau* with supplications\\nfor a recall of the edict, but Adrian did not re-\\nlent until Arnold and his associates were ex-\\npelled from the city. All the people (says\\nFleury) blessed God for this mercy: on the\\nsions belonged to the prince, and that he alone could\\nbestow them, and on faymen only; that the clergy\\nought to live on the tithes and the voluntary oblations\\nof the people, content with a moderate and frugal\\nsufficiency. Pagi, Vit. Innocent II., sect. Ixix., re-\\nfers to Otho Frisingensis. The ravings (deliramenta)\\nof Peter de Bruis were condemned on the same occa-\\nsion. That Heresiarch objected to the reverenee paid\\nto the cross, denied the daily sacrifice of the body and\\nblood of Christ, and the efficacy of prayers or alms\\nfor the dead, besides other unpardonable errors..\\nHis name was Nicholas Breakspeare going to\\nAries, in Provence, he was admitted in the quality of\\nservant to the Canons of St. Rufus, where he became\\nmonk, and in the sequel Abbot and General of the\\nOrder.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0266.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "PAPAL HISTORY.\\n259\\nfollowing day (Holy Thursday,) they rushed\\nfrom every quarter to receive the customary\\nabsolution, and a vast multitude of pilgrims\\nAvas also present. Then the Pope, attended\\nby bishops and cardinals, and a numerous\\ntroop of nobles, came forth from his residence,\\nand crossing the extent of Rome, amidst the\\nacclamations of the people, arrived at the La-\\nteran Palace, where he celebrated the festival\\nof Easter.\\nFrederic Barharossa. Soon afterwards, Ar-\\nnold unliappily fell into the power of Frederic\\nBarbarossa, who was then in Italy on his ad-\\nvance to Rome and the Emperor, probably\\nactuated by a common dislike to independence\\nand innovation under every form, yielded up\\nhis prisoner to tlie solicitations of the Pope.\\nHe was conducted to Rome, and subjected to\\nthe partial judgment of an ecclesiastical tribu-\\nnal. His guilt was eagerly pronounced, the\\nprefect of the city delivered his sentence, and\\nhe was burnt alive, in the presence of a\\ncareless and ungrateful people. But lest this\\nsame multitude, with the same capriciousness,\\nshould presently turn to adore the martyr and\\noffer worship at his tomb, his ashes were con-\\ntemptuously scattered over the bosom of the\\nTiber. His name has been the subject of\\nsplendid panegyric and scandalous calumny\\nwith its claims to political celebrity, we have\\nno concern in this history but in respect to\\nhis disputes with the church, we may venture\\nto rank Arnold of Brescia among those earnest\\nbut inconsiderate reformers, whose pi-emature\\nopposition to established abuses produced little\\nimmediate result except their own discomfi-\\nture and destruction but whose memory has\\nbecome dear, as their example has been useful,\\nto a happier and a wiser posterity whom we\\ncelebrate as martyrs to the best of hujnan\\nprinciples, and whose very indiscretions we\\naccount to them for zeal and virtue.\\nFrederic Barbarossa, whose elevation was\\nnearly contemporaneous with that of Adrian,\\nhad also announced his intention to restrain\\nthe increasing wealth and moderate the inso-\\nlence of the Pope and his clergy and in 1155,\\nhe proceeded to Rome for the purposes of\\ncelebrating his coronation, and commencing\\nhis reform but he found the Pontiff as firm\\nand as powerful to resist imperial interference\\nas to quell domestic disorder. And so far was\\nAdrian, on this occasion, from betraying the\\ninterests of his order, or the prerogatives of\\nhis oflice, that he even asserted a recent and\\nambiguous and singularly offensive claim\\nhe demanded the personal service of the Em-\\nperor to hold his stirrup when he mounted\\nhis horse.* A precedent for this indignity\\nhaving been pointed out to him, Barbarossa,\\nthe haughtiest prince in Europe, at the head\\nof a powerful and oliedient army, submitted\\nto an office of servitude, which he may possi-\\nbly have mistaken for Christian humiliation.\\nBut, however that may be, the triumph of the\\nSee over so great a monarch proved the sub-\\nstantial reality of its power, and the awe\\nwhich it deeply inspired into the most intre-\\npid minds.\\nSome vexatious pretensions of Adrian re-\\nspecting the regalia, and a gratuitous insinu-\\nation that Frederic held the empire as a fief\\n(beneficium) from Rome, served to keep alive\\na jealous in-itation between the Church and\\nthe empire, though peace was not actually\\ninterrupted. Frederic, on the other hand,\\npublished, in 1158, an edict, of which the ob-\\nject was to prevent the transfer of fiefs with-\\nout the knowledge and consent of the superior\\nor lord in whose name they were held. It\\nwas by such unauthorized transfers of feudal\\nproperty that the territories of the Church had\\nfor a long period been gradually swollen, so\\nas to spread themselves in every direction\\nover the surface of Europe. The law in\\nquestion was well calculated to check their\\nfurther mcrease, and it seems to have been\\nthe first that was enacted for that pui-pose.\\nIts obvious tendency did not escape the di-\\nrectors of the Church but the opposition\\nwhich it had peculiarly to expect from the\\nHoly See was suspended by the death of\\nAdi-ian and the confusion which followed it.\\nAlexander III. Alexander III. was imme-\\ndiately elected by a very large majority of\\nthe cai dinals but as some of the other party\\nstill persisted in supporting a rival named\\nOctavian,! Frederic, on his own authority,\\nsummoned a General Council at Pavia to\\ndecide on their claims. Alexander disputed\\nthe Emperor s right to arbitrate or at all to\\ninterfere in the schisms of the Church and,\\nThis homage (says Gibbon) was paid by\\nkings to archbishops, and by vassals to their lords\\nand it was the nicest policy of Rome to confound the\\nmarks of filial and feudal subjection. Chap. 69.\\nt After the death of Octavian, Alexander had still\\nto struggle successively with three other Antipopes.\\nThe second, called by his adherents Calixtus III.,\\nwas appointed in 1168, and abdicated in about ten\\nyears but his party replaced him by another puppet,\\nwhom they called Innocent III.\\nFrederic had two precedents for his claim, though\\nhe might not perhaps much regard, or even know,\\nthat circumstance. In 408 Honorius held a Council", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0267.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "260\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nas he refused to present himself at the Coun-\\ncil, his rival was declared to be duly elected,\\nand the decision received the approbation of\\nthe Emperor. But Alexander was still sus-\\ntained by the more faithful and powerful party\\nwithin the Church, and acknowledged by\\nmost of the sovereigns of Europe and from\\nthese supports he derived confidence suffi-\\ncient to excommunicate his adversary, and to\\nabsolve his subjects from their oath of fidelity.\\nBut Frederic did not feel the blow he pro-\\nceeded to place his creature in possession of\\nthe pontifical city, while Alexander adopted\\nthe resolution, so commonly followed by his\\nsuccessors in afi;er ages, to seek security in the\\nterritories of France. He withdrew to Mont-\\npelier with his whole court, and resided in\\nthat neighborhood for the space of three years,\\ntill circumstances enabled him to return to\\nRome in 1165. Here he was soon afterwards\\nassailed by Frederic in person, and though\\ndefended for some little time by the ambigu-\\nous and venal fidelity of the Romans, he was\\nfinally obliged to escape in the disguise of a\\npilgrim. He retired to Benevento, but not till\\nhe had thundered another anathema against\\nFrederic and on this occasion he not only\\ndeprived him of the throne, but also forbade,\\nby the authority of God, that he should\\nthereafter have any force in battle, or triumph\\nover any Christian or that he should enjoy\\nanywhere peace or repose, until he had given\\nsufficient proofs of his penitence. f The de-\\nnunciations contained in this frightful sen-\\ntence were not, indeed, wholly accomplished\\nyet did it so come to pass, that Frederic was\\nobliged to retire almost immediately from\\nRome by the sickness of his army and that,\\nin the long and destructive war which follow-\\ned, he suffered such reverses as to find it ex-\\npedient (in the year 1177) to sign a disad-\\nvantageous treaty with the Pope. The war\\nat Ravenna to decide the disputed election between\\nBoniface and Eulalius, and his decision was followed\\nby the Church. Afterwards the schism between Sym-\\nmachus and Laurentius was terminated by Theodoric,\\nthough an Arian. The imperial power does not ap-\\npear to have been disputed in either instance.\\nIt appears that he could secure little influence\\nover the Roman people, who, pretending to wish\\nwell to both parties, were faithful to neither, until\\nhe received a large sum of money from William, his\\nSicilian vassal. Fleury, H. E., liv. Ixxi., sec. 34,\\nc. c.\\nt See Pagi, Vit. Alexandri III., sect. 66, who\\nreasonably assigns this event to the year 1167.\\nX Alexander is accused, and with some justice, of\\nhaving too exclusively consulted his own interests in\\nthis affair, and of having negotiated a truce only for\\nwas for the most part carried on in the North\\nof Italy and as it was fomented by the ad-\\ndress and policy, rather than by the sword, of\\nAlexander, the calm expression of his exulta-\\ntion was in some manner justified it hath\\npleased God (he said) to permit an old man\\nand a priest to triumph without the use of\\narms over a powerful and formidable em-\\nperor.\\nFrom that time Alexander possessed in\\nsecurity the chair which he had merited by\\nhis persevering exertions, as well as by his\\nvarious virtues. He immediately turned his\\nattention to the internal condition of the\\nChurch, and his first object was to remove\\nfrom his successors an evil which had so long\\nand so dangerously, afflicted himself Accord-\\ningly he summoned (in 1179) a Council, com-\\nmonly called the third of Lateran, and there\\nenacted those final regulations f respecting\\npapal election which have already been men-\\ntioned.\\nAmong the very few characters which\\nthrow an honorable lustre upon the dark\\nprocession of pontifical names, we may con-\\nfidently record that of Alexander HI., not\\nonly fi-om the splendor of his talents, his con-\\nstancy, and his success, but from a still nobler\\nclaim which he possesses on our admiration.\\nHe was the zealous champion of intellectual\\nadvancement, and the determined foe of igno-\\nrance. The system of his internal adminis-\\ntration was regulated by this principle, and he\\ncarried it to the most generous extent. He\\nmade inquiries in foreign countries, and espe-\\ncially in France, for persons eminent for learn-\\ning, that he might promote them, without re-\\ngard to birth sr influence, to the highest eccle-\\nsiastical dignities. He caused large numbers of\\nthe Italian Clergy, to whom their own countiy\\ndid not supply sufficient means of instruction,\\nto proceed to Paris for their more liberal edu-\\ncation and having learnt that in some places\\nthe chapters of cathedrals exacted fees from\\nyoung proficients before they licensed them\\nto lecture publicly, Alexander removed the\\nabuse, and abolished every restriction which\\nhis faithful allies, while he secured an honorable and\\nprofitable peace for himself. Denina (Rivol. d Ital.\\nL. xi. C. iv.) calls it a Face particolare fra Ales-\\nsandro III. e Federico.\\nMuratorij in his forty-eighth dissertation, de-\\nscribes Frederic as Vir alti animi, acris ingenii,\\nmultarumque virtutum consensu ornatus.\\nf These regulations were so effectual, that during\\nthe 600 following years, a double choice (as Gibbon\\nobserves) only once disturbed the unity of the College\\nChap. 69.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0268.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "PAPAL HISTORY\\n261\\nhad been arbitrarily imposed on the free ad-\\nvance of learning. At the same time he was\\nnot so blinded by this zeal as to consider the\\nmere exercise of the understanding as a suffi-\\ncient guarantee for moral improvement. But\\nobserving, on the contrary, with great appre-\\nhension the progress of the scholastic system\\nof theology, and the numberless vain disputa-\\ntions to which it gave rise, he assembled a\\nvery large Council of Men of Letters* for the\\npurpose of condemning that system, and dis-\\ncouraging its prevalence at Paris.\\nHe died in 1181 m the course of the ten\\nfollowing years four pontiffs ruled and passed\\naway, and in 1191 the chair was occupied by\\nCelestine III., the fifth from Alexander. This\\nprelate has deserved a place in the history of\\nmankind, by the protection which he afforded\\nto Richard I. of England, when imprisoned on\\nhis return fi-om the Holy Land. He died in\\n1198, and was succeeded by Lotharius, Count\\nof Segni, a Cardinal Deacon, who assumed\\nthe name of Innocent III.\\nWe shall conclude this account with a few\\nof the observations which most naturally offer\\nthemselves. From the moment that the Ro-\\nman See put forward its claims to temporal\\nauthority, its history presents a spectacle of\\ncontentions, varying indeed in character and\\nin bitterness, but in their succession almost un-\\ninterrupted. The retrospect of the period of\\none hundred and fifteen years, of which the\\nmost memorable circumstances have now been\\nrelated, presents to us a mass of angry dissen-\\nsions, which may generally be distinguished\\nmto three classes: (1.) The first and most\\nprominent of these contains such quarrels as\\narose^hi continuation of the grand debate be-\\ntween the popedom and the empire. It was\\nnot sufiicient that the original matter of dis-\\npute was removed by the concordat of Calix-\\ntus the roots of animosity lay deeper than the\\nform of an investiture, and they had branched\\nout more widely and more vigorously during\\nthe contest which succeeded that concordat.\\nThe coronation of every new emperor was\\nnow attended by a new dispute, which usually\\ncaused immediate bloodshed, and was some-\\ntimes prolonged into obstinate warfare. Rome\\nnad never a more formidable German adver-\\nsary than Frederic Barbarossa yet so far was\\nhe from obtaining any lasting advantage over\\nher, that the papal pretensions appear to have\\ngained considerably both in consistency and\\ngeneral credit during his reign, or, to speak\\nThree thousand gens de lettres are said to have\\nbeen assembled on that occasion. Hist. Liti de la\\nFrance, xii. siecle.\\nmore properly, during the pontificate of Alex-\\nander III. Frederic was not justified in con-\\ntesting the legitimacy of that pontiff. What-\\nsover general rights he might possess over the\\nRoman church (and they were very vague and\\ncould only be temporal whatsoever prece-\\ndents he might plead for interference (and\\nthose were very remote, and not wholly ap-\\nplicable to the present case the election of\\nAlexander was unquestionably valid, accord-\\ning to the canons which had been enacted a\\ncentury before and never repealed or contest-\\ned, and according to the practice of the See\\nsince the days of Gregory VII. Assuredly,\\nthe desire to recover an obsolete privilege,\\nvirtually ceded by the silence of intervening\\ntreaties, was excuse insufficient for that vio-\\nlent opposition, which did properly terminate\\nin defeat and humiliation, as it was com-\\nmenced and continued in injustice. (2.) The\\ncontentions among the rival candidates for\\nthe pontifical chair, so scandalous and so usual\\nin former periods, had abated nothing of their\\nrage in the present for though they changed\\ntheir character, they lost not any part of their\\nvirulence, from the intermixture of political\\nanimosity. The short reigns of the greater\\nnumber of the pontiffs, and the most trifling\\ndivisions in the college, gave frequent occa-\\nsion, and some pretext, for popular interfer-\\nence and this could never be exercised with-\\nout excess. The regulation of Nicholas II.\\nwas not in fact of much real advantage, except\\nas a preparatory measure to that of Alexander\\nIII., for it was vain to exclude from positive\\nelection an unprincipled and venal mob, as\\nlong as they retained a negative influence, it\\nwas of no avail, as a final arrangement, to\\nforbid their suffrage, and to require their con-\\nsent, for the turbulent expression of their\\ndisapprobation was instantly seized by the\\ndefeated candidate, as furnishing some hope\\nfor success, or, at least, some plea for perse-\\nverance. And perhaps it was not the least\\nevil of those tumults, that they encouraged\\nand almost invited the interference of the\\nemperor, so seldom offered with any friendly\\nintention. There was no other possible me-\\nthod of securing at once the justice and decen-\\ncy of papal election, than by the entire exclu-\\nsion of the people this measure was at length\\neffected by Alexander. (3.) Of another des-\\ncription again were those dissensions which\\ndistracted the several kingdoms of Europe by\\nthe internal division of the church and the\\nstate, that is, by the opposition of the eccle-\\nsiastical to the civil authorities. But since in\\nthese matters the aftairs of every nation con-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0269.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "262\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\nstitute histories essentially distinct from each\\nother, and mainly influenced, in every in-\\nstance, by civil concerns and since the de-\\ntached incidents which w^e might produce\\nwould form independent narratives, standing\\nfor the most part on separate foundations, it\\nwould be difficult, in these limited pages, to\\ngive them consistency, or even coherence.\\nWe must, therefore, content ourselves with\\nreferring to the annals of the diiferent nations\\nfor the details of such disputes to those of\\nFrance, for instance, for the quarrel between\\nLouis le Gros and the Bishop of Paris, who\\nhad the boldness to excommunicate his sove-\\nreign and to those of our own country for the\\nparticulars of the aggression of William Rufus\\non the property of the church, made during the\\npontificate of Urban II., and of the protection\\nperseveringly vouchsafed to Thomas a Becket\\nby the piety or policy of Alexander III.\\nTo those abovementioned we might rea-\\nsonably add another form of discord which\\nwas beginning obscurely to present itself, with\\nomens and menaces of tribulation. The voice\\nof heresy had been already raised in the val-\\nleys of France, and the ministers of spiritual\\ndespotism had already bestirred themselves for\\nits suppression. But this subject is so pecu-\\nliarly connected with the celebrity of Inno-\\ncent III., that we shall not disconnect it from\\nhis name.\\nII. Education and theological learning. The\\ngradual establishment of the peculiar doctrines\\nand practices of the Church of Rome, though\\noccasionally influenced by the vicissitudes of\\nliterature, is not inseparably connected with its\\nhistory, but was promoted in different ages by\\nvery different causes. It is indeed remarked,\\nthat in the tenth century the disputes respecting\\npredestination and other subtile questions be-\\ncame less common, and gave place to the final\\nestablishment of the doctrine of Purgatory,\\na change well suited to the transition from an\\nage (the ninth,) distinguished by some efforts of\\nintellectual inquisitiveness, into one remarkable\\nfor the general prostration of the human un-\\nderstanding. But, on the other hand, we find\\nthat, in the eleventh and twelfth ages, the ne-\\ncessity oi secret confession was more strictly and\\nassiduously inculcated yet the firmer riveting\\nof that spiritual chain cannot certainly be attri-\\nbuted to any further access of darkness. In\\nfact, the contrary was the case, since the par-\\ntial revival of letters is very justly ascribed to\\nthat period. But the innovation which we\\nhave last mentioned, and to which others\\nmight be added, was probably occasioned\\nby the disputes then prevailing between the\\nchurch and the empire, which made it neces-\\nsary to extend by every exertion the influence\\nof the clergy over their lay fellow-subjects.\\nAgain, the use of indulgences in the place\\nof canonical penance, which grew up in the\\ntwelfth age, was one of the earliest and most\\npernicious creations of the crusades, and\\nwholly independent of the growth and move-\\nments of literature. But notwithstanding these\\nand many other points of disconnexion, there\\nhas ever existed a sort of general correspon-\\ndence between religion and learning, most\\nespecially remarkable in those ages when the\\nministers of the one could alone give access\\nto the mysteries of the other, and when the\\nonly incentive to studious application was\\nreligious zeal or ecclesiastical ambition so\\nthat it would be as improper entirely to sepa-\\nrate those subjects as it would be impossible,\\nin these pages, to enter very deeply into dis-\\ncussion concerning the ecclesiastical literature\\nof so many ages. We shall therefore content\\nourselves by strivmg from time to time to il-\\nlustrate this work by such subsidiaiy lights as\\nshall most obviously present themselves, so\\nfar at least as regards the different forms of\\ntheological learning, and the methods of the-\\nological education. At present, after a very\\nbrief review of earlier times, we shall conclude\\nour imperfect inquiries at the end of the\\neleventh century.\\nEarly Schools. The earliest schools estab-\\nlished in the provinces of the Western Em-\\npire were of civil foundation, and intended\\nentirely for the purposes of civil education\\nand so they continued until the social system\\nwas subverted by the barbarian cdliquest.\\nThis revolution affected the literary in com-\\nmon with all other institutions in the course\\nof the sixth century profane learning entire-\\nly disappeared, together with the means of\\nacquiring it; and before its conclusion, the\\noffice of instruction had passed entirely into\\nthe hands of the clergy. The municipal\\nschools of the empire gave place to cathedral\\nor episcopal establishments, which were at-\\ntached, in every diocese, to the residence of\\nthe bishop and throughout the countiy ele-\\nmentary schools were formed in many of the\\nmonasteries, and even in the manses of the\\nparochial priesthood.\\nThe system of education which prevailed\\nin those of Italy, and which was probably\\nveiy general, is described by the canon* which\\nConcilium Vasense Secundum (529 A. D.) The\\nmaterials for the following pages are principallv takea", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0270.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "EDUCATION.\\n263\\nenjoins it: Let all presbyters who are ap-\\npointed to parishes, according to the custom\\nBO wholesomely established throughout all\\nItaly, receive the younger readers into their\\nhouses with them, and feeding them, like good\\nfathers, with spiritual nourishment, labor to\\ninstruct them in preparing the Psalms, in in-\\ndustry of holy reading, and in the law of the\\nLord. Such regulations prove, no doubt (if\\nthey were really enforced,) that the education\\nof the clergy was not entirely neglected but\\nthey prove also, that such education, even in\\nthat early age, was confined to the clergy,\\nand that it embraced no subjects of secular\\nerudition. It is true, indeed, that the names\\nof rhetoric, dialectics, and the former subjects\\nof civil instruction, were perpetuated in the\\necclesiastical seminaries but those sciences\\nwere only taught, as they were connected, or\\nmight be brought into connexion, with theolo-\\ngy, and made instrumental in the service of\\nthe church.\\nBut even this partial glimmering of know-\\nledge was extinguished by the invasion of the\\nLombards, and the very genius of Italy seems\\nto have been chilled and contracted by the\\niron grasp of the seventh century. Rome\\nalone retained any warmth or pulsation of\\nlearning if learning that can be called, which\\nscarcely extended beyond a supei-ficial ac-\\nquaintance with the canons of the church.\\nAnd though there exist some monuments,\\nwhich appear to prove the existence of pres-\\nbyteral or archi-presbyteral schools in the\\neighth ccBtury, we need scarcely hesitate to\\nprolong to the middle of that age the stupe-\\nfaction of the preceding, and to attribute the\\nfirst movement of reanimation to the touch\\nof Charlemagne, or his immediate prede-\\ncessor.\\nWhile Italy was thus lifeless, some seeds\\nfrom the plant of knowledge, which had been\\nblown to the western extremity of Europe,\\ntook root there, and reached a ceitain matu-\\nrity. Accordingly^, we find it recorded, that\\ntwo Irishmen, persons mcomparably skilled\\nin secular and sacred learning, had reached\\nfrom the Dissertations (43 and 44) of Muratori, the\\nHist. Litt. de la France, two Discourses of Fleui-y,\\nand the 16tli Le^on of Guizot.\\nThe reproach addressed by Gregory the Great to\\nSt. Dizier, Bishop of Vienne, is commonly known.\\nThat prelate had ventured to deliver lessons on\\nGrammar in his cathedral schools It is not meet\\n(said the pope) that lips consecrated to the praises\\nof God should open to those of Jupiter. The exten-\\nsive meaning then attached to the word grammar will\\nbe mentioned presently.\\nthe shores of France, and were giving public\\nlectures to the people.* Their fame reached\\nthe ears of Charlemagne, who immediately\\nemployed them in the education of the youth\\nof Gaul and Italy.\\nAlcuin, as we have mentioned, enjoyed the\\nhonor of affording personal instruction to the\\nemperor and presiding over his Palatine\\nschool and Dungal, another native of Ire-\\nland,! has acquired some importance in the\\nhistory of Italy by the lessons which he de-\\nlivered in her schools. This eagerness of\\nCharlemagne to avail himself of foreign talent\\nand acquirements evinces his earnestness in\\nthe prosecution of his great project, to civilize\\nby the path of knowledge a project which\\nfailed mdeed through the perversity of polit-\\nical circumstances and the incapacity of most\\nof his successors but which, if persevering-\\nly pursued, must generally be successful, be-\\ncause it is in unison with the natural inclina-\\ntions, and energies, and prospects of the mind\\nof man.\\nFrance profited by this conjuncture more\\nrapidly than Italy, as she had not previously-\\nfallen quite so low in ignorance and it would\\neven seem that the schools, which were now\\ninstituted in that country, were open to the\\nlaity as well as to those intended for the sacred\\nprofession, though the office of instruction\\nremained entirely in the hands of the clergy.\\nBut it is certain, that very few were found to\\navail themselves of a privilege of which they\\nknew not the value. Among the numerous\\nnames, which adorn the literaiy annals of\\nFrance during the ninth century, there are\\nscarcely one or two which are not ecclesiasti-\\ncal. Even Germany outstripped in the race\\nof improvement the languid progress of Italy\\nand under a sky so splendidly prolific of taste\\nand genius there arose not any one character\\nconspicuous, even in his own day, for intel-\\nlectual advancement, through a space of more\\nthan four centuries.| And this extraordinaiy\\ndearth of merit is not entirely to be charged\\nNot gratuitously, it Avould seem, as literary mis-\\nsionaries, but for money contributed by tlieir hearers.\\nt Scotus a term which was long confined to the\\nsister island. Muratori condescends to employ sbme\\npains to ascertain whether or not Dungal was a monk,\\nas were his two compatriots mentioned in the text\\na question deemed of some importance to the honor\\nof the monastic order.\\ni Some may consider Pope Nicholas as an excep-\\ntion and he certainly possessed great talents, and\\nwas not devoid of canonical learning, though in both\\nrespects probably much inferior to Hincmar. But\\nhis character was essentially ecclesiastical it was\\nnot adorned by any recollection purely literary.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0271.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "264\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\non the neglect of rulers, whether temporal or\\nsph itual. Italy shared with his other provin-\\nces the admirable institutions of Charlemagne\\nand of some of his successors and there are\\ncanons of Roman councils still extant, pub-\\nlished in the ninth century,* which directed\\nthe suspension of any among the priesthood\\nwho should be convicted of ignorance, and\\nprovided means for the instruction of the ru-\\nral clergy, f But these measures, though they\\nmight possibly secure a mediocrity of theo-\\nlogical acquirement, were insufficient to call\\nfoith any commanding spirit into the field of\\nliterature.\\nThe tenth century did not increase the store\\nof knowledge, nor multiply the candidates for\\nfame either in Italy or France. In France,\\nthe depredations of the Normans during the\\nconclusion of the preceding age, destroyed\\nnot only the leisure and security, but even the\\nmeans and food of study. For in their sav-\\nage incursions, those unlettered pagans direct-\\ned their rage against the monasteries, as being\\nthe principal seats of letters and religion the\\nbuildings were reparable, but the manuscripts\\nwhich they contained perished irretrievably.\\nNor was this the only calamity, nor even the\\nmost fatal of the injuries, which obstructed\\nthe progress of learning: for it was during\\nthe same period that the kingdom of France\\nwas broken up into small principalities under\\nindependent hereditaiy vassals, who despoiled\\nthe people of the few rights and blessings\\nwhich they had possessed under a single\\nsceptre, and whose rule permitted the license\\nwhich their example encouraged. In the\\nprostration of human laws the law divine was\\neasily forgotten, and the hand which was ac-\\ncustomed to robbery did not long refrain from\\nsacrilege. In such wild periods the wealth\\nand the weakness of the Clergy have always\\npointed the mout as the earliest victims and\\nthis domestic anarchy was probably more\\neffectual in arresting the steps of learning\\nIn the years 826 and 853.\\nt The decree of Pope Leo IV. is cited by Muratori.\\nt The two leading literary heroes of France during\\nthis age were (1.) St. Odo, Abbot of Cluni, who\\n\\\\\\\\a-ote some theological works and a Life of St. Gre-\\ngory of Tours\u00e2\u0080\u0094 he died in 942\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and (2.) Frodoard,\\nCanon of Rheims, who composed the History of the\\nChurch of Rheims, and a Chronicle, extending from\\n919 to 966, the year of his death.\\nMost of the monasteries which escaped destruc-\\ntion fell into the hands of lay Abbots, who used them\\nas residences or castles, or usually as huntino--seats.\\nOn ihe other hand, the foundation of Cluni, in the\\nsame age, compensated the loss of many old, and pro-\\nbably corrupt, establishments.\\nand civilization than the more transient tem-\\npests of foreign invasion. We shall here only\\npause to remark, that during the struggles of\\nthis frightful period, the defence of the tower\\nof knowledge, as heretofore its construction,\\nwas intrusted by Providence to ecclesiastical\\nhands while its walls were incessantly men-\\naced or violated by a lawless military aristoc-\\nracy, which had closely wrapped itself in ig-\\nnorance, and was partly jealous and partly\\ncontemptuous of every exertion to improve\\nand enlighten mankind.\\nWe are not surprised to observe that a con-\\ndition of civil demoralization, such as then\\nexisted, should have been attended by cor-\\nruption in every rank of the clergy. The\\nBishops were negligent and immoral, and the\\ninferior orders indulged in still grosser vices\\nand more offensive indecencies;* and we\\nmay be well assured that the laity were still\\nfurther debased by the example of deformi-\\nties, which their own turbulence had so great-\\nly tended to create.\\nComets, and eclipses, and earthquakes were\\nfearful prodigies and sure prognostics of dis-\\naster, and the most penetrating astronomers f\\nof the day shared (or pretended to share) the\\ncommon solicitude. Enchantments, augu-\\nries, and divinations were ardently sought\\nafter, and commanded implicit belief The\\nforms of trial called the Judgments of God,\\nwere of the same description, and scarcely\\nless remote from the precincts of reason\\nand yet these degrading superstitions, though\\nnever canonically received as a part of\\nChurch discipline, and even continually com-\\nbated by th6 more enlightened ecclesiastics,\\nwere both respected and practised among the\\nlower Clergy during this and the three fol-\\nlowing ages.\\nHowbeit, even in the dreary records of this\\ncentury we find traces of parochial schools\\nfor the instruction of children of both sexes\\nand we read a long list of literary worthies\\nIn the enumeration of these by the truly Catholic\\ncompilers of the Hist. Litt. de la France, it is men-\\ntioned, as not the lightest scandal, that tliere were\\npriests who dared to marry publicly.\\nt Astrologers, we should rather say. Muratori\\n(Dissert. 44) attributes the introduction of these van-\\nities to the study of Arabic literature. But was that\\nstudy generally in fashion before the time of Pope\\nSylvester\\nAccording to the regulations of that at Toul the\\nchildren were admissible at seven years of age, and\\nreceived their first lessons in the Psalms; and it was\\nprovided that the boys and girls should be taught sep-\\narately. The parochial cures appear (as in Italy) to\\nhave had the charge of such establishments.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0272.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "EDUCATION.\\n265\\nwhose names have in many cases sm-vived\\ntheir works, and whose works were chiefly\\nremarkable for the meanness of then sub-\\njects, and the pei-plexed or puerile manner m\\nwhich they are treated. And yet even these\\nare sufficient to exhibit to us the spu it of\\nimprovement striving against the casual tor-\\nrents which threatened to wash it away and\\nthough it unquestionably receded during the\\ncalamitous interval between the death of\\nHincmar and the end of the tenth centuiy,*\\nstill, if we look somewhat farther back, and\\nconfine our attention to the country about\\nwhich we are best informed, we need not\\nhesitate to pronounce that the literary condi-\\ntion of France was, upon the whole, more\\nprosperous when, Sylvester II. ascended the\\nchair, than when Charlemagne mounted the\\nthrone of Rome.\\nAs to Italy, the spell which had bound her\\ngenius during the precediug centuries seemed\\nto be confirmed and riveted in the tenth. It is\\ntrue, that some schools were yet found scatter-\\ned through the towns and villages, which may\\nhave raised the character of the clergy some-\\nwhat above the degradation of the seventh\\nand eighth centuries, to which the Lombard\\nconquest had reduced it but the industry of\\nthose schools appears still to have been con-\\nfined to the study of grammar and some\\nnecessary knowledge of canonical law and\\nit is complamed that the nobles, who sent\\ntheir sons to them, had rather in view the\\nepiscopal dignities for which they thus be-\\ncame qualified, than the sphitual fruits of\\nreligious education. It is very probable that\\nthey were attended by none of any class ex-\\ncepting those intended for some branch of the\\nministry.\\nThese remarks sufliciently explain, to what\\nextremely narrow limits was confined, both\\nin respect to its character and diffusion, the\\nlearning of those ages which immediately\\nfollowed the subversion of the Western Em-\\npire. From civil, it had passed under ec-\\nclesiastical superintendence but the Church\\nwhich undertook the charge was itself cor-\\nrupted and barbarized by contact with the\\nAbout this time the establishment of some Greek\\ncommonalties took place in Lorraine, introducing a\\npartial knowledge of that language. And these Ori-\\nentals were there encountered by certain emigrants\\nfrom Ireland, a country wliich appears never to have\\nforfeited the affections, nor to have secured the resi-\\ndence, of its sons. Nationem Scotorum quibus con-\\nsuetudo peregrinandi jam psene in naturam conversa\\nest. Walafridus Strabus (liv. ii., c. 27, de vita\\nSancti Galli), apud Murat. Diss. 37.\\n34\\nprofound ignorance and rude character and\\ninstitutions of the conquerors: so that the im-\\nmortal models were neglected, the precepts\\nof the ancient masters forgotten, and the\\nwhole light of literature, properly so called,\\nextinguished. Nevertheless, we are not to\\nsuppose that the ecclesiastics of those days\\noffered to their contemporaries no substitute\\nfor those treasures which they had not the\\nmeans or the inclination to dispense. On\\nthe contrary, their productions were at some\\nperiods extremely abundant in number, and\\nin character far from unprofitable and on\\nthis last point there is one important observa-\\ntion, which it is here proper to make, and\\nwhich we press the more seriously, because\\nit is not veiy commonly urged. These writ-\\nings were almost wholly confined to theolog-\\nical matters, and their object (however faultily\\nit may sometimes have been pursued) was\\npractical. Instructions, sermons, homilies, in-\\nterpretations and illustrations of scripture,\\nwere published m great profusion, and fur-\\nnished to the people the only means of intel-\\nlectual instruction. It is true that they were\\nrude and unskilfully composed but they\\nwere addi-essed to rude assemblies, and were\\nfor the most part dhected to the moral im-\\nprovement of those who read and heard\\nthem and moreover, their effect to that end,\\nwhatsoever it may have been, was at least not\\ncounteracted by any other description of lit-\\nerature the whole mass had one object only,\\nand that, upon the whole, beneficial. Even\\nthe Lives of the Saints, and other legends\\nof those days, may have conduced, though\\nby a different and more doubtful path, to the\\nsame purpose for among the swarms of\\nthose compositions which were then produc-\\ned, and of which so many had a tendency to\\nmere superstition, some may be found un-\\nquestionably calculated to move the real de-\\nvotion and amend the moral principles of a\\nbarbarous people. Thus was there much\\neven in the effusions of the most illiterate\\ntimes which must have persuaded, influenc-\\ned, and profited the generation to which they\\nwere addressed; but their action was con-\\nfuied to then* own day, to the moment of\\nIt is unquestionable that these writings contained\\na vast deal calculated to mislead, many errors of an\\nabsurd and superstitious tendency; but these evils\\nwere probably more than counterbalanced, in their\\nimmediate effect upon the people, by the expositions\\nof sound doctrine and lessons of practical piety,\\nwhich are even more abundant. We refer as a fair\\nexample, to the passage of St. Eligius, cited at the\\nconclusioa of the last chapter.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0273.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "266\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntheir delivery they were not. associated with\\nany of the stable wisdom of former ages nor\\nwere they qualified, nor were they indeed in-\\ntended, to fix the attention of posterity.\\nScarcity of Manuscripts. Italy had suffered\\nto a certain extent from calamities similar to\\nthose which suspended the progress of France,\\nand which were there followed by the same\\nmoral degeneracy but these causes would\\nscarcely have been adequate to so general an\\nextinction, not of learning only, but almost of\\nthe curiosity and wish to learn, had they not\\nbeen powerfully aided by another circum-\\nstance, which is less regarded by historians\\nthis was no other than the extreme scarcity\\nand dearness of manuscripts. This misfor-\\ntune was not entirely, nor even mainly, at-\\ntributable either to the destruction of monas-\\nteries or the indolence of monks a more\\ngeneral and substantial cause existed in the\\nabsolute deficiency of the material. The\\nancients had obtained from the shores of the\\nNile, through easy and continual intercourse\\nwith Alexandria, sufficient supplies of papyrus\\nto satisfy at a slight expense their literary\\nwants but after the conquest of Egypt by\\nthe Saracens, the communication became less\\nfrequent and secure, and the fabric of an im-\\nplement of peace was probably discouraged\\nby the warlike habits of the conquerors. At\\nleast it is certain, that about that period the\\npapyrus began to be disused throughout Eu-\\nrope, and that the monuments which remain\\nof the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries,\\nare invariably composed of parchment. It\\nwas not possible, when the material was so\\nexpensive, that manuscripts could multiply\\nvery rapidly, or even that the losses occasion-\\ned by decay or devastation could be repaired\\nwith any facility; and thus the libraries of\\nthe cathedrals and monasteries, to which all\\nthe treasures of former ages were at this period\\nconfided, were gradually impoverished or de-\\nstroyed. The records of the time abound\\nwith complaints of this general penury of\\nbooks, as well as with facts in proof of it, one\\nof which is the following: In the year 855,\\nLupus, of Ferrara, v^ ote from his abbey, in\\nFrance, to Pope Benedict III., praying for the\\nloan of the concluding part of St. Jerome s\\nCommentary on Jeremiah, with the promise\\nthat it should be rapidly copied and returned\\nfor in our regions nothing, is to be found\\nlater than the Sixth Book, and we pray to re-\\ncover through you, that which is wanting to\\nour own insignificance. In addition to this,\\nhe ventured to solicit the use of three books\\nof profane writers the Treatise of Cicero\\nde Oratore, the Institutions of Quintilian, and\\nDonatus s Commentary on Terence.\\nMuratori considers the zealous Abbot s re-\\nquest as unreasonable and immoderate, and\\nwe do not learn whether the Pope consented\\nto grant it but if the resources of France\\nwere really unable to supply him with the\\nbooks in question, we need not distrust him\\nwhen he laments the general scarcity of an-\\ncient and valuable compositions. This con-\\nsideration will prevent the disdainful feeling\\nwhich is almost necessarily roused, when we\\nobsei-ve a succession of generations plunged\\nin torpid ignorance, without an effort to ex-\\ntricate themselves from shame, or to let loose\\nthe human mind On its natural career of ad-\\nvancement it disposes us much more nearly\\nto compassion especially if we reflect how\\nfrequently the energy of a vigorous and en-\\nterprising soul, secluded in the hermitage or\\nthe cloister, must have exhausted itself on the\\nmost contemptible subjects, or pined away\\nfrom the mere dearth of literary sustenance.\\nWe shall find little reason to be astonished\\nthat genius itself was so seldom able to emerge\\nout of the noisome mist and rise into light and\\nvigor, since its infancy was chilled by pre-\\njudices, unexcited by any wholesome exer-\\ncise, and famished by the positive destitution\\nof intellectual nourishment.\\nThe cause of literary stagnation which we\\nhave last mentioned was removed m the\\neleventh century by the invention of paper,\\nand accordingly we find that the number of\\nMSS. was greatly multiplied after that time, f\\nBut the fury of civil dissension was not miti-\\ngated and under governments at the same\\ntime feeble and arbitrary, there was little en-\\ncouragement for studious application, as in-\\ndeed there was little honor, or even security,\\nexcept in the profession of arms. And in sad\\ntruth, during the earlier years of this age, the\\nwildest disorders were of such ordinary per-\\npetration, misery had such universal preva-\\nlence, and injustice walked abroad so boldly\\nand triumphantly, that there were those who\\nheld the persuasion that the millenarian pro-\\nA very interesting account of the progress of\\npaper-making, writing, printing, c. may be found\\nin the Life of Caxton, published by the Society for\\nthe Diffusion of Useful Knowledge.\\nt Still it was in the eleventh age that a Countess\\nof Anjou is recorded to have purchased the Homilies\\nof Haimon, at the price of 200 sheep, besides a very\\nlarge payment in wheat, barley, skins, and other val-\\nuable articles. Hist. Litt. de la France, xi. siecle.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0274.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "EDUCATION.\\n267\\nphecy had been already accomplished that\\nSatan had shaken off his fetters at the one\\nthousandth year, and was actually directing\\nthe evil destinies of the human race.\\nExertions of Ecclesiastics. At the same\\ntime, let us recollect that great exertions were\\nmade by the higher ecclesiastical orders to\\napply an indirect but very powerful remedy\\nto these excesses, by re-establishuig the dis-\\ncipline of the Church. For this purpose,\\nabout eighty councils were held in France\\nalone during the eleventh century. We\\nhave ah-eady related how zealously the au-\\nthority of Rome had engaged itself in the\\nsame cause and by a necessary reaction, the\\nsuccess of every effort for the improvement\\nof morality was favorable to the advancement\\nof literature. The example of Sylvester II.\\nmight be sufficient to rouse the jealous emu-\\nlation of Italy and Sylvester left to that\\ncountry not his example only, but the fruits\\nof his active zeal in encouraging the learned\\nof his own time, and in establishing schools\\nand collecting libraries for the use of other\\ngenerations. Some of the Popes, his succes-\\nsors, followed his traces with more or less\\nearnestness and among the rest, Gregory\\nVII. added to his extraordinary qualities the\\nundisputed merit of promoting the progress\\nof education, f\\nThe voice of controversy, which was once\\nmore heard in this century, not only created\\nanother motive for literary activity, but proved\\nthe revival of a spirit of inquuy, inconsistent\\nat least with universal ignorance. The talents\\nof Lanfranc, the earliest boast of reviving\\nItaly, were animated by the Heresy of Ber-\\nThe zeal which was applied in the beginning of\\nthis age to the building and restoration of churches,\\nbasilicse, monasteries, and other holy edifices, is\\nwarmly praised by ecclesiastical writers. Erat\\nenim instar ac si mundus ipse excutiendo semet, re-\\njecta vetustate, passim candidarum ecclesiarum ves-\\ntem indueret Glabrus Rodolph. apud Du Chesne,\\nScript. Franc, lib. xiv., cap. 4, cited by Muratori.\\nt In a council held in 1078, he strongly pressed on\\nall bishops the necessity of superintending education\\nID their respective dioceses.\\nLanfrancns teneriorem retatem in ssecularibus\\ndetrivit, sed in Scripturis divinis animo et aevo ma-\\niHravit. France was for some time the principal\\nfield of his exertions, and Muratoi i supposes that\\nHildebrand, attracted by his celebrity, may have vis-\\nited that country for the purpose of hearing him.\\nThe name of Anselm succeeds to that of Lanfranc:\\nthat learned prelate was born at Aosta, which then\\nbelonged to the Duke of Burgundy so that France\\ndisputes with Italy the honor of having produced him.\\nHe too is considered by Muratori as having prepared\\nthe way for the scholastic system of theology.\\nI enger and to the ingenious disputations thus\\noccasioned it is usual to attribute the growth\\nof the new system of theological science, after-\\nwards called Scholastic.\\nThree Characters of theological Literature.\\nThat is a very broad, but in many respects a\\ncorrect view of early theological literature,\\nwhich distributes it into three aeras. The fist\\nof these comprehends the whole list of the\\necclesiastical fathers men who, though they\\nvaried exceedingly in chamcter, style, and\\neven opinion, were nevertheless united by\\none great principle for they acknowledged\\nno other sources of faith, and reverenced no\\nother authority, than Scriptm-e and apostolical\\ntradition. On this foundation, they boldly\\napplied to the elucidation of religious subjects\\nsuch reasoning and eloquence as Nature had\\nbestowed on them perverted, it might be,\\nby the peculiar prejudices of the times and\\ncountries wherein they lived, but little re-\\nstrained either by the use or abuse of edu-\\ncational discipline, and wholly exempt from\\nservile subjection to the opinions of any pre-\\ndecessor. The characteristics of this age are\\nsuch as we should expect from such principles\\nan overflow of piety stained by superstition,\\nexuberance of learning without a proportion-\\nate fruit of knowledge, and sallies of oratory,\\nwhich sometimes ascended into eloquence,\\nand sometimes dwindled away into puerile\\ndeclamation, or cold and empty allegoiy.\\nThis aera is by many extended down to the\\neighth century, and considered as properly\\nterminating with John Damascenus but the\\nconcluding half of the fourth age and the be-\\nginning of the fifth was the true period of its\\nglory and thence we may trace the gradual\\ndissolution of its distinguishing qualities into\\nthat system which was afterwards established\\nin its place and on its ruins.\\nThe second was the sera of intellectual blind-\\nness and dependence its most laborious w^orks\\nwere mere collections, quotations, and compil-\\nations as if the minds of that generation were\\nstupified by gazing on the brilliant creations\\nof their predecessors, till they mistook them\\nfor pure and inimitable perfection. St. Au-\\ngustin and St. Gregory were the idols of those\\nabject worshippers and if their piety was\\nsometimes kindled by the enthusiasm of the\\nformer, then Catholic zeal and Papal preju-\\ndices were more commonly (or at least more\\nmanifestly) nourished by the principles of Gre-\\ngory. The termination of this period is fixed\\nat the middle of the eleventh century; but its\\ncharacter had been partially inteiTupted by\\nthe writers of the ninth, and most especially", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0275.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "268\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nby John Scotus and his style and manner,\\nas well as his opinions, were followed and re-\\nvived by Berenger.\\nThe grand principle of the third rera was\\nthe exaltation of reason to its proper pre-\\neminence over the influence of human au-\\nthority a true and noble principle as long as\\nreason itself can be restrained to its just pro-\\nvince, so as neither to deviate into minute and\\nbarren sophistry, nor to break loose into those\\ndark and interminable inquiries which God\\nhas closed against it. Unhappily it was not\\nlong before it fell into both these errors, which\\nare, indeed, very closely connected. In the\\nestablishment and support of the Scholastic\\ntheology, it so frequently descended to de-\\ngrading artifice, and perplexed itself so blind-\\nly in the mazes of chicanery, as to make it\\ndoubtful whether religious truth was not more\\ndisfigured by the minute disceptations which\\nthenceforward prevailed, than by the super-\\nstitious extravagance of the first period, or the\\nobsequious ignorance of the second.\\nWe shall possibly recur to this subject here-\\nafter. At present we need only remark, that\\nduring the latter half of the eleventh century\\nconsiderable addition was made both to the\\ncopiousness of libraries and the number of\\nschools and of students, as well in Italy as in\\nFrance but the course of study was still\\ngenerally confined to the two paths denomin-\\nated the Trivium and Quadrivium. The first\\nof these embraced grammar, rhetoric, and dia-\\nlectics and grammar was defined to be the\\nart of writing and speaking well, f and pro-\\nfessed to comprehend the study of several\\nclassical as well as sacred writers. The\\nknowledge of arithmetic, music, geometry\\nand astronomy swelled the pretensions of the\\nQ,uadrivium.\\nSchools of civil law were founded in both those\\ncountries in the eleventh century, and acquired some\\neminence before its conclusion. Physic, of course,\\nhad never been entirely neglected; and as we find\\nthat by a council held at Rheims, in 1131, monks\\nwere forbidden the practice either of law or medicine,\\nwe would willingly have hoped that some attention\\nnow began to be paid to the education of the laity.\\nBut the prohibition only extended to the walls of the\\nmonasteries; the practice of those professions is de-\\nscribed to have been very lucrative, and for that rea-\\nson, and through the continued ignorance of the laity,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0even in the century following (if we are to believe\\nthe compilers of the Hist. Litteraire), there were\\nscarcely any who professed medicine except clerks\\nand monks with the addition indeed of certain\\n.Jews, who were held the most skilful practitioners.\\nt Hist. Litt. de la France, xii. siecle.\\nBut, in real truth, the productions and Ian\\nguage of the Greeks were wholly neglected\\nand unknown. The science of criticism the\\nart of distinguishing what is graceful in style,\\nand what is true in fact was not cultivated;\\nand both the study and composition of history\\nwere still confined to legendary chronicles,\\nor to the ill-digested details of contemporary\\nnarrative. Besides which, the sciences pro-\\nfessed were for the most part imperfectly un-\\nderstood even by those who pretended to\\nthem and it is moreover admitted that, as\\nthe students of those days usually aflfected to\\nbecome acquainted with all the subjects plac-\\ned before them, they generally departed with-\\nout any profitable knowledge of any of them.\\nThe great mass pf the people had no educa-\\ntion whatsoever. The result was such as\\nmust necessarily follow, whenever the pos-\\nsession of any valuable portion of literary ac-\\nquirement is confined to very few individuals\\nthe possessors employed it to delude as well\\nas to enlighten the people. So that those\\nages, deeply as they suffered from the scanty\\nprovision of useful and liberal knowledge,\\nwere scarcely less vitiated through the ine-\\nquality with which that little was distributed.\\nThe small number who had penetrated the\\nmysteries felt too strongly the advantage and\\nthe power conferred by exclusive initiation, to\\ndesire their more general promulgation. The\\nmore numerous class, who from a distant and\\nhasty glimpse had caught some imperfect in-\\nsight, by communicating then own obscure\\nviews and misconceptions, disseminated many\\nfanciful, if not pernicious, errors and absurd\\nnotions. So it proved that the lights which\\nwere thus faintly transmitted to the body of\\nthe people, were not faint only, but sometimes\\nfalse and deceitful also. And it is a question\\nfor the decision of Philosophy, whether plain\\nand downright ignorance, with all its demoral-\\nizing consequences, be not a condition of less\\ndanger and better hope than one of mistake\\nand delusion.\\nThe first Christian chronicler was Gregory of\\nTours. He was born at Auvergne in 539, and be-\\nsides many copious narratives of martyrdoms and\\nmiracles, he produced an Ecclesiastical History of\\nthe Franks. This work, which contains some faint\\nindications of an educated mind, was not surpassed\\nduring that century, or the two which followed.\\nThe history begins ut the death of St. Martin, in\\n377, and ends at the year 591. It was continued\\nfor the fifty following years, in a much inferior style,\\nby one Fredegarius, a Burgundian, and probably a\\nmonk.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0276.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "ST. BERNARD.\\n269\\nNOTE ON ST. BERNARD.\\nThe life of St. Bernard connected, within\\na few years, the pontificate of Gregory VII.\\nwith that of Alexander III. Born in 1091,\\nhe flourished during one of the rudest pe-\\nriods of papal history; and he died (in 1153,)\\njust before the era commenced of its proudest\\ntriumphs, and, perhaps, of its deepest crimes.\\nHis actions and his writings throw the best\\nlight which now remains upon that period,\\nand even the following short account of them\\nwill not be without its use. St. Bernard was\\na native of Fontames, in Burgundy, and de-\\nscended from a noble femily. He entered, at\\nthe age of twenty-two, into the monastery of\\nCiteaux, near Dijon and so early was the\\ndisplay of his zeal and his talents, that only\\ntwo years afterwards he was appointed to es-\\ntablish a religious colony at Clairvaux,* in\\nthe diocese of Langres. It grew with rapid-\\nity, and spread its scions with great luxuri-\\nance under his superintendence so that at\\nhis decease, at no very advanced age, he was\\nenabled to bequeath to the Church the inesti-\\nmable treasure of about one hundred and\\nsixty monasteries, founded by his own exer-\\ntions. As for himself, though it seems clear\\nthat the highest ecclesiastical dignities were\\nojien, and even offered to him, his humbler\\nambition was contented to preside over the\\nsociety which he had first created, and to\\ninfluence the character of those which had\\nproceeded from it, by counsel, example, and\\nauthority.\\nBut the influence of St. Bernard was not\\nconfined to his monastic progeny it display-\\ned itself in all grand ecclesiastical transac-\\ntions, in France, in Germany, in Italy from\\nthe altars of the church it spread to courts\\nand parliaments. And, as it was founded on\\nreputation, not on dignity as it stood on no\\nother ground than his wisdom and sanctity\\nso was it generally exerted for good purposes\\nand always for purposes which, according\\nto the principles of that age, were accounted\\ngood.\\nOn the schism which took place after the\\ndeath of Honorius II., f St. Bernard advocat-\\ned the cause of the legitimate claimant. Inno-\\ncent II., with great zeal and effect. During\\neight years of contestation and turbulence he\\npersevered in the struggle. His authority J un-\\nOr Clairval\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Clara Vallis.\\nt In 1130, Innocent II. succeeded, and ruled\\nthirteen years and a half. Eugenius III. was elected\\n1145, and reigned for eight years.\\nt The means by which ecclesiastical authority\\nquestionably decided the King and the Clergy\\nof France. The King of England at Char-\\ntres, the Emperor at Liege, are stated to have\\nlistened and yielded to his persuasions. He\\nreconciled Genoa and Pisa to the cause of\\nInnocent. In the latter city a council was\\nheld in 1134, in which St. Bernard was the\\nmoving and animating spirit. Nevertheless\\nit is obvious, from the genuine piety which\\npervades so many of his works, that his mind\\nwas then niost at home when engaged in holy\\noffices and pious meditation. IIow well so-\\never he might be qualified to preside in the\\nassemblies, and rule the passions, and recon-\\ncile the interests of men, it was in the peace-\\nful solitude of Clairvaux that his earthly\\naffections were placed, and it was to the\\nmercy-seat of heaven that his warmest vows\\nand aspirations were addressed. Through\\nthese various qualities through his charita-\\nble devotion to the poor through that earn-\\nest piety which tinctured his writings with a\\ncharacter sometimes approaching to mysti-\\ncism through his imitation of the ancient\\nwriters, Augustin and Ambrose through his\\nzeal for the unity and doctrinal purity of the\\nChurch, St. Bernard has acquired and de-\\nsometimes (and not, perhaps, very uncommonly) at-\\ntained its ends in those days, are well displayed in\\nthe following anecdote of St. Bernard. The Duke\\nof Guienne had expelled the Bishops of Poitiers and\\nLimoges, and refused to restore them, even on the\\nsolemn and repeated injunctions of tlie Pope and his\\nLegate. St. Bernard had exerted his influence for\\nthe same purpose, equally in vain. At length, when\\ncelebrating, on some particular occasion, the holy\\nsacrifice, after the consecration was finished and the\\nblessing of peace bestowed upon the people, St. Ber-\\nnard placed the body of the Lord on the plate, and\\ncari ying it in his hand, with an inflamed countenancey\\nand eyes sparkling fire, advanced towards the Duke^\\nand uttered these thrilling words: Thus far we\\nhave used supplication only, and you have despised\\nus many servants of God, who were present in this\\nassembly, joined their prayers with ours, and you\\nhave disregarded them: behold, this is the Son of\\nGod, who is the King and Lord of the Church whicli\\nyou persecute, who now advances towards you\\nbehold your Judge I at whose name every knee bends^\\nin heaven, in earth, and beneath the earth. Behold\\nthe just avenger of crimes, into whose hands that very\\nsoul which animates you will some day fall. Will\\nyou disdain him alsol Will you dare to scorn the\\nMaster, as you have scorned his servants This tre-\\nmendous appeal was successful. The Duke is related\\nto have fallen M ith his face to the earth when he\\nheard it; the prelates were restored to their sees,\\nand the schism extinguished. See Dupin, Nouvell^\\nBilioth. tom. ix. ch. iv.\\nErnardus, Vita Sancti Bernardi. Pagi, Gest\\nPontif. Roman. Vit. Innocent II.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0277.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "270\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsen ed the respectable appellation of the Last\\nof the Fathers.\\nThe remaining works of St. Bernard con-\\nsist of about four hundred and fifty Letters,\\na great number of Sermons, and some very\\nimportant Tracts and Treatises. It would\\nnot here be possible, nor any where very\\nprofitable, to present a mere analysis of so\\nmany and such various compositions. A\\ngreat proportion of the matter is devoted to\\nthe ends of piety and charity, to the exalta-\\ntion of the soul of man, and the inculcation\\nof his highest duties. On points of doctrine,\\nthe Abbot of Clairvaux was too ardently at-\\ntached to his Church to venture upon any\\ndeviation from the established, or, at least,\\nthe tolerated faith. On the important subject\\nof grace, he appears to have followed the\\nopinion of St. Augustin. He considered the\\nfreedom of will to be preserved by the volun-\\ntary consent which it gives to the operations\\nof grace that that consent is indeed brought\\nabout by grace, but that being voluntary, and\\nwithout constraint, it is still free. The neces-\\nsity of this freedom he argues at great length,\\nas indispensable to any system of retribu-\\ntion.* Where there is necessity there is not\\nliberty where there is not liberty, neither is\\nthere merit, nor, consequently, judgment.\\n(Ubi necessitas, ibi libertas non est ubi liber-\\ntas non est, nee meritum, nee per hoc judici-\\num.) On the other hand, he maintained the\\nmdisputable efiicacy of grace and in defin-\\ning the limits of its operation, and reconciling\\nits overruling influence with the necessary\\nliberty of a responsible agent, he fathomed\\nthe depths, and, perhaps, exhausted the re-\\nsources of human reason.\\nPeter Ahelard. As Lanfranc had been the\\nchampion of the Church against the heresy\\nof Berenger as the admirable Anselm f had\\nExcepto sane per omnia original! peccato, quod\\naliam constat habere rationem S. Bernardi Trac-\\ntatus de Gratia et Libero Arbitrio.\\nt Anselm was probably born at Aosta in 1034, and\\ndied in 1105; and though he is claimed by the Galil-\\nean church as its noblest ornament since the fifth\\ncentury, his history belongs more properly to our\\nown. He wrote several works: against the Greek\\nDoctrine of the Holy Procession, On the Trinity\\nand Incarnation, against Roscellinus, On the Im-\\nmaculate Conception, On the Fall of the Devil,\\nOn Freewill, On Original Sin, Necessity,\\nPredestination, on which .latter subjects he had\\ndrawn at the well of St. Augustin. His obsequies\\n(says the writer in the Histoire Litteraire de la\\nFrance) were preceded, attended, and followed by\\nsome miracles; but the holy prelate had performed a\\nvast number more during his lifetime. His Life, as\\nmaintained the better reason and sounder\\ndoctrine against the dangerous subtilties of\\nRoscellinus so St. Bernard, in his turn of\\ncontroversy, was confronted with the most\\ningenious Scholastic of the age, Peter Abe-\\nlard. This celebrated doctor was born in\\nBrittany, in 1079 and while St. Bernard was\\nshaping his character and his intellect after\\nthe rigid model of Augustin, Abelard was\\nlearning a dangerous lesson of laxity in the\\nschool of Origen. We shall not trace the\\nvarious and almost opposite heresies f into\\nwhich he was betrayed by the obtuse subtilty\\nof his principles still less shall we investi-\\ngate the oblique paths by which he reached\\nthose conclusions. It may suffice to say, that\\nhe was charged with being, at the same time,\\nan Arian, a Nestorian, and a Pelagian, and\\nwith as much justice, perhaps, as such char-\\nges Were usually advanced by the Roman\\nCatholic Church against its refractory chil-\\ndren.\\nThe history of the crimes and the misfor-\\ntunes of Abelard is known to every one.\\nWhen the Abbot of Clairvaux, in the course\\nof his official visitation, inspected the nunne-\\nry of the Paraclete, he found the establish-\\nment well conducted, and he approved of\\nevery regulation. Only, in the version of\\nthe Lord s prayer there in use, he observed\\nthese words, Give us this day our super-\\nsubstantial [iTViovoiov] bread and bethought\\nit insufierable that the very prayer which the\\nDeity had deigned to communicate to man\\ngiven in the Histoire Litteraire, is an abridgment of\\nthat by the Monk Edmen, his pupil and panegyrist.\\nDuring the infancy of St. Bernard.\\nf The opinions generally attributed to him are, that\\nhe considered the doctrine of the Trinity to have\\nbeen known to certain ancient philosophers, and re\\nvealed to them in recompense for their virtues, that\\nthe Son bore the same relation to the Father, as the\\nspecies does to the genus as a certain power to\\npower; as materiatum to materia; us man to ani-\\nmal; as a brazen seal to brass; that he denied the\\nAtonement, and reasoned against the murder of an\\ninnocent being as the means of appeasing God s an-\\nger; that he consequently denied the Redemption,\\nthough he received the Incarnation as the properest\\nmethod for illuminating the world with divine light\\nand love that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the\\nFather and the Son, but not from their substance;\\nand that it was the soul of the world; that it is not\\nthe fault, but the penalty, of original sin which we\\nderive from Adam; that free will, without the help\\nof grace, was sufficient for salvation. In addition\\nto these, and many other imputations, he was also\\ncharged before the Council of Soissons (1121) with\\nTritheism, and, at the same time, with having assert-\\ned, that the Father alone w^fi almighty.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0278.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "ST. BERNARD.\\n271\\nfor His own service, should be thus sense-\\nlessly corrupted by the infection of Aristotle.\\nAbelard defended his version; and hence\\narose the first recorded altercation betv^een\\nthose celebrated theologians. The strictures\\nof St. Bernai d irritated that vain Scholastic\\nand as it happened that a large assembly of\\ntlie Clergy of France was appointed to meet\\nin the city of Sens, on some occasion deemed\\nimportant,* Abelard challenged his rival to\\nmake good, in the presence of that august\\nbody, his repeated charges of heresy. St.\\nBernard would willingly have declined that\\nconflict: he feared the superiority of an ex-\\nperienced polemic I was but a youth,f\\nand he a man of war from his youth. Be-\\nsides, I judged it improper to commit the\\nmeasures of divine faith, which rested on the\\nfoundations of eternal truth, to the petty reas-\\nonings of the schools. Howbeit, the counsel\\nof his friends prevailed; after some hesitation\\nhe accepted the challenge, and appeared on\\nthe appointed day.\\nLouis VII. honored the assembly with his\\npresence the nobles of his court, the leading\\nprelates and abbots, and the most learned doc-\\ntors of the kingdom were there and the\\nhighest expectations were raised, from one\\nend of the realm to the other, by the rumor\\nof this theological monomachy. The two\\nchampions were confronted. Bernard arose\\nI accuse not this man let his own works\\nspeak against him. Here they are, and these\\nare the propositions extracted from them.\\nLet him say I wrote them not or let him\\ncondemn them, or let him defend them against\\nmy objections. The charges were not en-\\ntirely read through, when Abelard interrupted\\nthe recital, and simply intei-posed his appeal\\nto the Pope. The assembly was astonished\\nat his hasty desertion of the field, which he\\nhad so lately sought. Do you fear, said St.\\nBernard, for your person You are per-\\nfectly secure you know that nothing is in-\\ntended against you you may answer fi-eely,\\nand with the assurance of a patient hearing.\\nAbelard only replied, I have appealed to the\\nCourt of Rome and retired from the as-\\nsembly. I know nothing, says Milner,:f in\\nFor the translation of the body of some saint into\\nthe cathedral church. The assembly took place in\\n1140.\\nt The Abbot probably meant a youth in contro-\\nversy,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 iov as to age, he was then forty-nine, and his\\nadversary only two years older. Milner, whose ac-\\ncount of this transaction has great merit, seems to\\nhave understood him literally.\\nChurch Hist. Cent. xii. ch. 2. This author is\\nBernard s histoiy more decisively descriptive\\nof his character, than his conduct in this\\nwhole transaction. By nature sanguine and\\nvehement, by grace and self knowledge mod-\\nest and difiident, he seems on this occasion to\\nhave united boldness with timidity, and cau-\\ntion with fortitude. It was evidently in the\\nspirit of the purest faith in God, as well as in\\nthe most charitable zeal for divine truth, that\\nhe came to the contest.\\nWe shall now proceed to consider St. Ber-\\nnard in another (if, indeed, it is another) cha-\\nracter, that of a zealous defender of the\\npower and prerogatives of the church and\\nwe shall observe how far the same principle\\nengaged him, on the one hand, in the support\\nof papal authority, and in the extirpation of\\nheresy on the other. We willingly omit all\\nmention of the miracles which are so abund-\\nantly ascribed to him, and which, if they are\\nnot merely the fabrications of his panegyrists,\\nare equally discreditable to his honesty and\\nhis piety. We defer to a future chapter any\\nnotice of the very equivocal zeal which urged\\nhim to preach a holy war, to proclaim its pre-\\ndestined success with a prophet s authority,\\nand then to excuse the falsification of his pro-\\nmises by a vulgar and contemptible subter-\\nfuge. Yet were all these transactions very\\ncertain proofs of his attachment to the prin-\\nciples of the Roman Catholic church. Of\\nthe same nature were the eulogies which he\\nso warmly lavished, in one of his treatises,\\nprobably nearer to truth in his praise of Bernard,\\nthan in his censure of the heretic The reason of\\nAbelard s sudden appeal to a higher court M as, un-\\nquestionably, his distrust of that before which he\\nstood: he might doubt its impartiality, or he might\\ncertainly have discovered its determined prejudice\\nagainst him; and that it was, in fact, very provident\\nin him to appeal betimes from its decision is clearly\\nproved by a passage in the Account, which certain\\nBishops of France addressed to the Pope, of the pro-\\nceedings at Sens. As the arguments of the Abbot\\nof Clairvaux convinced the assembled bishop\u00c2\u00bb\\nthat the tenets which he opposed were not only false,\\nbut heretical, they, sparing his (the heretic s) per-\\nson out of deference to the apostolic \u00c2\u00abef, condemn-\\ned the opinions. A loco et judice quem sibi ipse\\nelegerat, sine Isesione, sine gravamine, ut suam pro-\\nlongaret iniquitatem, Sedem Apostolicam appellavit.\\nEpiscopi autem, qui propter hoc in unum convenerant,\\nvesti se Reverentice deferentes nihil in personam eju3\\negerunt, sed tanlummodo capitula librorura ejus/ c-\\nc. It is therefore manifest that this appeal saved\\nhim from some personal infliction. This Letter is\\npublished among the works of St. Bernard, p. 1560.\\nedit. Lutet. Paris. 1640. After all, it is some satis-\\nfaction to record, that Abelard died (in 1142) in quiel\\nobscurity, in the Monastery of Cluni.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0279.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "272\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nupon the newly instituted order of the Temp-\\nlars. But we pass these matters over, and\\nproceed directly to observe the expressions\\nby which he characterised the Bishop of\\nRome. Let us inquire, says he, in his letter\\nto Pope Eugenius III., yet more diligently\\nwho you are, and what character you support\\nfor a season in the Church of God. Who\\nare you? a mighty priest, the highest pon-\\ntiff. You are the first among bishops, the\\nheir of the apostles in primacy Abel, in go-\\nvernment Noah, in patriarchate Abraham, in\\norder JMelchisedech, in dignity Aaron, in au-\\nthority Moses, in judgment Samuel, inpoiver\\nPeter, in unction Christ. You are he to whom\\nthe keys have been delivered, to whom the\\nflock has been intrusted. Others, indeed,\\nthere are who are doorkeepers of heaven, and\\npastors of sheep but you are pre-eminently\\nso, as you are more singularly distinguished\\nby the inheritance of both characters. They\\nhave their flocks assigned to them, each one\\nhis own to you the whole are intrusted, as\\none flock to one shepherd neither of the\\nsheep only, but of their pastors also you\\nalone are the pastor of all. Where is my\\nproof of this in the Word of God. For\\nto which, I say, not of bishops, but of apos-\\ntles, was the universal flock so positively\\nintrusted If thou lovest me, Peter, feed\\nmy sheep. Therefore, according to your\\ncanons, others are called to a share of the\\nduty, you to a plenitude of power. The\\npower of others is restrained by fixed limits\\nyours is extended even over those who have\\nreceived power over others. Are you not\\nable, if cause arise, to exclude a bishop from\\nheaven, to depose him from his dignity, and\\neven to consign him over to Satan These\\nyour privileges stand unassailable, both\\nthrough the keys which have been delivered,\\nand the flock which has been confided to\\nyou, c. Thus the authority of St. Bernard,\\nwhich was extremely great, both in his own\\nage and those which immediately followed,\\nwas exerted to subject the minds of religious\\nmen to that spiritual despotism, which was\\nalready swollen far beyond its just limits, and\\nwas threatening a still wider and more fatal\\ninundation.\\nAmong the numerous discourses of St.\\nBernard, two f were more especially directed\\nagainst the heretics of the day and the\\npreacher declares, that he Was moved to this\\ndesign by the multitude J of those who were\\nDe Consideratione, lib. ii., c. viii.\\nt Sermons Super Cantica, Ixv. et Ixvi.\\n4 In other places he acknowledges the same fact.\\ndestroying the vine of Christ, by the paucity\\nof its defenders, by the- difficulty of its de-\\nfence. In the discharge of this office he in-\\nveighs against the innovators in the usual\\nterms of theological bitterness; and at the\\nsame time charges them with those flagrant\\nviolations of morality and decency, which\\nwere so commonly imputed to seceders from\\nthe church, though they were, in truth, in-\\nconsistent with the first principles of civU\\nsociety. We shall not repeat those charges,\\nnor copy his ardent vituperations but there\\nis one passage (in the sixty-sixth sermon),\\nwhich possesses some historical importance,\\nand which exposes besides the principles of\\nthe orator. In respect to these heretics, they\\nare neither convinced by reasons, for they\\nunderstand them not nor corrected by au-\\nthority, for they do not acknowledge it nor\\nbent by persuasion, for they are wholly lost.\\nIt is indisputable that they prefer death to\\nconversion. Their end is destruction the\\nlast thing which awaits them is the flames.\\nMore than once the Catholics have seized\\nsome of them, and brought them to trial.\\nBeing asked their faith, and having wholly de-\\nnied, as is their usage, all that was laid against\\nthem, they were examined by the Trial of\\nwater,* and found false. And then, since\\nfurther denial was impossible, as they had\\nbeen convicted through the water not receiv-\\ning them, they seized (as the expression is)\\nthe bit in their teeth, and began with pitiable\\nboldness, not so much to make confession as\\nprofession of their impiety. They proclaimed\\nit for piety they were ready to suffer death for\\nit and the spectators were not less ready to\\ninflict the punishment. Thus it came to pass\\nthat the populace rushed upon them, and gave\\nthe heretics some fresh martyrs to their own\\nperfidy. I approve the zeal, but I do not ap-\\nplaud the deed because faith is to be the fruit\\nof persuasion, not of force. Nevertheless, it\\nwere unquestionably better that they should\\nbe restrained by the sword, the sword of\\nhim, I mean, who wears it not without rea-\\nson, than be permitted to seduce many\\nothers into their error for he is the minister\\nof God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him\\nthat doeth evil. Some wondered that the\\noflfenders went to execution not only with\\nfortitude, but, as it seemed, with joy but\\nEt item de haeresi, quce clam psene ubique serpit,\\napud aliquos sajvit palam. Nam parvulos Ecclesiae\\npassim et publice deglutire festinat. c. c. De\\nConsid., lib. iii., c. i.\\nThis was one of the most popular among The\\nJudgments of God.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0280.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "ST. BERNARD.\\n273\\nthose persons had not observed how great is\\nthe power of the devil not only over the\\nbodies, but even over the hearts of men,\\nwhich have once deUvered themselves into\\nhis possession. The constancy of martyrs\\nand the pertinacity of heretics has nothing in\\ncommon because that which operates the\\ncontempt of death in the one is piety, in the\\nother, mere hardheartedness. Marcus\\nAntoninus, in the insolence of empire and\\nphilosophy, insulted by a similar distinction\\nthe firmness of those sainted sufferers, to\\nwhom the Abbot of Clau vaux addressed, as\\nto heavenly Mediators, his daily and super-\\nstitious supplications. And now again, after\\nanother long revolution of centuries and of\\nprinciples, those despised outcasts, whom St.\\nBernard, in the loftier pride of ecclesiastical\\ninfallibility, consigned, with no better spirit,\\nto eternal condemnation, are revered hy us as\\nvictims in a holy cause, the earliest martyrs\\nof the Reformation\\nIn the same work in which the office and\\nprerogatives of the Pope were so highly ex-\\nalted, the wiiter boldly exposed some of the\\nfavorite abuses of the system and dictated,\\nfrom his cell at Clairvaux, rules for its better\\nadministration, and for the guidance of the\\nautocrat of the church. His instructions were\\nwise, because they were virtuous, and pro-\\nceeded from a true sense of spiritual duties\\nand dignity. His general exhoitations to Eu-\\ngenius to cast aside the unworthy solicitude\\nrespecting secular matters, which at once em-\\nbaiTassed and degraded the Roman see, and\\nto emulate the venerable patriarchs of the\\nancient church to leave to kings and their\\nministers the jarring courts of earthly justice,*\\nand to content himself with distributing the\\njudgments of heaven these lessons were\\nconceived in the loftiest mood of ecclesiastical\\nexaltation, and with the justest sense of eccle-\\nsiastical policy but the venom had already\\nsunk too deep, and the healing admonitions\\nof the reformer failed to arrest for a moment\\nthe progress of corruption.\\nSt. Bernai d next addressed his censures\\nmore particularly to the practice of appeal to\\nRome, which was then growing into a noto-\\nrious abuse. After enumerating some of the\\nQusenam tibi major videtur et potestas et digni-\\ntas; dimittendi peccata, an praedia dividendi 1 Sed\\nnon est comparatio. Habent hsec infirma et terrena\\njudices suos et reges et principes terrse. Quid fines\\nalios invaditis Quid falcem vestram in alienam\\nmessem extenditisl Non quia indigni vos; sed quia\\nindjgnum vobis talibus insistere, quippe potioribus\\noccupatis. De Consid., lib^i., c. vi.\\n35\\nevils thus occasioned, the delay, the vexation,\\nthe positive p^ version of all the purposes\\nof justice, How much longer, he exclaims,\\nwill you shut yom* ears, whether through\\npatience or inadvertency, against the murmur\\nof the whole earth How much longer will\\nyou slumber How much longer will your\\nattention be closed against this monstrous con-\\nfusion and abuse x\\\\ppeals are made in defi-\\nance of law and equity, of rule and order. No\\ndistinction is made in place, or mode, or time,\\nor cause, or person. They are commonly\\ntaken up with levity, frequently too with ma-\\nlice that terror which ought to fall upon the\\nwicked, is turned against the good the honest\\nare summoned by the bad, that they may turn\\nto that which is dishonest and they tremble\\nat the sound of j^our thunder. Bishops are\\nsummoned, to prevent them fi-om dissolving\\nunlawful mamages, or from restraining or\\npunishing rapine and theft and sacrilege, and\\nsuch like crimes. They are summoned, that\\nthey may no longer exclude from orders and\\nbenefices unworthy and infamous pei-sons\\nAnd yet you, who are the minister of God,\\npretend ignorance, that that, which was in-\\ntended as a refuge for the oppressed, has be-\\ncome an armory for the oppressor and that\\nthe parties who rush to the appeal are not\\nthose who have suffered, but those who med-\\nitate injustice.\\nAnother papal corruption, against which St.\\nBernard inveighed with equal zeal was the\\nabuse of exemptions. I express the concern\\nand lamentations of the churches. They ex-\\nclaim that they are maimed and dismembered.\\nThere are none, or very few, among them\\nwhich do not either feel or fear this wound\\nAbbots are removed from the authority of\\ntheir Bishops, Bishops from that of their Arch-\\nbishops, Archbishops from that of their Patri-\\narchs and Primates. Is the appearance of this\\ngood Is the reality justifiable If you prove\\nthe plenitude of your power by the frequency\\nof its exercise, haply you have no such plen-\\nitude of justice. You hold your office, that\\nyou may preserve to all their respective gra-\\ndations and orders in honor and dignity, not\\nto grudge and curtail them. If the vir-\\ntuous Abbot was moved to such boldness of\\nrebuke by the delinquencies of the eleventh\\ncentury the earliest and perhaps the most\\nvenial excesses of pontifical usurpation with\\nwhat eyes had he beheld the court of Innocent\\nIV., or the chancery of John XXII. with\\nwhat a tempest of indignation had he visited\\nthe enormities of later and still more degener-\\nate days jubilees and reeer\\\\^ations, annates", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0281.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "274\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nand tenths and expectative graces the long\\nand sordid list of Mammon s machinations\\nThe halls of Constance and Basle would have\\nrung with his lamentation and his wrath, and\\nboth Gerson and Julian would have shrunk\\nbefore the manifestation of a spirit greater far\\nthan themselves.\\nBut the inquisition of St. Bernard was not\\nconfined to the courts of the Vatican. It pen-\\netrated into the dwelling-places and into the\\nbosoms of i relates and of monks. Oh, am-\\nbition, thou cross of those who court thee\\nHow is it that thou tormentest all, and yet art\\nloved by all There is no strife more bitter,\\nno inquietude more painful than thine, and\\nyet is there nothing more splendid than thy\\ndoings among wretched mortals I ask, is it\\ndevotion which now wears out the apostolical\\nthreshold, or is it ambition Does not the\\npontifical palace, throughout the long day,\\nresound with that voice f Does not the\\nwhole machine of laws and canons work for\\nits profit? Does not the whole rapacity of\\nItaly gape with insatiable greediness for its\\nspoils? Which is there among your own\\nspiritual X studies that has not been inter-\\nrupted, or rather broken off*, by it How\\noften has that restless and disturbing evU\\nblighted your holy and fruitful leisure It is\\nin vain that the oppressed make their appeal\\nto you, while it is through you that ambition\\nstrives to hold dominion in the church.\\nIn another place The unsavoiy contagion\\ncreeps through the whole church, and the\\nwider it spreads the more hopeless is the\\nremedy the more deeply it penetrates, the\\nmore fatal is the disease They are\\nministers of Christ, and they are servants of\\nAnti-Christ. They walk abroad honored by\\nthe blessings of the Lord, and they return the\\nLord no honor thence is that meretricious\\nsplendor everywhere visible the vestments\\nof actors the parade of kings thence the\\ngold on their reins, their saddles, and their\\nJohn Gerson was a great admirer of St, Bernard.\\nHe frequently cited his authority, and composed one\\ndiscourse expressly in his honor. We always watch\\nwith anxiety, and record with respect, the expres-\\nsions in which one great man has celebrated the ex-\\ncellence of another. But in Gerson s Sermo de\\nSancto Bernardo we can discover little but fanciful\\nand mystical rhapsody.\\nf Annon qusestibus ejus tota legum Canonumque\\ndisciplina insudat 1\\nThis passage is from the Third Book of the\\nConsideratio. It is addressed, w^e should recollect,\\nto Pope Eugenius, who had been educated in the\\nmonastery of Clairvaux.\\nSuper Cantica Ser. xxxiii.\\nspurs, for their spurs (calcaria) shine brighter\\nthan their altars (altaria thence thek tables\\nsplendid with dishes and cups thence their\\ngluttony and drunkenness the harp, the\\nlyre, and the pipe, larders stored with provis-\\nion, and cellars overflowing with wine\\nFor such rewards as these men wish to be-\\ncome, and do become, rector^ of churches,\\ndeans, archdeacons, bishops, archbishops\\nfor these dignities are not bestowed on merit,\\nbut on the thing which walks in darkness.\\nA considerable portion of another composi-\\ntion is devoted to the exposure of monastic\\ndegeneracy. It is truly asserted and believ-\\ned that the holy fathers instituted that life,\\nand that they softened the rigor of the rule in\\nrespect to weaker brethren, to the end that\\nmore might be saved therein. But I cannot\\nbring myself to believe that they either pre-\\nscribed or permitted such a crowd of vanities\\nand superfluities, as I now see in very many\\nmonasteries. It is a wonder to me whence\\nthis intemperance, which I observe among\\nmonks in then* feasting and revels, in thei?\\nvestures and couches, in their cavalcades and\\nthe construction of their edifices, can have\\ngrown into a practice so inveterate, that\\nwhere these luxuries are attended with the\\nmost exquisite and voluptuous prodigality,\\nthere the order is said to be best preserved,\\nthere religion is held to be most studiously\\ncultivated, For behold fi-ugality is deemed\\navarice sobriety is called austerity silence\\nis considered as moroseness. On the other\\nhand, laxity is termed discretion profusion,\\nliberality; loquacity, affability; loud laughter,\\npleasantness delicacy and sumptuousness\\nin raiment and horses, taste; a supei-fluous\\nchange of linen, cleanliness and then, when\\nwe assist each other in these practices, it is\\ncalled charity. This is a charity indeed which\\ndestroys all charity it is a discretion which\\nconfounds all discretion it is a compassion\\nfull of cruelty, since it so serves the body, as\\nmortally to stab the soul. Again What\\nproof or indication of humility is this, to\\nmarch forth with such a pomp and cavalcade,\\nto be thronged by such an obsequious train of\\nlong-haired attendants, so that the escort of\\none abbot would suffice for two bishops I\\nvow that I have seen an abbot with a suite\\nAd Guillelmum Abbat. Apologia\u00e2\u0080\u0094 An Apology\\nto William, Abbot of St. Thierry. The pretext for\\nthis Apology was,, to defend himself and his own re-\\nformed order of Cistercians from the charge of calum-\\nniating the rival order, their more opulent brethren,\\nof Cluni. St. Bernard did not lose that opportunity\\nof generally inveighing against monastic abuses.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0282.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "ST. BERNARD.\\n275\\nof sixty horsemen and more.* To see them\\npass by, you would not take them for fathers\\nof monasteries, but for lords of castles not\\nfor directors of souls, but for princes of prov-\\ninces. St. Bernard then proceeds to cen-\\nsure the show of wealth which is exliibited\\nivithin the monasteries, f and subsequently\\nexposes the secret motive of such display.\\nTreasures are drawn towards treasures\\nmoney attracts money, and it happens that\\nwhere most wealth is seen, there most is offer-\\ned. When the relics are covered with gold,\\nthe eyes are struck, and the pockets opened.\\nThe beautiful form of some Saint is pointed\\nout, and the richer its colors the greater is\\ndeemed its sanctity. Men run to salute it\\nthey are invited to give, and they admire\\nwhat is splendid more than they reverence\\nwhat is holy. To this end circular orna-\\nments are placed in the churches, more like\\nwheels than crowns, and set with gems which\\nrival the sun-ounding lights. We behold in-\\nventions like trees erected in place of can-\\ndlesticks, with gi eat expense of metal and\\ningenuity, also shining with brilliants as gaily\\nas with the lights they hold. Say, whether\\nof the two is the object in these fabrications\\nto awake the penitent to compunction, or\\nthe gazer to admiration Oh vanity of vani-\\nties, and as insane as it is vain The church\\nis resplendent in its walls, it is destitute in its\\npoor. It clothes its stones with gold it\\nleaves its children naked. The eyes of the\\nMentior, says the holy abbot, si non vidi ab-\\nbatem sexaginta equos et eo amplius in suo ducere\\ncomitatu. Dicas, si videas eos transeuntes, non pa-\\ntres esse raonasleriorum, sed dominos castellorum;\\nnon rectores animarum, sed principes provinciariim.\\nt Omitto Oratorium immensas altitudines, immo-\\nderatas longitudines, supervacuas latitudines, sump-\\ntuosas depolitiones, curiosas depictiones, quae diim\\norantium in se detorquent aspectum impediunt et af-\\nfectum, et mihi quodammodo reprsesentant antiquum\\nritum Judajorum, Sed esto fiant hjec ad honorem\\nDei. lllud autem interrogo monachus monachos,\\nquod in gentilibus gentilis arguebat\\nDicite, Pontifices, in sancto quid facit aiirum?\\nEgo autem dico, Dicite Pauperes Non enim at-\\ntendo versum sed sensum Dicite, inquam, pauperes,\\nsi tamen pauperes, in Sancto quid facit aurum V\\nLoc. Citat. It seems probable that St. Bernard, in\\nthe interval of his theological labors, had studied the\\nRoman Satirists with pleasure, and not without ad-\\nvantage.\\nrich are ministered to, at the expense of the\\nindigent. The curious find wherewithal to\\nbe delighted the starving do not find where-\\nwith to allay their starvation.\\nSuch was the Abbot of Clairvaux in pro-\\nfession and habits a monk in ecclesiastical\\npolity at once a reformer and a bigot in\\npiety a Christian. His single example (if\\nevery page in history did not furnish others)\\nwould suffice to show that a very great pre-\\nponderance of excellence is consistent with\\nmany pernicious errors and that innumer-\\nable ensamples of purity and holiness have\\nflourished in every age, as they doubtless still\\nflourish, in the bosom of the Roman Catholic\\nChurch. Because many Popes were ambi-\\ntious and many prelates profligate, it would\\nbe monstrous to suspect that righteousness\\nwas nowhere to be found in that communion\\nit would be unreasonable to suppose that the\\ngreat moral qualities, which distinguished\\nSt. Bernard, were not very common among\\nthe obscurer members and ministei-s of his\\nchurch. His genius, indeed, was peculiarly\\nhis own. The principles which least became\\nhim were derived fi-om his church and his\\nage but his charity and his godliness flowed\\nfrom his religion, and thus they found sym-\\npathy among many, respect and admiration\\namong all. These were the crown of his\\nreputation and while they fortified and ex-\\nalted his genius, they also gave it that com-\\nmanding authority which, without them, it\\ncould never have acquired. From this alli-\\nance of noble qualities St. Bernard possessed\\na much more extensive influence than any\\necclesiastic of his time more, perhaps, than\\nany individual through the mere force of per-\\nsonal character has at any time possessed\\nnor is it hard to understand, if we duly con-\\nsider the imperfect civilization of that super-\\nstitious age, that monarchs, and nobles, and\\nnations should have respectfully listened to\\nthe decisions of a monk, who gave laws from\\nhis cloister in Burgundy to the Universal\\nChurch.\\nO vanitas vanitatura, sed non vanior quam in-\\nsanior. Fulget ecclesia in parietibus, et in pauperi-\\nbus eget. Suos lapides induit auro et suos filios nu-\\ndos deserit. De sumptibus egenorum servitur oculis\\ndivitum. Inveniunt curiosi quo delectentur, et non\\ninveniunt miseri quo sustententur.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0283.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "276\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nCHAPTER XVIII.\\nThe Pontificate of Innocent III.\\n[From 1198 to 1216.]\\nPrefatory facts and observations Circumstances under\\nwhich Innocent ascended the chair Collection of\\nCanons\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Condition of the clergy Ecclesiastical juris-\\ndiction by what means extended Innocent s four\\nleading objects (1.) To establish and enlarge his tem-\\nporal power in the city and ecclesiastical states. Office\\nof the Prefect Favorable circumstance, of which In-\\nnocent avails himself his work completed by Nicholas\\nIV. (2.) To establish the universal pre-eminence of\\npapal over royal authority. His claims to the Empire\\nHis dispute with Philippe Auguste of France he\\nplaces the kingdom under interdict submission of\\nPhilippe His general assertions supremacy par-\\nticular applications of them to England and France,\\nNavarre, Wallachia and Bulgaria, Arragon and Arme-\\nnia His contest with John of England Interdict\\nthe Legate Pandulph Humiliation of the King (3.)\\nTo extend his authority within the church. Italian\\nclergy in England his general success in influencing\\ntshe priesthood Power of the Episcopal Order The\\nfourth Lateran Council. Canons on transubstaatiation\\non private confession against all heretics (4.) To\\nextinguish heresy. The Petrobrussians their author\\nand tenets. Various other sects, how resisted. The\\nCathari supposition of Mosheim and Gibbon the\\nmore probable opinion\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Waldenses\u00e2\u0080\u0094 their history\\nand character error of Mosheim Peter Waldus his\\npersecution. The Albigeois or Albigenses their resi-\\ndfence and opinions attacked by Innocent St. Domi-\\nmc title of Inquisitor Raymond of Toulouse holy\\nwar preached against them Simon de Montfort re-\\nsistance and massacre of the heretics Continued per-\\nsecution of the Albigeois Death of Innocent\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Remarks\\non his policy.\\nDuring the period of one hundred and thir-\\nteen years, which intervened between Grego-\\nry VII. and Innocent III., the progress of\\necclesiastical power and influence was very\\nconsiderable and the latter ascended the\\npontifical chair unembarrassed by many of\\nthe difficulties which impeded the enterprises\\nof the former. The principal causes of that\\nprogress may be traced, perhaps, in a few\\nsentences. In the first place, new facilities to\\nlearning had been opened during the twelfth\\neentuiy, of w^hich the clergy had availed\\nthemselves very generally, and which the\\nlaity had as generally neglected. It is true\\nthat the kind of learning then in fashion pos-\\nsessed, for the most part, no substantial or\\npermanent value still it was a weapon as\\npowerful, perhaps, for the government of the\\nignorant, as if its polish had been brighter, or\\nits edge more keen and, as its real ineffi-\\nciency was unknown, it equally answered\\nthe end of exciting a blind respect for those\\nwho had the exclusive use of it. In the next\\nplace, the discipline of the church had under-\\ngone an important reformation, the honor of\\nwhich we are bound to ascribe to the vigor-\\nous exertions of Gregory, imitated, with more\\nadvantage perhaps, by feebler successors.\\nThree Lateran Councils (the first General\\nCouncils of the Western Church) were held\\nduring the twelfth century and the second\\nand third of these, assembled respectively in\\n1139 and 1179, by Innocent II. and Alexan-\\nder III., more particularly directed their at-\\ntention to the extirpation of ecclesiastical\\nabuses, to the confirmation of ancient canons,\\nand the introduction of such others as might\\namend the discipline and consolidate the in-\\nterests of the church. This object was ma-\\nterially advanced by the labor of a monk\\nof Bologna, named Gratian, who published,\\nin 1151, his celebrated Collection of Canon\\nLaws.* And this branch of study, thus facil-\\nitated, received further encouragement from\\nEugenius III., who instituted the degrees\\nof Bachelor, Licentiate, and Doctor in tliat\\nscience. By the advance of learning among\\nthe sacred profession, by the greater precision\\nand more general knowledge of the canons\\nof the church, and by the rigor with which\\nthey were frequently enforced, the morals of\\nevery rank of the clergy were essentially im-\\nproved. The two notorious scandals of the\\nformer age, concubinage and simony, if not\\neflfectually removed, were at least restrained\\nwithin more decent limits and the extreme\\nlicense, in some other respects, which had\\nprevailed for about two centuries before Greg-\\nory VII., was checked and repressed. So\\nthat Innocent was called to the command of\\na more enlightened, a more orderly, a more\\nmoral, and therefore a more influential priest-\\nhood.\\nEcclesiastical property. It may be true, as\\nMosheim asserts, that the revenues of the\\nPope had received no considerable augmen-\\ntation between the ninth century and the\\ntime of Innocent but those of the clergy^\\nand especially of the monastic orders, had\\nbeen swelled during the same period by the\\nmost abundant contributions. Indeed, in most\\ncountries the territorial domains of the church\\nwere at that time spread so widely, as almost\\nto justify the complaint that they compre-\\nhended half the surface of Europe; nor\\nshould we omit to mention that the clergy,\\nthough in some kingdoms liable to annual\\ndonatives, and to ai-bitrary plunder in all;\\nwere still legally exempt from taxation, and\\nfi om every regular contribution to the service\\nof the state. From such immunity, though\\nThe accidental discovery of the Pandects of\\nJustinian, in 1137, may have furnished to Gratiau\\nthe notion, as it certainly supplied the model, of his\\nwork..\\nt", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0284.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT III.\\n277\\nit was occasionally violated, and the violation\\nusually attended with outrage, they must,\\nnevertheless, have reaped great advantage,\\nand especially in peaceful periods. But such\\npartial profits have always a drawback in the\\njealousy which the distinction occasions, and\\nwhich exposes those who enjoy it to the dis-\\ntrust and dislike of their fellow subjects.\\nEcclesiastical jurisdiction. We have akeady\\nobserved how extensive, and, at the same time,\\nhow indefinite, were the rights of jurisdiction,\\nwhich were partly conferred on the church\\nand partly confirmed to it by Charlemagne,\\nrights, which were scarcely less important to\\nthe general influence of the clergy, than their\\nlearning or their revenues. During the tu-\\nmults of the three following centuries, they\\nwere transgressed or exceeded as the civil or\\necclesiastical portion of the state happened in\\nany country to preponderate but they appear\\nto have sustained no permanent alteration,\\neither in abridgment or increase, until the be-\\nginning of the twelfth century. About that\\ntime the ecclesiastical tribunals commenced a\\nsystem of encroachment, which made great\\nprogress even before the pontificate of Inno-\\ncent, and was carried by that Pope and his\\nsuccessors to still greater excess, and seemed\\nto threaten the entire subversion of the secu-\\nlar courts.* It was the first step in this usur-\\npation to multiply the number of persons\\nsubject to the jurisdiction of the church\\nthe next, to extend almost without limit the\\noffences of which it took cognizance. The\\nfirst of these objects was accomplished by the\\nindiscriminate Tonsure, which we have be-\\nfore mentioned to have been so generally given\\nby the bishops. This sign of the clerical state\\ndid not indicate ordinaiion or any spiritual\\noffice but it conferred the use of the eccle-\\nsiastical habit, and with it the various privi-\\nleges and immunities enjoyed by that order,\\nwithout the restraint of celibacy ,f to which\\nit was liable. This veiy numerous class,\\nthough for the most part engaged in secular\\nprofessions and occupations, was subject to\\nno other than the episcopal tribunals and\\nTirate tutte le cause d appellazlone in Roma, si\\nproccuro d ampliare la glurisdizione del Foro Epis-\\nopale, e stendere la conoscenza de Giudici Ecclesi-\\nastic! sopra piu persone ed in piii cause, sicche poco\\nriraanesse a magistrati secolari d impicciarsene.\\nGiannone, 1st. di Napoli, lib. xix., c. v., sect. iii.\\nt In this respect, those persons were placed in the\\ncondition of the priests of the Greek Church they\\nwere allowed to marry once only, and a virgin.\\nt In the kingdom of Naples, under the dynasty of\\nAnjou, this matter afterwards went so far (says Gi-\\nwe may remark, that all the movable prop-\\nerty of this body fell under the same juris-\\ndiction.*\\nAnother very large class, under the denom-\\nination of miserabiles personse (persons in\\ndistress,) was also exclusively subjected to the\\nepiscopal courts. It comprehended, even in\\nthe first instance, a multitude of the lowest\\norders; and it was presently so enlarged as\\nto include orphans and widows, the stranger\\nand the poor, the pilgi im and the leper, f\\nAgain the opportunity oflTered by the Cru-\\nsades was not neglected in the progress of\\nusurpation and in this case the arm of ec-\\nclesiastical justice extended itself not only\\nover all who engaged in the expedition, but\\nover those too who had bound themselves by\\nthe vow.\\nA great facility was also aflTorded for enlarg-\\ning the boundaries of ecclesiastical jurisdic-\\ntion, by the want of definiteness in the nature\\nof the offences subject to it. These were de-\\nsignated by one name, spiritual but it is clear\\nthat, in an ignorant age, that term might be\\nso extended by an artful priesthood as to em-\\nbrace every sin and almost every crime since\\nthere are no sins| and few crimes which do\\nnot indicate some disease of the soul, and\\ntouch its eternal safety.\\nThe general term, under which ecclesiastics\\ncontrived to comprise the greatest number of\\ncauses, was Bad Faith as being unquestion-\\nably a sin, yet such, that an action could sel-\\ndom occur, in which both parties were clear\\nfrom the suspicion of it. Thus they claimed\\nfor their tribunals all trials on executions of\\ncontracts, because the contract was founded\\non oath. They also claimed to be natural in-\\nterpreters and executors of all wills and testa\\nments, as being matters peculiarly connected\\nwith the conscience and thus fhey gradually\\nextended the spiritual net over the entire field\\nof civil litigation.\u00c2\u00a7 But they forgot that that\\nannone), that even the concubines of the clergy en-\\njoyed immunity from secular jurisdiction.\\nIn conseguenza di quella massima mal intesa,\\nmohilia sequuntur personam. Giann. loc. cit.\\nt We refer to the seventh chapter of Mr. Hallam s\\nMiddle Ages. It is a bold and, in most respects, an\\naccurate disquisition on papal history.\\nX Si peccaverit frater tuus, die Ecclesioe- This\\nseems to have been the text on which ecclesiastical\\njurisdiction was mainly founded. It had a much\\nbetter foundation in the superior intelligence and\\nmoral principles of ecclesieistics.\\nHaving once interfered in the matter of wills, the\\nbishops proceeded in some countries to arrogate the\\npower of making wills for the laity, ad pias causas;\\nand the interests of the church were advanced by that", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0285.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "278\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwhich properly belonged to them was censure,\\nnot jurisdiction or they affected artfully to\\nconfound the office of penal chastisement\\nwith that of penitential correction. The en-\\ncroachments of the church were aided by the\\nnegligence, as they were almost justified by\\nthe incompetence, of the lay tribunals and\\nthey had already made considerable advances,\\nwith little apparent opposition, and acquii-ed\\nextensive conquests in the domains of secular\\njurisdiction, at the time when Innocent III.\\ntook possession of the pontifical chair.\\nFrom the above circumstances, we have\\nreason to presume that in actual authority, not\\nless than in moral influence, the church had\\nacquired growth and strength since the era\\nof Gregory VII. and that the sacred militia,\\nwhom Innocent was appointed to command,\\nand by whose aid he meditated and almost\\naccomplished the destruction of the temporal\\nauthorities, then exerted a much more power-\\nful control over every department of society,\\nthan it had ever possessed at any former pe-\\nriod.\\nWe shall obtain a more distinct knowledge\\nof the designs and success of that celebrated\\npope, if we examine separately the principal\\npoints to which his exertions were directed,\\nthan we could gain by a chronological narra-\\ntive of his pontificate. According to such a\\npiety. Some were found who even claimed the pro-\\nperty of all intestate persons. Again, when the in-\\nterests of a clerk were involved in connexion with\\nthose of laymen, the decision was claimed by the\\nEcclesiastical Court. So also, when the cause was\\nvery difficult in point of reason, in case of the in-\\ncompetence, negligence, or suspiciousness of the lay\\njudge, the matter was referred to the Episcopal\\nTribunal. So likewise, under the name of forum\\nmixtum, it claimed its share in all cases of bigamy,\\nusury, sacrilege, adultery, incest, concubinage, blas-\\nphemy, sortilege, perjury, as in those of tithes and\\npious legacies. So in all causes arising from mar-\\nriage, as being a Sacrament of the church. And\\nlastly, there were some Roman doctors who maintain-\\ned that every condemned person in every country\\nshould be sent to Rome for punishment; seeing that\\nRome was the common country and metropolis of all\\nmen, that the world was Roman, and all its inhabit-\\nants citizens and subjects of Rome. Giannone, loc.\\ncit. The following lines were intended to compre-\\nhend the jurisdiction of the spiritual court:\\nHaereticus, Simon, fcenus, perjurus, adulter.\\nPax, privilegium, violentus, sacrilegusque\\nSi vacat Imperium; si negligit, ambigit, aut sit\\nSuspectus judex sit subdita terra, vel usus,\\nRusticus et servus, peregrinus, feuda, viator.\\nSi quis pjeniteat, miser! oranis causaque mista\\nSi denunciat Ecclesife quis, judicat ipsa.\\nWe shall take a future opportunity of recurring to\\nthe subject of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.\\ndistribution, we may properly consider these\\nobjects to have been four not, indeed, that\\nthey were thus minutely analysed in the mind\\nof Innocent, or that his daring schemes sub-\\nject to any such classification but the histo-\\nrian who contemplates great transactions after\\nan interval of many centuries, and a change\\nin many principles, is bound to consider par-\\nticular actions as parts of the whole mighty\\ndrama, in the respect they bear to the circum-\\nstances of the actors, and the character of the\\nage. Thus it is, that in studying the actions\\nof Innocent III., our obsei-vatioii is necessa-\\nrily most directed to the following points\\nI. To establish the temporal power of the\\nHoly See in the city of Rome, and in the ec-\\nclesiastical states and to enlarge their bound-\\naries. II. To fix the preeminence of the\\npapal over the royal authority, throughout all\\nthe kingdoms of the west, and to reduce all\\nprinces to the condition of vassalage to the\\nPope which was, indeed, merely a continu-\\nation of the scheme of Gregory. III. To en-\\nlarge the pontifical authority and influence\\nwithin the church. IV. and lastly. To secure\\nthe unity of the faith by the extirpation of\\nheresy. All these were at that time becoming\\nessential parts of the papal polity and almost\\nall the important acts of Innocent may be\\ntraced to some one of them.\\nI. The temporal power of the Pope. As the\\npolicy of the Holy See becomes more and\\nmore entangled in temporal transactions, as\\nwe obsei-ve the spiritual majesty of the apos-\\ntolical chair gradually degenerating into the\\nCourt of Rome, it is fit that we employ a few\\nsentences on the character of the people\\nwhich was subject to its immediate sway\\npartly because we shall thus discover what\\nsort of instruments for their secular designs\\nthe Popes possessed at home, and partly that\\nwe may learn, whether the great moral bless-\\nings were more abundantly diffused among\\nthe subjects of an ecclesiastical monarchy.\\nFor this pui*pose we shall select two very\\nwell known authorities, the one fi om the tenth,\\nthe other from the thirteenth century, only\\npremising that, though the particular facts\\nwhich they convey may be highly colored,\\nthe general consent of history confirms the\\nsubstance.\\nCharacter of the Romans. Luitprand,* who\\nwas sent as legate from Otho the First to the\\nEastern Emperor, expressed in this language\\nSee Luitpr. Legatio, apud Muratori Script. Ital.\\nvol. ii. also Dissertat. 40 ejusd. auct.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0286.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT III.\\n279\\nrke sort of reputation then possessed by the\\nRoman people We Lombards despise\\nthem so deeply, that for our very enemies,\\nwhen most moved against them, we can find\\nno designation more contumelious, than Ro-\\nman. In this single term, I mean Roman, we\\nintend to comprehend all that is base, all that\\nis cowardly, all that is avaricious, all that is\\nluxurious, all that is false and lying ay,\\nevery vice that has a name. The evidence\\nof St. Bernard on the same subject is more\\nparticular, and scarcely more honourable to\\nthe descendants of the Gracchi: Why\\nshould r mention the people the people is\\nRoman. I have no shorter, nor have I any\\nclearer term to express my opinion of your\\nparishioners (paroecianis.) For what is so\\nnotorious to all men and ages as the wanton-\\nness and haughtiness of the Romans? A\\nrace unaccustomed to peace, habituated to\\ntumult a race merciless and intractable, and\\nto this instant scorning all subjection, when\\nit has any means of resistance. Whom\\nwill you find, even in the vast extent of your\\ncity, who would have you for Pope, unless\\nfor profit, or the hope of profit And it is\\nthen most that they seek to rule, when they\\nprofess to serve. They promise fidelity, to\\nhave the better means of injuring those who\\ntrust them. They are men too proud\\nto obey, too ignorant to rule, faithless to supe-\\nriors, insupportable to inferiors shameless in\\nasking, insolent in refusing; importunate to\\nEugenius III. The passage in the De Conside-\\nratione, lib. iv. Cap. ii. We have purposely omitted\\nBome parts of it In the text, the following for instance\\nEt nunc experire paucis noverimne et ego aliqua-\\nlenus mores gentis. Ante omnia sapientes sunt, ut\\nfaciant mala, bonum autem facere nesciunt. Hi in-\\nvisi lerrae et coelo utrique injecere manus, impii in\\nDeum, temerarii in sancta, seditiosi in invicem (qu.\\njudicem 1) semuli in vicinos, inhuman! in extraneos\\nquos neminem amantes amat nemo. Et cum timeri\\naffectant ab omnibus, omnes timeant necesse est. Hi\\nsunt qui subesse non sustinent, c Ita omne\\nhumile probro ducitur inter Palatinos, ut facilius,\\nqui esse quam qui apparere humilis velit, invenias.\\nTimor Domini simplicitas vocatur, ne dicam fatuitas,\\nc. These Palatines seem to have been the emi-\\nnent Ecclesiastics resident at the Holy See. The\\ncardinals, who formed the nucleus of the future court\\nof Rome, though now gradually rising in dignity,\\nwei e not yet, probably, in possession of any corporate\\nprerogatives. We shall only add one more testimony,\\nthat of John of Salisbury, the contemporary and\\ncountryman of Adrian IV., against the Roman clergy:\\nProvinciarum diri. punt spolia, ac si thesauros\\nCroesi studeant reparare. Sed recte cum lis egit\\nAltissimus, quoniam et ipsi aliis et saepe vilissirais\\nhominibus dati sioi in direptionem.\\nobtain favors, restless while obtaining them,\\nungrateful when they have obtained them\\ngrandiloquous and inefiicient; most profuse\\nin promise, most niggardly in performance\\nthe smoothest flatterers, the most venomous\\ndetractors, c. Among such as these you\\nare proceeding as their pastor, covered with\\ngold and every variety of splendor. What\\nare your sheep looking for If I dared\\nto use the expression, I should say, that it is\\na pasture of demons rather than of sheep.\\nMany of the features in this revolting picture\\nare common to the courts of every climate and\\nreligion to the sycophants of every race and\\nage. The exclusive appropriation of mean-\\nness and treachery the monopoly of human\\nbaseness could not truly be ascribed even to\\nthe people of Rome. But there is one among\\nthe vices imputed to them which was indeed\\ntheir characteristic restless and turbulent in-\\nsubordination. Shall we consider this defect\\nas the corruption of an ancient virtue Cer-\\ntainly even a cursory review of the govern-\\nment (if government it can be called) under\\nwhich the imperial city had struggled for\\nabove four centuries, will show that the vice,\\nwhether indigenous or not, received much\\nencouragement and excuse fi-om extraneous\\nciicumstances. We have already mentioned\\nthe doubtful limits of the authority respective-\\nly exercised by the Patrician and the Bishop\\nunder the Greek emperors. When that rule\\nfinally passed away, Charlemagne (and before\\nhim Pepin) assumed the temporal administra-\\ntion of Rome under the same name, Patrician\\nand during his reign the imperial supremacy\\nwas in practice felt, as it was undisputed in\\nright. Weaker princes, and ages almost of an-\\narchy succeeded. Nevertheless, the supreme\\ndominion of the emperors, which may have\\nbeen partially suspended, was re-established\\nby Otho their title and image were engrav-\\nen on the Papal corns, and their jurisdiction\\nwas marked by the sword of justice which\\nthey delivered to the Prefect of the city.\\nOn the other hand, the residence of the\\nEmperor was remote, and the communication\\nslow and precarious. Once only, in the coui-se\\nperhaps of a long reign, he presented himself\\nto his Roman subjects. The purpose of that\\nvisit was to receive his crown from the pon-\\ntifical hand, and the ceremony was usually\\nattended with tumult and bloodshed. Again\\nat that coronation he thrice repeated the\\nroyal oath, to maintain the liberties of Rome.\\nThe ancient fable, too, was continually incul-\\nSee Gibbon s 69th chapter", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0287.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "280\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ncated, and perhaps universally believed, that\\nConstantine had consigned the temporal scep-\\ntre to the hand of the Bishop. And in those\\nages of superstitious dai-kness, the prejudices\\nof mankind saw nothing incongruous in the\\ndouble character of a sacerdotal monarch.\\nThese circumstances were on both sides un-\\nfavorable to the welfare of Rome, for while\\nthey neutralized, and almost destroyed the\\npower of the Prefect, they gave no substantial\\nfoundation to that of the Pope. So that in\\nthe uncertainty thus created, as to where the\\ncivil executive authority really was placed, the\\npeople were left without any efficient control.\\nTheir inclination would naturally lead them\\nto respect most the power, which was more\\nnearly and immediately exercised. But the\\nshort reigns of most of the Popes the tumul-\\ntuous scenes which commonly disgraced their\\nelection, and which were prolonged so ob-\\nstinately whenever there was a rival for the\\nchair the very circumstance, that the choice\\nof a ruler was influenced by the rabble all\\nconspired to lower his dignity, and to lessen\\nthe efficacy of his temporal authority. It is\\ntrue, that during the latter half of the twelfth\\ncentury, after the constitution of Alexander\\nIII. (in 1179,) these evils were in some degree\\nabated. Still there were no principles of\\nstability in the civil administration and it is\\nscarcely too much to assert that, from the time\\nof Charlemagne to that of Innocent, the pon-\\ntifical city had never once felt either the re-\\nstraint or the blessing of a strong government.\\nThe regulation of Alexander III. was an\\nomen of greater improvements. But a change\\nof more importance in the civil history of\\nRome was the establishment of the Senate\\nand this is refen-ed, as a permanent act, to the\\nyear 1144. In the meantime, the dignity of\\nPrefect of the City had gradually declined\\nto a municipal office, filled from the families\\nof the native nobility. Even the name was,\\nfor a short time, abolished, and succeeded by\\nthat of Patrician, though it was speedily re-\\nstored, together with the original ensigns of\\npower. But at length Innocent III. broke off\\nthe last link of the imperial power. He re-\\njected at the same time its ancient emblem\\nand while he absolved the Prefect from all de-\\npendence of oaths or service on the German\\nEmperors, he removed the sword from his\\nhand, and substituted a peaceful banner in its\\nplace.\\nBut the tranquillity of Rome was not se-\\ncured by its independence and other changes\\nsucceeded, in the difficult attempt at self-gov-\\nernment by a people educated almost in an-\\narchy. In the first mstance, the name and\\nauthority of the Senate was condensed in the\\noffice of a single magistrate the Senator;\\nand soon afterwards in that of two colleagues.\\nThe most jealous precautions* were taken to\\nsecure their integrity, or, at least, their harm-\\nlessness. But they were still Romans and\\nthe turbulence of the subjects seem to have\\nbeen rivalled by the rapacity of the rulers.\\nAnother scheme, which had been elsewhere\\nsuccessful, was then applied to the disorders\\nof Rome. In the dearth of native virtue, or\\nat least in the despair of domestic disinterest-\\nedness and impartiality, she called to the helm\\nof state a foreign governor. It was about the\\nyear 1250, that Brancaleone of Bologna was\\nchosen Senator and, in the progress of sev-\\nenty-eight years, the same office was filled and\\ndignified by Charles of Anjou (about 1265,)\\nby Pope Martin IV. (in 1281,) and lastly, by\\nLewis of Bavaria and thus (says Gibbon)\\nboth the sovereigns of Rome acknowledged\\nher liberty by accepting a municipal office in\\nthe government of their own metropolis. A\\ngovernment susceptible of such strange ano-\\nmalies could not hope for peace or perma-\\nnence. Even the secession of the Popes to\\nAvignon did not emancipate Rome from their\\noccasional sway, and their ceaseless persecu-\\ntion. And thus the people were doubly suf-\\nferers they suffered, when subject, from the\\nweakness of an absent scepti-e they suffered,\\nwhen independent, from the perpetual strug-\\ngles which were made to reduce them. After\\nseventy years of foreign residence, the Pontiffs\\nreturned to their legitimate abode. But the\\nschism, which immediately followed the res-\\ntoration, still further enfeebled a grasp already\\ntrembling with the weight of the temporal\\nsword. That inveterate turbulence, transmit-\\nted through so many ages, continued for some\\ngenerations longer and it was not until the\\nmiddle of the fifteenth century, that the pon-\\ntifical city became permanently subject to\\npontifical government.\\nTemporal policy of Innocent From this\\nshort anticipation of some future events, we\\nreturn to obsei-ve the working of that pow-\\nerful hand, which influenced so deeply the\\nAccording to the laws of Rome (in the fifteenth\\ncentury), the Senator was required to be a Doctor\\nof Laws, an alien, of some place at least forty miles\\ndistant, and unconnected, to the third canonical de-\\ngree, with any Roman inhabitant. The election was\\nannual the departure from office was attended with\\na severe scrutiny; nor could the same person be re-\\nelected until after two years. The salary was 3000\\nflorins. Gibbon, c. 70.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0288.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT III.\\n281\\ndestinies of the Church, and which influenc-\\ned them ahiiost wholly for evil and in no\\none respect more so, than when it construct-\\ned the temporal fabric for the support of a\\npower essentially spiritual, and waved before\\nthose brilliant portals the dark bloodstained\\nedge of the material sword. Possibly the\\npowerful mind of Innocent was seduced into\\nthose projects by the inviting cu cumstances\\nof the moment. During his entire pontificate\\nthe situation of the empire was extremely fa-\\nvorable to any hostile schemes. The legiti-\\nmate sovereign (afterwards Frederic II.) was\\na minor, and the sceptre was for some time\\ndisputed by two princes (Philip and Otho\\nIV.,) to each of whom the patronage of the\\nPontiff was equally important. At a later\\nperiod, after the death of Philip, the dissen-\\nsion was renewed, in another form, but with\\nthe same character, between Otho and Fred-\\neric and the latter of these rivals now be-\\ncame as anxious to cultivate the friendship of\\nthe Pope, as heretofore the former. Inno-\\ncent availed himself of these advantages to\\nenrich and fortify the Church at the expense\\nof all those disputants, or at least of the em-\\npire which they disputed. Accordingly, one\\nof the earliest acts of his reign was to dis-\\narm the Prefect of all authority derived from\\nabroad, and thus to erase the last remaining\\nvestige of German domination. Again, the\\nextensive donation of territory which the\\nPrincess Matilda had made to the Roman\\nsee, during the administration of Gregory\\nVII., had been unceasingly contested by the\\nempire and the gi-eater force had generally\\nconstituted the better right. Innocent, to-\\nwards the end of his pontificate, was enabled\\nso far to profit by the weakness of Frederic,\\nas to obtain from that prince a formal confir-\\nmation of the grant; at the same time, a con-\\nsiderable territorial cession, made to the see\\nby the Count of Fundi, received the same\\nratification. It is proper, indeed, to ascribe\\nthe completion of this work to Nicholas IV.,\\nwho ruled about seventy years afterwards.\\nThat Pope reduced under his dominion some\\ncities, which had hitherto owned a nominal\\nallegiance to the Emperor and extended the\\nstates of the Church to those nearly which\\nare their present boundaries. But to Nicho-\\nlas no higher celebrity is due, than that he\\npursued with success the policy which had\\ndescended to him from his predecessors, and\\nwhich had received its first impulse from\\nInnocent for, until his pontificate, the tem-\\nporalities of the see, notwithstanding the suc-\\n36\\ncessive donations (pretended or real) of\\nConstantino, and Pepin, and Charlemagne,\\nand Lewis the Meek, and even Matilda, form-\\ned, in fact, if not a mere fieM for incessant\\ncontention, at best a very precarious and un-\\nprofitable possession.\\nII. On the Usurpations of Papal over Royaf\\nAuthority. In respect to this part of the pon-\\ntifical system, we have already seen that the\\nequivocal glory of creating it is not due to\\nInnocent he received it from former (per-\\nhaps from better) ages, among the established\\nduties of the apostolical office. It was sealed\\nby the consent ofmany venerable Pontiffs; by\\nthe authority of Gregory VII. It was con-\\ngenial to the unconverted pride of the human\\nheart that passion, which burnt most fierce-\\nly in the breast of Innocent, and which the\\nwaters of the gospel were seldom invited to\\nallay. His was indee(f the character formed,\\nunder whatsoever ordination of Providence,\\nto fill up the outlines so daringly traced, and\\nto pursue the scheme which his great prede-\\ncessor had bequeathed to him. The same\\ncircumstances which forwarded his other\\ntemporal projects were, as far as they exten-\\nded, favorable to this. Once more he drew\\nhis strength from the divisions of the empire.\\nHe deposed Phihp Philip denied his right\\nbut it was willingly acknowledged by the rival\\nOtho, who did not scruple to accept (in 1209)\\nthe diadem from the pontifical hand. Only\\nthree years afterwards the Pope pronounced,\\nin the same plenitude of power, the same\\nsentence of anathema and deposition against\\nOtho. With what justice could Otho dispute\\nthe power by which he had deigned to rise\\nThe vacant throne was then conferred upon\\nFrederic.\\nA purely spiritual despotism can rest on no\\nother ground than popular prejudice com-\\nmands which have no visible power to enforce\\nthem will only be obeyed through a general\\npredisposition to believe, that they proceed\\nfrom some still superior authority. The mo-\\nnarch would have derided the sentence of de-\\nposition, had it not found attention and respect\\namong his subjects. That it should ever have\\nacquired such general respect may indeed\\nseem strange, and the causes which were then\\nSismondi (Repub. Ital. c. iii.) remarks that as\\nthe act of Pepin s donation is lost, we know not on\\nwhat conditions it may have been made. He also\\nexpresses a reasonable doubt, whether this donation,\\nthough nominally confirmed by Charlemagne and\\nLewis, was ever effectuated.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0289.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsufficient for that end could only have operat-\\ned in a very blind and ignorant age. For in-\\nstance, the mere ceremony of coronation by\\nthe Pope, to which the Emperors, in imitation\\nof Charlemagne, had almost invariably sub-\\nmitted, vi^ould seem to afford no trifling pre-\\ntext for the claims of the former since it was\\nin those days an easy inference that the crown,\\nwhich for many generations had been habit-\\nually received from the hand of the Pope,\\ncould not legally be worn except through such\\npresentation and then it followed, since there\\nwere many who zealously inculcated the con-\\nsequence, that the gift conferred was in fact\\nthe properly of the donor,* who again had\\npower to recall his gift, and present it to some\\nworthier candidate. At the same time we\\nshould never lose sight of that general vener-\\nation for the throne of St. Peter, which at\\nthat period especially overspread the prostrate\\nnations, and overawed the reason of man\\nfor it was, in truth, not an uncommon belief\\nthat the blessed Apostle invisibly presided\\nover the altar of his martyrdom, and guarded\\nand sanctified with mysterious majesty the\\nchair of his successors.\\nThe eagerness with which the emperors\\ngenerally courted the ceremony of coronation,\\nthough it was attended by circumstances very\\nhumiliating to their pride, certainly proves\\nthat there existed among their subjects a strong\\nfeeling as to its propriety, perhaps its necessi-\\nty. But that which gave the greatest color to\\nthe extreme pretensions of the See, was the\\nreadiness with which princes acknowledged\\nthem, when they found their profit in the ac-\\nknowledgment. The very edicts which they\\nrejected with scorn when addressed to them-\\nselves, they embraced and effectuated when\\nlevelled against a rival. The right, as a gen-\\neral right, was never contested. The partial\\ninterests of the moment overpowered every\\nconsideration of a broader policy; and thus\\namid the ever-reviving jealousies and dissen-\\nsions of monarclis and pretenders, the con-\\nsistent perseverance of the Vatican established\\nthe most groundless claims, and accomplished\\nthe most extravagant purposes. Of course\\nthe agents for the dissemination of its princi-\\nples and the instruments of its spccess were\\nThis inference required, of course, a large share\\nof zeal in the teacher and docility in the disciple.\\nThe Patriarch of Constantinople had possessed from\\nthe earliest ages the ofiice of crowning the Greek\\nemperor, without ever dreaming that he acquired any\\nsort of interest in the crown itself by the performance\\nof an ordinary ceremony. But ecclesiastical matters\\nwere very differently conducted in the west.\\nthe ecclesiastical orders, and especially the\\nmonks and the very general union and co-\\noperation which at this time prevailed (more\\nperhaps than at any other period, more cer-\\ntainly than at any later period) between the\\nPope, the clergy, and the monasteries, facilitat-\\ned the execution of Innocent s boldest designs.\\nContest with Philippe Auguste. The fii-st\\ninterference of that pontiff in the affairs of\\nthe French court was defended by precedents,\\nand occasioned by an offence at all times pe-\\nculiarly liable to spiritual jurisdiction. Phil-\\nippe Auguste having espoused a Danish prin-\\ncess, named Ingelburg, or Isemburg, hastened\\non the very day following the nuptials to di-\\nvorce her. He pretended to have discovered\\nthat they were connected by too near a de-\\ngree of affinity and afler some investigation,\\nat which two legates of Pope Celestine as-\\nsisted, the marriage was declared null. In-\\nnocent, probably considering that concession\\nas extorted from the timidity of his predeces-\\nsor, lost no time in setting aside the divorce,\\nand commanding the king to take back his\\nbride. He refused, and an interdict was im-\\nmediately thrown on the whole kingdom.\\nThe public offices of worship were suspend-\\ned even the doors of the churches were\\nclosed the Sacrament of Christ was no long-\\ner administered,* and the rites of marriage\\nand sepulture remained unperformed. We\\nshould here recollect, that with the mass of\\nan ignorant people professing a corrupt form\\nof faith, the public exercise of religion con-\\nstituted, in fact, its entire substance. Depriv-\\ned of that, they had no refuge in private prayer,\\nor the consolations of internal devotion. To\\nsuch persons the sentence of an interdict\\nmust have fallen like an immediate edict of\\nrejection and separation from heaven and\\nsuch in the twelfth century was the multitude\\nWe should mention, that even under the oppres-\\nsion of the severest interdict, the sacraments of Bap-\\ntism, Confession, and Extreme Unction still continued\\nto be administered. But it was attended by other pro-\\nhibitions, not strictly of a religious nature, calculated\\nto inspire gloom and fanaticism. The hair, for in-\\nstance, and the beard were to be left unshaven the\\nuse of meat was forbidden; and even the ordinary\\nsalutation was prohibited. But the suspension of\\nsepulture, the exposure of the corpses to dogs or birds,\\nor even their promiscuous interment in unhallowed\\nground, was probably in practice the most appalling\\npart of the sentence. From the learned treatise, De\\nI Origine et du Progres des Interdits Ecclesiastiques,\\nby Pierre Pithou, it appears that there were indica-\\ntions of such an exercise of ecclesiastical power in\\nvery early ages; though it was not applied to any\\ngrand purpose, as a pontifical implement, until the\\ntime of Hildebrand.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0290.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT III.\\n283\\nof eveiy class. Philippe Auguste was a prince\\nof uncommon resolution and address. Nev-\\nertheless he found it expedient to bend before\\nthe tempest, and obey the pontifical mandate.\\nThis was the earliest triumph of Innocent,\\nand it encouraged his ambition to attempt\\nmore daring achievements. At least he did\\nnot long confine it to objects which offered\\nany particular justification, but advanced on\\nthe broadest ground of universal interference.\\nIn a bull published in 1197, he declared, that\\nit was not fit that any man should be invested\\nwith authority, who did not sei-ve and obey\\nthe Holy See. At another time he proclaim-\\ned, that he would not endure the least con-\\ntempt of himself, or of God, whose place he\\nheld on earth, but would punish every diso-\\nbedience without delay, and convince the\\nwhole world that he was determined to act\\nlike a sovereign. As the sun and the moon\\nare placed in the firmament, the greater as\\nthe light of the day and the lesser of the night,\\nso are there two powers in the church, the\\npontifical, which, as having the charge of\\nsouls, is the greater and the royal, which is\\nthe lesser, and to which only the bodies of\\nmen are trusted. Though I cannot judge\\nof a fief, f said Innocent to the kings of France\\nand England, yet it is my province to judge\\nwhen sin is committed, and my duty to pre-\\nvent all public scandals. This was indeed\\nthe loftiest and the most respectable ground\\non which the Papal pretensions could be\\nplaced and if the Bishops of Rome had\\nreally been contented with the exercise of a\\nbeneficial authority if they had employed\\nthe mighty power with which they found\\nthemselves invested, only for the reconciliation\\nof enmities, for the concord, the morality, the\\nmost.obvious interests of the human race, then,\\nindeed, we might have forgotten the origin\\nof that power in its blessed uses, and pardon-\\ned to the Vicar of Christ his presumptuous\\nappellation, when we saw him engaged in\\ndoing the works of Christ, and consoling his\\nchildren upon earth.\\nHov/ever, the interference, even of Innocent\\nInnocent s famous Rescript to the emperor of\\nConstantinople (In which the above allegory is pro-\\nduced) respected chiefly the immunity of clerks; and\\nas it was founded on tlie maxims published by Gra-\\ntian, which were themselves founded on the False\\nDecretals, so itself became in process of time a new\\nDecretal, the groundwork, if necessary, of other still\\nmore inordinate pretensions. It was thus that the\\nsystem grew.\\nt The general cognizance of causes relating to fiefs\\nhad escaped, as it would seem, ecclesiastical usurpa-\\nIII., was not always for evil. On the strength\\nof his delegated authority he dictated a truce\\nto Philippe and Richard, and after some diffi-\\nculties obliged both parties to submit to it.\\nIt was about the same time that he directed\\none of his legates to compel the obsei-vance\\nof peace between the Kings of Castille and\\nPortugal, if necessary, by excommunication\\nand interdict. He moreover enjoined the\\nKing of Arragon to restore to its intrinsic\\nvalue the coin which he had lately debased,\\nthereby oppressing and defrauding his sub-\\njects. Tlie mere wanton display of power\\nmay not have been his motive some gener-\\nous considerations may sometimes have in-\\nfluenced him. A great mind (says Hallara,)\\nsuch as Innocent III. undoubtedly possessed,\\nthough prone to sacrifice every other object\\nto ambition, can never be indifferent to the\\nbeauty of social order and the happiness of\\nmankind.\\nNot contented to influence the most vigor-\\nous monarchs of the most powerful king-\\ndoms of the age, he descended to issue his\\nedicts to inferior princes. He sent forth in-\\nstructions to the King of Navarre respecting\\nthe restoration of certain castles to Richard.\\nHe distributed the insignia of royalty to Bris-\\ncislaus, Duke of Bohemia, and to the Dukes\\nof Wallachia and Bulgaria. He conferred\\nthe crown of Arragon on Peter II. as his sub-\\nject and tributary. And finally (that no race\\nor clime might seem inaccessible to his arm),\\nhe gave a king to the Armenian nation, dwell-\\ning on the border of the Caspian Sea.\\nWith John of England. Yet, with all this\\nextent of despotic sway, it was in England\\nthat his boldest pretensions were advanced,\\nand advanced with the most surprising suc-\\ncess. The circumstances are known to all\\nreaders. In the year 1199, Richard I. was\\nsucceeded on the throne by John, the feeblest\\nof the human race and that prince was pre-\\nsently assailed by an outrage from the Holy\\nSee, which disturbed for some years the re-\\npose and allegiance of his subjects, and the\\nstability of his throne. On the vacancy of\\nthe see of Canterbury, the monks in chapter\\npublicly elected to that dignity John, Bishop\\nof Norwich, who was recommended and con-\\nfirmed by the King. At the same time they\\nchose, at a private meeting, Reginald, their\\nown sub-prior,* and sent him to Rome for in-\\nstitution. When this matter was referred to\\nInnocent, he immediately reversed both elec-\\ntions, and nominated Stephen Langton, a\\nPagi Bi-ev. Pont. Rom. Vit. luaoc. III. Sect. 49.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0291.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "S84\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nRoman cardinal, of English descent. The\\nchapter listened to the spiritual, in preference\\nto the temporal, tyrant and the monks were\\nin consequence expelled from their residence,\\nand their property was confiscated. The\\nPope proceeded with no less energy to en-\\nforce his asserted rights, and commanded the\\nBishops of London, Worcester, and Ely, to\\nlay the whole kingdom under an interdict.\\nThere were some prelates, however, and\\nseveral inferior ecclesiastics, who hesitated\\nto enforce this edict and since John made\\nno concession. Innocent issued, in the follow-\\ning year (1201), a bull of excommunication\\nagainst the name and person of the sovereign.\\nThis sentence, still ineffectual, was followed,\\nin 1211, by another yet more appalling. The\\nsubjects of John were absolved from their\\nallegiance, and commanded to avoid his pre-\\nsence. Yet as even this measure was insuffi-\\ncient for his entire success, he had then re-\\ncourse to the last and most dangerous among\\nthe bolts of the Vatican. He pronounced the\\nfinal sentence of deposition and having de-\\nclared the vacancy of the throne, gave force\\nto his words by conferring it upon Philippe\\nAuguste of France. At the same time he\\nordered that monarch to execute the sentence.\\nPhilippe s obedience was secured by his\\nambition he was joined by the exiles of his\\nrival s tyranny and to ensure his success,\\nor, more probably, to complete the consterna-\\ntion of John, Innocent proclaimed a crusade\\nagainst the English king as against an infidel\\nor a heretic. The armies were assembled on\\nboth sides, and hostilities were on the point\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2of commencing, when Pandulph, the legate\\nof the Pope, presented himself at the camp\\nat Dover. He there displayed the final de-\\nmands of the Pope, and the King had cour-\\nage to resist no longer. The demands to\\nwhich he submitted were these, that he\\nshould resign his crown to the legate, and re-\\nceive it again as a present from the Holy See\\nthat he should declare his dominions tributary\\nto the same See and that he should do hom-\\nage and swear fealty to Innocent, as a vassal\\nand a feudatory. The shame of this humilia-\\ntion was increased by the ceremony attending\\nit by the multitude of sorrowful or indignant\\nwitnesses by the very manner in which the\\nhaughty legate bore himself on his triumph.\\nYet, to the eye of an earnest and fervent\\nPapist, is the degi adation of England s mon-\\nAmong other circumstances it is related, that\\nPandulph did actually keep the crown in his posses-\\nsion for some minutes. The annual tribute stipulated\\nwas 1000 marks.\\narch, while he stood waiting, amid his nobles\\nand his soldiers, to accept his crown from the\\nsuspended hand of Pandulph is it, after all,\\na spectacle of such lofty exultation is it a\\npicture so flattering to his spiritual, even to\\nhis ecclesiastical, pride as the half-naked\\nform of the imperial penitent of older days,\\nshivering, with his scanty train of attendants,\\nbefore the castle gates of Gregory\\nIII. The Increase of Pontifical Authority\\nwithin the Church.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The description of John s\\nhumiliation, and of the steps which led to it,\\nconnects the second with the third part of\\nthis inquiry for, in the first place, it shows\\nthe extent to which Innocent carried his\\nclaims to patronage within the Church and\\nin the next, it exhibits one motive of the\\ngeneral anxiety evinced by the see to extend\\nthat internal influence. The Interdict, which\\nwas now become the favorite instrument\\nof papal usurpation, however formidable in\\nname and deed, was an empty denunciation,\\nunless enforced by the personal exertions of\\nthe Bishops, and even of the inferior clergy\\nof the kingdom subjected to it as we, indeed,\\nobserved, that in England the sentence of\\nInnocent failed of its full effect, through the\\nopposition of a part of the clergy. And thus,\\nin any project of temporal aggi andizement\\nwhich a Pope might undertake, success could\\nnever be secured unless he could command\\nthe co-operation of the very great proportion\\nof the ecclesiastical body. It was partly for\\nthis reason that so many foreign, and espe-\\ncially Italian, prelates were placed, for many\\nages, in English sees. In Germany, too. In-\\nnocent showed the same anxiety to extend\\nhis right of appointment by a formal capit-\\nulation with Otho IV. he obtained that of\\ndecision in disputed cases and it is obvious\\nto what easy abuse it was liable. In other\\ncountries he advanced the same claim, which\\nhad been so fatally disputed in England, with\\nless resistance and equal success. His exam-\\nple was imitated by following Pontiffs and\\nthe facility thus acquired, of exciting rebellion\\namongst a restless nobility and a superstitious\\npeople, against a weak and arbitrary govern-\\nment, terrified the boldest monarch s, and fre-\\nquently led them to sacrifice the future secu-\\nrity of the crown to the hopes or apprehen-\\nsions of the moment.\\nTTie Saladin Tax. On the other hand, the\\nvery great progress made by Innocent in ex-\\ntending the papal influence among the priest-\\nhood, was counteracted by a measure which\\nmay have been necessitated by other causes, but\\n1", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0292.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT IIL\\n285\\nwhich certainly was ill calculated to increase\\nthe attachmejit of that body. Not contented\\nto exact from them veiy considerable occa-\\nsional contributions, he imposed a regular tax\\non ecclesiastical property, and he was the first\\nPope who ventured upon that measure. It\\nwas called the Saladin tax and it is true that\\nthe service of religion, whether in Langue-\\ndoc or in Palestine, for the murder of Sara-\\ncens or of heretic Christians, was alike the\\npretext, and in part the motive, for those ex-\\nactions. Nevertheless, they were advanced\\nwith reluctance and the innovation was the\\nless tolerable, as it would certainly become a\\nprecedent for future and more oppressive ex-\\ntortions.\\nIt is also necessary to observe, that the\\ncollective power of the episcopal order was\\nnot so great at that time as it had been in the\\nninth or tenth, or even in the earlier part of\\nthe eleventh century, owing to the gradu-\\nal disuse of those national synods which,\\nin former ages, controlled the conduct of\\nkings. But we should at the same time re-\\nmark, that the authority thus lost by the\\nhierarchy was not gained by the sovereign.\\nIt changed owners, indeed, but it did not\\npass out of the possession of the church. It\\nwas merely transferred from one part of that\\nbody to another; from the members to the\\nhead from the prelacy to the Pope and by\\nhim it was exercised with a restless audacity,\\nan unity of design, and a consistent persever-\\nance, which could not possibly have directed\\na long series of local and dependent councils.\\nSo that the change in the constitution of the\\nchurch, by which it became less aristocratical,\\n(if we may so apply that term,) and more des-\\npotic, though it considerably altered the rela-\\ntive positions of the crown and the mitre, did\\nnot at all increase the preponderance of the\\nformer on the contrary, the greater con-\\ncentration of ecclesiastical authority in one\\ninstead of many hands, made it a more dan-\\ngerous rival to the civil government. The\\nadvance of pontifical power was very closely\\nconnected with the improvement of disci-\\npline, and the progress of that system of\\nuniformity, which was designed entirely to\\npervade and bind together the Universal\\nChurch.\\nThe fourth Lateran Council. Among the\\nmost important acts of Innocent*s pontificate\\nwas the convocation of the fourth Lateran\\nCouncil, the most numerous and most cel-\\nebrated of the ancient assemblies of the Latin\\nchurch. This august body consisted of near-\\nly five hundred* archbishops and bishops,\\nbesides a much greater multitude of abbots\\nand priors, and delegates of absent prelates,\\nand ambassadors from most of the Christian\\ncourts of the west and of the east. It met\\ntogether in the November of 1215, for the\\nprofessed consideration of two grand objects.\\nThe first was the recovery of the Holy Land\\nthe second was the Reformation of the church\\nin faith and in discipline. Seventy canons\\nwere then dictated by Innocent, and received\\nits obsequious confirmation. It does not ap-\\npear that its deliberations (if they may so be\\ncalled) were attended with any fireedom of\\ndebate and within a month f from the day\\nof its opening, having executed its appointed\\nofiice, it was dismissed.\\nAmong the articles on that occasion enact-\\ned, there were several wisely constructed for\\nthe welfare of the Roman Catholic church\\nthey amplified the body of the canon law,\\nand regulated in many respects the practice\\nof ecclesiastical procedures, which is follow-\\ned to this day. But as we cannot in this\\nwork pursue such a variety of matter into its\\ndetaO, we shall select only those which were\\nthe most important in substance or in conse-\\nquence.\\nTransuhstantiation. If any doubt hitherto\\nremained in the orthodox church respecting\\nthe manner in which the body and blood of\\nChrist were present at the Eucharist, it was\\non this occasion removed by Innocent, who\\nunequivocally established, or rather confirm-\\ned, X that which is now, and which had then\\nbeen for some time, the doctrine of Roman\\nCatholics. Moreover, as he well knew the\\nefficacy of a name to propagate and per-\\npetuate a dogma, and also that he might have\\na fixed verbal test whereby to try the opinions\\nand obviate the evasions of heretics, he in-\\nThe numbers are, of course, variously stated\\nthat of the archbishops at seventy-one or seventy -seven\\nthat of the bishops generally at four hundred and\\ntwelve, that of the abbots and priors at eight hun-\\ndred.\\nf This fact alone proves that the canons in question\\nwere not made matter of discussion with that nu-\\nmerous assembly.\\nX Mosheim is probably wrong in supposing that\\nfull liberty had hitherto been left to pious persons to\\ninterpret the doctrine according to their own reason.\\nThe sense of the church was sufficiently expressed by\\nthe councils which were held against Berenger; or\\nhad it not been so, at least the Council of Piacenza\\nconfirmed the doctrine explicitly declared on former\\noccasions. It only remained to Innocent to ascertain\\nand consolidate the doctrine by the term.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0293.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "286\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nvented and stamped upon that tenet the name\\nof Transubstantiation.\\nSacramental confession. Another canon\\n(the twenty-first) strictly enjoined to all the\\nfaithful of both sexes, to make, at least once\\nin the year, a private confession of their\\nsins, and that to their own priest or curate\\nand to flilfil the penance which he might im-\\npose on them. They were at the same time\\nprohibited from confessing to any other priest,\\nwithout the special permission of their own.*\\nThey were also directed, under severe eccle-\\nsiastical penalties in case of neglect, to receive\\nthe Eucharist at Easter, unless a particular\\ndispensation should be granted them, also by\\ntheir own priest. By this regulation, the\\nsystem of auricular confession was indeed\\ncarried to very refined perfection and there\\nis no reason to doubt that a canon, which im-\\nparted even to the lowest of tlie priesthood\\nsuch close and searching influence over the\\nconscience and conduct of a superstitious gen-\\neration, was speedily brought into universal\\noperation. That in some instances, that on\\nvery many particular occasions, the effect of\\nthis influence has been beneficial to society\\nthat sinful dispositions have been frequently\\nrepressed and crimes prevented by the present\\nand immediate control of a pious minister,\\nis not merely probable, but indisputable. But\\nas a system of morality, that could not possi-\\nbly be creative of righteous principles which\\nheld out, through bodily penance, a periodi-\\ncal absolution from sin, even if the hands\\nwhich administered it were always pure.\\nBut when we consider the abuse to which\\nsuch a power is necessarily liable, and how\\ngreatly, too, it would increase through the\\nabuse, we cannot fail to perceive that it was a\\nmachine too powerful to be intrusted to the\\nnecessary infirmity, to the possible caprice or\\nwickedness, of man.\\nExtinction of Heresy. By the proposed re-\\nformation in the faith of the Church, nothing\\nwas in fact meant, except the extirpation of\\nheresy, and this was the first object presented\\nto the attention of the council. After a for-\\nmal exposition of faith, upon those points\\nespecially on which the existing errors were\\nThe sacrament was taken immediately after con-\\nfession. This is tlie first canon, as far as I know,\\nsays Fleury, which imposes the general obligation\\nof sacramental confession. There was then a par-\\nticular reason for it, on account of the errors of the\\nVaudois and Albigeois touching the sacrament of\\npenance. At the Council of Toulouse, in 1228, the\\nconfession and sacrament were enjoined thrice in the\\nyear; but this again was in the very focus of heresy.\\nsupposed to have arisen, the Pope and the\\nPrelates immediately proceeded (in the thu-d\\ncanon) to anathematize every heresy. As\\nsoon as they are condemned (says the Coun-\\ncil,) they shall be abandoned to the secular\\npower, to receive the suitable punishment.\\nThe goods of laymen shall be confiscated\\nthose of clerks applied to the uses of their re-\\nspective churches. Those who shall only be\\nsuspected of heresy, if they do not clear\\nthemselves by sufficient justification, shall be\\nexcommunicated. If they remain a year un-\\nder the suspicion, they shall be treated as\\nheretics. The secular powers shall be ad-\\nvised, and, if need be, constrained by cen-\\nsures, to make public oath that they will\\nexile all heretics marked out by the Church.\\nIf the temporal lord, on admonition, shall\\nneglect to free his territories from their pol-\\nlution, he shall be excommunicated by the\\nMetropolitan and the other Bishops of the\\nprovince and if he should not submit with-\\nin a year, the Pope shall be informed to the\\nend that he may pronounce his vassals absol-\\nved from the oath of fidelity, and expose his\\ndomain to the conquest of the Catholics.\\nThese, after having expelled the heretics,\\nshall peaceably possess and preserve it in\\ndoctrinal purity saving the right of the liege\\nlord, provided he oflfer no obstacle to the ex-\\necution of this decree. It is remarkable\\nthat this decree, which placed secular author-\\nities direcdy at the disposal of the spiritual,\\nand on the penalty, not of spiritual censures\\nonly, but of subjugation and military posses-\\nsion, was enacted in the presence, and with\\nthe consent, of the ambassadors of several\\nsovereigns. But this subject has already led\\nus to the last division of the chapter, into\\nwhich we shall properly enter with a general\\ninquiry as to the forms which heresy assum-\\ned in that age, and the measures which Inno-\\ncent actually adopted for its extinction.\\nIV. On the Extirpation of Heresy. Since\\nthe termination of the controversy concerning\\nimages, nearly four hundred years had elapsed,\\nduring which the Church had been very rarely\\ndisturbed by doctrinal dissension; and amid\\nthe various vices which may have stained, in\\nso long a space, her principles and her disci-\\npline, she was at least free fi-om the blackest\\nof all her crimes, since her hands were free\\nfrom blood. The eucharistical opinion of\\nJohannes Scotus, as it had been nourished by\\nthe partial brightness of the ninth century,\\nand overshadowed, but not oppressed, by tlie\\nstupid indifference of the tenth, so, when re-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0294.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT III.\\n287\\nVived by Berenger it disappeared in the su-\\npei*stition of the eleventh, without violence or\\noutrage* Not, perhaps, because the ecclesi-\\nastics of that age were tolerant or temperate,\\nbut rather, because its advocates were not\\nsufficiently numerous or formidable to make\\na general persecution necessary for its sup-\\npression. But in the dawning light of the\\ntwelfth age some new heresies were called\\ninto life, and others, v/hich had previously\\nlain hid, were discovered and exposed so\\nthat the attention of men was more generally\\nturned to the subject, and the rulers of the\\nChurch were roused from their long and\\nharmless repose. Since it was even thus early\\nthat several of the Protestant opinions were\\npublicly professed, and expiated by death\\nand since these may be traced, under a variety\\nof forms and names, but with the same iden-\\ntifying character, from the beginning of the\\ntwelfth century to the Reformation it is prop-\\ner to notice the first obscure vestiges which\\nthey have left in history. In so doing, we\\nshall first describe those sects which were\\nfounded (in the West at least) at that time\\nwe shall then proceed to the mention of the\\nVaudois, to whom a still earlier existence is,\\nwith great probability, ascribed.\\nThe Petrohrussians. About the year 1110,\\na preacher, named Pierre de Bruys, began to\\ndeclaim against the corruptions of the Church,\\nand the vices of its ministers. The principal\\nfield of his exertions was the south of France,\\nProvence and Languedoc, and he continued,\\nfor about twenty years, to disseminate his\\nopinions with success, and, what may seem\\nmore strange, with impunity. Those opinions\\nmay probably have contained much that was\\nerroneous but they are known to us only\\nthrough the representations of his adversaries.\\nIn a Letter or Treatise, composed against his\\nfollowers (thence called Petrohrussians,) by\\nthe Venerable Abbot of Cluni, they are\\ncharged with a variety of offences, which the\\nwriter reduces under five heads (1.) The re-\\njection of infant baptism. (2.) The contempt\\nof churches and altars, .as unnecessary for the\\nservice of a spiritual and omnipresent Being.\\n(3.) The destruction of crucifixes, on the same\\nprinciple, as instruments of superstition. (4.)\\nThe disparagement of the holy sacrifice of\\nthe Eucharist, in asserting that the body and\\nblood were not really consecrated by the\\npriests. (5.) Disbelief in the efficacy of the\\noblations, prayers, and good works of the\\nPetri Venerabilis, Lib. contra Petrobrussianos,\\nin Biblioth. Cluniensi\\nHving for the salvation of the dead. These\\nerrors, howsoever various in magnitude, are\\ncontroverted with equal warmth by Peter the\\nAbbot but that which appears to have been\\nmost dangerous to the heretic, was the third\\nat least we learn, that in the year 1130, the\\nCatholic inhabitants of St. Giles s in Langue-\\ndoc were roused by their priests to holy indig-\\nnation against that sacrilege and consigned\\nthe offender to those flames, which his own\\nhand had so frequently fed with the images\\nof Christ. He was burnt alive in a popular\\ntumult and this may possibly be the suffer-\\ning to which St. Bernard, in a passage already\\ncited, has made allusion. But the errors were\\nnot thus easily consumed the list, on the\\ncontrary, was enlarged by many additional\\nnotions, proceedmg, some from the piety,\\nothers from the ignorance, of his followers.\\nThe Henricians. One of these, named\\nHenry, an Italian by birth, obtained a place in\\nthe contemporary records, and gave an appel-\\nlation to a sect, fi-om him called Henricians\\nThis enthusiast traversed the south of France,\\nfrom Lausanne to Bourdeaux, preceded by\\ntwo disciples, who carried, like himself, long\\nstaffs, surmounted with crosses, and were\\nhabited as Penitents. His stature was lofty,\\nhis eyes rolling and restless his powerful\\nvoicGj his rapid and uneasy gait, his naked\\nfeet and neglecte:d apparel, attracted an atten-\\ntion, which was fixed by the fame of his learn-\\ning and his sanctity. These qualities gave\\nadditional force to his eloquence and as it\\nwas not uncommonly directed against the un-\\npopular vices of the clergy, he gained many\\nproselytes, and excited some commotions.\\nEugenius III. sent forth, for the suppression\\nof this evil, a legate named Alberic but it\\nappears that his mission would have been at-\\ntended with but little success, had he not pre-\\nvailed on St. Bernard to share with him the\\nlabor and the glory of the enterprise. Henry\\nwas then in the domain of Alfonso, Count\\nof St. Giles and Toulouse and St. Bernard\\nwrote to prepare that prince for his arrival,\\nHenry is generally described as a disciple and\\nfellow-laborer of Pierre de Bruys. The objection to\\nthis opinion, urged by Mosheim, is, that Henry was\\npreceded in his expeditions by the figure of the cross,\\nwhereas Pierre consigned all crucifixes to the flames.\\nWithout supposing that the objection of Pierre might\\nbe to the image of the Saviour, not to the form of\\nthe cross, the objection is far from conclusive. Some\\naccount of the heresies of the tAvelfth century is given\\nby Dupin, Nouv. Biblioth. 12 Siecle, c. vi.\\nt Epistol. 240. (Lutet. Paris. 1640.) It begins,\\nQuanta audivimus et cognovimus mala quae in ec-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0295.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "288\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nand to signify his motives. The churches\\n(he said) are without people the people with-\\nout priests the priests without honor and\\nChristians without Christ. The churches are\\nno longer conceived holy, nor the sacraments\\nsacred, nor are the festivals any more cele-\\nbrated. Men die in their sins souls are\\nhurried away to the terrible tribunal without\\npenitence or communion baptism is refused\\nto infants, who are thus precluded from sal-\\nvation. He added many reproaches against\\nHenry, whom he accused of being an apostate\\nmonk, a mendicant, a hypocrite, and a debau-\\nchee. The biographers of that Saint relate,\\nthat he was received, even in the most con-\\ntaminated provinces, hke an angel from heav-\\nen and at Albi, the place most fatally infected,\\nan immense multitude assembled to hear his\\npreaching. The day which he skilfully se-\\nlected for their conversion, was that of St.\\nPeter. He examined in succession the various\\npeculiarities of their belief, and showed their\\ndeviation from the Catholic faith. He then\\nrequired the people to tell him which of the\\ntwo they would have. The people immedi-\\nately declared their horror of heresy, and their\\njoy at the prospect of returning to the bosom\\nof the Church. Return, then, to the Church\\n(replied St. Bernard and that we may the\\nbetter distinguish those who are sincere, let\\nall true penitents lift up their hands. They\\nobeyed this injunction with one consent and\\nthough St. Bernard, in the course of a leisurely\\njourney from Clairvaux to Albi, had perform-\\ned many extraordinary miracles, this (as the\\nsimple Chronicler reports) was the mightiest\\nof all. Henry himself appears to have fled\\nto Toulouse, whither the eager Abbot pursued\\nhim. Thence he once more escaped, and\\nonce more St. Bernard followed, purifying the\\nplaces infected by that pestilence. At length\\nthe fugitive was seized and convicted at\\nRheims, before Eugeuius in person, and con-\\nsigned to prison (in 1148,) where he presently\\nafterwards died.\\nAbout the same time it would appear that\\ncertain other sects, differing in some less im-\\nportant points among themselves, but united\\nin a sort of desultory opposition to the Ro-\\nman Church, had gained footing, not in\\nFrance only, but in Flanders, in Germany,\\nand even in the north of Italy. Without any\\nformal separation from the Church, or an en-\\ntire disregard of its public offices, they had\\nclesiis Dei fecit et facit quotidie Henricus haereticus!\\nVersatur in terra veslra sub vestimenlis ovium lupus\\nrapax, c.\\ntheir own ministers, both Bishops and\\nPriests,* to whom they .paid a more obser-\\nvant deference, and whom they affirmed to\\nbe the only legitimate descendants from the\\napostles. The opposition of these heretics\\nseems to have been more particularly directed\\nagainst the wealth and temporal power of the\\nCatholic clergy but at the same time they\\nrejected infant baptism, the intercession of\\nsaints, purgatory and professed, in fact, to\\nreceive only those truths which were posi-\\ntively delivered by Christ or his apostles.\\nThey are described to have been extremely\\nignorant, and confined to the lowest classes.\\nBut it is at least certain, that in the principali-\\nty of Toulouse, the nobility had engaged with\\nsome obstinacy in the heresy of the Pauli-\\ncians less through en-or than through design,\\nand a malicious satisfaction in the humiliation\\nof the clergy. But the same motives are not\\nless likely to have operated, wheresoever the\\nsame or similar opinions were promulgated.\\nHeresy of the Caihari and Paulicians. An-\\nother religious faction had at that time con-\\nsiderable prevalence, which, under the various\\nnames of Cathari (or Catharists Puritans,)\\nGazari, Paterini, Paulicians or Publicans,\\nBulgari or Bugari, f was more particularly\\nMilner, Cent. xii. c. iii., cites the following pas-\\nsage from Evervinus s Letter to St. Bernard, pre-\\nserved by Mabillon, and written about 1140:\\nThere have been lately some heretics discovered\\namong us, near Cologne, though several have with\\nsatisfaction returned again to the Church. One of\\ntheir Bishops, and his companions, openly opposed\\nus in the assembly of the clergy and laity, in the\\npresence of the Archbishop, and many of the nobih ty,\\ndefending the heresies by the words of Christ and the\\napostles. Finding that they made no impression,\\ntliey desired that a day might be appointed for them,\\non which they might bring their teachers to a con-\\nference, promising to return to the Church, provided\\nthey found their masters unable to answer the argu-\\nments of their opponents; but that, otherwise, they\\nwould rather die than depart from their judgment.\\nUpon this declaration, having been admonished to\\nrepent for three days, they were seized by the people\\nin the excess of zeal, and burnt to death. And what\\nis amazing, they came to the stake, and bare the\\npain, not only with patience, but even with joy.\\nf About the middle of the thirteenth century, the\\nEmperor Frederic II. enumerated all the forms, or\\nrather names, of heresy then most scandalous, in the\\nopening of an edict published against them. It be-\\ngins as follows: Catharos, Patarenos, Speromis-\\ntas, Leonistas, Arnaldistas, Circumcisos, Passaginos,\\nJosephinos, Garatenses, Albanenses, Franciscos, Be-\\nghardos, Commissos, Valdenses, Romanolos, Com-\\nmunellos, Varinos, Orlulenos, cum illis de Aqua\\nNigrk, et omnes haereticos damnamus, c. See\\nLimborch. Hist. Inquisit. lib. i. c. 12.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0296.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT III.\\n289\\ncharged with Manichssan opinions. The\\norigin of these heretics has been the subject\\nof much controversy for while some sup-\\npose their errors to have been indigenous in\\nEurope, there are others who derive then^i in\\na direct line from the heart of Asia. It is\\ncertain that a very powerful sect named Pau-\\nlicians, and tainted, though they might affect\\nto disclaim it, with the absurdities of Manes,\\nspread very widely throughout the Greek\\nprovinces of Asia during the eighth century.\\nIt is equally true, that after a merciless perse-\\ncution of about one hundred and fifty years,\\ntheir remnant, still numerous, was permitted\\nto settle in Bulgaria and Thrace. Thence, as\\nis believed by Muratori, Mosheim, and Gib-\\nbon, they gradually migrated towards the\\nWest at first, as occasions of war, or com-\\nmerce, or mendicity (another name for pil-\\ngrimage) might be presented and, latterly,\\nin the returning ranks of the crusaders. It\\nis asserted, that their fii st migration was into\\nItaly that so early as the middle of the\\neleventh century, many of their colonies were\\nestablished in Sicily, in Lombardy, Insubria,\\nand principally at Milan that othei-s led a\\nwandering life in France, Germany, and other\\ncountries and that they everywhere attract-\\ned, by their pious looks and austere demean-\\nour, the admiration and respect of the mul-\\ntitude. It is moreover maintained, that these\\nwidely scattered congregations were organiz-\\ned in united obedience to a Primate, who re-\\nsided on the confines of Bulgaria and Dal-\\nmatia. In confirmation of the authorities\\non which these opinions rest, it should be ob-\\nserved, that among the various forms of heresy\\nwhich were detected by the keen eyes of the\\nearly Inquisitors, there was scarcely one which\\nescaped the charge of Manichseism.\\nAdmitting, then, that this charge was very\\ncommonly invented for the purpose of mak-\\ning the others more detestable, we cannot\\nquestion that it was sometimes founded in\\ntruth. And while, on the one hand, we are\\nfar removed from an opinion, that would re-\\nfer the origin of all the earliest Western sects\\nto the emigrants from the East that would\\nconsider, not only the Cathari, but the Petro-\\nbrussians, Heuricians, and even the Vaudois\\nthemselves, as descendants from the family\\nof Manes it is equally unreasonable to con-\\ntend, that his wild opinions had no existence\\nThe first canon of Innocent s Lateran Council\\ndistinctly states the church doctrine respecting the\\nUnity of the Deity, in opposition to that of the Two\\nPrinciples a sufficient declaration, that many Mani-\\nchseans were believed to be found among the heretics.\\n37\\nin the West of Europe or even to dispute\\ntheir perpetuation through parties of Pauli-\\ncians, who, from time to time, may have mi-\\ngrated into Sicily or Italy. It is indeed un-\\nquestionable, that such was the case and it\\nis not impossible, that they may have formed,\\neven after their dispersion throughout Europe,\\na distinct and characteristic sect. But it would\\nbe absurd to ascribe to their influence the\\nformation of sects, of which the leadmg prin-\\nciples were wholly distinct, if not entirely at\\nvariance, with those of the Asiatics. Even\\nm the dawn of- returning knowledge, the\\nfaintest glimmerings of reason were suffi-\\ncient to light the mind to the detection of\\npapal delinquency, of the abberrations of the\\nChurch and its ministers. It requh-ed not a\\nstar from the East to indicate, even in those\\ndark times, how distinct were the principles\\nof the Church from the precepts of the Gos-\\npel; or to contrast the deformities of the\\nClergy with the purity of their heavenly Mas-\\nter. Such incongruities obtrude themselves\\nperhaps the most forcibly upon illiterate\\nminds, and excite the deepest disgust in the\\nsimplest conscience. It is to this cause, that\\nthe heresies of those early ages may most\\nconfidently be traced they may indeed have\\nbeen infected, in a greater or less degree, with\\nsome of the notions of the Paulician colonists\\nbut that assuredly was not the source from\\nwhich they flowed.\\nTlie Vaudois. As we have been careful to\\ndistinguish the Catharists, who may have been\\nsemi-Manichsean, from the other sects of re-\\nformers who were scattered throughout Eu-\\nrope, so we must again consider the Vaudois\\nor Waldenses as a separate race among these\\nlatter, that we may not fall into the error of\\nMosheim, who ascribes the origin of that sect\\nto an individual named Waldus. Peter Wal\\ndus, or Waldensis, a native of Lyons, was a\\nlayman and a merchant but, notwithstanding\\nthe avocations of a secular life, he had studied\\nthe real character of his church with atten-\\ntion, followed by shame. Stung by the spec-\\ntacle of so much impurity, he abandoned\\nIt is said that the worship of the Host, which\\nwas first enforced about this time, was the particular\\nsuDerstition which awakened the indignation of Peter\\nWaldus. If, indeed, that practice was generally es-\\ntablished in 1160, there remained little for Innocent\\nto add to the sanctity of the sacrament thirty-five\\nyears afterwards. There is no mention of it in\\nthe ancient canonical books of the church, those\\nof Alcuin, Amularius, Walfrldus, and Micrologus.\\nThere is proof, however, that it existed in France,\\nboth at Paris and at Tours, a century at least before\\nInnocent III, In Germany there is also evidence of", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0297.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "S90\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nliis profession^ distributed his wealth among\\nIhe poor, and formed an association for the\\ndiffusion of scriptural truth. He commenced\\nhis ministry about the year 1160. Having\\npreviously caused several parts of the Scrip-\\ntures to be translated into the vulgar tongue,\\nhe expounded them with great effect to an\\nattentive body of disciples, both in France\\nand Lombardy. In the course of his exer-\\ntions he probably visited the valleys of Pied-\\nmont and there he found a people of con-\\ngenial spirits. They were called Vaudois or\\nWaldenses (^Men of the Valleys) and as the\\npreaching of Peter may probably have con-\\nfirmed their opinions, and cemented their\\ndiscipline, he acquired and deserved his sur-\\nname by his residence among them. At the\\nsame time, their connexion with Peter and\\nhis real Lyonnese disciples established a\\nnotion of their identity and the Vaudois, in\\nreturn for the title which they had bestowed,\\nreceived the reciprocal appellation of Leon-\\nists: such, at least, appears the most probable\\namong many varying accounts.\\nThere are some who believe the Vaudois\\nto have enjoyed the uninterrupted integrity\\nof the faith even from tlie apostolic ages;\\nothers suppose them to have been disciples\\nof Claudius Turin, the evangelical prelate of\\nthe ninth century. At least, it may be pro-\\nnounced with great certainty, that they had\\nbeen long in existence before the visit of the\\nLyonnese reformer. A Dominican, named\\nRainer Sacclio, who was first a member and\\nafterwards a persecutor of their communion,\\ndescribed them, in a treatise which he wrote\\nagainst them, to the following purpose\\nThere is no sect so dangerous as the Leon-\\nists, for three reasons first, it is the most an-\\ncient, some say as old as Sylvester, others\\nas the apostles themselv^es. Secondly, it is\\nvery generally disseminated there is no\\ncountry where it has not gained some footing.\\nThirdly, while other sects are profane and\\nblasphemous, tliis retains the utmost show\\nof piety they live justly before men, and be-\\nlieve nothing respecting God which is not\\ngood only they blaspheme against the Ro-\\nman church and the clergy, and thus gain\\nIts previous existence. But in the Roman church it\\ndoes not appear to have been established before the\\npontificate of Boniface VHI. See Pagi, Vit. Innoc.\\nin. ad finem.\\nThere are some who derive the surname of Peter\\nfrom some town or hamlet in the vicinity of Lyons;\\nothers contend that he never personally preached\\namong the Vaudois of Piedmont.\\nmany followers. The author of this pas-\\nsage lived about the middle of the following\\ncentury and if the sect against which he\\nwas writing had really originated from the\\npreaching of Peter some eighty years before,\\nthe Dominican would scarcely have conceded\\nto it the claim of high and unascertained an-\\ntiquity. Again, St. Bernard in one place ad-\\nmits, in substance, that there is a sect, which\\ncalls itself after no man s name, f which pre-\\ntends to be in the direct line of apostolical\\nsuccession and which, rustic and unlearned\\nthough it is, contends that the church is\\nwrong, and that itself alone is right. It must\\nderive (he subjoins) its origin from the devil\\nsince there is no other extraction which we\\ncan assign to it.\\nAt the same time we must admit that the\\ndirect historical evidence is not sufficient to\\nprove the apostolical descent of the Vaudois.}\\nAlcuin, the tutor of Chai-lemagne, may have\\ncomplained that auricular confession was\\nnot practised in the churches of Languedoc\\nand the Alps in his time. Claudius of Turin\\nmay have presided over a reformed and\\nChristian diocese. Somewhat later (in 945,)\\nAtto, Bishop of Verceil, may have lamented\\nthat there were some in his diocese who held\\nthe divine services in derision. And lastly,\\nat the Synod of Arras, in 1025, it may have\\nbeen deplored, that certain persons, coming\\nfrom the borders of Italy, had introduced\\nheretical doctrines, and such as the Wal-\\ndenses, indeed, professed. It still appears that\\nthe name is not mentioned in any writing\\nbefore the twelfth century and there is no\\ndirect specific evidence of the previous ex-\\nistence of the sect. Nevertheless, as its\\norigin was confessedly immemorial in the\\nthirteenth century, and as there has not, per-\\nhaps, existed in the history of heresy any other\\nsect to which some origin has not been ex-\\nBibliotheca Patrum, apud Lenfant, Guerre des\\nHussites, liv. ii., sect. v.\\nt Quaere ab illis suas sectse auctorem, neminera\\ndabit. Quse haeresis non ex hominibus habuit propri-\\num hseresiarcham Manichaei Manem habuere priu-\\ncipem et praiceptorem, Sabelliani Sabellium, c\\nIta omnes ceterae hujusraodi pestcs singnlae siugulos\\nmagistros homines habuisse noscuntur, a quibits origi-\\nnem simul duxere et nomen. Quo nomine istos titu-\\nlove vocabisl Nullo; quoniara non est ab homine\\nillorum haeresis, ....sed magis et absque dubio per im-\\nmissionem et fraudem daemoniorum, c. Sermo su-\\nper Cant. Ixvi. ad init.\\nX We refer to Mr. Gilly s well-known work on\\nthis subject.\\nI A city situated between Turin and Milan.\\nJ", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0298.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT III.\\n291\\npressly ascribed, we have just reason to infer\\nthe very hig^h antiquity of the Vaudois.\\nMany will think it more important to learn\\nthen doctrines, than to speculate on their\\norigm. On almost all material points they\\nwere those of the Reformation.* In their\\ndiscipline they endeavored to attain the rigid\\nsimplicity of the primitive Christians, and in\\nthat endeavor, perhaps, they exceeded it for\\nwhile they maintained and imitated the divine\\ninstitution of the three ordere in the priest-\\nhood, they also reduced their clergy to the\\ntemporal condition of the apostles them-\\nselves; they denied them all worldly pos-\\nsessions, and while they obliged them to be\\npoor and industrious, they compelled them to\\nbe illiterate also.\\nThe persecution of Peter Waldensis, and\\nthe dispersion of his followers, occasioned,\\nas in so many similar instances, the dissemi-\\nnation of the opinions and, notwithstanding\\nsome partial sufferings which were inflicted\\nin Picardy by Philippe Auguste, they were a\\nnumerous and flourishing sect at the conclu-\\nsion of the twelfth century. They were of-\\nten confounded in name with the Vaudois, in\\ncrime and calamity with the Catharists and Pe-\\ntrobrussians, and other adversaries of Papacy.\\nThe Alhigeois. But of these various de-\\nscriptions, such as were found in France\\nduring the pontificate of Innocent, were\\nknown by the general name of Alhigeois\\nor Albigenses. A city in Languedoc, named\\nAlbi,f which was peculiarly prolific of here-\\nsy, is usually supposed to have given a com-\\nmon designation to these numerous forms\\nof error. Such, very briefly described, were\\nthe factions which distracted the church on\\nReiner, the Dominican, already cited, also di-\\nvides the crimes of the Vaudois into three classes\\n1. Their blasphemies against the church, its statutes,\\nand its clergy; 2. Errors touching the sacraments\\nand the saints 3. Detestation of all honest customs\\napproved by the church; which really means, objec-\\ntions to the administration, the sacraments, and the\\npractices of the Roman Catholic church. Mosheim\\ntreats the subject at Cent, xii., p. ii,, ch. v. Pierre\\nd Ailly, in a discourse composed at the Council of\\nConstance, alleges as their principal errors, that they\\nrefused temporalities to the priesthood, and asserted\\nthat the church of God only lasted till the endowment\\nby Constantine. Then arose the church of Rome,\\nthe other being extinct, except in as far as it was\\nperpetuated in themselves.\\nt According to the Histoire Generale de Langue-\\ndoc, by the Benedictine monks, the term is more\\naccurately derived from Albigesium, the general de-\\nnomination of Narbonnese Gaul in that century. See\\nMosh., note on Cent, xiii., p. ii., ch. v., sect. vii.\\nthe accession of Innocent III. It now re-\\nmains to observe the measures which he\\nadopted to repress them. And let us first\\ninquire to what extent he might plead the\\nprevious practice of the church.\\nIt appears that, at a Synod held at Orleans,\\nin the year 1017, under the reign of Robert,\\na number of persons, of no mean condition\\nor character, were accused of heretical opin-\\nions. Manicheism was the frightful term,\\nI employed to express their delinquency but\\ni it is more probable that their real offence was\\nthe adoption of certain mystical notions, pro-\\nceedijig, mdeed, from feelmgs of the most\\nearnest piety, but too spiritual to be tolerated\\nin that age and that church. It is said that\\nthey despised all external forms of worship,\\nand rejected the rites, the ceremonies, and\\neven the sacraments of the church that\\nthey valued none save the religion within,\\nthe abstracted contemplation of the Deity,\\nand the internal aspirations of the soul afl;er\\nthmgs celestial. Some philosophical specu-\\nlations they may also have admitted respect-\\ning God, the Trinity, and the human soul,\\nwhich excited the fears of that generation,*\\nI in the same degree that they surpassed its\\ncomprehension. Accordinglj^, they were ac-\\ncused and convicted of heresy and as they\\nfirmly persisted in their errors, and as the-\\nSuch, at least, is the opinion of Mosheim (Cent-.\\nxi., p. ii., ch. V.) The history of this Synod of\\nOrleans is found in Dacherius s Spicilegium Veter.\\nScript, (torn, ii., p. 670, Edit. Paris,) and the\\ncharges there alleged (besides the usual calumny of\\npromiscuous prostitution) respect the nativity, the\\ni death and resurrection of Christ, and impute a disbe-\\nlief in the efficacy of baptism, in the change wi ought\\nby consecration in the eucharistical elements, and in\\nthe meritoriousness of prayers to martyrs and confes-\\nsors. In the place of this faith they substituted ce-\\nlestial food, angelic visions, the companionship\\nof God, c. and when the prelate sitting in\\njudgment on them laid down the orthodox doctrine\\nrespecting some of those points, the heretics replied,\\nYou may tell such tales as those to men whose wis-\\ndom is of this world, and who believe the fictions of\\ncarnal men, written on the skins (membranis) of\\nanimals. But to us, who have a law inscribed on the\\ninward man by the Holy Spirit, and who have no\\nother wisdom than that which we have learnt from\\nGod the creator of all things, you preach superfluous\\nvanities, deviating from real holiness. Wherefore,\\ncease from your discourse, and do what you will with\\nus. Already do we behold our King reigning in the\\nheavens, who exalts us with his right hand to immor-\\ntal triumphs, and to the joys which are above. We\\nshould recollect that this account (like almost every\\nother in which any heretical opinions are described)\\ncomes to us from the pen of an enemy.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0299.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "292\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nkiiig had no repugnance to enforce the sen-\\ntence, they were finally consigned to the\\nflames.\\nEdicts of Alexander III. In this barbarous\\ntransaction, which was rather in anticipation\\nof the policy of later ages, than m accordance\\nwith that of the eleventh, we have found no\\nproof of papal interference; nor, indeed, have\\nWe observed any very important pontifical\\nedicts for the extirpation of heresy, earlier\\nthan the reign of Alexander III. That Pope,\\nin a council held at Tours in 1163, published\\na decree to this effect Whereas a damnable\\nheresy has for some time lifted its head in the\\nparts about Touloisse, and has already spread\\nits infection through Gascony and other prov-\\ninces^ concealing itself like a serpent within\\nits own folds as soon as its followers shall\\n6ave Been discovered, let no man afford them\\na refuge on his estates neither let there be\\nany communication with them in buying or\\nselling so that, being deprived of the solace\\nof human conversation, they may be compel-\\nled to return from error to wisdom.\\nThe ssme pontiff, in the third Lateran\\nCouncil, held in 1179, published other edicts\\nagainst the heretics, variously named Cathari,\\nPaterini, Publicani, c., pursuing them with\\nanathemas, refusal of Christian sepultm^e, and\\nother spiritual chastisements. But it does\\nnot appear that he invoked, on either occa-\\nsion, the secular arm to his assistance. Nev-\\nei-theless, without that aid, his power was\\nsufficient to expel Peter Waldensis from his\\nnative city, and subsequently to pursue him\\nfrom Daupliiny to Picardy, and thence to\\nGermany, till he found his final resting-place\\namong the Bohemian mountaineers, the an-\\ncestors of Huss and Jerome. The fugitive\\ndied in that country about the year 1180.\\nPersecuti n of the Mbigeois. When the\\ntorch of persecution was transmitted to Inno-\\ncent, f the two principal seats of religious dis-\\naffection were the vallej^s of Piedmont and\\nthe cities- of Lang??edoc with this difference,\\nThe original is given by Pagi, Vit. Alexandri\\nIII., sect. xlii. He continues to apply to them,\\naccording to the ordinary confusion, the name of\\nWaldenses.\\nf That Innocent was very ready to take his torn\\nin this lainpadephory appears from several epistles,\\nwritten to various prelates in the very first year of\\nkis pontificate, in uhicii he exhorts them to gird\\nthemselves for the work of extirpation, and to employ,\\nif necessary, the arms of the princes and o^ the people.\\nThis last suggestion was provident. The populace\\nmight sometimes be ejccited to an act of outrage,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0when the authorities v^ere neutral in the qnarrcL\\nhowever, that the Vaudois flourished in com-\\nparative and perhaps despised security, while\\nthe latter, more particularly denominated Al-\\nbigeois, were rendered more notorious, as\\nwell as more dangerous, by the protection\\npublicly afforded them by Raymond VI.,\\nEarl of Toulouse.* Against these, therefore,\\nthe Pope s earnest and most assiduous efforts\\nwere directed and first, observing that the\\nbishops in those provinces were deficient\\nin true Catholic zeal for the Unity of the\\nChurch, he sent, in 1198, two legates into the\\nrebellious districts but rather, as it would\\nseem, for the purpose of exploring and men-\\nacing, than of actually commencing the con-\\ntest. Presently afterwards, a more numerous\\ncommission, the advance of his array, invaded\\nthe haunts of heresy, and brought argument\\nand eloquence in support of intimidation.\\nThis body again received great additional\\nefficiency fi-om the accession of a Spaniard,\\nnamed Dominic, a young ecclesiastic, remark-\\nable for the severity of his life, the extent of\\nhis learning, the persuasiveness of his man-\\nner, and the ardor of his zeal. These quali-\\nties, and some successful services, infused a\\nnew spirit into the ranks of the orthodox. It\\nwould also appear that their exertions were\\nno longer restricted to verbal exhortation and\\nreproof; but that they also aimed to animate\\nthe civil authorities in their favor, and to en-\\nforce the infliction even of capital punish-\\nment, whenever they had influence to do so.\\nThis expedition lasted six or seven years\\nand, at the end of that time, the spiritual mis-\\nsionaries engaged in it were generally known\\nby the title of Inquisitors, a name, not in-\\ndeed honorable or innocent even in its origin,\\nbut not yet associated with horror and infamy.\\nStill matters did not proceed w^th the\\nrapidity desired by the pontiff; and then the\\nmissionaries had recoui-se to a new and very\\nharmless expedient to accelerate success.\\nThey laid aside the pomp and dignity of their\\ntrain and habits, discharged the unpopular\\nparade of servants and equipage, and con-\\ntinued tlieir preaching with the more impos-\\ning pretension of apostolical humility. But\\nneither had this method the result which was\\nhoped from it. At length, in the year 1207,\\nLimborch, in the first book of his History of the\\nInquisition (cap. viii.), very clearly shows, both from\\nthe Sententia3 Inquisitionis Tolositanae/ and other\\nevidence, that the Vaudois, while they held some\\nopinions in common with the Albigenses, had many\\nmore points of difference, in rites as well as in doc-\\ntrine for instance, the Manichean errors imputed to\\nthe latter are never ascribed to the Vaudois,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0300.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT III.\\n293\\nInnocent at once addressed himself to the arms\\nof Philippe Auguste. He easily exhorted that\\nmonai ch to march into the heretical provinces,\\nand extirpate the spiritual rebels by fire and\\nsword.\\nAbout the same time one of his legates or\\ninquisitors, Pierre de Castelnovo* (or Chateau-\\nneuf,) was assassinated by the populace in the\\nstates of Raymond. The act was imputed\\nto the connivance, if not to the du-ect instiga-\\ntion, of that priQce. f The Pope immediately\\nlaunched the bolt of excommunication and\\nhis emissaries, by his command, proceeded\\nto those measures which mtroduced a new\\nfeature into the history of inter-Christian war-\\nfare. They proclaimed a general campaign\\nof all nations against the Albigeois, and at the\\nsame time promised a general grant of indul-\\ngences and dispensations to all who should\\ntake arms in that holy cause. Having thus\\nreduced those dissenting Christians to the\\nsame level in a religious estimation with the\\nTurk and the Saracen, they let loose an in-\\nfuriated multitude of fanatics against them\\nand the word Crusade, which had hitherto\\nsignified only religious madness, was now ex-\\ntended to the more deliberate atrocity of sec-\\ntarian persecution.\\nSimon de Montfort. Several monks and\\nsome prelates were the spiritual dii-ectors of\\nthis tempest but the military leader was Si-\\nmon, Count de Montfort, a man like Crom-\\nwell, whose intrepidity, hypocrisy and am-\\nbition marked him for the hero of a holy\\nwar. X To irritate his ambition, the Pope\\nartfully held out to him the earldom of Tou-\\nlouse, as the recompense of his exertions in\\nthe service of the church. His hypocrisy was\\ndisplayed and hardened by the seeming de-\\nvotion with which he continually perpetrated\\nthe most revolting enormities, and his intre-\\npidity was exercised by the resistance of the\\nheretics. It would be a painful office, and\\nof little profit, in the present prevalence of\\nreason and of humanity, to pursue the fright-\\nSome write die name Castronovo.\\nt Historians differ as to the probability of his guilt\\nalso as to the fact whether the first appeal of Inno-\\ncent to the court of France preceded or followed the\\ndeath of his legate. On this point we incline to the\\nrmer opinion. Respecting the charge against Ray-\\nmond, there seems to be no clear proof on eitlier side\\nit is known that he favored the heretics, and that cir-\\n\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abmstance might occasion either the crime or the\\ncalumny. The latter is, perhaps, the more probable.\\nX Hallam, Middle Ages. Simon de Montfort was\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0descended, by an illegitimate branch, from Robert\\nking of France. He was connected on his mother s\\nBide with the Earls of Leicester.\\nful details of religious massacre. It is suf-\\nficient to say, that after many conflicts and\\nsome variety of success, but no intermission\\nof barbarity, the triumph rested with the\\nCatholics. It was not, however, so complete\\nas either to exterminate the rebels, or to place\\nthe promised scepti e in the hand of the per-\\nsecutor. In the year 1218, Montfort was kill-\\ned in battle before the walls of the city,| which\\nInnocent had vainly bestowed on him.\\nCouncil of Toulouse. The contest was con-\\ntinued by succeeding Popes according to the\\nprinciples of Innocent and eight years after\\nthe death of Montfort, Louis VIII. king of\\nFrance was engaged to gu d on the sword of\\npersecution. Another crusade was preached,\\nand in 1228 a system of Inquisition was per-\\nmanently established within the walls of Tou-\\nlouse. In the same, or the following year, a\\nCouncil there assembled published decrees,\\nwhich obliged laymen, even of the higher\\nrank, to close their houses, cellars, forests,\\nIt was said in this war, when the Crusaders were\\non the point of storming Beziers, that some one in-\\nquired how the Catholic were to be distinguished\\nfrom the heretical inhabitants in the massacre about\\nto take place:; Kill them all (replied Arnold, a Cis-\\ntercian abbot, who happened to be present), God will\\nknow his own. Caedite novit Dominus, qui sunt\\nejus. His advice appears to have been fotiowed,\\nand about seven thousand of all persuasions suffered.\\nThe life of Innocent III. apud Muratori,- (which is\\nmore properly the History of Montfort s wars,) men-\\ntions many instances in which small bodies of heretics\\nchose to be burnt, rather than return to the Catholic\\nfaith.\\nt The recorded circumstances of his death seem\\nwell to illustrate one trait at least in his character.\\nHe was at Matins (on June 25,) when he was inform-\\ned that the enemy were in arms, and concealed in the\\nfosse of the fortress. He instantly armed also, and\\nhastened to church to hear mass. Mass was just\\nbegun, and he was engaged in earnest prayer, when\\nnews were brought him that the Toulousans had\\nmade a sally, aed were attacking his machines Let\\nme finish the mass (he replied) and see the sacrament\\nof our redemption. Instantly afterwards anothei*\\ncourier arrived, and said, Hasten to the succor; our\\nmen wee pressed, and can hold out no longer. I\\nwill not stir (he answered) until I have seen ray\\nSaviour. But as soon as the priest had lifted up\\nthe Host, according to the usage, the Count, with his\\nknees still on earth, and his hands raised to heaven,\\nexclaimed, Nunc dimittis,^ and he then added, Let\\nus now go and die, if necessary, for Him who has\\ndied for us. Accordingly he went forth and died.\\nYet, after all, it were too much to ascribe this con-\\nduct to pure hypocrisy, much of fanaticism was\\nundoubtedly mixed with it; and when religious en-\\nthusiasm is united, as has too commonly happened,\\nwith religious hypocrisy, it is impossible even for the\\nperson possessed with them to distinguish their limits.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0301.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "294\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nagainst the heretical fugitives, and to take all\\nmeans to detect and bring them to trial here-\\ntics voluntarily converted were compelled to\\nwear certain crosses on their garments those\\nwho should return to the church, under the\\ninfluence of fear, were still to suffer imprison-\\nment at the discretion of the bishop all chil-\\ndren of the age of twelve or fourteen were\\ncompelled by oath, not only to abjure every\\nheresy, but to expose and denounce any which\\nthey should detect in others and this code\\nof bigotry was properly completed by a strict\\nprohibition to all laymen to possess any copies\\nof the Scriptures.\\nStill the Count, who succeeded to the scep-\\nti e and to the moderation of Raymond, mani-\\nfested not sufficient ardor in the Catholic\\ncause, and it was not till the Arclibishop of\\nthe city was formally associated with him in\\nthe office of destruction, that the work was\\nthought to proceed with becoming rapidity, f\\nSome of the statutes of this Council are worth\\nciting, as they show not only how far the system,\\nstrictly speaking inquisitorial, was carried in that\\nearly age, but also how closely the laity of that time\\nco-operated with the clergy for the unity of the church\\nStatuimus itaque ut archiepiscopi et episcopi in\\nsingulis parochiis, tarn in civitatibus quam extra,\\neacerdotem unum et duos vel tres laicos vel plures\\netiam, si opus fuerit, juramenti religione constringant,\\nquod diligenter, fideliter et frequenter inquirant hse-\\nreticos jn iisdero parochiis, domos singulas et cameras\\nsubterraneas aliqua suspicione notabiles perscrutando,\\net appensa seu adjuncta in iis tectis sedificia, sen\\nqufecunque alia latibula (qute omnia destrui pnecipi-\\nmus) perquirendo repererint hasreticos, credentes,\\nfautores et receptatores seu defensores eorura, c.\\nSolliciti etiam sint domini terrarum circa inquisitio-\\nnem hgereticorura, in villis, domibus et nemoribus fa-\\nciendam; et circa hujusmodi appensa, adjuncta, seu\\nBubterranea latibula destruenda. Statuimus igitur ut\\nquicunque in terra permittat scienter morari haereti-\\ncum et fuerit inde confessus et convictus, amit-\\ntat in perpetuum totam suam terram, et corpus suum\\ngit in manu domini ad faciendum inde quod debebit.\\nIllam domum in qua fuerit inventus haereticus diruen-\\ndam decernimus et locus sive fundus ipse confiscetur,\\nc. See Spicileg. Dacherii (vol. ii. p. 621. Edit.\\nParis.) under the head, Varia Galliae Concilia.\\nt We read in Matthew Paris, that about the year\\n1236, the Fratres Predicatores and other divines\\nwere still making great exertions for the conversion\\nof the misbelievers. One of those preachers, named\\nRobert, Avas so powerful in prostrating an adversary\\nas to have obtained the name of Malleus Haereticorum\\nthe Hammer of Heretics. Nor was this only meant\\nin a spiritual sense, since there were many of both\\nsexes whom, being unable to convert, he caused to be\\nburnt to death so that within two or three months\\nthere were about fifty persons whom he occasioned\\neither to be burnt or buried alive. Matt)i. Paris,\\nAt length, in 1253, the Count entered serious-\\nly on the hateful task and from that moment\\nthe remnant of the Albigeois were consigned,\\nwithout hope or mercy, to the eager hands of\\nthe inquisitors.\\nDeath and Character of Innocent. Innocent\\ndid not himself live to behold the success\\nof his measures and the cause which is as-\\nsigned for his premature death is the more\\nremarkable, as it arose out of the most\\ntriumphant exploit in his life. Since the\\nhumiliation of John, the crown of England\\nhad been considered by the Pope as a posses-\\nsion valuable to his ambition no less than to\\nhis avarice and when, on the deposition of\\nJohn, Louis of France was proclaimed, and\\nactually proceeded to occupy the country in\\nspite of the Pontiff s determined opposition,\\nInnocent was indignant at the affront and the\\ninjury. He preached a sermon on some pub-\\nlic occasion, and selected for his text, Even\\nsay thou, the sword, the sword is drawn\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for\\nthe slaughter it is furbished. f In the course\\nof his passionate harangue he pronounced a\\nsolemn sentence of excommunication against\\nLouis and his followers and immediately\\nafterwards, as it is said, while in the act of\\ndictating to his secretary some very harsh\\ncensures against Philippe and his kingdom,\\nhe was seized by that fatal fever, which was\\nordain6d, perhaps, to prevent some new en-\\nterprise of warfare and desolation.\\nIf we would reconcile the lofty panegyrics\\nwith the violent vituperation, which are alike\\nbestowed upon the name of Innocent III.,\\nwe must first distinguish his private from his\\npublic character, and next reflect how differ-\\nent and even opposite are the principles on\\nwhich the latter has, in different ages, been\\nj udged. The very same exploits which would\\nnaturally call forth loud approbation from the\\nHenric. IK., ad an. 1236. We should add, how-\\never, for the honor of pontifical humanity, that only\\ntwo years afterwards the cruelties of Robert were\\narrested by an order from Rome, and the persecutor\\n(who, by the way, had previously been a heretic)\\nwas himself convicted of some less equivocal offences,\\nand imprisoned for life.\\nSome writers make no mention of this circum-\\nstance, but merely assert that Innocent died rather\\nsuddenly, while on his way to reconcile some differ-\\nences between the Pisans and Genoese, which im-\\npeded his grand crusading projects. See the Chron.\\nof Richardus de S. Germane, and of Urspergensis\\nAbbas, ap. Pagi, Vit. Innoc. III. Sect. 104. It is\\ncertain that his death took place at Perugia, on July\\n16, 1216, after a reign of eighteen years and si?\u00c2\u00ab\\nmonths.\\nI Ezekiel, c. xxi. v. 28.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0302.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT III.\\n295\\nCatholic historians of those days, nay, from\\nsome perhaps even at this moment, are made\\nthe subjects of severe censure by Protestant\\nwriters. This difference is less properly his-\\ntorical than moral. It does not respect the\\nreality of the questionable acts ascribed to\\nhun, but only the hght in which we are bound\\nto regai-d them. But in respect to the private\\nqualities of Innocent there is no gi ound for\\nsuch diversity and that they were great and\\nnoble is attested by most of his biographers.\\nThat he was gifted with extraordinary talents\\nthat he was a profound canonist, and gene-\\nrally conversant with the learning of his time\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094that he was frequent in charitable offices,\\nand generous in the distribution of his per-\\nsonal revenues that his moral conduct was\\nwithout reproach, and that he was sometimes\\nnot untouched by sentiments of piety, is clear\\nfrom the evidence of contemporaiy authors\\nand of his own writings. But great personal\\nvirtues are perfectly consistent with great\\npublic crimes and it is a truth which leads\\nto melancholy reflection, that some of the\\nheaviest evils which have ever been inflicted\\nupon churches and nations, have proceeded\\nfrom the weak or even wicked policy of men\\nof immaculate private characters.\\nSuch was Innocent III. charitable to the\\npoor who surrounded his palace, steeled\\nagainst the wretch who deviated from his\\nfaith generous in the profusion of his private\\nexpenditure, avaricious in the exactions which\\nhe levied for the apostolical treasury hu-\\nmane in his mere social relations, merciless\\nin the execution of his ecclesiastical projects\\npious in the expressions of internal devo-\\ntion, impious and blasphemous in his repeated\\nprofanation of the name of God and of the\\ncross of Christ.\\nPolicy of Innocent. Again if we confine\\nour retrospect to the public acts of this Pon-\\ntiff, we observe that they bear, perhaps with-\\nout any exception, the same stamp that of a\\ntemporal and worldly policy. Innocent sub-\\njected the civil authority of the Imperial Pre-\\nfect to his own. He extended, with great\\ndiligence, the boundaries of the Ecclesiastical\\nStates. He found means to control a great\\nportion of the secular power of Europe, so\\nthat he might hold it at his disposal whether\\nSimon de Montfort killed Peter of Arragon in\\nbattle, and look his son prisoner. The widow, unable\\nto prevail with Montfort for the release of the boy,\\nsupplicated the interference of Innocent. There is\\nno proof that his policy was, in this matter, concern-\\ned on either side, so he commanded the liberation of\\ntke captive, and for once humanity had its triumph.\\nit was his will to overthrow a pretender, or to\\ndepose a king, or to extinguish a heresy. For\\nthe accomplishment of his most important\\nobjects his final and most confident appeal\\nwas invariably made to the material sword.\\nAgain as if it were little to submit the con-\\nsciences of men to the dominion of the Holy\\nSee, he endeavored to comprehend in its\\ngrasp their property also. Heretofore the\\nPopes had been contented with the exercise\\nand the rewards of a spiritual tyranny they\\nhad been satisfied with the obedience, the\\necclesiastical fidelity, the ghostly sei*vices of\\ntheir clergy but Innocent opened a more\\ndirect and, as he thought, a more sohd path\\nto power. He availed himself of the pretext\\nof the crusades to levy pecuniary contribu-\\ntions, immediately on the clergy, and, through\\nthe clergy on the people. This was the most\\nessential change which he introduced into the\\nsystem of the church. From this epoch its\\nhistoiy takes another, and we need not hesi-\\ntate to say, a lower character and though\\nthis v/as not instantly developed, but awaited\\nthe profligacy of Avignon, and the vices and\\nnecessities of the Schism, to bring it to full\\nperfection, still it was from this crisis that the\\nrevolution must be dated; here originated\\nthat gradual substitution of worldly objects\\nand vulgar motives for the splendor of spirit-\\nual pretension, which led, through a succes-\\nsion of pitiful disputes and sordid usurpations,\\nto mere naked avarice and avowed and shamC\\nless venality.\\nIn the comparison which we might here\\nbe tempted to draw between Innocent HI.\\nand the greatest among his predecessors\\nthere is perhaps no point on which the pref-\\nerence could be refused to Gregory. Both\\navailed themselves of the divisions of the em-\\npire but the favorable circumstances which\\nInnocent found, Gregory in a great measure\\ncreated. The design of universal monarchy,\\nwhich was carried so far into execution by\\nthe one, was conceived and transmitted to\\nhira by the other. With Innocent the libera-\\ntion of the Holy Sepulchre was made the ex-\\ncuse for pecuniary exactions with Gregory\\nit was the lofty aspiration of erring magnanim-\\nity, earnest, and attended by a determination\\nto devote his repose and person to the cause\\nwhich he deemed holy. In the ti-eatment\\nof heretical delinquency, the one was moder-\\nate beyond the principles of his age and the\\nIt is true, that Gregory offered to Svveno, King\\nof Denmark, a province occupied by heretics. But\\nin this matter his temporal ambition was probably\\nmore interested tlian his ecclesiastical bigotry.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0303.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "296\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\npassions of his clergy the other urged the\\ncourse and heated the rage of persecution,\\nand by his perversion of tlie crusading frenzy\\ninto that channel, identified in the popular\\nhatred dissent with infidelity, and established\\nthe law of vengeance, and multiplied the\\ncrimes of his posterity. And after all, how\\nseverely soever we may condemn the means\\nwhich have created it, there is sometbmg of\\nmajesty and magnificence in the character of\\na spiritual despotism an invisible power\\nwhich enthrals mankind without the aid of\\nphysical force, and even in defiance of it\\nwhich humbles the mightiest sceptre, and\\nblunts the sharpest sword by a menace or a\\ncensure a power mysterious and undefinable,\\nswaying the human race by the name the\\nmuch-abused name of religion. If we look,\\nindeed, to its origin, it is only an empire over\\nman s ignorance and credulity. Still it is the\\nempire of intellect and as such it stands on\\nlofi;ier ground than that worldly fabric which\\nemployed the ambition of Innocent the\\nmere temporal sovereignty of arms and opu-\\nknce, supported by corruption and massacre.\\nCHAPTER XIX.\\nThe History of Monachism.\\n(i Origin of Monachism Early instance of the monastic\\nspirit in the east\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pliny the philosopher The Thera-\\npeutsB or Essenes The Ascetics their real character\\nand origin The earliest Christian hermits dated\\nfrom the Decian or Diocletian persecutions\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Coenobites.\\nPachpmius and St. Anthony originated in iEgypt\\naccount of the monks of ^gypt\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Basilius of Caesarea\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nhis order and rule his institution of a vow questiona-\\nble Monasteries encouraged by the fathers of the\\nfourth and fifteenth ages from what motives Vow\\nof celibacy Restrictions of admission into monastic\\norder Original monks were laymen Comparative\\nfanaticism of the east and west\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Severity of discipline\\nin the west motives and inducements to it contrast-\\ned with the Oriental practice Establishment of nun-\\njieries in the east. (II.) Institution of Monachism in the\\nWest St. Athanasius Martin of Tours Most ancient\\nrule of the western monasteries their probable paucity\\nand poverty ^Benedict of Nursia his order, and rea-\\nsonable rule, arid object Foundation of Monte Cassino\\nFrance St. Columban Ravages of the Lombards\\nand Danes Reform by Benedict of Aniane The order\\nof Cluni its origin, rise, and reputation its attach-\\nment to papacy and its prosperity The order of Cite-\\naux date of its foundation Dependent Abbey of\\nClairvaux St. Bernard its progress and decline\\nOrder of the Chartreux. (III.) Canons Regular and\\nSecular Order of St. Augustin Rule of Chrodegangus\\nRule of Aix-la-Chapelle\u00e2\u0080\u0094 subsequent reforms. (IV.)\\nConnexion between the monasteries and the Pope\\nmutual services. The Military orders (1.) The\\nKnights of the Hospital origin of their institution\\ntheir discipline and character (2.) Knights Templar\\ntheir origin and object\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (3.) The Teutonic order\u00e2\u0080\u0094 its\\nestablishment and prosperity. (V.) The Mendicant or-\\nders causes of their rise and great progress (1.) St.\\nDominic his exertions and designs (2.) St. Francis\\nand his followers compared with the Dominicans\\napparent assimilation essential differences\u00e2\u0080\u0094 disputes\\nof the Franciscans with the Popes, and among them-\\nselves Inquisitorial office of the Dominicans, their\\nlearning and influence quarrels with the Doctors of\\nParis Austerity of the Franciscans the Fratricilli\\n(3.) The Carmelites their professed origin (4.) Her-\\nmits of St. Augustin Privileges of these four orders.\\n(VI.) Various establishments ofJVuns their usual offices\\nand character General remarks\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The three grand or-\\nders of the Western Church (suited to the ages in which\\nthey severally appeared and flourished) The Jesuits\\nThe Monastic system one of perpetual reformation\\nthus alone it survived so long its merits and advantages\\nThe bodily labor of the Monks their charitable and\\nhospitable offices real piety to be found among thenj\\nsuperintendence of education, and means of learning\\npreserved by them limits to their utility their fre-\\nquent alliance with superstition their early depend-\\nence on the Bishops gradual exemption, and final\\nsubjection to the Pope, Their profits and opulence,\\nand means of amassing it Luther a mendicant.\\nIt is not through inadvertence, nor any blind-\\nness to the magnitude and importance of the\\nsubject, that a particular account of the mon-\\nastic system has been so long deferred. We\\nhave had frequent occasion to recognise its\\nexistence and its influence on the general\\ncharacter of the Church and it was reason-\\nable perhaps to expect some earlier notice of\\nits origin and progress. But as it is absolutely\\nnecessary for the correct comprehension of\\necclesiastical history, that the scheme of\\nmonachism be understood aright as that end\\ncould scarcely be accomplished, unless by\\npresenting the entire institution at a single\\nview and as it is much more instructive, in\\nthe order of historical composition, to retrace\\nsome steps and to revisit such periods as have\\nbeen examined imperfectly, rather than to\\nanticipate events and ages which are remote\\nand wholly unexplored\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for these reasons we\\nhave abstamed from a partial or premature\\ntreatment of this extensive subject. More-\\nover, when we consider the successive muta-\\ntions which have perpetually varied the aspect\\nof monasticism, it will appear, perhaps, that\\nthe present, as being the epoch of its latest\\nchange, is the moment most proper for the\\ndelineation of the whole structure. That latest\\nchange (we speak only of changes preceding\\nthe Reformation) was the institution of the\\nMendicant Orders\u00e2\u0080\u0094 an event which arose out\\nof the ministry of St. Dominic, and immedi-\\nately followed the death of Innocent III. This\\nappendage completed the anomalous fabric:\\nand while it was so closely intermixed with\\nthe peculiar cii cumstances of the age, that its\\nnature could not have been rightly compre-\\nhended, unless described in connexion with\\nthem it was at the same time an innovation", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0304.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "ORIGIN OF MONACHISM.\\n297\\nso essentially affecting the form and character\\nof monachism, that any account, not embrac-\\ning it, would have conveyed very imperfect\\nand even erroneous notions. Led by such\\nconsiderations, we have selected the present\\nperiod for this purpose not unmindful how\\nUttle justice after all can possibly be done to\\nmaterials so ample within such scanty limits,\\nand almost despairing to throw any new light\\non a subject which has exercised the genius,\\nand deserved as it still deserves the deepest\\nmeditation both of historians and philosophers.\\nSection I.\\nThe origin of Monachism and its progress in\\nthe East.\\nThe monastic spirit was alike congenial to\\nthe scenery and climate of the East, and to\\nthe peculiar character of its inhabitants. Vast\\nsoUtudes of unbroken and unbounded ex-\\npanse rocks, with the most gi otesque out-\\nlines, abounding in natural excavations a dry\\nair and an unclouded sky, afforded facilities\\nmight we not say temptations to a wild, un-\\nsocial, and contemplative life. The serious\\nenthusiasm of the natives of Egypt and x-Vsia,\\nthat combination of indolence with energy,\\nof the calmest languor with the fiercest pas-\\nsion, which marks their features and their\\nactions, disposed them to embrace with eager-\\nness the tranquil but exciting duties of rehg-\\nious seclusion. And thus, even in eai-lier\\nages, before the zeal of devotion superseded\\nall other motives to retirement, we observe,\\nwithout any surprise, the mention of that\\npractice, as indigenous and immemorial.\\nTherapeutcd or Essenes. Pliny* the phi-\\nlosopher has recorded the existence of an ex-\\ntraordinary race, who lived on the borders of\\nthe Dead Sea, the associates of the palm trees\\nand who had been perpetuated (as it was said)\\nthrough thousands of ages without women\\nand without property. Satiety and disgust\\nwith the business of life, rather than any re-\\nligious feeling, are mentioned as the motives\\nof their seclusion. Again, it is certain that\\nthe Therapeutse or Essenes inhabited the\\nLib. V. cap. xvii. Ab occidente Judaeae litore\\nEssenl fiigitant; gens sola et in toto orbe prseter\\ncaeteras mira, sine ulla foemina, omni Venere abdica-\\nta, sine pecunia, socia palmarum. Indiem ex aequo\\nadvenarum turba renascitur, longe frequentantibus\\nquos vita fessos ad mores eorum fortuna fluctibus\\nagitat. Ita per sseculorum millia (incredibile dictu)\\ngens aeterna in qua nemo nascitur. Tam foecunda\\nillis aliorum vitae pcenitenlia est. The most import-\\nant references on this subject are collected by Hospin-\\nVdn, Orig. Monach. Lib. I. cap. v.\\n3S\\ndeserts both of Egypt and of Syria, as early\\nas the days of our Saviour. They had pro-\\nbably dwelt there long before that time and\\nthey appear to have sought to exalt the merit\\nof their retirement by the practice of great\\nausterities. Some Roman Catholic writers,\\nbeing anxious to prove Monachism coeval\\nwith Christianity, have asserted, on the au-\\nthority of Eusebius, Sozomen, and Cassian,\\nthat the Therapeutae were Christians and\\nthat they scattered the seeds of the monastic\\nlife through the populous villages of Lower\\nEgypt, whilst St. Marc, their founder, presid-\\ned over the Church of Alexandria. But the\\nopinion is more probable, that they were, for\\nthe most part, Jews by religion as well as by\\nbirth and of a much earlier origin. Never-\\ntheless, it may well be, that such of them as\\nbecame converts to the faith, still retained\\nthek rigid eremitical life nor can it be doubt-\\ned, that the example of their severities, and\\nthe popular respect which followed them,\\nwould excite the attention and enmlation of\\nsurrounding Christians.\\nThe Ascetics. This is one of the causes to\\nwhich we may attribute the very early exist-\\nence of a sect unquestionably Christian, called\\nthe Ascetics and these also have been erro-\\nneously confounded with the original Monks.\\nThe term Ascetic was applied by early f\\nChristian writers to the most rigid and zeal-\\nous among the primitive converts, whether\\nthey exhibited then* fervor in unusual assidu-\\nity in prayer and the offices of charity, or\\nextended it to the more equivocal merits of\\nfasting and celibacy. But these persons did\\nnot withdraw themselves from the world\\nthey merely exercised with ardor, perhaps in\\nextravagance, the virtues which best qualified\\nthem to benefit and amend it. Possibly, in\\ntheir rigid devotion to the duties of society,\\nthey may have shunned with aversion even its\\nmost innocent amusements. But such pious\\nexcess, which has ever marked the best forms\\nand ages of Christianity, was emmently useful\\nto its propagation, and should be sparingly\\ncensured mider any circumstances. It is at\\nHist. Eccles. lib. ii. c. xvi. He applied to the\\nChristians that which Philo had written about the\\nJewish Essenes. Such at least is the opinion of\\nMarsham, a very impai-tial as well as learned writer,\\nin his IlQOTCvkaiov to Dugdale s Monasticon. See\\nJoseph, de Bell. Judaic, lib. ii. cap. vii. for a partic-\\nular description of that sect.\\nt Bingham (Christ. Antiq. b. vii.) confirms his\\naccount of the Ascetics by numerous and conclusive\\nauthorities.\\nI The Ascetics were of all ranks and professions", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0305.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "298\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nleast manifest, that the rule of the Ascetics\\nwas essentially at variance with the monastic\\nprinciple they dwelt and associated with their\\nfellow Christians; and perhaps they might\\nnever have acquired the historical distinction\\nof a name, had it not been, that they affected\\na different garb, and assumed the philosophical\\ncloak as the badge of th\u00c2\u00abir sect. Their origin\\nis attributed by Mosheim to the double doc-\\ntrine of morals, which Jie supposes to have\\nprevailed in the second century so that,\\nwhile vulgar Christians were contented to\\nobey the precepts of the Gospel, those who\\naimed at higher perfection, professed to be\\nalso directed by its counsels. This notion is\\nunquestionably borrowed from heathen phi-\\nlosophy and, if it really existed to any extent\\namong the Ascetics, it affoitis another proof\\nof their connexion with the schools of Greece.\\nBut the unsettled condition of the Church in\\nthose days, and the jealousies and sufferings\\nto which it was subjected, the general demor-\\nalization of the pagan world, the example of\\npopular austerities in another religion, and the\\nmelancholy genius of Egypt, where Ascetism\\nchiefly prevailed, were causes alone sufficient\\nto have produced as they did produce\\nforms of enthusiasm far less rational, than any\\nwhich can justly be ascribed to the Ascetics.\\nAnchorets. But about the middle of the\\nthird century the monastic spii it exhibited it-\\nself in a much less equivocal shape and we\\nmay observe that the purest and most legiti-\\nmate character of seclusion was that which it\\nfirst assumed. Flying from the fuiy of the\\nDecian persecution, a number of Christians\\ntook refuge in caves, in deserts, or inaccessi-\\nble islets, where they exercised their pro-\\nscribed religion in solitary security. Egypt\\nand Syria, and Mesopotamia, and the wildest\\nparts of Asia Minor, were suddenly visited by\\na race of exiles, in whom devotion, instated\\nby injustice and fed by seclusion, sometimes\\nsank into sullen and gloomy fanaticism. These\\nprobably were the earliest Christian Hermits\\nor Anchorets they professed an absolute re-\\nligious solitude, occasionally inten-upted in-\\nEusebius calls them of OTvovSaVot the zealous.\\nClemens Alexandrinus ly.liy.roiv ixXtxrursQot the\\nmore elect among the elect. These expressions im-\\nply nothing more than a greater fervor (or at least\\ngreater pretension) of piety.\\nThe same writer (Cent, iii., p. 2., ch. ii.) seems\\ndisposed to attribute the rise of Monks and Hermits\\nto the influence of the mystical theology. Yet he ad-\\nmits, in the same paragraph, that that method of life\\nwas very common in Egypt, Syria, India, and Meso-\\npotamia even before the coming of Cli^ist.\\ndeed by the pious importunity of the neigh-\\nboring inhabitants, but never broken by any\\nregular connexion or association with each\\nother. Their numbers were further increased\\nby the severities of Diocletian and still more,\\nperhaps, by the reverence and sympathy,\\nwhich the spectacle of their austere piety ex-\\ncited among the vulgar. They continued for\\nsome time to deserve by their habits the title\\nof Solitaries nor do we learn that they were\\nformed into assemblies until after the estab-\\nlishment of the Church by Constantine.\\nCanohites. The first institution of persons\\nliving in common for religious purposes, and\\ntherefore called Ccenobites, is attributed to St.\\nAnthony, tlie contemporary and fi iend of\\nAthanasius, and his, fellow-laborer in the same\\nsoil. And it is obvious to remark, that while\\nthe greater of those champions of the ancient\\nChurch was engaged in defending the purity\\nof the Christian faith, in the schools of Alex-\\nandria, the other was scattering m the same\\nsoil, with the same applause and success, the\\nseeds of a system dii ectly at variance with\\nsome of its best practical principles. Another\\nEgyptian, named Pachomius, divides with\\nSt. Anthony the fame of this enterprise in\\nas far at least as he immediately extended to\\nthe Upper Thebaid the work which Anthony\\ncommenced in the Lower. He even ven-\\ntured thus early to enlarge upon the first\\nscheme of religious union and introduced\\nthe custom, wliich in much later ages was so\\ngenerally adopted in the Western Church, of\\ncombining several monasteries into one So-\\nciety, or Congregation. These events took\\nplace during the first half of the fourth cen-\\ntiny and it is from this epoch that we prop-\\nerly date the origin of the monastic system.\\nThe multitudes who instantly embraced\\nthat manner of life, and thronged the primi-\\ntive edifices of Upper Egypt, were, no doubt,\\nexaggerated, when calculated at neai-ly half\\nthe population of the country. But it is cer-\\ntain, that the *New Philosophy (it was early\\ndesignated by that name) was eagerly adopted\\nby a crowd of proselytes nor is this wonder-\\nful since those to whom its advantages were\\nthe most obvious, and its duties the most easy,\\nwere the lowest of mankind and since in\\nEgypt, more than in any other land, religious\\nnovelties have flourished fi-om the remotest\\nages with a peculiar fecxmdity.\\nThe Monks of Egypt. Since the original\\nmonks of Egypt are praised by Roman Catho-\\nlic writers, as the true models of monastic\\nHistoire des Ordves Monastiques, Dissert. Prelim", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0306.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "ORIGIN OF MONACHISM.\\n299\\nperfection, and smce some accounts of them\\nremain, wiiich may be followed with little\\nsuspicion, it is proper to employ some ad-\\nditional attention on that subject. John Cas-\\nsian, a native of Scythia, a deacon by the\\nordination of St. Chrysostom, and an inmate\\nof the Monastery of Palestine, near Bethle-\\nhem, went forth, about tlie year 395, to ex-\\nplore the holy solitudes of Egypt, and draw\\nfrom its more perfect institutions a profitable\\nlesson of rejigious instruction and seven\\nyears devoted to those inquh ies give weight\\njsnd credit to the descriptions which he pub-\\nlished. The latter part of his life was passed\\nin retirement at Marseilles and to the two\\nconvents which he there established, he pre-\\nficribed a rule founded on the venerable prac-\\ntice of the East. According to his account,\\nthe recluses of Egypt were divided into three\\nprincipal classes the Anchorets, the Coeno-\\nbites, and the Sarabaites. The two former,\\nw^hose numbers were nearly equal, formed\\nthe respectable and genuine portion of the\\nprofession. The last were independent, and\\nwere regaided as spurious and unworthy\\nbrethren. The Anchorets occupied, either\\nin perfect solitude or in very small societies,\\nthe rudest and most secluded recesses of the\\ndesert. We are not destitute of parental\\nconsolation, (said the Hermit Abraham to\\nCassiau, who was beginning to sigh after the\\nmore agreeable solitudes of Asia and Europe,)\\nnor devoid of means of easy sustenance\\nwere we not bound by the command of our\\nSaviour to forsake all and follow Him. We\\nare able, if it seemed good, to build our cells\\non the banks of the Nile, instead of bringing\\nour water on our heads from four miles dis-\\ntance\u00e2\u0080\u0094were it not, that the Apostle has told\\nus, that every man shall receive his reward\\naccording to his labor. We know that in\\nthese our regions there are some secret and\\npleasant places, where fruits are abundant,\\nand the beauty and fertility of the gardens\\nwould supply our necessities with the slightest\\ntoil^v/ere it not that we fear to receive in\\nour lifetime our good things. Wherefore\\nwe scorn these things, and all the pleasures\\nof this world and we take delight in these\\nhorrors, and prefer the wildness of this deso-\\nlation, before all that is fair and attractive, ad-\\nmitting no comparison between the luxuri-\\nance of the most exuberant soil and the bit-\\nterness of these sands.\\nCassianus, Collatlones, lib. xxiv. c. 2. Such\\npassages are illustrated by other writers of the same, or\\nyearly the same age. Among many others, the descrip-\\nThe establishments of the CcEnobites, which\\nwere spread from one end. of the country to\\nthe other, contained, severally, from one hun-\\ndred to five thousand inhabitants. In some\\ninstances, the wall which confined them in-\\nclosed also their wells and gardens, and all\\nthat was necessary for then sustenance, so as\\nto leave no pretext even for occasional inter-\\ncourse with a world, which they had deserted\\nfor ever. The discipline to which they were\\n.subjected was rigid, but neither barbarous nor\\nat all charged with injurious austerities. We\\nread nothing of those chains and collars of\\niron, which formed a necessary part of self-\\ndevotion in the Syrian convents, nor is there\\nany mention of sackcloth or flagellation, or\\nany other voluntaiy torture. The whole\\nseverity of their practice consisted m abste-\\nmiousness but even that was moderate\\npositive fasting was not encouraged nor was\\nit thought necessary to macerate the body in\\norder to purify the soul. Bread and water\\nwas indeed the only nourishment allowed to\\nthe healthy devotee but the bread was abun-\\ndantly supplied and those who have drawn\\nfrom their infancy the sweet waters of the\\nNile seldom require or seek an artificial\\nbeverage. Neither was this rule enforced on\\nall with indiscriminate rigor but it was fre-\\nquently modified according to age, or sex, or\\nconstitution.\\nThey assembled to prayer twice in the twen-\\nty-four hours, at evenmg and during the night.\\nTwelve psalms were chanted, (the chant had\\nbeen taught them by an angel,) each of w^hich\\nwas followed by a prayer and then two les-\\nsons were read from the Scripture to those\\nwho desired to be instructed in that volume.\\nThe hearers remained sitting during the\\ngreater part of the service, with very short\\ninterruptions of genuflexion or prostration.\\nThe signal which summoned them to prayer\\nwas a simple trumpet or horn it was suffi-\\ntion of the Egyptian monks by Gregory Nazianzen (in\\nOrat. xxi. Eig rov JMiyav A avaOiov) is perhaps\\nworth citing: 01 y.dauov x^Q^ ^ovTsg lavrovg, xa t\\nri^v iQVjUov aOTraLouBvoL tioGi Osw TravTu v fiaXXov\\nTiov aT\u00c2\u00a3(fouivwv rco od)jiiari, Ol utv rov TvavriJ\\nuovaSiy.ov y.ai uuixxov Sia^Xovvrag ^lov savroig\\n/iioroig nooo/.a?.ovvrsg yul rco Osm, y.ai rovro iiovov\\ny.oauov sidorsg ooov Iv rrj fQtjuia yvwQiLOVCJi. ol Sa\\nrouov ayamqg TiJ xoivwv ia artqyovTig Iqr^uiyoi t\u00c2\u00ab\\nouov yai uiyuStg, xoig uhv a?J.oig ra vrjyorsg av Q-\\nloTCOig aX?.} i?.oig Se y.oauog ovrsg, y.ai ryj Tcaqa iaet\\nTi,v aQsT^v 5j;yoTT6?. The same writer describes\\nthe character of a true monk with great minuteness\\nand fervor in his Xllth Oration, (EiQrjvixog A, Enl\\nrii EvwOsL Tc5v MovuLorTwr.)", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0307.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "300\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ncient to break the silence of their deserts\\nand the hour of their night-prayer was indi-\\ncated by the declining stars, which shine\\nin that cloudless atmosphere with perpetual\\nlustre. The offices of their worship were\\nundisturbed by any sound of worldly care\\nor -irreverent levity. Their devotion, like\\ntheir pyramids, was simple and solid, and\\nthey lived like strangers to the flesh and its\\nattributes, like sojourners on earth and citi-\\nzens of a spiritual community.*\\nFour objects were comprehended in their\\nprofession solitude, manual labor, fasting,\\nand prayer and we cannot forbear to ob-\\nserve, how large a portion of their time was\\ndevoted to the second. Indeed, so strictly\\nwas the necessity of such occupation incul-\\ncated, that the moderation of their other\\nduties might almost appear to have been pre-\\nscribed with that view. A body, debilitated\\nby the excess of fasting or discipline, would\\nhave been disqualified for the offices of indus-\\ntry which were performed by the monks of\\nEgypt. Without any possessions, and hold-\\ning it alike discreditable to beg or to accept, f\\nthey earned their daily bread by their skill\\nand diligence in making mats or baskets, as\\ncutlers, as fullers^ or as weavers insomuch,\\nthat their houses may seem to have resembled\\nreligious manufactories, rather than places\\nconsecrated to holy purposes and the mo-\\ntive of their establishment is liable to the\\nsuspicion of being, in some cases at least,\\nworldly and political. Yet in the descrip-\\ntions of their practice, both objects were so\\nunited, that the prayer seems to have been\\ninseparable from the labor. To that end,\\nthe employments which they chose were\\n\u00c2\u00abasy and sedentary, so that the mind might\\nbe free to expatiate, while the hands were in\\nexercise. At die same time, they maintained\\nthat perpetual occupation was the only effect-\\nual method to prevent distractions, and fix\\nthe soul on worthy considerations that thus\\nalone the tediousness of solitude, and its at-\\ntendant evils, can be remedied 4 tliat the\\nmonk who works has only one demon to\\ntempt him, while the monk unoccupied is\\nharassed by demons innumerable.\\nSee Fleury s admirable Eighth Discourse.\\nt Cassian. Collat. xxiv. s. 11, 12, 13.\\nIta ut quid ex quo pendeat haud facile possit a\\nquopiam discerni i. e. utrum propter medilationem\\nspiritalera incessabiliter manuum opus exerceant; an\\npropter operis jugitatem tarn prseclarum profectum\\nspiritus, scientiaeque lumen acquirant. Cassian. In-\\nstit. lib. ii. c. 14.\\nUude beec est apud iEgyptum ab antiquis Patri-\\n7%e Sarabaites. The Sarabaites are de-\\nscribed by Cassian in language of violent and\\nalmost unmitigated censure. Yet if we neg-\\nlect those expressions, which become suspi-\\ncious through their very rancor, and adhere\\nonly to the facts which are mentioned as char-\\nacteristic of that monastic sect, it appears, that\\nthey were seceders, or at least independent,\\nfrom the Coenobitical establishments. They\\nclaimed the name of Monks but without any\\nemulation of their pursuits, or observance of\\ntheir discipline. They were not subject to the\\ndirection of elders, nor did they strive, under\\ntraditional institutions, to subject their inclina-\\ntions to any fixed or legitimate rule. If they\\npublicly renounced the world, it was either to\\npersevere, in their o vn houses, in their former\\noccupations under the false assumption of the\\nmonastic name, or building cells, and calling\\nthem monasteries, to dwell there without any\\nabandonment of their secular interests. They\\nlabared indeed with industry at least as sedu-\\nlous, as their more regular brethren but\\nthey labored for their own individual profit,\\nnot for that of an instituted community, f\\nFrom this hostile account, it would appear\\nthat the Sarabaites, if they were spurious\\nmonks, were at least useful members of soci-\\nety and the union which they established of\\nthe religious profession with worldly occupa-\\ntions, seems to have revived, or rather perpet-\\nuated, the leading principle of ascetism.\\nSt. Basil. From Egypt, the popular insti-\\ntution was immediately introduced into Syria\\nby monk named Hilarion but the Syrians\\nappear soon to have deviated from the sim-\\nplicity and moderation of their masters into\\na sterner practice of mortification, and even\\ntorture. From Syria, it was transmitted to\\nPontus and the shores of the Black Sea, and\\nthere it found a respectable patron, the most\\neminent among its primitive protectors, Ba-\\nsilius. Archbishop of Csesarea.\\nbus sancta (al. sancita) sententia opevantem Mona-\\nchum daemone uno pulsari otiosum vero innumeris\\nspiritibus devastari. Cassiani Instit. lib. x. c. 23.\\nIt appears from Cassian s preceding chapter, that any\\nsuperfluity which the monks might have acquired was\\nfrequently employed in charitable purposes, and espe-\\ncially in the redemption of captives.\\nThe game sect, ho doubt, \\\\^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2hich St. Jerome calls\\nRemoboth, and stigmatizes as genus deterrimum at-\\nque neglectum. Epist. xviii. ad Eustochium. De\\nCustodia Virg initalis.\\nt Cassian. Collat. xviii. c. 7. Cassian s dislike\\nfor the Sarabaites was probably contracted in the cells\\nof the Coenobites, who viewed with a sort of sectarian\\njealousy the industry and the profits of rebels or\\nrivals.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0308.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "ORIGIN OF MONACHISM.\\n301\\nThat celebrated ecclesiastic who was a\\nnative of Cappadocia, the brother of Gregoiy\\nof Nyssa, and the fellow-disciple (as is assert-\\ned) of the then future apostate Julian has\\ngiven his name to the single order, which\\nhas subsisted in the Greek Church,* with\\nscarcely any variation or addition, from that\\nperiod to the present moment and it is this\\ncircumstance, as well as his superior antiqui-\\nty, which has established him as the most\\nvenerable of the patriarchs of Monachism.\\nHis claim to that reputation is said to consist\\nin this he united the Hermits and CcEnobites\\nalready established in his diocese and to his\\nmonasteries, so formed, he prescribed a rule,\\nwhich was rigidly observed by them, and im-\\nitated by others by this bond, he gave them\\na consistency and uniformity, which had\\nhitherto been peculiar to the institutions of\\nEgypt, f Besides which, he strongly recom-\\nmended X the obligation of a vo^v, on admis-\\nsion to the monastic state an obligation\\nwhich, whether it were actually established\\nby St. Basil or not, had certainly no existence\\nbefore his time. These advancements in the\\nIt is true that certain heretical orders, Maronites,\\nJacobites, Nestorians, c. professed to follow the rule\\nof St. Anthony; but St. Anthony delivered, in fact,\\nno rule. When solicited to impose some code upon\\nhis disciples, he is recorded to have presented to them\\nthe Bible an eternal and universal rule. Hospin.\\nlib. ii. c. 4.\\nf It does not, however, appear, that his rule was\\nin the first instance very generally observed. At least\\nwe find, that as much as thirty years later, Cassian\\n(Institut. lib. ii. c. 2.) contrasted the diversity, par-\\nticularly respecting the times and nature of the holy\\noffices, which prevailed elsewhere, with the uniformi-\\nty of the more ancient institutions of Egypt. In\\nhunc modum diversis in locis diversum canonem\\nagnovimus institutum, totque propemodum typos et\\nregulas vidimus usurpatas, quot etiam monasteria cel-\\nlasque conspeximus. Sunt qulbus Quapropter\\nnecessarium reor antiquissimam patrom proferre con-\\nBtitutionem quae nunc usque per totam Egyptum a Dei\\nfamulis custoditur, c. It is, indeed, the opinion\\nof Hospinian (though it does not seem sufficiently\\nfounded), that St. Basil s Coenobia were little more\\nthan theological schools, and that his rule was no\\nother than the ordinary form of school discipline.\\nSuch, as he thinks, were the monasteries of those\\ndays. Lib. iii. c. 2. The Rule commonly ascribed\\nto that saint may be found, in Latin, in the same\\nplace.\\nt Bingham, Ch. Antiq, book vii. The author of\\nthe Histoire des Ordres Monastiques expressly as-\\nserts, that as monasteries were instituted by Anthony,\\nand congregations by Pachomius, so the three vows\\n(of chastity, poverty, and obedience) were the intro-\\nduction of St. Basil. It is, at least, certain, that the\\nduties of obedience and poverty were early and very\\nrigidly practised by the Eastern monks.\\nsystem were effected from the years 360 to\\n370 and thus the plant, which had first been\\nnourished by Anthony and Pachomius with\\nimperfect, but not improvident culture, grew\\nup, within the space of twenty years, into\\nvigorous and lasting maturity.\\nConduct of the ancient Fathers. It is a fact\\ndemanding observation, that the Fathers of\\nthe ancient Church, who flourished about this\\nperiod, among whom were many eloquent\\nand learned and pious men, were favorable,\\nwithout one exception, to the establishment\\nof monasticism for though it might be be-\\nneath the oflice of reason to investigate the\\nmotives of the illiterate enthusiasts who began\\nthe work, it would be improper to pass over\\nwithout comment the considerate labors of\\nthe ecclesiastics who completed it. Moreover,\\nas they were apt enough to differ on some\\nother points, in which the interests of religion\\nwere concerned, and as they delivered, on all\\noccasions, their particular opinions with great\\nboldness and independence, their unanimity\\nin the introduction of one gi and innovation\\nis, by that circumstance, still further recom-\\nmended to our attention. Yet must we hesi-\\ntate to ascribe to them motives altogether\\nunworthy. We should be wholly mistaken\\nif we were to attribute their conspiracy to\\nany deep design for the establishment of\\npriestly rule, or the increase of the wealth\\nand authority of the Church beyond their\\njust limits. These evil consequences did, in-\\ndeed, result from the work, and spread, with\\nfatal influence, over the western world but\\nthey could not be contemplated by the Fa-\\nthers of the fourth and fifth centuries, because\\nthey rose and grew with the growth of papal\\nusui-pation, of which, in those days, there was\\nno fear nor thought. It was the alliance be-\\ntween papacy and monasticism which tended\\nmore, perhaps, than any other cause, to ele-\\nvate and magnify, and at the same time to\\nvitiate, both. But the eye of Athanasius, or\\nChrysostom, or Augustin, could not possibly\\nforesee that union, nor penetrate the various\\ncircumstances which afterwards concurred to\\naggrandize the Bishop of Rome. So far may\\nwe safely acquit even the most sagacious\\namong the Fathers of monasticism and as\\nfar as the spirit of the age can be held to ex-\\ncuse those whom, in appearance, it carries\\nalong with it, but who, in fact, encourage and\\ninfluence it, so far may the conduct of those\\nmistaken men be excused. And perhaps we\\nmight add, in further palliation, that the gen-\\neral demoralization of society, over which\\nChristian principles were still contending for", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0309.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "302\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\npredominance with the pernicious remnants\\nof paganism, seemed to permit so little hope\\nof righteous conduct to persons busied in the\\nworld, as almost to justify retreat and seclu-\\nsion. We should, moreover, in attempting\\nto account for this agreement, always hear in\\nmind, that the early patrons of monasticism\\nwere, with very few exceptions, Orientals or\\nAfricans men of ardent temperament, and\\nimpetuous imagination among whom the\\ntheory of religion too frequently tended to\\nmysticism, and its practice to mere sensible\\nceremony, and bodily mortification. We\\nhave no reason to believe that any worldly\\npremium to the new philosophy was held out\\nby the princes or nobles of those days-; nor\\neven that the influx of oblations from the\\nvulgar was the immediate fruit of the profes-\\nsion of poverty,* as was elsewhere the case\\nin later times. The monasteries of the East\\nwere at no period so overgrown with opulence\\nas those of the Roman Church and in their\\norigin they certainly offered no imaginable\\ntemptations to avarice or sensuality. On\\nthese and similar considerations, we may\\nacquit the original founders of the monastic\\nsystem of those odious motives, with which\\nthey have sometimes been charged but we\\nmust censure their encouragement of popular\\nsuperstition we must condemn that rash\\nenthusiasm, which exceeded what is written\\nand we must pronounce those to have been\\ninsufficient guides to religious knowledge,\\nwho, at a crisis of such infinite importance,\\ninculcated any other rule of life, than such as\\ntended directly, through the plain and prac-\\ntical precepts of the Gospel, to the general\\nwelfare of mankind.\\nEarly form of Monacldsm. The earliest\\nage of monachism differed in many particu-\\nlars from those which matured and perfected\\nthe system. The vow of Celibacy was either\\nnot taken by the original monks, or not uni-\\nversally enforced though the practice was\\nusual, and held indicative of a higher condi-\\ntion of sanctity. Comm unity of property was\\nNot that even the earliest monks have escaped\\nthe I eproaches of the contemporary Fathers. St.\\nJerome especially (Epist. xxxv., ad Heliodorum Mo-\\nnachnm) notices the birth of corruption: Alii\\nnumnuira addant nummo, et marsupium sufFocantes\\nmatronariim opes venentur obsequiis sint di tiores\\nMonachi, quam fiierant saeculares; possideant opes\\nsub Christo paupere, quas sub locupiete Diabolo non\\nhabuerant et snspiret eos Ecclesia divites, quos\\ntenuit mundus ante mendicos. But notwithstand-\\ning this and other particular passages, the general\\nexpressions used by those Avriters respecting the mon-\\nastic condition, prove its general respectability.\\nindeed established among tliem; but that\\nproperty was chiefly acquired by the labor\\nof their hands. The necessity of manual\\nindustry, which was coeval with the institu-\\ntion, was subsequently enforced by St. Au-\\ngustin, as the best safeguard against the snares\\nof the Tempter; and the spiritual motives\\nto strict moral demeanor were enco(u-aged\\nby the absolute poverty of the individuals.\\nMendicity, which had an early existence in\\nthe system, was stigmatized with immediate\\ncensure. It does not appear that the primi-\\ntive monks were positively prohibited by any\\nvow from returning, if they thought fit, to\\nthe turbulence of the world though such\\ndesertions were strongly discouraged, as early\\nas the Council of Chalcedon, both by eccle-\\nsiastical denunciations, and perpetual exclu-\\nsion from holy orders. Several restrictions\\nwere imposed with respect to admission into\\nthe monastic order. Of husbands and wives,\\nthe mutual agreement was necessary for the\\nseclusion of either; servants were not ad-\\nmitted, unless with the approbation of their\\nmasters, nor children without the consent of\\ntheir parents and themselves. These and\\nother reasonable impediments to the abuse of\\nmonachism were first weakened by the super-\\nstitious improvidence of Justinian-\\nThe original monks were, without excep-\\ntion, laymen but in situations, where the\\nonly accessible place of worship was within\\nthe walls, one priest was added to the societj^,\\nand he generally filled the office of Abbot or\\nHegoumenos. St. Jerome* has expressly\\ndistinguished the monastic from the sacerdo-\\ntal order and Leo I., in a communication to\\nMaximus, bishop of Antioch, forbade monks\\nto usurp the office of religious instruction,\\nwhich w-as properly confined to the priests\\nof the Lord. It is true, indeed, that, very\\nearly in monastic history, those establishments\\nwere considered as schools and nurseries for\\nEpist. v., ad Heliodorum Monachum. Alia\\nMonachorum est fausa alia clericorum. Clerici\\npascunt oves; ego pascor. lUi de altario vivntitj\\nrnihi, quasi infructuoScE arbori, securis ponrtur ad\\nradicem, si mumis ad allare non defero. Mihi\\nante Presbyterum sedere non licet, C-. Hos-\\npinian, (lib. iii., c. 13), under the head Monachi\\nab initio non Clerici, adduces strong reason (in spite\\nof some contradictory decrees) to believe that they\\nwei-e permitted to take orders as early as the time of\\nPope Siricius, in 390; and that all the privileges of\\nthe secular priesthood were subsequently conferred on\\nmonastic priests, and confirmed by Gregory the Great,\\nStill, as they continued to be bound by their vows,\\nthey acquired the clerical, without losing the monastic,\\ncharacter.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0310.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "ORIGIN OF MONACHISM,\\n303\\nthe ministry, and that persons were selected\\nfor ordination from among their inhabitants\\nbut those so ordained immediately quitted the\\ncloister, and engaged in the duties of the\\nsecular clergy and in Greece they were dis-\\ntinguished by the title of Hieromonachoi, or\\nHoly Monks.*\\nCharacter of Oriental Monachism. There\\nis no doubt, that Orientals are naturally more\\nprone to acts of fanaticism and ascetic austeri-\\nties, than the more rational, and, at the same\\ntime, more sensual nations of Europe and\\nwe might have expected to find the most\\nextraordinary instances of self-inflicted tor-\\nture among those who originated that prac-\\ntice, and whose habits and passions peculiarly\\nprepared them for it. It is uncertain whether\\nthis be so for though it be true that the\\nmadness of the Stylites gained no prevalence\\nin the Western Church, and that the Boskoi,\\nor Grazing monks (an Asiatic order of the\\nfiflh century, which proposed to unite the soul\\nto the Deity, by degrading the body to a con-\\ndition below humanity) found no imitators in\\na more inclement climate yet their mortifi-\\ncations and absurdities were rivalled, if not m\\nthe cells of the Benedictines, at least by the\\nFlagellants, and some other heretics of the\\nfourteenth century and the discipline of the\\nmore rigid Franciscans was probably, in the\\nearly ages of that order, as severe as human\\nnature could endure. But even among the\\nregular orders of the Western Church, monas-\\ntic austerity was carried, under particular cir-\\ncumstances, and in later times, to a more\\nperfect refinement than it ever attained in the\\nEast. It is not difficult to account for this\\nsingularity. A variety of motives, and a\\ncomplication of passions, entered into the\\nmonkish system of the Roman Church.\\nMany were unquestionably actuated by su-\\nperstition, many, perhaps, by purer sentiments\\nof piety but many more were impelled by\\npersonal ambition, by professional zeal, by\\nthe jealousy of rival orders, and, above all, by\\nthe thirst for that wealth, which so certainly\\nfollowed the reputation of sanctity. On the\\nother hand, the unvarying constitution, and\\nthe more tranquil character of the Eastern\\nChurch, presented fewer and feebler induce-\\nments to excessive severity. The passion\\nwhich originally founded its monasteries,\\nwarm and earnest enthusiasm, continued still\\nto animate and people them but its ardor\\ngradually abated and the defect was not sup-\\nThe foundation of an order of Canons, attributed\\nto St. Augustin, (which will presently be mentioned,)\\nwas a distinct institution.\\nplied in the same abundance, nor by the same\\nsources, which sprang from the rock of St.\\nPeter. From the eai liest period, the Head\\nof the Eastern Church was subject to the civil\\npower, and he has always continued so and\\nthus, as he has at no time asserted any arro-\\ngant claims of temporal authority, nor engag-\\ned in any contests with the state, he possessed\\nno personal or official interest in the aggran-\\ndizement of the monastic order. Again, the\\ntwo grand political revolutions of the Eastern\\nand Western empires produced effects pre-\\ncisely opposite on the condition of monachism\\nin either. The overthrow of the latter by the\\nPagans of the North, the early conversion of\\nthe conquerors, and the subsequent establish-\\nment of the feudal system, became the means\\nof enriching the monasteries, from private as\\nwell as royal bounty, with vast territorial en-\\ndowments. Whereas the possessions of the\\nOriental Church, which, through less favor-\\nable circumstances, had already been reduced\\nto more moderate limits, were still further\\ndespoiled by the fatal triumph of the Turks.\\nThe institution of nunneries was contem-\\nporary with that of monasteries, and is also\\nattributed to St. Anthony but the earliest ac-\\ncounts incline us to believe that it was not\\nequally flourishing. In countries where ste-\\nrility is common, and the population either\\nscanty or fluctuating, the government would\\ndoubtless discourage the seclusion of females.\\nWe learn, too, that their houses were less\\ncarefully regulated, and their vows less strictly\\nobserved in Asia than in the West of Europe.\\nAthens is mentioned as the nurse of several\\nsuch establishments but it was lamented that\\nthe ladies of rank and wealth were not easily\\nprevailed upon to devote themselves to re-\\nligious seclusion. Of a convent which was\\nfounded at Constantinople by the Empress\\nIrene (in 1108,) the constitutions still remain.*\\nBut the Nuns of St. Basil were more nume-\\nrous and more prosperous in the West, than\\nm the climate of their origin and in Sicily\\nespecially, and the South of Italy, they arriv-\\ned, in later ages, at considerable wealth and\\nimportance, f\\nHistoire des Ordres Monastiques, (Prem. Partie,\\nChap, xxviii.) By a regulation peculiarly oriental,\\nit was herein ordained, that the steward, the confes-\\nsor, and the two chaplains, the only males employed\\nabout the convent, should be eunuchs. We do not\\nlearn whether this precaution was usual in the nun-\\nneries of the East.\\nt Another class of religious females, called Virgina\\nof the Church, had an early existence in the East\\nThey continued to unite the discharge of their social\\nduties with a strict profession of religious chastity", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0311.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "304\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nThe original monastic establishments of\\nevery description were subjected, without any\\nexception, to the Bishop of the diocese. The\\nexemptions from that authority, which were\\nafterwards introduced, through the pernicious\\nprogress of papacy, into the Western Church,\\nhad little prevalence, as, indeed, they had no\\nstrong motive, in the East.\\nSection II.\\nInstitution of Monachism in the West.\\nIt is very generally asserted,* that the mon-\\nastic system was introduced into the West by\\nAthanasius, during his compulsory sojourn at\\nRome, in 341. It is believed, that he carried\\nin his train to the imperial city certain monks\\nand anchorets, representatives of the Egyp-\\ntian commonwealth, whose wild aspect and\\ndevout demeanor moved the reverence, and\\nat the same time roused tlie emulation, of the\\nRomans. Some monasteries were immedi-\\nately founded; and many retired to lonely\\nplaces for the exercise of solitary worship.\\nFrom Rome, (if the above account be true,)\\nthe monastic practice was instantly diffused\\nthroughout Italy and at Milan especially, it\\nobtained a powerful support in the patronage\\nof Ambrose. It speedily extended itself to\\nFrance and the labors of Martin of Tours,\\nwhich were zealously directed to its diffusion,\\nreceived at least this posthumous recompense,\\nthat nearly two thousand holy disciples as-\\nsembled to do honor to his obsequies. The\\nestablishment, founded by Cassian at Mar-\\nseilles, and in the neighboring islands, were\\nimmediately thronged with brethren obedi-\\nent to his Rule and Honoratus, bishop of\\nAries, bears testimony (about the year 430)\\nto the existence of religious old men in the\\nisle of Lerinus, who lived in separate cells,\\nand represented in Gaul the Fathers of\\nEgypt.\\nthus advancing one step beyond the ascetism of their\\nforefathers.\\nBaronius, (ann. 328), Mabillon, and Gibbon hold\\nthis opinion; but Muratori pretends that the first\\nmonasteries founded in Italy were erected at Milan.\\nMosheim more wisely pronounces the uncertainty of\\nthe fact.\\nt The following are some of the passages which\\nbear on this subject. St. Jerome, speaking of the\\ntime of Athanasius s visit to Rome, says, (in Epist.\\n16, ad Principiam Virginem,) Nulla eo tempore\\nnobilium foerninarum noverat Romte propositum Mo-\\nnachorum, nee audebat, propter rei noviiatem, igno-\\nminiosum (ut tunc putabatur) et vile in populis nomen\\nassumere. Ha3C (Marcella) ab Alexandrinis prius\\nBacerdotibus Papaque Athanasio, et postea Petro,\\nWe may here observe, that, as in the -wide\\nwilderness of the East, a secluded rock, or an\\nunfrequented oasis a spot cut off by the cir-\\ncumfluous Nile, or breaking the influx of the\\nriver into the sea as such were the places\\nusually selected by the original recluses, so\\ntheir earliest imitators in the West, under\\ndifferent circumstances of soil and climate,\\nadhered to the ancient preference for insular\\nretirement. The islands of Dalraatia, and\\nothers scattered along the coasts of the Adri-\\natic, were peopled with holy inhabitants.\\nAlong the western shores of Italy, f from\\nvitam B. Antonii adhuc tunc viventis, Monasterior-\\numque in Thebaide Pachumii et Virginum ac Vidua-\\nrum didicit disciplinam, nee erubuit profiteri quod\\nChristo placere agnoverat. Soon afterwards, when\\nJerome was at Rome, fuerunt tam crebra Virginum\\nMonacharumque innumerabilis multitudoj ut pia fre-\\nquentia serventium Deo, quod prius ignominiae fuerat,\\nesset postea glorias. So also Augustin (De Morib.\\nEccles. c. 33) Romse etiam plura Monasteria cog-\\nnovit, in quibus singuli gravitate atque prudentia et\\ndivina scientia pollentes, caeteris secum habitantibus\\npraeerant Christiana caritate, sanctitate et liberlate\\nviventibus. And the same Father (Confess., lib.\\nviii. c. 6) attests, on the authority of one Pontitianus,\\nthat there existed at Milan Monasterium plenum bo-\\nnis Fratribus, extra mbis mcenia sub Ambrosio nutri-\\ntore. Sulp. Severus mentions the success of St.\\nMartin to have been so great, ut ad exequias ejus\\nmonachorum fere duo millia convenisse dicantur. Spe-\\ncialis Martini gloria, cujus exemplo in Domini servi-\\ntute stirpe tanta fructificaverat.\\nJerome, Epist. xxxv., ad Heliodorum. Quum-\\nque crederet quotidie aul ad ^gypti Monasteria per-\\ngere, aut Mesopotamiae invisere cboros, aut certe\\ninsularum Dalmatiae solitudines occupare, ;c.\\nt See Marsham s HqonvXaiov in Dugd. Monast.\\nRespecting the monks of the isles of Gorgonia and\\nCapraria, Rutilius Numatianus composed some verses,\\n(in the year 416,) which have more of elegance (says\\nMarsham) than of Christianity. The following are\\nsome of them\\nProcessu pelagi jam se Capraria tollit\\nSquallet lucifugis Insula plena viris.\\nIpsi se Monachos Graio cognomine dicunt,\\nQuod soli nullo vivere teste volunt.\\nMunera fortunae metuunt, dum damna verentur-\\nQuisquam sponte miser, ne miser esse queatl\\nSive suas repetunt ex fato ergastula poenasj\\nTristia seu nigro viscera felle tument.\\nNoster enim nuper Juvenis, majoribus amplFs,\\nNee censu inferior, conjugiove minor,\\nImpulsus furiis homines Divosque relinquit,\\nEt turpem latebram credulus exul agit.\\nInfelix putat illuvie coelestia pasci,\\nSeque premit caecis saevior ipse Deis,\\nNum, rogo, deterior Circaeis secta venenisi\\nTunc mutabantur corpora, nunc animi.\\nMany other islands are mentioned as having been\\nthus consecrated, (or desecrated as the describer", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0312.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "INSTITUTION OF MONACHISM IN THE WEST.\\nS05\\nCalabria, throughout the islets of the Tuscan\\nSea, the chants of monastic devotion eveiy-\\nwhere resounded, as well as at Lerinus and\\nthe Stoechades, consecrated by the piety of\\nCassian. Such, in the first instance, were\\nthe favorite nurseries of the new institution.\\nThere is even reason to believe, that the\\nrocks on the southern coast of Italy furnish-\\ned the seeds of monachism to the churches\\nof Carthage and thus was transmitted, af-\\nter the revolution of half a century, to the\\nmore Western AMcans, the boon which their\\nbrethren of Egypt had first presented to the\\nChristian world.\\nPrevalence and character of Monachism in\\nthe West. It is, indeed, unquestionable, that\\ntowards the end of the fourth, but especially\\nduring the fifth century, the monastic practice\\nobtained universal prevalence, and became\\nalmost co-extensive with the belief in Christ.\\nAnd on this circumstance there is one obser-\\nvation which it is proper to offer, which has\\nindeed been made before, though in a some-\\nwhat different spirit, by Roman Catholic writ-\\ners that the period, which was marked by\\nthis great religious innovation, was the same\\nin which the religion itself seemed in immi-\\nnent danger, at least throughout the Western\\nprovinces, of utter extirpation. This was the\\nvery crisis in which the pagan inundation\\nfrom the North spread itself most fiercely and\\nfatally, and while it overthrew the bulwarks\\nof the empire, menaced, at the same time,\\nthe foundations of the Faith. That the mo-\\nnastic institution was designedly interposed\\nby Providence, in order to stay that wasting\\ncalamity, and supply new means of defence\\nto His fainting soldiers, is a vain and even\\na presumptuous supposition. But it Avould\\nequally be unjust to assert, that establish-\\nments of pious men, associated for religious\\npurposes, were without their use in exciting\\nrespect in the enemy, and confidence in the\\nChristian. Still less can we hesitate to be-\\nlieve, that they were the means of relieving\\nmuch individual misery that during the\\nmight be an ecclesiastical annalist, or a pagan poet).\\nThe island Barbara, situated above the conflux of\\nthe Rhone and the Arar, boasted to have been one of\\nthe most ancient nurseries of the Holy Institution\\nand Jerome, in an epistle to Heliodorus, speaks of\\nInsulas et totum Etritscura mare Volsconimque pro-\\nvinciam, et reconditos curvorum littorum sinus, in\\nquibus monachorum consistebant Chori. See\\nRIabillon, Pref. in Ann- Bened. S .ec. i. Giannone s\\nView of the Origin of the Monastic Life in the West\\n(Stor. di Nap., lib. ii., cap. 8.) does not appear to\\nbe marked by the accuracy and pcrsjAcuity usual to\\ntlmt excellent lii;norian.\\n39\\noverthrow of justice and humanity, they de-\\nrived power, as well as protection, from the\\nname of God, and from the trust which they\\nreposed in him that their power was gen-\\nerally exerted for good purposes and that\\ntheir gates were thrown open to multitudes,\\nwho, m those days of universal desolatioUj\\ncould hope for no other refiige.\\nThe rule commonly professed by the orig-\\ninal Western monasteries was unquestionably\\nthat of St. Basil and though it was not ob-\\nserved with any rigid uniformity, there wag\\ni probably no material variation either in con-\\nstitution or discipline throughout the whole\\nextent of Christendom, excepting such a3\\nnaturally resulted from the different climate,\\nmorals, and temperament of its inhabitants.\\nAt least, there was no distinction in order or\\ndignity: all were united by one common ap-\\npellation, extending from the deserts of Pon-\\ntus to the green valleys of Ireland and the\\nmonks of those days were sufficiently separat-\\ned from the rest of mankind, and sufficiently\\ndisengaged from secular pursuits, to dispense\\nwith the baser motives to which they were\\nafterv/ards reduced, of partial interest and\\nrivalry. Some wealth, indeed, began already\\nto flow into that channel; but the still re-\\nmaining prevalence of hermits, who dwelt\\namong the mountains in unsocial and inde-\\npendent seclusion, very clearly proves, that\\nthe more attractive system of the Coenobites\\nhad not hitherto attained any luxurious refine-\\nment. No large territorial endowments had\\nyet been attached to religious houses, and\\ntheir support was chiefly derived from indi-\\nvidual charity or superstition. And during\\nthe course of the fifth century the progression\\nof monachism was probably more popular,\\nand certainly more profitable, among Eastern\\nnations, than it had yet become on this side\\nof the Adriatic.\\nBenedict of Nursia. But in the following\\nage a more determined character was given\\nto that profession. A hermit named Bene-\\ndict, a native of Nursia in the diocese of\\nRome, instituted, about the year 529, an en-\\ntirely new order, and imposed a rule, which\\nis still extant, for its perpetual observance.\\nNo permanent and popular institution has\\never yet existed, however in its abuse it have\\nset sense and reason at defiance, which has\\nnot some pretension to virtue or wisdom, and\\nusually much of the substance of both, in its\\norigin and its infancy. It was thus with the\\norder of St. Benedict. That celebrated rule,\\nwhich in after ages enslaved the devout and\\ndemoralized the Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 which became a", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0313.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "306\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsign and a watchword for the satellites of Pa-\\npacy was designed for purposes which, at\\nthe time of its promulgation, might seem truly\\nChristian. Its objects were to form a mon-\\nastic body, which under a milder discipline\\nshould possess a more solid establishment\\nand more regular manners, than such as then\\nexisted and also to ensure for those, who\\nshould become members of it, a holy and\\npeaceful life, so divided between prayer, and\\nstudy, and labor, as to comprehend the prac-\\ntical duties of religious education. Such was\\nthe simple foundation, on which all the riches,\\nand luxury, and power, and profligacy of the\\nBenedictines have been unnaturally piled up\\nconsequences, which were entirely unfore-\\nseen by him who founded, and by those who\\nimmediately embraced, and by those who\\nfii-st protected,* a pious and useful institution.\\nThe Rule of St. Benedict. It is proper to\\nconfirm these observations by some account\\nof what is, perhaps, the most celebrated mon-\\nument of ecclesiastical antiquity. The Rule\\nof St. Benedict f is introduced by a quadru-\\nple division of those who professed the mo-\\nnastic life. The first class was composed of\\nthe Coenobites or Regular Monks the second,\\nof the Anchorets or Hermits, to whom he as-\\nsigns even superior perfection the third, of\\nthe Sarabaites, whom he describes as living\\nwithout any rule, either alone or in small so-\\ncieties, according to their inclination the\\nfom-th, of Gyrovagi or Vagabonds, a dissolute\\nand degraded body. His regulations for the\\ndivine offices were formed, in a great meas-\\nure, on the practice already described of the\\nMonks of Egypt. Two hours after midnight\\nthey were aroused to vigils, on which occa-\\nsion twelve psalms were chanted, and cer-\\ntain lessons from the Scriptures read or recit-\\ned. At day-break the matins, a service little\\ndiffering from the preceding, were perform-\\ned and the intervening space, which in\\nwinter was long and tedious, was employed\\nin learning the Psalms by heart,\u00c2\u00a7 or in med-\\nGregory the Great was a zealous patron of this\\ninstitution, and so approved the moderation of the\\nrule, that he has not escaped the suspicion of being\\nits author.\\nt It is given at length by Hospinian. De Origine\\nMonachatus, lib. iv. cap. v.\\nX See Mabillon, Pref. in sec. II. Annal. Benedict,\\nand Hist, des Ord. Monast.\\nIn England the establishment of JMonachism was\\ncontemporary with that of Christianity. Augustinus,\\nMonasterii Reguliseruditus, instiluit conversationem,\\nquae initio nascentis ecclesiae fuit patribus nostris,\\nquibu3 omnia ciant connnunia Monasterimn fecit\\nitating on their sense, or in some other neces-\\nsaiy study. But besides these and the other\\npublic services, the duty of private or mental\\nprayer was recognised in the Institutions of\\nof St. Benedict, and regulations were impos-\\ned which, while they restricted its duration,\\nproposed to purify and spiiitualize its char-\\nacter.\\nTo the duty of prayer the holy legislator\\nadded those of manual labor and readmg.\\nThe summer s day was so divided, that seven\\nhours were destined to the former occupa-\\ntion, and two at least to the latter.* And\\nshould it so happen, (he observes,) that his\\ndisciples be compelled to gather their har-\\nvests with their own hands, let not that be\\nany matter of complaint with them since it\\nis then that they are indeed monks, when\\nthey live by their own handiwork, as did\\nour fathers and the apostles. During the\\nwinter season the hours of labor were altered,\\nbut not abridged and those of study seem to\\nhave been somewhat increased, at least during\\nLent. The sabbath was entirely devoted to\\nreading and prayer. Those whose work was\\nallotted at places too remote from the Monas-\\ntery to admit of their return to the appointed\\nservices, bent their knees on the spot and re-\\npeated their prayers at the canonical hours.\\nThe description of labor was not left to the\\nchoice of the individual, but imposed by the\\nSuperior. Thus if any possessed any trade\\nor craft, he could not exercise it, except, by\\npermission of the Abbot. If any thing were\\nsold, the whole value was carefully appropri-\\nated to the common fund and it was further\\ndirected, that the price should be somewhat\\nlower than that demanded by secular artisans\\nfor the same objects to the end that God\\nmight be glorified in all things.\\nIn respect to abstinence,! the Rule of St.\\nBenedict ordained not any of those perni-\\ncious austerities, which were sometimes prac-\\nnon longe a Doroverniensi Civitate, c. Bede, lib.\\ni. c. xxii.\\nIt was ordained, that if any one were unable to\\nread or meditate, some other occupation should be\\nimposed on him. But as Latin, the language of re-\\nligious study, was at that time the vulgar tongue, at\\nleast one great impediment to religious instruction,\\nwhich was so powerful in after ages, did not then\\nexist.\\nfin this matter St. Benedict relaxed from the\\nrigor of the Eastern observance; but he did so with\\nreluctance, regretting the necessary imperfection of a\\nsystem, which he was compelled to accommodate to\\nthe gradually decreasing vigor of the human frame.\\nEven Fieury (see his Eigluh Discourse) does not dis-\\ndain to combat thir not ion.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0314.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "INSTITUTION OF MONACHiSIVi IN THE WEST.\\n307\\ntised by bis followers. Notwithstanding the\\nindulgence of a small quantity of wine to\\nthose whose imperfect nature might require\\nit, it prescribed a system of rigid temperance,\\nwhich among those original CcEnobites was\\nwell enforced by their poverty\u00e2\u0080\u0094but it con-\\ntains no injunction of fasting or mortification.\\nThose vain and superstitions practices, the\\nfruits of mingled enthusiasm and indolence,\\nscarcely gained any prevalence in the mon-\\nasteries of the West, until increasing wealth\\ndispensed with the necessity of daily labor.\\nThe monks slept in the same dormitory, in\\nwhich a lamp was kept constantly burning,\\nand strict silence was imposed. Even in the\\nday, they spake rarely and every expression\\npartaking of levity, and calculated at all to\\ndisturb the seriousness of the community\\nevery word that was irrelevant to its objects\\nand uses was absolutely prohibited within\\nthe convent walls. The Rule makes no men-\\ntion of any sort of recreation but it enjoins\\nthat, every evening after supper, while the\\nbrothers are still assembled, one among them\\nshall read aloud passages from the Lives of\\nthe Saints, or some other book of edification.\\nAs the Abbot was then chosen by the whole\\nsociety without regard to any other considera-\\ntion than personal merit, so in the government\\nof tlie monastery he was bound to consult the\\nsenior brethren on lesser matters, and the\\nwhole body on the more important contin-\\ngencies it was ordained, however, that after\\nhe had taken such counsel, the final decision\\nshould rest entirely with himself. Obedience\\nwas the vow and obligation of the others.\\nThe form prescribed for the reception of\\nNovices was not such as to encourage a luke-\\nw\\\\^rm candidate. In the first instance, he was\\ncompelled to stand for four or five days before\\nthe gates, supplicating only for admission. If\\nhe persevered, he was received first into the\\nChamber of Strangers then into that of No-\\nvices. An ancient brother was then commis-\\nsioned to examine his vocation, and explain\\nto him how rude and difficult was the path to\\nheaven. After a probation of two months the\\nRule was read to him again, after six other\\nmonths and a third time, at the end of the\\nyear. If he still persisted, he was received,\\nand made profession in the Oratory before the\\nwhole community. And we should remark,\\nthat that j)rofession was confined to three\\nsubjects perseverance in the njonastic life\\ncorrection of moral delinquencies and obe-\\ndience.* Offences committed bv the brethren\\nAll those aticieiit brolheis were laymen. It does\\nwere punished, according to their enormity,\\nby censure, excommunication, or corporal\\ninflictions expulsion was reserved for those\\ndeemed incorrigible. Nevertheless even then\\nthe gate was not closed against repentance 5\\nand the repudiated member was readmitted,\\non the promise of amendment, even for the\\nthird time. Such in substance was\\nthe Rule of St. Benedict and even the very\\nfaint delineation here presented may suffice\\nto give some insight into the real character\\nof the original monasteries. Perhaps too it\\nmay serve to allay the bitterness, which we\\nsometimes are too apt to entertain against the\\nfounders and advocates of the system, by\\nshowing, that though unscriptural in its prin-\\nciple and pernicious in its abuse, it was yet\\ninstituted not without some wisdom and fore-\\nsight and was calculated to confer no incon-\\nsiderable blessings on those ages in which it\\nfirst arose.\\nProgress of the Institution. The monasteiy\\nof Monte Cassino, which became afterwards\\nso celebrated in Papal History, was the noblest,\\nthough not perhaps the earliest, monument of\\nSt. Benedict s exertions. The moment was\\nfavorable to his undertaking; and his name\\nand his Rule were presently adopted and\\nobeyed throughout the greater part of Italy.\\nBy St. Maur, his disciple and associate, an\\ninstitution on the same principle was im-\\nmediately introduced into France, and be-\\ncame the fruitful parent of dependent es-\\ntablishments. Somewhat later in the same\\nj century, St. Columban propounded in Britain\\nI a rule resembling in many respects that of St.\\nj Benedict, but surpassing it in severity and\\nit was propagated with some success on the\\nContinent. But it is the opinion of the most\\nlearned writers, that the monasteries, which\\nat first followed it, yielded after no long inter-\\nval to the higher authority and more practica-\\nble precepts of the Nursian whose, genuine\\ninstitution indeed was soon aflerwards planted\\nin the south of the island by the monk Au-\\ngustine. At the same time the same system\\nwas spreading northward beyond the moun-\\ntains of the Rhine and though it may pro-\\nbably be true, that the Holy Rule (regula\\nsancta) was not univei-sally received until the\\nninth century until the practice bad been\\nnot appear that even St. Benedict himseJf hdd any\\nrank in the clergy.\\nAbout the year 542. It was destroyed by the\\nDanes, but subsequently re-established about tlie year\\n934, by the Bishop ot Limog-es. A great nuralxjr of\\nabbeys presently grew up under its shadow. Ilistoire\\ndes Ordres Monastiques.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0315.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "SOS\\nmSTORY OF THE CHtTRCII.\\nvitiated by man} corruptions it is evident,\\nthat it obtained great prevalence long before\\nthat time, while it yet retained its original in-\\ntegrity and it is equally clear, tljat its moral\\noperation uj)on a lawless and bloodthirsty\\ngeneration could not possibly be any otlier,-\\ntlian to restrain and to humanize,\\nI a\u00c2\u00a5mg thse greater part of the seventh crad\\nthe beginning of the following age, frightful\\nravages were committed by the Lombards in\\nItaly, and by the Danes in France and Britain,\\nagainst which even the sanctity of the monas-\\ntic profession furnished very insufficient pro-\\ntection. Throughout this period of devasta-\\ntion, while all oth-er laws and establishments\\nwere overthrown, k was not probaitle that\\neven those \u00c2\u00a9f St. Beaedict siioold remain in-\\nviolate.. The monastery of Monte \u00e2\u0082\u00acassino\\nwas destroyed about fifty years after its foun-\\ndation, and the holy spot remained desolate\\nfor almost a century and a half.* And though\\nthe respectable fugitives found an asylum at\\nRome, where the diseifxlinje- was pei petuated\\nin security,, ditring tRat k ng period of perse-\\nciuion, others were less fortunate and even\\nMi t^ose which escaped destruction a more re-\\nlaxed observance natumlly gained ground, in\\nthe midst of universal licentio unless. Accord-\\ningly we lean that, towards the end of the\\neighth century, the order of St. Benedict had\\nso far degenerated from its pristine purity,\\nt^^ a thorough refbnn^ if not an en.tire recon-\\nstruction of the system, was deemed necessary\\nfor the dignity and welfare of the Church.\\nBenedict of Aniane. The individual to\\nwhoBfi this hoaorable office was destined, was\\nalso- named Benedict he was descended from\\na powerful Gothic family, and a native of\\nAniane in the diocese of Montpellier. Born\\nabout the year 750, he devoted his^ early life\\nto religious austerities, exceeding not only the\\npractice of his brethren, but the instruction of\\nthe founder. The Rule of St. Benedict was\\nformed, in his opinion, for invalids and no-\\nvices and he sti ove to regulate his disciplme\\nafter the sublimer models of Basil and Paebo-\\nSee Leo Ostiensis. Chron. Cassineaa, lib., i..\\nGregory III. restoi ed tlie Htiona tery, and Zachary\\nliis successor granted to it (about the year 743) the\\nprivilege of excRisive dependence on the Bishop of\\nRome.. But one blessing was still wanting to secure\\nits prosperity and tBiat was happily supplied by the\\nAbbot Desiderius in 1066. In exploring some ruins\\nabout the edifice, he discovered the body of St. Ben-\\nedict!! It is true that a pope was soon found to pro-\\nnounce iie genuineness of the relic. Nevertheless\\nthe face was long and raal\u00c2\u00abvolently disputed by rival\\nimpostors\\nmius. Presently he was chosen to preside\\nover his monastery; but in disgust, as is re-\\nported, at the inadequate practice of his sub-\\njects, he retired to Aniane, and there laid the\\nfoundation of a nev/ and more rigid institu-\\ntion. The people reverenced his sanctity and\\ncrowded to his cell the native nobles assisted\\nhim in the constrMction of a magaificent edi-\\nfice and endowments of land were soon con-\\nferred upon the humble Reformer of Aniane.\\nMoreover, as he enhanced the feme of his\\nausterities by the practice of charity and uni-\\nversal benevolence, his venerable name de-\\nserved the celebrity which it so rapidly ac-\\nquired. His Ascetic disciples were eagerly\\nsought after by other monasteries, as models\\nand instruments for the restoration of dis-\\ncipline-,, and as the policy of Charlemagne\\nconcurred with the general inclination to im-\\nprovement, the decaying system was restored\\nand fortified by a bold and effectual reforma-\\ntian\\nWhen Benedict of Aniane traderSooR to es-\\ntablish a system, he found it prudent to relax\\nfrom that extreme austerity, which as a sim-\\nple monk he had both professed and prac-\\ntised. As his youthfid enthusiasm abated, he\\nbeeame gradually convinced, that the rule of\\nthe Nursian Hermit was as severe as the com-\\nmon infirmities of human nature could en-\\ndure.f He was therefore contented to revive-\\nthat Rule, or rather to enforce its observance\\nand the part which he peculiarly pressed on\\nthe practice of his disciples, was the obligation\\nof manual labor. To the neglect of that es-\\nsential portion of monastic discipline the suc-\\ncessive corruptions of the system are with\\ntruth attributed; and the regulations, which\\nwere adopted by the Reformer of Aniawev\\nwere confirmed (in 817) by the Council of\\nAix-la-Chapelle. From this epoch we may\\nBesides the general mention of his profuse dona-\\ntions to the poor,, it i^ particurarly related respecting\\nthis Benedict, that whenever an estate was made over\\nto him, he invariably emancfpated all the serfs whont\\nhe found on it. Act. SS. Benedict^ tom.^ v.-\\nt The duty of sHence was very generally enjoined:\\nin iBonastic institutions. In the Rule of The Breth-\\nren of the Holy Trinity, established by Innocent III.,\\nwe observe for instance Silentium observent sem-\\nper in Ecclesia sua, semper in Refectorlo, semper m\\nDormitorio, and even on the most necessary occa-\\nsions for conversation the monks were instructed to\\nspeak remissa voce,, hum i liter, et honeste.^ See Dug-\\ndale, vol. ii. p. 830.\\n:}:It would not appear that these changes very mucIV\\ninfluenced the condition of monachism in England.\\nThe three great reformations in that system which\\ntook place iiiour church were, (1) that of Archbishop", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0316.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "INSTITUTION OF MONACHISM IN THE WEST.\\n309\\ndate the renovation of the Benedictine Order\\nand though, even in that age, it was grov^rn\\nl)erhaps too lich to adhere very closely to its\\nancient observance, yet the sons whom it\\nnourished may nevertheless be accounted,\\nwithout any exaggeration of their merits,\\namong the most industrious, the most learn-\\ned, and the most pious of their own genera-\\ntion.\\nIt is not our intention to trace the number-\\nless branches which sprang from the stem\\nof St. Benedict, and overshadowed the sur-\\nface of Europe. But there are three at least\\namong them, which, hy their frequent men-\\ntion in ecclesiastical history, demand a sepa-\\nrate notice, the Order of Cluni, the Cister-\\ncian Order, and that of the Chartreux. The\\nmonastery of Corbie, also of great renown,\\nwas founded by Charlemagne for the spiritual\\nsubjugation of Saxony but it is no other\\nway distinguished from the regular Benedic-\\ntine institutions, than by its greater celebrity.\\nThe Order of Cluni. During the ninth cen-\\ntury, the rapid incursions of the Normans,\\nand the downward progress of corruption,\\nonce more reduced the level of monastic\\nsanctity and a fresh impulse became neces-\\nsary to restore the excellence and save the\\nreputation of the system. The method of\\nreformation was, on this occasion, somewhat\\ndifferent fi-om that previously adopted. A\\nseparate order was established, derived indeed\\nimmediately from the stock of St. Benedict,\\nyet claiming, as it were, a specific distinction\\nand character it was the order of Cluni. It\\nwas founded about the year 900, in the dis-\\ntrict of Macon, in Burgundy, by William,\\nduke of Aquitaine but the praise of perfect-\\ning it is rather due to the abbot, St. Odo. It\\nCuthbert, in the year 747; (2) that of Dunstan, in\\n965, promulgated in the Council of Winchester, on\\nwhich occasion the general constitution, entitled,\\nRegula Concordiae Anglicae Nationis, was for the\\nfirst time prescribed. It was founded partly on the\\nRule of St. Benedict, partly on ancient customs. (3)\\nThat of Lanfranc, in 1075, authorised by the Council\\nof London, and founded on the same principle as the\\nsecond. Mabillon, a zealous advocate and an\\nacute critic, sufficiently sliows from John the Deacon,\\n(who wrote the Life of Gregory the Great in 875,)\\nthat the Rule of St. Benedict was received in Eng-\\nland befoie the second of those reformations. Our\\nallusions to the ecclesiastical history of England are\\nthus rare and incidental, because that Church is in-\\ntended, we believe, to form the subject of a separate\\nwork.\\nSuch as the Camaldulenses, Sylvestrlni, Grandi-\\nmontenses, Prsemonstratenses, the Monks of VaVlom-\\nlaosa, and a multitude of others.\\ncommenced, as usual, by a sti ict imitation of\\nancient excellence, a rigid profession of pov-\\nerty, of industry, and of piety and it declin-\\ned, according to the usual course of human\\ninstitutions, through wealth, into indolence\\nand luxury. In the space of about two cen-\\nturies it fell into obscurity; and after the\\nname of Peter the Venerable (the contem-\\nporary of St. Bernard,) no eminent ecclesias-\\ntic is mentioned as having issued from its\\ndiscipline. Besides the riches, which had re-\\nwarded and spoiled its original purity, anoth-\\ner cause is mentioned as havmg contributed\\nto its decline the corruption of the simple\\nRule of St. Benedict, by the midtiplicatioii\\nof vocal prayers, and the substitution of new\\noffices and ceremonies for the manual labor\\nof former days. The ill effect of that change\\nwas indeed admitted by the venerable Abbot\\nin his answer to St. Bernard.\\nBut in the meantime, during the long pe-\\nriod of its prosperity, the order of Cluni had\\nreached the highest point of honorable repu-\\ntation insomuch that during the eleventh\\ncentury, a bishop of Ostia (the future Urban\\nII.) being officially present at a council in\\nGermany, suppressed in his signiture his\\nepiscopal dignity, and thought that he adopt-\\ned a prouder title, when he subscribed him-\\nself Monk of Cluni, and Legate of Pope\\nGregory. Those two names were well as-\\nsociated for it was indeed within the walls\\nof Cluni, that Hildebrand fed his youthful\\nspirit on those dreams of universal dominion,\\nwhich he afterwards attempted to realize it\\nwas there, too, that he may have meditated\\nthose vast crusading projects which were\\naccomplished by Urban, his disciple. But\\nhowever that may be, the cloister from which\\nhe had emerged to change the destinies of\\nChristendom, and the disciplme which had\\nformed him (as some might think) to such\\ngenerous enterprises, acquired a reflected\\nsplendor from his celebrity and since the\\nsame institution was also praised for its zeal-\\nous and active orthodoxy, and its devotion to\\nthe throne of St. Peter, shall we wonder that\\nit flourished far and wide in power and opu-\\nlence and that it numbered, in the following\\nage, above two thousand monasteries, which\\nfollowed its appointed Rule and its adopted\\nprmciples? Yet is there a sorrowful reflection\\nwhich attends the spectacle of this prosperity.\\nThrough all the parade of wealth and dignity,\\nwe penetrate the melancholy truth, that the\\nseason of monastic vu-tue and monastic utility\\nJ See Hist. Litter, de la France, Vie Urban 11.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0317.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "310\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwas passing by, if indeed it was not already\\npassed irrevocably aiid we remark bow rap-\\nidly the close embrace of the pontifical power\\nwas converting to evil the rational principles\\nand pious purposes of the original institution.\\nTke Cistercian Order. Howbeit, we do not\\nread that any flagrant immoralities had yet\\ndisgi-aced the establishment of Ciuni. Only\\nit had attained a degree of sumptuous refine-\\nment very far removed from its first profes-\\nsion. This degeneracy furnished a reason\\nfor the creation of a new and rival communi-\\nty in its neighborhood. The Cistercian order\\n\\\\vas founded in 1098, and vexy soon receiv-\\ned the pontifical confirmation. In its origin\\nit successfully contrasted its laborious pover-\\nty and much show of Christian humility with\\nthe lordly opulence of Cluni and in its pro-\\ngress, it pursued its predecessor througli the\\naccustomed circle of austerity, wealth, and\\ncorruption. This Institution was peculiarly\\nfavored from its very foundation since it\\npossessed, among its earliest treasures, the\\nvirtues and celebrity of St. Bernard. One of\\nthe first of the Cistercian monks, that vener-\\nated ecclesiastic established, in 1115, the de-\\npendent abbey of Clairvaux, over which he\\nlong presided and such was his success in\\npropagating the Cistercian order, that he has\\nsometimes been erroneously considered as its\\nfounder. The zeal of his pupils, aided by the\\nauthority of his fame, completed the work\\ntransmitted to them and Vv itli so much ea-\\ngerness were the monasteries of the Citeaux\\nfilled and endowed, that, before the year\\n1250, that order yielded nothing, in the num-\\nber and importance of its dependencies, to\\nits rival of Cluni. Both spread with almost\\nequal prevalence over every province in\\nChristendom and the colonies long contin-\\nued to acknowledge the supremacy of the\\nAnno milleno, centeno, bis minus uno,\\nPontifice Urbano, Francorum Rege Philippo,\\nBurgundis Odone duce et fundamina dante,\\nSub Pane Roberto coepit Cistercius Ordo.\\nPagi, Vit, Urban H., sect, 73. The date of another\\ncelebrated Institution, which we have no space to\\nnotice, has been similarly (though less artificially)\\nrecorded\\nAnno milleno, centeno, bis quoque deno\\nSub Patre Norberto Prsemonstratensis viget Ordo.\\nNorbert was archbishop of Magdeburg, and in\\ngreat repute with Innocent II, The site of the mon-\\nastery was prpemonstrated by a vision hence the\\nnrtme. The rule was that of St. Augustin the\\nBrethren were confirmed by Calixtus II., under the\\ndesignation of Canonici Regulares Exempli and\\nthey spread to the extremities of the east and the\\nwest, Hospin. lib., v, c. xii\\nmother monastery. But the Citeaux was\\nless fortunate in the duration of its authority,\\nand the union of its societies. About the\\nyear 1350, some confusion grew up amongst\\nthem, arising first from their corruptions,\\nand next from the obstruction of all endeav-\\nors to reform them. At the end of that cen-\\ntury, they were involved in the grand schism\\nof the Catholic church, and thus became still\\nfurther ahenated from each other till at\\nlength, about the year 1500, they broke up\\n(first in Spain, and then in Tuscany and\\nLombardy) into separate and independent\\nestablishments.\\nOrder of La Chartreuse. St. Bruno, with a\\nfew companions, established a residence at the\\nChartreuse, in the summer of 1084: the usual\\nduties of labor, temperance, and prayer were\\nenjoined with more perhaps than the usual\\nseverity.* But this community did not imme-\\ndiately rise into any great eminence it was\\nlong governed by Priors, subject to the bishop\\nof Grenoble and its founder died (in 1101)\\nin a Calabrian monastery. Nearly fifty years\\nafter its foundation, its statutes were written\\nby a Prior, named Guigues,f who presided\\nover it for eighteen years. By the faithful\\nobservance of those statutes, though in its\\ncommencement far outstripped by its Cister-\\ncian competitors, it gradually rose hito honor-\\nThe earliest Cistercians, under Alberic,who died\\nin 1109, affected a rigid imitation of the Rule of St.\\nBenedict. They refused all donations of churches\\nand altars, oblations and tithes. It appeared not\\n(they said) that in the ancient quadripartite division\\nthe Monasteries had any share for this reason, that\\nthey had lands and cattle, whence they could live by\\nwork. They avoided cities and populous districts\\nbut professed their willingness to accept the endow-\\nment of any remote or waste lands, or of vinej-ards,\\nmeadows, woods, waters (for mills and fishing), as\\nwell as horses and cattle. Their only addition to the\\nold rule was that of lay brothers and hired servants.\\nFreres Convers Laiques.\\nt Fleury, H. E. 1. 67, s. 58. From these statutes\\nit appears, that from September to Easier the monks\\nwere allowed only one meal a day that they drank\\nno pure wine; that fish might not be purchased ex-\\ncept for the sick; that no superfluous gold or silver\\nwas permitted at the service of the altar; that the\\nuse of medicine was discouraged; but that, to com-\\npensate for that prohibition, the monks were bled five\\ntimes a year. It is proper to add, that during the\\nsame period they were permitted to shave only six\\ntimes.\\nSome statutes of this order are given by Dugdale,\\nMonast. vol i. p. 951. Among them we observe a\\nstrict injunction to manual labor:\\nNunc lege, nunc ora, nunc cum fervore labora;\\nSic erit hora brevis, et labor ille levis.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0318.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "INSTITUTION OF MONACHISM IN THE WEST.\\n311\\nable notoriety and at length, about the year\\n1178, its rule was sanctioned by the approba-\\ntion of Alexander III. From this event, its\\nexistence as a separate order in the church is\\nproperly to be dated; and henceforward it\\nwent forth from its wild and desolate birth-\\nplace, and spread its fi-uitful branches over\\nthe gardens and vineyards of Europe. The\\nrise of the Chartreux gave fresh cause for\\nemulation to theii brethren of older estab-\\nlishment; and the rivahy thus excited and\\nmaintained by these repeated innovations, if\\nit caused much professional jealousy and\\ndoubtless some pei sonal animosity, furnished\\nthe only resource by which the monastic sys-\\ntem could have been brought to preserve even\\nthe semblance of its original practice. Still\\nit should be remarked, that these successive\\nadditions to the fraternity implied no con-\\ntempt of the institutions of antiquity they\\nmade no profession of novelty, or of any im-\\nprovement upon pristine obsei-vances on the\\ncontrary, the more modern orders all claimed,\\nas they respectively started into existence, the\\nauthority and the name of St. Benedict.\\nThe monk of Cluni, the Cistercian, the Car-\\nthusian, were alike Benedictines; and the\\nmore rigid the reform which they severally\\nboasted to introduce, and the nearer their\\napproximation to the earliest practice, the\\nbetter were their pretensions founded to a\\nlegitimate descent from the Western Patri-\\narch.\\nInstitution of Lay Brethren. The rules of\\nthe reformed orders invariably inculcated the\\nperformance of manual labor and the neg-\\nlect of that injunction invariably led to their\\ncorruption. But an alteration had been ef-\\nfected in the general constitution of the body,\\nwhich alone precluded any faithful emulation\\nof the immediate disciples of St. Benedict.\\nAs late as the eleventh age the monks v^^ere\\nfor the most part laymen and they perform-\\ned all the servile offices of the establishment\\nwith their own hands. But in the year 1040,\\nSt. John of Gualbert introduced into his mon-\\nastery of Vallombrosa a distinction which\\nwas fatal to the integrity of former discipline.\\nHe divided those of his obedience into two\\nclasses lay brethren and brethren of the\\nchoir and while the spiritual and mtellectual\\nduties of the institution were more particu-\\nlarly enjoined to the latter, the whole bodily\\nlabor, whether domestic or agricultural, was\\nimposed upon their lay associates.* Thence-\\nIn the Ordres Monastiques, p. iv. c. 18, two\\nEona of laymen are mentioned as living in French\\nforward the Monks (for the higher class began\\nto appropriate that name) became entirely\\ncomposed either of clerks, or of persons des-\\ntined for holy orders; the religious offices\\nwere celebrated and chiefly attended by them\\nwhile the servant was commanded to repeat\\nhis pater without suspending his work, and\\npresented with a chaplet for the numbering\\nof the canonical hours. A reason was ad-\\nvanced for this change and had not a much\\nstronger been affi^rded by the inordinate ac-\\ncumulation of wealth, it might have seemed\\nperhaps not unsatisfactory. In earlier ages,\\nLatin, the language of prayer, was also the\\nvulgar tongue of all western Christians but\\nas that grew into disuse, and became the ob-\\nject of study, instead of the vehicle of con-\\nversation, the greater part of the laity were\\nunable to comprehend the offices of the\\nchurch. Accordingly it was deemed neces-\\nsary to distinguish between the educated and\\nthe wholly illiterate brethren and, in pursu-\\nance of the principle, which then prevailed,\\nof confining all learning to the sacred pro-\\nfession, the former were raised to the enjoy-\\nment of leisure and authority, the latter con-\\ndemned to ignorance and servitude. This\\ndistinction, being earlier than the foundation\\nof the Cistercian, Carthusian, and all subse-\\nquent orders, was admitted at once into their\\noriginal constitution and therefore, however\\nclosely they might affect to imitate the most\\nancient models, there existed, from the very\\ncommencement, one essential peculiarity, in\\nwhich they deviated fi-om it\\nPapal Exemptions. According to the old-\\nest practice, every monastery was governed\\nI by an abbot, chosen by the monks from their\\nown body, and ordained and instituted by the\\nbishop of the diocess. To the superintend-\\ning authority of the same the abbot was also\\nsubject; and thus abuses and contentions\\nwere readily repressed by the presence of a\\nresident inspector. But when, in the progress\\nof papal usurpation, those establishments\\nwere exempted from episcopal jurisdiction,\\nand placed under the exclusive regulation of\\nthe Vatican, the facilities for corruption were\\nmultiplied and a number of evils were creat-\\ned, which escaped the observation or correc-\\ntion of a distant and indulgent master. At\\nthe same time, the effect of this connexion\\nmonasteries: (1) Such as gave themselves over as\\nslaves to the establishment, and were called Oblats\\nor Donnes. (2) Such as were recommended for sup-\\nport to monasteries of royal foundation by the king.\\nBut neither of tliese classes were, properly speaking,\\nlay brethren.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0319.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "312\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwas to infuse an entirely new spirit into the\\nmonastic system. Avarice, and especially\\nambition, took the place of those pious mo-\\ntives which certainly predominated in earlier\\ndays. The inmates of the cloister were as-\\nsociated in the grand schemes of the pontifi-\\ncal policy they became its necessary and\\nmost obsequious instruments they were ex-\\nalted by its success, tiiey were stained by its\\nvices and the successive reformations, which\\nprofessed to renovate the declining fabric,\\nwere only vain attempts to restore its ancient\\ncharacter. They could at best only expect to\\nrepair its outward front, and replace the syni-\\n])ols of its former sanctity the spirit, by which\\nit had been really blessed and consecrated,\\nwas already departed from it.\\nGreat complaints respecting monastic cor-\\nruption were uttered both at the Council of\\nParis in 1212, and at that of the Lateran,\\nwhich met three years afterwards. But,\\nthough some vigorous attempts were, on both\\nthose occasions, made to repress it, the coun-\\nteracting causes were too powerful and the\\nevil continued to extend and become more\\npoisonous during the times which followed.\\nIt is singular that, at the second of those\\ncouncils, it was proclaimed as a great evil in\\nthe system, that new orders were too com-\\nmonly established, and the forms of monas-\\nticism multiplied with a dangerous fei tility.\\nAnd therefore, lest their too great diversity\\nshould introduce confusion into the Church,\\nit was enacted that their future creation should\\nbe discouraged. Tliis is considered by some\\nCatholic writers to have been a provident\\nregulation since the jealousy among the\\nrival congregations had by this time degene-\\nrated from pious emulation (if it ever possess-\\ned that character) into a mere conflict of evil\\npassions. But whatever may have been the\\npolicy of the statute, it was at least treated in\\nthe observance with such peculiar contempt,\\nthat the institution of the Mendicants, the\\nboldest of all the innovations in the annals of\\nmonachism, took place almost immediately\\nafterwards.\\nSection III.\\nCanons Regular and Secular.\\nThe order of monks was originally so widely\\ndistinct from that of clerks, that there were\\nseldom found more than one or two ecclesi-\\nastics in any ancient convent. But presently,\\nin the growing prevalence of the monastic\\nlife, persons ordained, or destined to the sacred\\nprofession, formed societies on similar princi-\\nples and as they were bound, though with\\nless severity, by certain fixed canons, they\\nwere called, in process of time, Canonici*\\nThe bishop of the diocese was their abbot\\nand president. It is recorded that St. Augus-\\ntine set the example of livhig with his clergy\\nin one society, with community of propert}\\naccording to the canons of the church but\\nhe prescribed to them no vow, nor any other\\nstatutes for their observance, except such in-\\nstructions as are found in his 109th Epistle, f\\nNevertheless, above a hundi-ed and fifty re-\\nligious congregations have in succeeding ages\\nprofessed his rule and claimed his parentage,\\nand assumed, with such slight pretensions,\\nthe authority of his venerable name. The\\ntrue origin of the order is a subject of much\\nuncertainty. Onuphrius, in his letter to Pla-\\ntjna, asserts that it was instituted by Gelasius\\nat Rome, about 495, and that it passed thence\\ninto other churches and Dugdale appears to\\nacquiesce in this opinion. It is, moreover,\\ncertain, that Chrodegangus, Bishop of Metz,\\nprescribed a rule, about the year 750, to the\\nCanons of his own reformation and that he\\nmade some eflTorts, though not perhaps very\\neflTectually, to extend it more widely. Still\\nsome are not persuaded that societies of clerks\\nwere subject to one specified form of disci-\\npline, till the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle,\\nunder the direction of Louis le Debonnaire,\\nconfirmed and completed the previous enact-\\nments of Mayence (in 813,) and imposed on\\nthem one general and pei*petual rule.\\nThe plausible principle on which the order\\nof canons was founded, to withdraw from the\\ncontagion of the world those who had pecu-\\nThe term Canon originally included not only all\\nprofessors of the monastic life, but the very Hierodu-\\nles and inferior officers of the Church. Mosheim (on\\nthe authority of Le Boeuf, Memoires sur I Histoire\\nd Auxerre, vol. i. p. 174.) assei-ts that it became pe-\\nculiar to clerical monks (Fratres Dominici) soon\\nafter the middle of the eighth century. But we should\\nrather collect from the Histoire des Ordres Monas-\\ntiques, that the distinction was not generally establish-\\ned till the eleventh age.\\nt It should be observed, that this epistle, which is\\ncited by ecclesiastical writers as containing instruc-\\ntions for an institution of Canohs, was in fact addres-\\nsed to a convent of refractory nuns, who had quarrelled\\nwith their Abbess, and exhibited some unbecoming\\nviolence in the dispute.\\nSee Dugdale. De Canonorum Ordinis Origine.\\nThere may be found the Rule which St. Augustin is\\nsaid to have prescribed.\\nThe rule here published was borrowed, in many\\nparticulars, from that of St. Benedict. But the order\\nstill retained the name and banners of St. Augustin\\nHist, des Ordres Monastiques*", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0320.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "ON THE MILITARY ORDERS.\\n13\\nliarly devoted themselves to the service of\\nGod, was found insufficient to preserve them\\nfrom degeneracy. A division was early in-\\ntroduced (in Germany, according to Trithe-\\nmius, and in the year 977,) by which the re-\\nformed were separated from the unreformed\\nmembers of the comuiunity, in name as well\\nas in deed. The former, from their return to\\nthe original rule, a.ssumed the appellation of\\nCanons-Regular the latter, who adhered to\\nthe abuse, were termed, in contradistinction,\\nCanons-Secular and this sort of schism ex-\\ntended to other countries, and became perma-\\nnent in many.\\nThe discipline of the regular canons was\\nmore seriously enforced by Nicholas II. in\\nthe year 1059 and about eighty years later,\\nInnocent II. subjected them to the additional\\nobligation of a vow for they seem hitherto\\nto have been exempt from such profession.\\nNevertheless, in the course of the two follow-\\ning centm-ies, they once more relapsed into\\nsuch abandoned licentiousness, as to require\\nan entire reconstruction fi-om Benedict XII.\\nAfter that period, they rose into more con-\\nsideration than in their earlier history they\\nappear to have attained.\\nThere were besides some other orders, both\\nmilitary and mendicant, which professed the\\nrule, or rather the name, of St. Augustine\\nthe Hospitallers, for instance, the Teutonic\\nKnights, and the Hermits of St. Augustine.\\nBut they will be mentioned under those heads\\nwhere we have tliought it more convenient to\\nplace them, than to follow in this matter the\\nperplexed method of the Historian of the\\nMonastic Orders.\\nSection IV.\\n071 the Militai-y Orders.\\nWe have thus shortly mentioned the three\\ngrand religious Orders, which have been di-\\nversified by so many names and rules, and re-\\ngenerated by so many reforms which began\\nin austerity, and yet fell into the most shame-\\nless debauchery which arose in piety, and\\npassed into wicked and lying superstition\\nwhich originated in poverty, and finally fat-\\ntened on the credulity of the faithful, so as to\\nspread their solid territorial acquisitions from\\none end of Christendom to the other. Found-\\ned on the genume monastic principle of de-\\nvout seclusion, so venerable to the ignorant\\nand the vulgar, they presently surpassed the\\nsecular clergy in the reputation of sanctity,\\nand in popular influence. Thus were they\\nsoon recommended to the Bishop of Rome\\nand ill his ambition to exalt himself above his\\n40\\nbrother prelates, he discovered an efficient\\nand willing instrument in the regular estab-\\nlishments. At an early period, he gi anted\\nthem j)rotection, and patronage, and property,\\nwith the means of augmenting it presently,\\nhe accorded to certain monasteries exemption\\nfrom the episcopal authority and in process\\nof time, he extended that privilege to almost\\nall. Thus he gradually constituted himself\\nsole visitor, legislator, and guardian of the\\nnumberless religious institutions which cov-\\nered the Christian world. The monks repaid\\nthese services by the most implicit obedience\\nfor obedience was that of their three vows\\nwhich they continued to respect the longest\\nand to their aid and influence may generally\\nbe ascribed the triumphs of the pontiff in his\\ndisputes with the secular clergy. In his con-\\ntests with the State, they were not less neces-\\nsary to his cause for, as his success in those\\nstruggles usually depended on the divisions\\nwhich he was enabled to sow among the\\nsubjects of his enemy, and the strength of\\nthe party which he could thus create, so the\\nmonks, in every nation in Europe, were his\\nmost powerful agents for that purpose. And\\nthus, when we consider the victory, which the\\nspiritual sometimes obtained over the tem-\\nporal power, as a mere triumph of opinion\\nover arms and physical force, we do indeed,\\nat the bottom, consider it rightly but our sur-\\nprise at the result is much diminished, when\\nwe reflect how extensive a control over men s\\nminds was everywhere possessed by the re-\\nligious orders, how fearlessly and unsparing-\\nly they exercised that control, and with what\\npersevering zeal it was directed to the support\\nand aggrandizement of papal power.\\nThe Benedictines and Augustinians were\\nthe standing army of the Vatican, and they\\nfought its spiritual battles with constancy and\\nsuccess for nearly sLx centuries. The first\\naddition which was made to them was that\\nof the Militaiy orders and this proceeded\\nnot from any sense of the insufficiency of the\\nveteran establishments, nor from any distrust\\nin them, but from circumstances wholly inde-\\npendent of those or any such causes. They\\narose in the agitation of the crusades, and they\\nwere nourished by the sort of spu it which first\\ncreated those expeditions, and then caught\\nfrom them some additional fury.\\nThe union of the military with the ecclesi-\\nastical character was become common, in spite\\nof repeated prohibitions, among all ranks of\\nthe clergy. It w^as exercised by the vices of\\nthe feudal system which had given them\\nwealth in enviable profusion, but which pro-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0321.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "314\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nvided by no sufficient laws or strength of\\ngovernment for the protection of that which\\nit had bestowed so that force was necessary\\nto defend what had been lavished by super-\\nstition. The warlike habits which ecclesias-\\ntics seem really to have first acquired in the\\ndefence of their property, were presently car-\\nried forth by them into distant and offensive\\ncampaigns, and exhibited in voluntary feats\\nof arms, to which loyalty did not oblige them,\\nand for w^hich loyalty itself furnished a very\\ninsufficient pretext. But these general ex-\\ncesses did not give birth to any distinct order\\nprofessing to unite religious vows with the\\nexercise of arms and even the first of those,\\nwhich did afterwards make such profession,\\nwas in its origin a pacific and charitable in-\\nstitution.\\nThe Knights of the Hospital. This was the\\nOrder of St. John of Jerusalem, or the Knights\\nof the Hospital. About the year 1050, at the\\nwish of some merchants of Amalfi trading\\nwith Syria, a Latin Church had been erected\\nat Jerusalem, to which a hospital was presently\\nadded, with a chapel dedicated to the Baptist.\\nWhen Godfrey de Bouillon took the city in\\n3099, he endowed the hospital it then as-\\nsumed the form of a new religious order,\\nand immediately received confirmation from\\nRome, with a rule for its observance. The\\nrevenues were soon found to exceed the ne-\\ncessities of the establishment and it was then\\nthat the Grand Master changed its principle\\nand design by the infusion of the militai-y\\ncharacter.\\nThe Knights of the Hospital were distin-\\nguished by three gradations. The first in\\ndignity were the noble and military the sec-\\nond were ecclesiastical, superintending the\\noriginal objects of the institution the third\\nconsisted of the Serving Brethren, whose\\nduties also were chiefly military. To the or-\\ndinary vows of poverty, chastity, and obedi-\\nence, they added the obligations of charity,\\nfasting, and penitence and, whatsoever laxity\\nthey may have admitted in the observance of\\nthem, they unquestionably derived fi om that\\nprofession some real virtues which were not\\nshared by the fanatics who surrounded them\\nand they softened the savage features of re-\\nligious warfare with some faint shades of un-\\nwonted humanity. So long as their residence\\nwas Jerusalem, they retained the peaceful\\nname of Hospitallers but diey were subse-\\nquently better known by the successive appel-\\nThe rule of the Hospitallers (as confirmed by\\nBoniface) may be found in Dugdale s Monasticon,\\nvol. ii. p. 493.\\nlations of Knights of Rhodes and of Malta.\\nFaithful at least to one of the objects of their\\ninstitution, they valiantly defended the out-\\nworks of Christendom against the progress of\\nthe invading Mussulman, and never sullied\\ntheir arms by the massacre of Pagans or here-\\ntics.\\nThe Knights Templars. The Knights\\nTemplars received their name from their re-\\nsidence in the immediate neighborhood of the\\nTemple at Jerusalem. The foundations of\\nthis order were laid in the year 1118 and\\nthe rule, to which it was afterwards subjected,\\nwas from the pen of St. Bernard. This in-\\nstitution, both in its original purpose and pre-\\nscribed duties, was exclusively military. To\\nextend the boundaries of Christendom, to\\npreserve the internal tranquillity of Palestine,\\nto secure the public roads from robbers and\\noutlaws, to protect the devout on their pil-\\ngrimage to the holy places such were the\\npeculiar offices of the Templar. They were\\ndischarged with fearlessness and rewarded by\\nrenown. Renown was followed by the most\\nabundant opulence. Corruption came in its\\ntrain and on their final expulsion from Pal-\\nestine, they carried back with them to Europe\\nmuch of the wild unbridled license, which\\nhad been familiar to them in the East. But\\ntheir unhappy fate, as it is connected v/ith\\none of the most important periods in papal\\nhistory, must be resei-ved for more particular\\nmention in its proper place.\\nThe Teutonic Order. The Teutonic, or\\nGerman Order, had its origin again in the\\noffices of charity. During the siege of Acre,\\na hospital was erected for the reception of\\nthe sick and wounded. This establishment\\nsurvived the occasion which created it and,\\nto confirm its character and its permanency,\\nit obtained a rule (in 1192) from Celestine\\nIII., and a place among the Orders Hospit-\\nable and Military. On the termination of\\nthe Crusades, these knights returned to Ger-\\nmany,! where they enjoyed considerable pos-\\nAn order, with a somewhat similar object, was\\nfoimded in France about the year 1233, called the\\nOrder of the Glorious Virgin Mary. It was confined\\nto young men of family, who associated themselves,\\nunder the title of Les Freres Joyeux, for the defence\\nof the injured, and the preservation of public tran-\\nquillity. They took vows of obedience and covjugal\\nchastity, and solemnly pledged themselves to the pro-\\ntection of widows and orphans.\\nf In the treaty between the empire and the pope-\\ndom in 1230, we find that the interests of the three\\nmilitary orders were expressly stipulated for by the\\nPope; and also, that certain places were held in se-\\ni questration by Herman, Master of the Teutonic Order", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0322.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "THE MENDICANT ORDERS.\\n315\\nsessions and soon afterwai-ds, by a deviation\\nIrom the purpose of their institution, which\\nmight seem shght perhaps in a superstitious\\nage, they turned thek consecrated arms to the\\nconversion of Prussia.\\nThat countiy, and the contiguous Pome-\\nrania, had hitherto resisted the peaceful ex-\\nertions of successive missionaries, and con-\\ntinued to vi^orship the rude deities, and follow\\nthe barbarous njannei-s, of antiquity. But\\nwhere the language of persuasion had been\\nemployed in vain, the disciphued valor of the\\nTeutonic Knights prevailed. It was recom-\\npensed by the conquest of two rich provinces\\nand the faith which was inflicted upon the\\nvanquished in the rage of massacre, was per-\\npetuated under the deliberate oppression of\\nmilitary government. This event took place\\nabout the year 1230 but in another gener-\\nation, when the memoiy of its inti oduction\\nwas effaced, the religion really took root and\\nflourished, by the sure and legitimate autho-\\nrity of its excellence and its truth. After that\\ncelebrated exploit, the Teutonic Order con-\\ntinued to subsist in gi-eat estimation with the\\nChurch and this patronage was repaid with\\npersevering fidelity, until at length, when they\\nperceived the grand consummation approach-\\ning, the holy knights generally deserted that\\ntottering fortress, and an-ayed their rebellious\\nhost under the banners of Luther.\\nSection V.\\nThe Mendicant^ or Preaching Orders.\\nUntil the end of the twelfth century the\\nexertions of the Popes were almost entu*ely\\nconfined to the establishment of their own\\nsupremacy in the Church, and of their tem-\\nporal authority over the State and, through\\nthe faithful subservience of the two ancient\\norders, they had obtained sm*prising success\\nin both undertakings. But the increasing\\nlight of the eleventh and twelfth ages, and\\nthe increasing deformities of the Church,\\nbrouglit into existence a number of heresies,\\noccasioning dissensions, such as had not di-\\nvided Christians suice the Arian conti-oversy.\\nThese moreover presented themselves not\\nw^ith one form, and one front, and one neck,\\nbut were scattered under a multitude of de-\\nnominations, throughout all provinces, and\\namong all ranks. The secular clergy, relaxed\\nby habitual indolence and occasional immo-\\nralities, rather gave cause to this disaffection,\\nuntil the Emperor should have fulfilled his part of the\\nengagement. Fleury, 1. 79, s. 64.\\nthan subdued it and the regular orders, be-\\ncome sluggish from wealth and indulgence,\\nwanted the activity, perhaps the zeal, which\\nwas required of them. To detect the latent\\nerror, to pursue it into its secret holds, to drag\\nit forth and consign it to the minister of\\ntemporal vengeance, was an office beyond\\nthe energy of their luxuriousness still less\\ndid they possess the talents and the learning\\nto confute and confound it. Wherefore, as\\nthe experience of some centuries had now\\nproved, that the existing orders, how often\\nsoever and completely reformed and repro-\\nduced, had an immediate tendency to subside\\nagain into degeneracy and decay, it seemed\\nexpedient to introduce some entirely different\\norganization into the imperfect system.\\nSt. Dominic. The first notion of the new\\ninstitution was given by that body of eccle-\\nsiastics who were commissioned by Innocent\\nIII. to convert the Albigeois and among these\\nthe most distinguished was St. Dominic.\\nThat favorite champion of the Roman Church,\\nthe falsely-reputed inventor of mquisitorial\\ntoitm-e, was a Spaniard of a noble family and\\nof the order of Canons-Regular. In his spi-\\nritual campaigns (it were well bad they been\\nno more than spiritual) against the heretics of\\nLanguedoc, he became eminent by an elo-\\nquence which always inflamed and sometimes\\npersuaded and havmg felt the power of that\\nfaculty, which through the space of thirteen\\ncenturies had so rarely revisited the Roman\\nempire, he became desirous to establish a\\nfraternity devoted to its exercise. His project\\nwas not discouraged by Innocent III.; but\\nthat pontiff hesitated to give the formal sanc-\\ntion necessary to constitute a new order since\\nthe Council of Lateran, acting according to\\nhis discretion, had pronounced it generally\\nexpedient to reform existing institutions,\\nrather than to augment their number. But\\nimmediately after the death of that Pope,\\nDominic was established in the privileges of\\na Founder, by the bull of Houorius III. f\\nHospinian s Sixth Book comprehends a quantity\\nof valuable matter on the subject of the Mendicants;\\nand chapters iv. v. and vi. should particularly be con-\\nsulted. The author is laborious and learned, but not\\nimpartial. In the zeal of the Protestant he has for-\\ngotten the moderation of the Historian, and (might\\nwe not sometimes addl) the charity of the Christian.\\nt Fleui-y asserts, that the Freres Precheurs at first\\nwere not so much a new order, as a new congregation\\nof the Canons-Regular; since it was only at a Chap-\\nter General held in 1220, that St. Dominic and his\\ndisciples embraced entire poverty and mendicity.\\nThis may be so but at any rate their original con-\\ndition was so extremely transient and destitute of all", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0323.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "316\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nSt. Francis. Contemporary witli St. Do-\\nminic was Ins great compeer in ecclesiastical\\ncelebrity, tlie father of the rival institution.\\nSt. Francis was a native of Asisi in Umbria,\\nwithout rank, without letters, but of an ardent\\nand enthusiastic temperament. It is asserted\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094perhaps untruly that his earlier age was\\nconsumed in profligacy, from which he was\\nawakened by an opportune sickness, occa-\\nsioned by his vices; and that his fears sud-\\ndenly impelled him into the opposite extreme\\nof superstitious austerity. It is certain, that,\\nas he inculcated by his preaching, so he re-\\ncommended by his example, the utmost rigor\\nof the primitive monastic principle, that\\ntliere was no safe path to heaven, unless by\\nthe destitution of all earthly possessions.\\nPo])ularity was the first reward of his humili-\\nation he was soon folloAved by a crowd of\\nimitators; and the motive, which probably\\nwas pure fanaticism in himself, might be\\nwant, or vanity, or even avarice, f in his dis-\\nciples. Howbeit they readily acquired an\\nextensive reputation for sanctity and in the\\nyear 1210 the formal protection of Innocent\\nwas vouchsafed to the new order.\\nIt appears jjrobable that the foundation of\\nthe Franciscan Order was laid in poverty\\nonly not merely unaccompanied by any\\nobligation of a missionary or predicatory\\neffects and characteristics, as to be wholly insignifi-\\nCiint in history.\\nThe story of the Stigmata, or wounds of Christ,\\nmiraculously impressed upon his body, is known to\\nall. The text on which tliis imposture was founded\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0(for it pleaded a text) was Epist. Galat. end. From\\nlienceforth let no man trouble me; for I bear in my\\nIjody the marks of the Lord Jesus. We read in\\nSemler, ann. 1222, that a rustic, Avho made the same\\nexperiment on human credulity at about the same\\ntime, was imprisoned for life felicius cessit Francis-\\nco, sec. xiii. cap. iii.\\nt Giannone, an impartial writer, thus begins a\\nsection (lib. xix. cap. v. sec. v.) entitled Monaci e\\nBeni Temporalis Henceforward we shall place\\ntogether the subjects of Monks and Temporali-\\nties; since, as we have already observed, that he\\nwho pronounces Moiiachism (Religione,) pro-\\nnounces Riches, so the Monks Mere now become in-\\ncomparably more expert in the acquisition of wealth,\\nthan all the other ecclesiastics and tlie monasteries\\nin these days reaped profits to which those made by\\nthe Churches bore no proportion so that the expres-\\nsions New Religions^ and New Riches, be-\\ncame, properly speaking, synonymous. And this was\\nthe more monstrous, because it was in despite of their\\nfoundation in mendicity, (whence they had the name\\nof Mendicants,) that their acquisitions and treasures\\nwei-e enormous. Polit. Eccles. del decimo terzo\\nsecolo.\\ncharacter, but likewise free from the vow of\\nmendicity. St. Francis himself, in the Tes-\\ntament which he left for the instruction of\\nhis followers, enjoined manual labor in pref-\\nerence to beggary though he permitted them,\\nin case of great distress, to have recourse to\\nthe table of the Lord, begging alms from door\\nto door. It should be mentioned, too, that\\nhe at the same time prohibited them from\\napplying to the Pope for any privilege what-\\nevej-. But the sophistical and contentious\\nspirit of the age precluded that simplicity.\\nAnd their founder was scarcely consigned to\\nthe grave, when his disciples obtained from\\nGregory IX. f a bull, which released them\\nfrom the observance of his Testament, and\\nplaced an arbitrary interpretation on many\\nparticulars of his rule. It was thus that the\\nnecessity of labor was superseded, and honor\\nand sanctity were preposterously attached to\\nthe profession of mendicity.\\nHere then we observe the first point of\\ndistinction in the first constitution of the two\\norders. The Dominicans were, in their earli-\\nest character, a society of itinerant preachers\\nthis was the whole of their profession\\nthey were not bound, as it would seem, by\\nany vow of poverty. But after a short space,\\nwhen their founder had possibly observed\\nthat the Fj-anciscans prospered well under\\nthat vow that without possessing any thing\\nthey abounded with many things he\\nthought it desirable to imitate such profita-\\nble self-denial accordingly, he also imposed\\nupon his disciples the obligation of poverty.\\nAgain when the Franciscans discovered\\nthat no little mfluence accrued to their rivals\\nFleui-y, Dissertat. 8me. St. Francis designated\\nhis disciples by the name Fraterculi Little Broth-\\ners and this became, in different languages, Fra-\\ntricelli, Fratres Minores, Freres Mineurs, Friars\\nMinors.\\nt This Pope was at the same time a great patron\\nof the rival order. In 1231 he wrote a letter to the\\nArchbishop of Sorrento, in order to introduce the\\nDominicans to his patronage, in these terms: Di-\\nlectos Filios Fratres Ordinis Predicatorum velut no-\\nvos Vinitores sure vineae suscitavit; qui, non sua sed\\nqua5 sunt Jesu Christi quaerentes, tam contra profli-\\ngandas haereses, quam pestes alias mortiferas extir-\\npandas se dedicarunt evangelizatioui Verbi Dei, in\\nabjectione voluntarise paupertatis. The passage is\\ncited by Giannone.\\n:j: We read, in the Histoire des Ordres Fionas*\\ntiques, of Franciscan monasteries of very early\\nfoundation residences inconsistent with the perpet-\\nual practice of beggary- But those mansions were\\nprobably tlie first profits of the trade, the first-fruits\\nof the violation of the vow*", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0324.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "THE MENDICANT ORDERS.\\n317\\nfi-om the office of public preaching, they also\\nbetook themselves to that practice and, per-\\nhaps, with almost equal success. Thus it\\ncame to pass, that, after a very few years, two\\norders, essentially different in their original,\\nwere very nearly assimilated in ehaiacter,\\nand even in profession, and entered upon the\\nsame career with almost the same objects\\nand the same principles.\\nNevertheless, in the features of their policy\\nand the character of their ecclesiastical in-\\nfluence, they continued to be distinguished\\nby many important diversities. The whole\\ncourse of their history is more or less strong-\\nly marked by these. And if many of them\\nwere occasioned (as is unquestionably true)\\nby the passionate jealousy which they bore\\nto each other, and which they displayed upon\\nall occasions, to the great scandal and injury\\nof the Church, it is equally certain, that the\\ndifference in their first constitution ever con-\\ntributed to cause a difference in their des-\\ntinies. The original vow and rule of St.\\nFrancis was at no time perfectly erased fi-om\\nthe memoi7 of his followers. Attempts were\\nsoon made to revive it in its native austerity\\nand thus, in addition to the general conten-\\ntion with the rival order, the most violent\\nintestine dissensions were introduced into the\\nilimily of that Saint, which terminated in per-\\nmanent alienation and schism. j\\nAgain another evil was brought upon j\\nthe Church by these disputes shai-pened as\\nthey also were by the scholastic subtleties\\nwhich in those days perverted reason. The\\nauthority of the Pope interposed to set them\\nat rest, but his interference produced the op-\\nposite effect it not only increased the ani-\\nmosity of both parties, but also raised up a\\npowerful branch of the fraternity in avowed\\nopposition to the pontifical supremacy. In\\nthe controversy in which these indocile\\nbrethren engaged during the fourteenth age,\\nagainst John XXII., they proceeded so far in\\nrebellious audacity as formally to pass the\\nsentence of heresy upon the Vicar of Christ,\\nand to abet the efforts of Lewis of Bavaria to\\ndepose him Such (as Fleuiy has observed)\\nwas the tennination of their h^miility the\\ndeposition of a pope t Owing to these inter-\\nnal contests, it has even been made a question\\nwith some, whether the institution of the\\nJWendicants has not contributed, upon the\\nwhole, to the decline, rather than the ad-\\nvancement of the papal interests. But there\\nThe good and simple pope, St. Celestine, sanc-\\ntioned the division among the Franciscans by estal)-\\n!asliing.the congregation of the Poor Hermits.^\\nis not sufficient reason for such a doubt.\\nThe wound which the Roman See may have\\nreceived from the passionate insubordination\\nof a faction of one of those orders, bears no\\ncomparison with the benefits which it has de-\\nrived from the faithful assiduity, the learning,\\nthe zeal, and the uncompromising devoted-\\nness of the other.\\nIf the Dominicans surpassed the rival order\\nin obedience to their common master, they\\nalso afforded a better example of internal\\nharmony and discipline. Indeed, as they ad-\\nhered veiy closely to the original object of\\ntheir institution, the destruction of heresy,\\nthere was little reason why they should dis-\\npute with each other, and the strongest mo-\\ntive for concord with the Holy See, The\\ndestruction of heresy they were willing (as\\nwe have observed,) in the first instance^ to\\naccomplish by the sword of the spirit bet,\\nwhether through the natural impatience of\\nbigotry, or because the wisest among them\\nbegan to suspect the weakness of their own\\ncause, the futility of their soi)histry, and the\\nfalsehood of their positions, after a very short\\nattempt they abandoned that method of con-\\nversion, and betook themselves to the materi-\\nal weapon. The secular arm was summoned\\nto their aid, and it became in process of time\\ntheir favorite, if not their only, instrument.\\nNevertheless those are in error who attri-\\nbute the foundation of the Inquisition, as a\\nfixed and permanent tribunal, to the hand of\\nSt. Dominic. It may seem indeed to have\\nbeen the necessary consequence of his labor?,\\nthe result to which his principles infallibly\\ntended and it is true that the administration\\nof its offices was principally delegated to his\\norder. But it was not any where formally\\nestablished until ten or twelve years after his\\ndeath,* In the meantime, the Dominicans,\\nalready trained to the chase, and heated by\\nthe scent of blood, eagerly executed the trust\\nwhich was assigned to them. Over the whole\\nsurface of the western woyld they spread\\nthemselves in fierce and keen pursuit; and\\nthe distant kingdoms of Spain and Poland\\nwere presently inflicted with the same deadly\\nvisitation. Rome was the centre of persecu-\\ntion the heart, to which the circulating poison\\ncontinually returned and whence it derived,\\nas it flowed onward, a fresh and perennial\\nsupply of virulence and malignity.\\nDispute of the Dominicans iviih the Univer\\nsity of Paris. The Dominicans, soon after\\ntheir institution, seem to have appropriatetj\\nThe origin of the Inquisition will be described m\\ni chapter xsi-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0325.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "318\\nHISTORY OF The church.\\nmost of the learning, then so sparingly dis-\\ntributed among tiie monastic orders. They\\napplied themselves chiefly to the science of\\ncontroversy, and soon became very formida-\\nble in that field the more so, since they em-\\nployed the resources of scholastic ingenuity\\nin the defence of the papal government. The\\nmeans and the end harmonized well the\\nprejudices of the age v^^ere to a great extent\\nfavorable to both the exertions of reviving\\nreason were peiijetually baffled, and her\\nfriends discomfited and overthrown. We\\nshall briefly notice one signal campaign of\\nthe Dominicans\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that which they carried on\\nfor above thirty years against the University\\nof Paris. That body, which was already\\nthe most eminent in Europe, thought it expe-\\ndient, in the year 1228, to confine the Dom-\\ninicans, in common with all other religious\\norders, to the possession of one of its theolog-\\nical classes, while those Mendicants warmly\\nasserted their claim to two. Many violent\\ncontentions arose from this difference, and\\ncontinued till the year 1255, with no decisive\\nresult: the matter was then referred to the\\nwisdom of Pope Alexander IV. It is not\\ndifficult to anticipate the response of the Vat-\\nican. The University received an unqualified\\ninjunction to throw open to the Dominicans,\\nnot two classes only, but as many chairs and\\ndignities as it might seem good to them to\\noccupy. For four years the refractory doc-\\ntors resisted the execution of the sentence\\nwith a boldness worthy of a better age and\\na happier result. At length, terrified by the\\nrepeated menaces of the pontifl they submit-\\nted. Nevertheless, the struggle had not been\\nwithout its benefit. During the course of\\na protracted controversy, subjects had been\\nhandled of higher and more general im-\\nportance, than the right of lecturing in the\\nschools of Paris. While the discipline and\\nprinciples of the Mendicants were examined\\nand assailed, the power which upheld them\\ndid not escape from public reprehension.\\nThe possibility of error even in the Church\\nitself was openly maintained and the spii-it\\nof learning, which had hitherto ministered to\\necclesiastical oppression, was at length arous-\\ned against it. The first eflTorts of the best prin-\\nciples are generally baffled and disappointed\\nbut the example which they leave does not\\nperish but only waits till the concurrence of\\nhappier circumstances may bring the season\\nfor more successful imitation.\\nIn the conduct of this dispute, as both par-\\nties became equally heated, the limits of reason\\nwere exceeded, with almost equal temerity,\\nby both. Among many laborious productiofts,\\nperhaps the most celebrated was that publish-\\ned by Guilliaume de St. Amour, a doctor of\\nSorbonne, and a powerful champion of the\\nUniversity, Concerning the Perils of the\\nLatter Times. The peculiarity wiiich has\\nrecommended it to our notice is this. It was\\nfounded on the belief that the passage of St.\\nPaul relating to the perilous times which\\nwere to come in the last days, was fulfilled\\nby the establishment of the Mendicants\\nEvery age has affixed its own interpretation\\nto that text, and all have been successively\\ndeceived and this might teach us some cau-\\ntion in wresting the mysterious oracles of\\nGod from their eternal destination to serve\\nthe partial views to aid the transient, and\\nperhaps passionate, ptu-poses of the moment.\\nYet is there an undue value almost indissolu-\\nbly attached, even by the calmest minds, to\\npassing occurrences: however trivial and fu-\\ngitive their character, they are magnified by\\nclose inspection, so as to exceed the mightiest\\nevents farther removed in time and it is tliis,\\nour almost insuperable inability to reduce\\npresent occurrences to their real dimensions\\nto place them at a distance, and examine\\nthem side by side along with the transactions\\nof former days to consider them, in short,\\ndisinterestedly and historically it is this cause\\nwhich has begotten, and which still begets,\\nmany foolish opinions in minds not destitute\\nof reason and which, among other fruits,\\nhas so frequently reproduced, and in so many\\nshapes, the pitiable enthusiasm of the Millen-\\narians.\\nDissensions among the Franciscans. Though\\nboth Dominicans and Franciscans professed\\nto be at the same time mendicants and preach-\\ners, yet, in some sort of conformity with tluir\\noriginal rules, the former continued to retain\\nmore of the predicatory, the latter more of the\\nmendicant, character. These last were con-\\nsequently less distinguished by their literary\\ncontests, than by those which they waged\\nagainst each other, respecting the just inter-\\npretation of the rule of their founder. In all\\nother monastic institutions, the possession of\\nproperty was forbidden to individuals, but\\npermitted to the community whereas the\\nmore rigid injunction of St. Francis denied\\nevery description of fixed revenues, even to\\nthe Societies of his followers. There were\\nmany among those who wished for a relax-\\nation of this rule; and they obtained it with-\\nout difficulty, both from Gregory IX. and In-\\nnocent IV. But another party, who called\\nthemselves the Spirituals, insisted on a strict", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0326.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "THE MENDICANT ORDERS.\\n319\\nadhesion to the original institution they even\\nrefused to share tiie glorious title of Francis-\\ncan with those who had abandoned it. This\\nfeeling displayed itself with particular vehe-\\nmence in the year 1247, when John of Parma,\\na rigid spu itualist, was chosen general of the\\norder. But the more worldly brethren still\\nadhered to then- mitigated disciplme; and\\ntheir perseverance, which was favored, per-\\nhaps, by the secret wishes of many of the op-\\nposite party, received the steady and zealous\\nconcurrence of the Holy See. For whatso-\\never value the popes might attach to the vol-\\nitntarj poverty of their myrmidons, to the\\nrespect which it excited, and the spontaneous\\ngenerosity which so abundantly relieved it,\\nthey no doubt considered, that it was more\\nimportant to the permanent interests of the\\nrjiurch to encourage the increase of her fixed\\njid solid and pei-petual possessions.\\nThe success of the Dominicans and Fran-\\nciscans encouraged the profession of beggary\\nand the face of Christendom was suddenly\\ndarkened by a swarm of holy mendicants, in\\nsuch manner that, about the year 1272, Gre-\\ngory X. endeavored to arrest the overgrowing\\nevil. To this end he suppressed a great mul-\\ntitude of those authorized vagrants, and dis-\\ntributed the remainder, still very ninnerous,\\ninto four societies, the Dominicans, the\\nFranciscans, the Carmelites, and the Hermits\\nof St. Augustine.\\nThe Carmelites. The order of the Carme-\\nlites was, in its origin, Oriental and Eremitical.\\nJohn Phocas, a monk of Patmos, who visited\\nthe Holy Places in 1185, thus concludes the\\nnarrative of his pilgrimage On Mount\\nCarmel is the cavern of Elias, where a large\\nmouasteiy once stood, as the remains of build-\\nings attest but it has been ruined by time and\\nhostile incursions. Some years ago a hoary-\\nheaded monk, who was also a priest, came\\nfrom Calabria, and established himself in this\\nplace, by the revelation of the Prophet Elias.\\nHe made a little enclosure in the ruins of the\\nmonastery, and constructed there a tower and\\na small church, and assembled about ten\\nbrothers, with whom he still inhabits that\\nholy place. Such appears to be the earliest\\nauthentic record of the foundation of the Car-\\nmelites. About the year 1209, Albert, patri-\\narch of Jerusalem, gave them a rule. It\\nconsisted of sixteen articles, which contain\\nnothing original, and are merely sufficient to\\nprove the ignorance, the abstinence, and the\\npoverty of the original brothers. The institu-\\nWe cilo the passage from Fleurv, 1. Ixxvi. sec. 55.\\ntion was not, however, legitimately introduced\\ninto the grand monastic family till the year\\n1226, when it received the sanction of Ho-\\nnorius III. Twelve years afterwards it was\\nraised from among the regular orders to the\\nmore valuable privileges and profits of men-\\ndicity and we observe that the severe rule\\nof its infancy was interpreted and mitigated\\nsoon afterwards by Innocent IV. Accord-\\ningly it became venerable and popular, and\\nwas embraced with the accustomed eagerness\\nin ev^ery country in Europe.\\nHermits of St. Augustine. A gi eat num-\\nber of individuals were still found scattei ed\\nthroughout the western Church, who cher-\\nished the name, though they might dispense\\nwith the severer duties, of hermits and they\\nprofessed a A ariety of rules by which their\\nseveral independent societies were governed.\\nInnocent IV. expressed his desire to unite\\nthem into one order and it was executed by\\nhis successor. Alexander IV., the better to\\nwithdraw them from their seclusion, and en-\\ngage them in the functions of the ecclesiastical\\nhierarchy,! formed them into a single con-\\ngregation, under one rule and one general,\\nand associated them by the same title of\\nHennits of St. iVugustine. We may ob-\\nserve, however, that as they were the most\\nmodern, so they were the least considerable of\\nthe mendicant institutions.\\nTo these four orders the pontiffs granted\\nthe exclusive indulgence of travelling through\\nall counti ies, of conversing with persons of\\nall ranks, and instructing, wheresoever they\\nsojourned, the young and the ignorant. This\\ncommission was presently extended to preach-\\ning in the churches, and administering the\\nholy sacraments. And so great veneration\\ndid they excite by the sanctity of then- ap-\\npearance, the austerity of their life, and the\\nauthoritative humility of their manners, that\\nthe people rushed in multitudes to listen to\\ntheir eloquence, and to crave their benedic-\\ntion. And thus the spirit of sacerdotal des-\\npotism, which had been chilled through the\\nindecency or negligence of the secular clergy,\\nand the luxurious languor of the regular es-\\ntablishments, was for a season revived and\\nrestored to an authority, in its extent more\\nample, and in its exercise far more unspar-\\ning, than it had possessed at any preceding\\nperiod.\\nEarly merits and degeneracy of the Mendi-\\ncants. In their early years, the tv/o gi-eat\\nnurseries of the Dominicans were Paris and\\nt GiannonCj Stor. Nap., lib. xix., cap. v., sec. 5.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0327.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "320\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nBologna. In those cities, Jourdain, the Gen-\\neral of the order, and successor of its founder,\\nalternately passed the season of Lent and\\nthence he sent forth his emissaries through\\nthe south and the west. Among the first\\nconverts to the discipline of St. Dominic were\\nmany distinguished by rank and dignity, many\\neminent ecclesiastics, many learned doctors,\\nboth in law and theology, and many young\\nstudents of noble parentage. Nor is it hard\\nto believe those accounts, which praise the\\nrigor of their moral excellence, and the gen-\\neral subjection of their carnal appetites to the\\ncontrol of the spirit. The very enthusiasm,\\nwhich at first inflamed them for the purity\\nand beauty of their institution, was inconsis-\\ntent with hypocritical pretensions to piety it\\ntended, too, somewhat to prolong the exercise\\nof those virtues whence it drew its origin.\\nAnd thus, if their literary exertions were\\nreally stimulated by the highest motives the\\nglory of God, and the salvation of the faithful\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094they may well have surpassed the languid\\nlabors of the old ecclesiastics, which were so\\ncommonly directed to mere vulgar and tem-\\nporal objects. Accordingly, as the Mendicants\\nrose, the ancient orders and the secular clergy\\nfell into disrepute and contempt; and the chairs\\nand the pulpits, which they had so long filled,\\nwere, in a great measure, usurped by more\\nzealous, more laborious, and more popular\\ncompetitors.\\nBut these conquests were not obtained or\\npreserved without many violent and obstinate\\ncontests.* Both regulars and seculars de-\\nfended their ancient privileges with an ardor\\nwhich seemed to supply the want of strength.\\nTheir disputes with each other were for the\\nseason laid aside they united vv^ith equal\\nThe grand dispute in England between the Clergy\\nand the Mendicants, in which the Archbishop of Ar-\\nmagh was so prominent, took place about 1357. The\\ngreat complaint at that time was, that the latter had\\nseduced all the young men at the University to con-\\nfess to them, to enter their order, and to remain there.\\nAnd the prelate mentions the remarkable fact, that,\\nthrough the suspicions thus infused into families, the\\nnumber of students at Oxford had been reduced during\\nhis time from thirty thousand to six thousand. It\\nwas made another matter of reproach on the mendi-\\ncants, that they had bought up all the books, and\\ncollected in every convent a large and fine library.\\nThe field of contest was transferred to the pontifical\\nJourt (then at Avignon) the mendicants were tri-\\numphant, and the Archbishop s mission appears to\\nhave had no result. And about the same time two\\nconsiderable princes, Peter, Infant of Aragon, and\\nCharles, Count of Alen^on, became members respec-\\ntively of the Franciscan and Dominican orders.\\nearnestness against the invader of their com-\\nmon interests; and the rancor thus occasion-\\ned, and shared, in some degree, even by the\\nmost obscure individuals of both parties, was\\nfar from favorable either to the purity of re-\\nligion, or to the honor of the Church in-\\nsomuch, that some Roman Catholic writers\\nhave expressed a reasonable doubt, whether\\nthe interests of their Church would not have\\nbeen more effectually consulted by a thorough\\nreformation of the two classes already conse-\\ncrated to religion, than by the establishment\\nof a new order. It is certainly true, that no\\ncause has more scandalized the nauje of\\nChrist, in every age of his faith, than the bit-\\nter dissensions of his ministers. Their very\\nimmoralities have scarcely been more poison-\\nous in theii* influence on the people, than the\\nspectacle of their jealousy and rancor. And\\nthus, if the ancient zeal and piety could have\\nbeen revived by ordinary regulations among\\nthe ecclesiastics of the thirteenth century\\nhad it been possible to infuse into the decrepit\\nthe vigor of the young, into the pampered the\\nvirtue of the poor, such had, indeed, been\\nthe safer method of regeneration. It appears,\\nhowever, very questionable, whether the popes\\nhad power to accomplish so substantial a re-\\nformation in the Church, even had they been\\nseriously bent on it. It is perfectly certain\\nthat they were not so disposed. The interests\\nof papacy were now becoming widely difl:er-\\nent from the interests of the Chiu-ch, and their\\npolicy (though they might not themselves be\\nconscious of the distinction) was steadil} di-\\nrected to the former. With that view, the\\ninstitution of the Mendicants was eminently\\nuseful, as it communicated a sort of ubiquity\\nto the pontifical Chair. Moreover, the scan-\\ndals which it occasioned were, in some mea-\\nsure, compensated by the energy to which the\\nold establishments were reluctantly awaken-\\ned and which had been more honorable to\\nthemselves, and more useful to i*eligion, liad\\nit been excited by a less equivocal motive.\\nOne essential characteristic of the Mendi-\\ncants was the want of any permanent resi-\\ndence and thus their influence over the\\npeople, though at seasons vast and overruling,\\ncould not be deeply fixed, or very durable.\\nAgain, since they professed absolute poverty,\\nthey could scarcely exercise any fearless con-\\ntrol over those, on whose favor and charity\\nthey were dependent for their daily vsubsisi-\\nence so that their popular authority was\\ndestitute of those substantial supports which\\ntheir opponents derived from the possession\\nof opulent establishments, and rested wholly", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0328.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NUNS.\\n321\\non their talents and their virtues. As long as\\ntheir zeal and their eloquence far surpassed\\nthose of the ancient ecclesiastics, as long as\\nthe sanctity of theii* moral practice was be-\\nyond reproach or suspicion, so long they\\ndeserved and maintained the superiority of\\nthen- influence. But though the impression\\nthus produced will generally last somewhat\\nlonger than the excellence which produces it,\\nstill the solid foundation of their power de-\\ncayed with the decay of their original quali-\\nties; and the wealth which they at length\\nsubstituted in the place of these, reduced them\\nat best to the level of their rivals.\\nAnd no long tnne elapsed from their origin,\\nbefore the reproach of corruption was com-\\nmonly and justly cast upon them. General\\nThe evidence of MaUhew Paris, an established\\nBenedictine of St. Alban s, may be somewhat colored\\nby professional jealousy, but nevertheless it is sub-\\nBtantially true. In his Henry III., anno 1246, he\\nmentions, how, from being preachers, they became\\nconfessors, and usurped the other offices of the Ordi-\\nnary. In the same place he publishes a celebrated\\nBull of Gregory IX. in their favor, and strongly des-\\ncribes the insolence which they derived from it. Ec-\\nclesiarum rectores procaciter alloquentes, in-\\ndulta sibi talia privilegia in propatulo demonstrantes,\\nerecta cervice ea exigentes recitari, c. He\\nthen relates the manner in which they supplanted the\\nclergy in the affections of the people. Esne pro-\\nfessus 1 Etiam. A quo 1 A sacerdote meo. Et\\nquis ille idiota Nunquam iheologiam audivit nun-\\nquam in decretis vigilavit nunquam unam quaestio-\\nnem didicit enodare. Caeci sunt et duces ceecorum.\\nAd nos accedite, qui novimus lepram a lepra distin-\\nguere Multl igitur, prcecipue nobiles et\\nnobilium uxores, spretis propriis sacerdotibus, pras-\\ndicatoribus confitebantur unde non mediocriter\\nviluit ordinariorum dignitas. Matthew Paris\\nthen goes on to show the immorality thus introduced;\\nEmce the people did not feel for the Mendicants any\\nof that awe which their own priests had been accus-\\ntomed to inspire, and therefore repeated their sins\\nwith less scruple. The same author (ad. ann. 12.35)\\nrepeats the complaints of the insolence of the Men-\\ndicants, and of the extensive footing which they had\\nalready usurped upon the domains of the old establish-\\nments. In another place, (ann. 1247,) he describes\\nthem as the pope s beadles and tax-gatherers. Ut-\\npote fratres minores et predicatores (ut credimus in-\\nvitos) jam suos fecit Dominus Papa, non sine ordinis\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0eorum laesione et scandalo, teloniarios et bedellos.\\nThese passages were written within half a\\ncentury from the foundation of the order. The evi-\\ndence of the great Franciscan, Buonaventura, and of\\nThierri d Apolde, both. writers of the same age, is\\nalso adduced by Fleury, to prove the early corruption\\nof the Mendicants. Bzovius (ann. 1804, sec. vii.)\\npublishes a long decree of Benedict XL, still further\\naugmenting the privileges of the Mendicants, and ex-\\nempting them from certain episcopal restraints.\\ncomplaints arose respecting the multitude of\\npretexts which they invented for the extortion\\nof money respecting the vagabond habits,\\nthe idleness, and importunity of many among\\nthem. It was particularly asserted, that, hav-\\ning insinuated themselves into the confidence\\nof families, they took under their special\\ncharge the management of wills, and con-\\nstructed them to their own advantage. They\\nbecame perpetual attendants on the death -bed\\nof the rich. Moreover, they engaged with\\nintriguing activity in the political transactions\\nof the day, and were intrusted with the con-\\nduct of difficult negotiations. The cabinets\\nof princes were not too lofty for their ambi-\\ntion, the secrets of domestic life were not\\nbeneath their avarice. Again it offended\\nthe reason of many, that holy persons, pro-\\nfessing profound humility and perfect poverty,\\nshould appear in the character of magistrates,\\nhaving apparitors and familiars at their dis-\\nposal, and all the treasures and all the tortures\\nof the Inquisition. They thus became rich,\\nindeed, and they became powerflil but there\\nwere those who did not fail to contrast the\\ncontempt of worldly glory, which illustrated*\\nthe birth of their order, with the pomp which\\nthey afterwards assumed so willingly and to\\nremark, that through the abandonment of\\nevery possession, they possessed every thing,\\nand were more opulent in their poverty than\\nthe most opulent.* Such reflections\\nwere obvious to the most illiterate and they\\ngradually diminished a popularity, which was\\nill compensated by riches. Howbeit, amid\\nthe decline in their reputation and the degen-\\neracy of their principles, from the one grand\\nrule of their ecclesiastical policy they never\\ndeviated, they persevered, without any im-\\nportant interruption, in their faithful ministry\\nto the Vatican. But from the time that they\\nparted with their original characteristics, their\\nagency became less useful and the extrava-\\ngance with which they sometimes exalted the\\npretensions of the See, began, in later ages,\\nto excite some disgust among its more moder-\\nate and reasonable supporters.\\nSection VI.\\nTTie Establishment ofJVwns.\\nThat there existed, even in the Antenicene\\nChurch, virgms, who made profession of re-\\nligious chastity, and dedicated themselves to\\nPietr. delle Vigne. (i. Epist. 37). Fleury, lib,\\nIxxxii., sec. 7. The Capucines, a branch of reformed\\nFranciscans, did not arise till the beginning of the\\nsixteenth century. Their progress, which was coif", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0329.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "322\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe service of Christ, is clear from the writings\\nof Tertullian, Cyprian, and Eusebius.* But\\nthere is no sufficient reason to believe that\\nthey were formed into societies still less that\\nthey constituted any order or congregation.\\nThey exercised mdividually their self-imposed\\nduties and devotions and found their practice\\nto be consistent, like the Ascetse, among whom\\nthey may properly be classed, with the ordi-\\nnary occupations of society.\\nThe origin of communities of female reclu-\\nses was probably coeval with that of monaste-\\nries, and the produce of the same soil. The\\nglory of the institution is commonly ascribed\\nto St. Syncletica, the descendant of a Mace-\\ndonian family settled in Alexandria, and the\\ncontemporary of St. Anthony. It is at least\\nceitam, that many such establishments were\\nfounded in Egypt before the middle of the\\nfourth century and that they were propagated\\nthroughout Syria, Pontus, and Greece, by the\\nsame means and at the same time with those\\nof the Holy Brothers, though not, as it would\\nseem, m the same abundance. It appears,\\nhowever, that they gradually penetrated into\\n\u00c2\u00abvery province where the name of Christ was\\nknown they were found among the Arme-\\nnians, Mingrelians, Georgians, Maronites, and\\nothers and finally formed an important and\\nnot incongruous appendage to the Oriental\\nChurch.\\nA noble Roman lady, named Marcella, is\\ncelebrated as the instrument chosen by Provi-\\ndence to introduce the pious institution into\\nthe West. In emulation of the models of\\nEgypt, she assembled several virgins and\\nwidows in a community consecrated to holy\\npurposes and her example found so many\\nimitators, that the Fathers of the next genera-\\ntemporary with that of the Lutherans and the Jesuits,\\nis also described as extremely rapid,\\nVit. Constant, lib. iv., Tertullian, lib. ad Uxo-\\nrem. Cyprian (lib. i. epist. xi. ad Pomponianum,\\nDe Virginibus) reproaches in very severe language\\ncertain consecrated virgins, who had fallen under the\\nsuspicion of incontinence,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Quid Christus Dominus\\net Judex noster, cum virginem suam sibi dicatam et\\nsanctitati suae destinatam jacere cum altero cernit,\\nquam indignatur et irascitur! .Again: Quod\\nsi in fide se Christo dedicaverunt, pudice et caste sine\\nulla fabula perseverent. Si autem perseverare\\nnohint vel iron possunt, melius est nubant, quam in\\nignem delictis suis cadant. Again (lib. v.\\nepist. viii.) he speaks of Membra Christo dicata et\\nin aeternum continentiae honorem pudica virttvte de-\\nvota. See also his Tractatus de Disciplina\\net Habitu Virginum. These passages show,\\nat the same time, that there were in that acre virgins\\ndedicated to religion, and that they were not bound\\nby any irrevocable vow.\\ntion, St. Ambrose,* St. Jerome, and St. Atigu\u00c2\u00a7-\\ntine, bear sufficient testimony to the preva-\\nlence of the institution in their time. It is\\ntrue that, at least as late as the year 400, many\\ndevout virgins (Virgines Devotee) still pre-\\nserved their domestic relations and adhered\\nto the more secular practice of the Antenicene\\nChurch and it is possible that those devotees\\nwere never wholly extinct in any age. But\\nthe Associations for the same end gradually\\nembraced most of those with whom religious\\nzeal was the leading motive and their sanc-\\ntity was recommended to popular reverence,\\nas it may also have been exalted and fortified,\\nby the discipline and the vow which restrain-\\ned them.\\nThe Rules, to which the convents of Nuns f\\nwere subject, were formed for the most part\\nupon those which bound the monks. Like\\nthe monks, they lived from common funds,\\nand used a common dormitory, table, and\\nwardrobe the same religious services exer-\\ncised their piety habitual temperance and oc-\\ncasional fasting were enjoined with the same\\nseverity. Manual labor was no less rigidly\\nenforced; but instead of the agricultural toils\\nimposed upon their Brethren, to them were\\ncommitted the easier tasks of the needle or\\nthe distaffi By duties so numerous, by occu-\\npations admitting so great variety, they be-\\nguiled the tediousness of the day, and the\\ndulness of monastic seclusion.\\nLib. i. de Virginibus ad Marcellinam. The tes-\\ntimony of St. Jerome, respecting Marcella, has been\\nalready cited (supra, p. 396.) St. Augustin (De\\nMoribus Ecclesiae, c. 33.) says, in speaking of the\\nmonastic etstablishments both at Milan and Rome\\nJejunia prorsus rncredibilia, non in viris tantum,\\nsed etiam in foeminis; quibus item, multis viduis et\\nvirginibus simul habitantibus et fana ac tela victum\\nquEeritantibus, prcesunt singuTae gravissimae probatissi-\\nmaeque non tantum in rnstituendis componendisque\\nmoribus, sed etiam instruendis mentibus peritae et\\nparatse.*^ See Marsham s HqonvXaiov to Dugdale,\\nand Hospinianus de Orig. Monach., Jib. iii. c. xi.,\\net seq.\\nt The words Nonnus, Nonna, are said to be of\\nEgyptian origin. The latter is used by St. Jerome,\\nEpist. ad Eustochium Virginem. Benedict of Nursia\\n(Regul. 63) gives it the interpretation of paternal\\nreverence, and ordains, that Juniores monachi pri-\\nores suos ??onno5 vocent; quod intelligitur paterna\\nreverentia. The terms Monialis and Sanctimonialia\\nare usually derived from JMoroq. Hospin. Orig\\nMonach., lib. i. c. i.\\nX The two following passages from St. Jerome de-\\nserve to be cited, since they show as well what were\\nthe vanities, as what were the duties, of the earliest\\nnuns: Vest is tua nee sit satis munda, nee sordida,^\\nnullaque diversitate notabilis ne ad te obviam prae-\\ntereufltium turba consistat et digito monstreris.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0330.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NUx\\\\S.\\n323\\nVow of Cliasiity. It appears probable, as\\nis warmly argued by Hospinian, that in the\\nvery early ages the virgins, who were dedicat-\\ned to religious pui*poses, could enter without\\nany scandal into the state of marriage. But\\nwe should recollect that, at that time, the mo-\\nnastic condition, properly speaking, did not\\nexist. Immediately after its institution, we\\nfind the authority of St. Basil loudly declared\\nagainst such a departure from the more per-\\nfect purity; that patriarch of monasticism does\\nnot hesitate to pronounce the marriage of a\\nnun to be incest, prostitution, and adultery\\n(incestus, stupri scelus, et adulterium and\\nAmbrose and Augustin exacted the same\\nsacred obedience to the irrevocable vow. By\\nPlures hoc ipso cdpiunt placere quod placere con-\\nteranunt, et minim in modum laus, dura vitatur, appe-\\ntituf Ne cogitatio tacita subrepat, ut, quia in\\nauratis vestibus placere desiisti, placere coneris in\\nsordidig et quando in conventum fratrum veneris vel\\nsororum, humilis (al. humi) sedeas; scabello te cau-\\nseris indignam vocem ex industria, quasi confectam\\njejuaiis, non teuues, et deficientis mutuata gressum\\nhumeris innitaris alterius. Sunt quippe nonnullae ex-\\nterminantes (extenuantcs facies, ut appareant ho-\\nrainibus jejunantes; quae statim ut aliquem viderint\\ningemiscuntj demittunt supercilium, et operta facie\\nvix unum oculum liberant (al. librant) ad videndum.\\nVestis pulla, cingulum sacceura et sordidis raanibus\\npedibusque venter solus, quia videri non potest,\\naestuat cibo. Aliae virili habitu, veste mutata, eru-\\nbescunt esse quod natse sunt; crinem amputant et\\nimpudenter erigant facies eunuchinas. Sunt quae cili-\\nciis vestiuntur et cucullis fabrefactis ut ad infantiam\\nredeant, imitantur noctuas et bubones Haec omnia\\nargumenta sunt Diaboli. Hieron. (Epist. xviii.) ad\\nEustoch. Virginem. Again, (Epist. to Demetrias,\\nDe Servanda Virginit.) Praeter Psalmorum et Ora-\\ntionis ordinem, qui tibi hora terlia, sexta, nona, ad\\nvesperem, media nocte, et mane semper est exercen-\\ndus, statue quot horis Sanctam Scripturam ediscere\\ndebeas, quanto tempore legere, non ad laborem, sed\\nad delectationem ac instructionem animae. Cumque\\nhasc finieris spatia habeto lanam semper in mani-\\nbus, vel starainis pollice fila deducito, vel ad torquen-\\nda subtegmina in alveolis fusa vertantur; aliarumque\\nneta aut in globum coUige, aut tenenda(nenda com-\\npone. Quae texta sunt inspice: quae errata repre-\\nhende: quae facienda constitue. Si tantis operum\\nvarietatibus occupata fueris nunquam dies tibi longi\\nerunt. Similar instructions are delivered in Epist.\\n86, ad Eustochium Epitaph. Paulas Matris. And St.\\nAugustin (De Morib. Ecclesiae., cap. 31.) mentions\\nthat the garments manufactured by the nuns were\\ngiven to the monks in exchange for food. Lanificio\\ncorpus exercent et sustentant; vestesque ipsas fratri-\\nbus tradunt, ab iis invicem quod victui opus est re-\\nsumentes. The Tonsure was not originally impos-\\ned, though it appears to have been an Egyptian cus-\\ntom.\\nLib. iii. c. xii.\\nthe Council of Chalcedon, nuns who married\\nwere made liable, together with then* hus-\\nbands, to the sentence of excommunication\\nyet in such manner, that penance might be\\nimposed, if they reverently requested it, and\\ncommunion restored in consequence of that\\npenance, after a long interval proportioned to\\nthe offence. This canon was generally re-\\nceived in the West. But in the year 407,\\nInnocent I. closed the outlet of penance, and\\nleft no loop-hole of forgiveness open to those\\nwho had violated their vow. Subsequent\\nages increased, rather than mitigated, this\\nrigor and imprisonment, and tortures, and\\ndeath, were finally held out as the punish-\\nments of monastic incontinence. The re-\\nsource of penance was still resei-ved by In-\\nnocent for inconstant Novices those who\\nmarried, after having avowed the intention of\\nchastity, but without having yet taken the\\nveil.\\nThe Veil The ceremony of consecration\\nand the imposition of the veil was of origin\\nearlier even than the time of St. Ambrose f\\nand it appears, that it might then be performed\\nby a priest, no less than by a bishop. The^\\nwords I pronounced on this occasion were\\nprescribed by the Fourth Council of Car-\\nthage but they varied, or were entirely chang-\\ned, in subsequent times. The age at which\\nthe novice might be consecrated was equally\\nvariable, and seems to have been left, at least\\nin early times, to the discretion of the prelate.\\nAn age as advanced as sixty years, appears\\nat first to have been usual but St. Ambrose\\ngives reasons for permitting the veil to be\\nsooner assumed and the age of twenty -five\\nwas afterwards (generally, though by no\\nmeans universally) established as the earliest,\\nat which the recluse was permitted to place\\nthe indelible seal upon her resolution.\\nBenedictine J^uns, The first period, or, if\\nwe may so call it, the Antiquity of Monachism,\\nwas terminated in the Western Church by\\nthe epoch of St. Benedict and it is generally\\nrecorded, that while that hermit was invent-\\ning his new mstitution for the brothers of his\\nHospin. Orig. Monach. lib. iii. c. ult.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f We must not however be misled by the title of\\nTertullian s work, (De Virginibus Velandis,) to as-\\ncribe to that practice so high an antiquity. The ob-\\nject of that book is only to show, that all virgins, as\\nwell as matrons, ought, in tlieir attendance on divine\\nworship, to be veiled. It has no reference to any\\nparticular condition of life\\ni They were these Aspice, filia, et intuere; et\\nobliviscere populum tuum et domum patris tui, ut con-\\ncup.iscat Rex decorem tuum.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0331.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "S24\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nobedience, his sister Scholastica was raising\\nthe standard, round which the holy virgins\\nmight collect with greater regularity and dis-\\nciplme. It would appear, however, that the\\nrule of her disciples was rather given in res-\\ntoration of the original observance, than on\\nany new principle of religious seclusion. The\\nalternations of industry and prayer absti-\\nnence, silence, obedience, chastity were or-\\ndained, as in the primitive establishments\\nand the first Benedictine Nuns were in fact\\nrather refoi-med nuns of St. Basil, than a dis-\\ntinct order. Howbeit, they acquu ed repu-\\ntation and flourished so rapidly, that in the\\npontificate of Gregory the Great, Rome con-\\ntained (according to the assertion f of that\\nPope) three thousand handmaids of God,\\n(Ancillae Dei,) who followed the Benedictine\\nrule. And so boldly did they afterwards rise\\nin rank and power, that about the year 813\\nit became necessary to repress the pretended\\nright of the Abbesses to consecrate and or-\\ndain, and perform other sacerdotal functions.l\\nCanonesses. The establishments of female\\nrecluses followed very closely the numerous\\ndiversities of the monastic scheme, and imi-\\ntated the names of the male institutions, where\\nthey could not adopt their practice, or even\\ntheir profession. An order of Canonesses-\\nRegular was founded, or at least presented\\nwith a rule, by the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle,\\nin 813. And we read, in later times, of a\\ncommunity of noble young ladies, who were\\nassociated under a very easy discipline, and\\nunrestrained by any vow of celibacy, under\\nthe title of Canonesses-Secular. But these\\nlast pretenders to religious seclusion were, on\\nmore than one occasion, discountenanced by\\nthe authorities of the Church.\\nJ\\\\Puns of the Hospital. An imitation of the\\nMilitary Orders might, at first sight, seem still\\nmore repugnant to the feelings and duties\\nof holy virgins. But, m respect at least to the\\noldest of those orders, it was in fact far other-\\nwise. That community originated (as has\\nalready been mentioned) in an ofiice of gra-\\ntuitous humanity to entertain the stranger,\\nand to tend the sick, were the earliest ofiices\\nMabillon (Pref. Hist. Benedict.) asserts this\\nScholastica to have been the founder of regular nun-\\nneries in the West and calls her Virginum Bene-\\ndictinarum Ducem, Magistram et Antesignanani.\\nI Lib. vi. Epist. xxiii. See Hospinian, Orig.\\nMonach. lib. iv. c. xvi. The ceremony of consecra-\\ntion^ by the bishop, is here given at great length.\\n4; At the Council of Beconfeld in Kent, abbesses\\nsubscribed their signatures, no less than Abbots and\\nother Ecclesiastics. This is recorded to have been\\nthe first instance of such assumption of equality.\\nf of the Knight of the Hospital. By him, in-\\ndeed, those humbler tasks may afterwards\\nhave been forgotten in the character of the\\nsoldier of the Cross but the Nuns of the\\nHospital adhered to the earliest and the no-\\nblest object of the institution. Their founda-\\ntion was contemporary with that of the Chev-\\naliers and in after times, they extended their\\nestablishments, and perhaps their charities,\\ninto every part of Europe.\\nThe calamities of the Ci usades were fol-\\nlowed and alleviated by another institution, in\\nwhich charitable females immediately took a\\nshare, and of which the purpose was not less\\nworthy of its religious profession. A multi-\\ntude of Christian captives had been thrown\\nby the vicissitudes of war into the power of\\nthe Saracens; and for their redemption, the\\norder of the Nuns of the Holy Trinity was\\nestablished very early in the thirteenth cen-\\ntury. It survived the occasion which gave it\\nbirth, and flourished widely, under the pat-\\nronage of certain pious princesses,! especially\\nin Spain.\\nJVuns of St. Dominic. The foundation of\\nseveral nunneries divided with his other ec-\\nclesiastical duties the busy zeal of St. Domi-\\nnic. And though we cannot discover that the\\nessential characteristics of his order, preach-\\ning and mendicity, were in practice commu-\\nnicated to the holy sisters who bore his name,\\nyet the name was sufficient to procure for them\\nwealth and popularity; and they probably\\nwere not surpassed in either of those respects\\nby any other order.:): St. Catharine of Sien-\\nna, a vehement devotee, professed especially\\nto reverence the virtues and imitate the disci-\\npline of St. Dominic and she may properly\\nA long account of these Religieuses Hospitalid-\\nres, together with the formalities of reception into\\nthe order, may be found in the Hist, des Ordres Mo-\\nnastiques, Trois. Partie, chap. xiv. We may remark\\nthat their Habits de Ceremonie de Choeur, indicate\\nwealth, if not vanity. The Religieuse Chevaliere de\\nI Ordre de St. Jaques de I Epee was a Spanish in-\\nvention of a much later age. This order seems to\\nhave originated at Salamanca.\\nt Hist. Ordres Monast. partie H. chap. xlix.\\n4; The historian Des Ordres Monastiques, asserts,\\nthat when he wrote (about 1715,) there were in Italy\\nmore than one hundred and thirty nunneries of that\\norder, about forty-five in France, fifteen in Portugal,\\nand forty in Germany, in spite of the devastations of\\nthe heretics. The order which bears the name of\\nSt. Catharine, was probably not founded by herself\\n(though Hospinian asserts otherwise,) and it is vari-\\nously assigned to the year 1372 or 1455 a diversity\\nwhich some attempt to reconcile. We shall have\\noccasion to make further mention of this celebrated\\ndevotee in a following chapter.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0332.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NUxNS.\\n325\\nbe accounted among his most genuine disci-\\nples, since she interposed to smooth the po-\\nlitical difficulties of her country, and to influ-\\nence, by her reason and authority, the most\\nmomentous concerns of the Church. Among\\nthe female JMendicants, the latest institution\\nwas that of the Carmelites. They appear to\\nhave been founded about 1452, by virtue of a\\nbull of Nicholas V.; and nearly a centui^ af-\\nterwards, they were reformed by the celebrat-\\ned St. Theresa, a native of Castille.\\nWe shall not trace the endless catalogue,\\nnor enumerate the various names, under\\nwhich the same or very similar institutions\\nperpetually reappeared. Among those of\\nsomewhat earlier times, that of St. Brigida, a\\nPrinces of Sweden, is most renowned. It\\nwas an establishment for the reception of\\nboth sexes though separated in residence\\nunder the superintendence of an Abbess; and\\nits Rule was confirmed by Urban V. about\\nthe year 1360. Though manual labor was\\nstrictly enjoined, the royal hand which found-\\ned the community appears, at the same time,\\nto have blessed it with ample endowments.\\nThe Ursulines. Of the more modern orders,\\nthere is also one which may seem to require\\nour notice that of the Ursulines. Its origm\\nis ascribed f to Angela di Brescia, about the\\nyear 1537, though the Saint from whom it\\nreceived its name, Ursula Benin casa, a native\\nof Naples, was born ten years afterwards.\\nIts character was peculiar, and recalls our at-\\ntention to the primitive form of ascetic devo-\\ntion. The duties of those holy sisters were\\nthe purest within the circle of human benevo-\\nlence to minister to the sick, to relieve the\\npoor, to console the miserable, to pray with\\nthe penitent. These clmritable offices they\\nundertook to execute without the bond of any\\ncommunity, without the obligation of any\\nmonastic vow, without any separation from\\nsociety, any renouncement of their domestic\\nduties and virtues. And so admirably were\\nthose offices, in millions of instances, per-\\nformed, that, had all other female orders been\\nreally as useless and as vicious, as they are\\nsometimes falsely described to be, the virtues\\nof the Ursulines had alone been sufficient to\\nredeem the monastic name.\\nBut it is very far from true, that these other\\nThis Rule occupies eight folio pages in Hospinian,\\nlib. vi. cap. 39. It professed to pi-oceed from the im-\\nmediate dictation of Christ.\\nt Hist, des Ordres Monast. Suite de la Trois.\\nPartie, chap. xiv. et xx. The historian enumerates\\nand describes thirteen congregations of Ursulines,\\nestablished for the most part in France and iu Italy, i\\norders were either commonly dissolute or\\ngenerally useless. Occasional scandals have\\nengendered universal calumnies. To recite\\nthe mere names* of those most lately founded\\nis sufficient to show that their professed ob-\\njects were almost always excellent and it\\nwould be as injurious to human nature, as it\\nis contrary to historical evidence, to suppose\\nthat those objects were instantly abandoned,\\nand made merely a cover for the opposite\\nvices. In the more secular institutions of the\\nother sex there was greater space for the ope-\\nration of evil passions. In those polluted\\ncloisters, the seeds of avarice were commonly\\nnourished by the practice of profitable decep-\\ntions, and the prospect of opulent benefices.\\nThe holiest contemplations were interrupted\\nby the voice of ambition inviting the most\\naustere recluse to dignity and power to ab-\\nbacies, to prelacies to the councils of kings,\\nto that predominant apostolical eminence,\\nwhence kmgs and their councils were insulted\\nand overthrown But into the cell of\\nthe female Devotee, those passions at least can\\nseldom have intruded, because they had no\\nobject there.f Without insisting upon any\\nSuch were the Religieuses Hospitalieres de la\\nCharite de Notre Dame, De Notre Dame du Refuge,\\nDe N. D. de la Misericorde, c. Orphan asylums\\nwere numerous as the Congregations of St. Joseph.\\nMany were founded for the maintenance and edu-\\ncation of poor girls many for the sick many for\\nthe penitent. In a description of the plague, in\\n1347, Fleury (Hist. Eccles. liv. xcv. s. 45) bears the\\nfollowing accidental testimony to female charity:\\nPlusieurs Pretres timides abandonnoient leurs Irou-\\npeaux et en laissoient les soins a des Religieux plus\\nhardis. Les Religieuses servoient les malades sans\\ncrainte, avec leur char^, et leur humanite ordinaire.\\nPlusieurs entre elies moururent, mais on les renouvel-\\nloit souvent.\\nt Some remarks have been suggested to us on this\\npassage, which we recommend to the reader s consid-\\neration premising, however, that the position in the\\ntext only affirms the moral superiority of nuns to\\nmonks, on the ground that some of the passions on\\nwhich the habits of the latter were formed, had no\\nobject to rouse them in the former.\\nI cannot help thinking (says an ingenious friend)\\nthat the argument implied in the words passions\\nwhich had no object there, is fallacious. Many\\npassions, if not all, will find objects, natural or un-\\nnatural. The danger of wandering, in the absence\\nof express revelation, from that knowledge of the will\\nof God, which may be collected from induction, is as\\npernicious to morals, as the a priori reasoning is to\\nscience. An institution preventing women from be-\\ncoming wives and mothers, was immoral (considering\\nthe natural evidence of their propensities) in the same\\nsense in which the opposition to the philosophy of\\nGalileo was unreasonable.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0333.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "326\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nnatural predisposition to piety and benevo-\\nlence, we may be well assured that the pre-\\ncincts of the convent were very fruitful in\\nthe exercise of both and whatsoever judg-\\nment we may finally form respecting the\\ncharacter of that influence, which monachism\\nhas exercised through so many ages on so\\nmany forms of society, we may pronounce\\nwithout hesitation the general purity and use-\\nfulness of the Female Orders.\\nVoltaire, in his Chapter on the Religious\\nOrders, after eulogizing the charities of the fe-\\nmale mstitutions in the noblest spirit of philan-\\nthropy, has remarked that those who have\\nseparated themselves from the Church of\\nHome have but faintly imitated that generous\\nvirtue. The taunt is undeserved. We did\\nnot lay aside our charities, when we dispens-\\ned with our vows we did not languish in\\nthe practice, when we rejected the profession\\nthe religious motive acts not less powerfully,\\nbecause the name is less commonly put for-\\nward and in as far at least as the tender sex\\nis concerned, there is not a district in our\\nCities, nor a village in our Provinces, which\\ndoes not profit by the unpretending, unavow-\\ned, enlightened benevolence of Protestant\\nUrsulines.\\nWe shall now conclude a chapter already\\ndisproportionate to the dimensions of this\\nwork, but far too contracted for the immen-\\nsity of the subject by a few obvious and al-\\nmost necessary observations.\\nGeneral Observations. Without recumng\\nto the less definite shape which monachism\\nassumed in the West during the fourth and\\nfifth ages, we may observe, that the three dis-\\ntinctive characters which, it afterwards adopt-\\ned were well suited to^e several periods in\\nwhich they successively rose and flourished.\\nFirst in origin were the Regular Benedictine*\\nCcenobites and they reigned without any\\nrivals over the consciences of the faithful for\\nabove six centuries. Those were centuries\\nof the deepest ignorance and superstition\\nwhich the history of Europe exhibits. That\\nOrder imitated the Oriental enthusiasm in\\nwhich the whole system originated it like-\\nwise inculcated moral severity, and exercised,\\nin a greater or less degree, both useful in-\\ndustry and virtuous benevolence. As it thus\\ngrew in reputation and temporal grandeur, it\\nWe do not here intend to distinguish between\\nmonks and canons, because both were Coenobites,\\nand possessed the same general characteristics, widely\\nremoved from the principles both of the Military and\\nthe Mendicant Orders still less between the Original I\\nand Reformed Benedictines. 1\\nextended and multiplied its demands upon\\nhuman credulity. The most extravagant spi-\\nritual claims were recommended by a great\\nparade, and by some reality, of devotion.\\nSpacious and imposing edifices, whence the\\nchant of holy voices was heard unceasingly\\nto proceed in solemn prayer, by night and by\\nday some practice of charitable ofiices\\ngreat superiority in manner and education\\nthe possession, almost exclusive, of the learn-\\ning of the age these advantages prepared an\\nuninstructed people to receive with blindness\\nany form of superstition, which their ghostly\\ndirectors might think proper to impose on\\nthem, and gave efiicacy to deception and im-\\nposture. And thus it proved, that, when su-\\nperstition had on,ce taken root in the soil of\\nignorance, it was nourished through so many\\nages by a much less proportion of moral and\\nreligious excellence, and scarcely more of\\nknowledge, than had been necessary to plant\\nit there. The most inactive among the forms\\nof monachism was found sufficient to hold\\nthe human mind, as long as it was uninform- i\\ned and unexcited, in servile subjugation. 1\\nThe next which rose were the Military Or-\\nders, and of these it is sufficient to remark,\\nthat they formed no regidar part of the church\\nsystem, but were the casual consequence of\\nthe Crusades. They were instituted, to assail\\nthe external enemies of the faith they were\\ncontinued, to repel their invasions, and defend\\nthe outworks of Christendom but they did\\nnot very long survive the cu cumstances which\\ncreated and sustained them. Indeed, the pro-\\nfession of arms in the name of Christ was so\\npalpable a mockery of the true spirit of his\\nreligion, that its permanence was scarcely\\nconsistent with the fundamental principles of\\nChristian society. An extraordinary occur-\\nrence could alone have given it existence, but\\nit could not possibly give it perpetuity.\\nAs corruption increased within the Church,\\nand ignorance diminished without it, heresy\\nbegan to spread widely, and the voice of\\nreason found many listeners. And then it\\nwas that a band of active and intelligent\\nemissaries was required for the maintenance\\nof the established ecclesiastical system. For\\nthis purpose the talents of the Dominicans\\nwere more especially serviceable. But smce\\na large measure of superstition still infected\\nthe lower orders, and none were wholly free\\nfrom it, the abstinent and ragged devotion of\\nthe Franciscans was also not without its use,\\nin exciting veneration towards themselves, and\\ntowards the Church, whose missionaries they\\nwere. Besides, the original Mendicants de-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0334.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "THE ESTABLISHMENT-OF NUNS.\\n327\\nnounced, with courage and vehemence, the\\nvices and the violences of the great. Their\\nclose connexion with the papal, or Guelphic\\nuiterests, placed thein in opposition to the\\nimperial domination, and thus made them, in\\ntheir political mediations, the advocates of\\nliberal and popular principles. But above, all,\\nthey were careful to provide themselves with\\nthat powerful weapon, which, from the days\\nof St. Augustine to those of the Crusades, had\\nentu-ely rested, and which had been very par-\\ntially employed afterwards. True eloquence,\\nindeed, is not commonly attainable but they\\npossessed and perpetually exercised that flu-\\nency of passionate declamation, which pro-\\nduced on the people all the effects of elo-\\nquence. It had even some advantages over\\nihe more chastised effusions of antiquity.*\\nIt derived its authority from the oracles of\\nGod the moral obligations which it urged\\nwere more directly subservient to human hap-\\npiness and its particular application in the\\nmouth of the Mendicants was very commonly\\nto a benevolent object, to negotiate treaties,\\nto reconcile party animosities, to stay the ca-\\nlamities of public or private warfare. Ac-\\ncordingly, the records of the thirteenth and\\nfollowing centuries abound with pi oofs of its\\nefficacy and its influence in political, no less\\nthan in ecclesiastical, transactions. It has\\nmoreover been mentioned, that the Mendi-\\ncants availed themselves with great address\\nof the peculiar learnmg f of that age, and ac-\\nquired uncommon dexterity in the perversion\\nof reason. Conversant, more than any others,\\nwdth the metaphysical subtilties of the schools,\\nthey well knew how, at the same time, to in-\\ndulge the sophistical and the superstitious\\nspirit of the age, and, by indulging, to nourish\\nboth. Thus they combined, for the defence\\nof papacy, the abuse of reason with the abuse\\nof rehgion and their genius and their indus-\\nA comparison in favor of the Mendicants is in-\\ngeniously drawn by Denina, lib. xii. cap. vi.\\nt Giannone even asserts, that the merit to which\\nthe Mendicants were chiefly indebted for the favor of\\nthe Popes, was their success in substituting the scho-\\nlastic, for the dogmatic theology and the study of an-\\ntiquity and history, so as to occupy the minds of the\\nlearned with abstract and useless questions and dis-\\nputes, and so many contrasti and raggiri, that no\\none not conversant with that art could confront them\\nwith any hope of success. It was indeed by such a\\nmethod of reasoning that the pretensions of Rome\\nwere best defended; and the Mendicants were bound\\nto defend them, since all their exemptions, and much\\nof their property, flowed directly from Rome for the\\nPope not uncommonly gave them convents belonging\\nto otlier Orders.\\ntry, by pandering to the existing prejudices,\\nprolonged the servitude and degradation of\\nthe human mind.\\nA Roman Catholic writer has observed,\\nwith a demonstration of pious gratitude, that\\nthe same God who raised up St. Athanasius\\nagainst the Arians, and St. Augustine against\\nthe Pelagians, and St. Dominic and St. Francis\\nagainst the Albigenses, deigned, in a later and\\nstill more perilous age, to call forth the spirit\\nof Loyola against the Lutheran and Calvin-\\nistic apostates. And it may be, that at the\\nmoment when Luther was writing his book\\nagainst monastic vows, the Spaniard was\\ncomposing his Spiritual Exercises for the\\nrestoration of other orders and the establish-\\nment of his own. It is only necessary for us\\nto observe, that the defensive system of the\\nRoman Church was completed by the institu-\\ntion of the Jesuits, though somewhat too late\\nfor its perfect preservation. And we may add,\\nin pursuance of our other observations, that\\nthat order was as justly accommodated to the\\nincreasing intelligence of the sixteenth cen-\\ntury, as were the Benedictines to the darkness\\nof absolute ignorance, and the Mendicants to\\nthe twilight of reason. But each, in their turn\\nof pernicious operation, though they enjoyed\\ntheir appointed range and season of influence,\\nwere too feeble to prevent the revival, to arresi;\\nthe growth, or to crush the maturity of truth\\nand religious knowledge.\\nSuccessive Reformations of the Monastic\\nSystem. If we regard the monastic system in\\nanother point of view, we shall perceive it to\\nconsist in a continual succession of reforma-\\ntions. The foundation of every institution\\nwas laid, as it rose out of the corruption of\\nits predecessor, in poverty, in the most rigid\\nmorality, in the duties of religion, of educa-\\ntion, of charity. The practice first, and next\\nthe show, of these qualities, led, in every in-\\nstance, to wealth and wealth was surely fol-\\nlowed, first, by the relaxation of discipline\\nnext, by the contempt of decency. Then fol-\\nlowed the necessity of reform and the same\\nsystem was regenerated under another, or\\nperhaps under the same name, and passed\\nthrough the same deteriorating process to a\\nsecond corruption. Again, the Reformed\\nOrder was re-reformed and re-regenerated,\\nand again it fell into decay and dissolution.\\nThe history of the monastic orders, when\\npursued into the details of the several estab-\\nlishments, presents to us an unvai-ying picture\\nof vigor, prosperity, dissension, followed by\\nnew statutes, and a stricter rule. A system,\\nof which the foundations were not placed", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0335.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "328\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\neither in Scripture or in reason, was necessa-\\nrily liable to perpetual change nor was it ca-\\npable of any other condition of existence, than\\none of continual decay and reproduction.\\nIf we reflect for an instant on the outlines\\nof Western Monachism, we observe, that the\\nRule of Benedict of Nursia had already fallen\\ninto great degradation, when it was revived\\nby Benedict of Aniane. The system then\\nflourished with extraordinary vigor but for\\nso short a period, that when, about the year\\n900, the Reformed Order of Cluni was estab-\\nlished, its founders deserved the glory of res-\\ntoring the ancient discipline; and that event\\nis jusdy considered as marking an important\\nepoch in monastic history. Again, within\\ntwo other centuries, we observe the younger\\nand more rigid Cistertians censuring the secu-\\nlar pride and luxurious relaxation of their\\nrivals. In the next age, it was proposed to\\nheal the disorders, or at least to supply the\\ndeficiencies, of the old system, by the super-\\naddition of the Mendicants, models of primi-\\ntive and apostolical austerity.* But even the\\nvery slight notice, which we have been able\\nto bestow on the history of the Franciscans,\\nhas proved how very early they fell into dis-\\norders, succeeded, though not repaired, by\\nreformation. Even the institution of St. Do-\\nminic was very far fi om securing the purity\\nof his children indeed, it was at no distant\\nperiod from their foundation, that a part of\\nthem assumed the distinctive appellation of\\nReformed Dominicans. (Dominicani Rifor-\\nmati.) By this process of contmual\\nchange and restoration, the monastic system\\nmaintained an influence, varying extremely\\nin degree, but never wholly suspended, over\\nthe nations of the West for eleven hundred\\nyears. That it did so, may well surprise us,\\nif we consider only the principles of its first\\nfoundation, and the monstrous and avowed\\nabuses, which at various periods infected it.\\nBut on the other hand, it was sustained by an\\ninfusion of much real piety and of many un-\\nquestioned virtues and it was prolonged from\\ntime to time by a series of judicious and sea-\\nsonable alterations, such as are able to give\\nThis was, indeed, to seek safety in the opposite\\nextreme, and by the entire renunciation of all tempo-\\nralities to exceed the severity of St. Benedict; but\\nthe disease at that time demanded a violent remedy.\\nThe choice for such an Order lay between bodily la-\\nbor and mendicity the latter was preferred, as being,\\nin name, more humiliating, and also more consistent\\nwith intellectual attaiiuBents, and the grand spiritual\\noffices of instructing the vulgar, converting heretics,\\nc.\\npermanence even to a feeble and mischievous\\nestablishment, and without which there is no\\nsecurity even for the wisest and the most\\nexcellent.\\nStill this last cause had alone been insufi^-\\ncient. It is not possible, that any policy of\\nChurch government could have upheld the\\nsystem so long and so triumphantly, if it had\\nnot possessed something not only plausible in\\nits principle, and respectable in its prefession,\\nbut also practical and profitable in its influ-\\nence on society. It would be ungrateful and\\nunjust to disparage the benefits which it has\\nreally confeiTcd on former ages, andof wliich\\nthe consequences may have reached our own.\\nAdvantages produced by Monachism. We\\nmay comprehend ,all the useful merits, which\\nhave ever been claimed for monachism, with\\nany shadow of reason, under four heads.\\n(1.) The earliest monks lived by the labor\\nof their hands; and the large tracts of waste\\nland, with which their houses were endowed,\\nwere brought into cultivation by their person-\\nal exertions. Even in the eighth and ninth\\ncenturies, when they became for the most\\npart clerks, their estates continued to bear\\nmarks of more careful superintendence their\\nserfs and dependents were more numerous\\nand more prosperous cities grew up under\\ntheir economy provinces were fertilized, for-\\nests and marshes were peopled under their\\nadministration. Nor is there any reason to\\nquestion, what is generally admitted, that the\\nvassals of the monasteries were rjHsed at least\\nsome degrees nearer to domestic comfort and\\ncivilization, than those of the adjacent baronies.\\n(2.) The earliest monasteries were very\\ncommonly consecrated to the discharge of\\nimportant moral and social, as well as reli-\\ngious, duties. That of hospitality, or the\\nentertainment of travellers and pilgrims, was\\ncertainly practised with great fidelity and in\\nages and countries in which inns and cara-\\nvanseras were yet unknown, and even the\\npersonal safety of the stranger was ill-secured\\nby law, it was usefully and benevolently insti-\\ntuted, that his reception and protection should,\\nin some manner, be associated with the ofiices\\nof religion. The worldly authority of religion\\nis never more profitably employed, than in\\nsupplying the defects of police, of government,\\nand civilization. And thus it proved, that,\\nduring the five or six centuries of confusion\\nMuratori shows that the use of inns, as places of\\nreception for strangers, was as late as the eleventh\\nor twelfth century. He throws great liglit on the\\nnature of the earliest Christian establishments for that\\npurpose, in Dissertations 37 aud 56.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0336.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NUNS.\\n329\\nand barbarism, which followed the subversion\\nof the Western Empire, the monastic system\\nbecame a powerful instrument in correcting\\nthe vices of society, and alleviating theii pres-\\nsure on the lower orders.\\nThe earliest donations, with which the\\nChurch was enriched, were for the most part\\nthe genuine unconditional fruits of supersti-\\ntion. But in somewhat later times, when it\\nwas discovered that the property of the\\nChurch was liable not only to spoliation by\\nlaymen, but to abuse by churchmen, the pro-\\nfusion of the pious admitted the admixture of\\nhuman motives, and was less than formerly\\ndirected to the support of the clergy, more to\\nthat of the poor and miserable. Accordingly,\\namong the ecclesiastical records of the eighth\\nand ninth centuries, no less than of those\\nwhich followed, we find many monuments,*\\nwhich prove the general application of a part\\n(and in some few cases the greater part) of\\nthe revenues of certain monasteries to the use\\nof the sick, the poor and the traveller. A\\nparticular building f appropriated to these\\npurposes was attached to many monasteries,\\nand was an essential part of the establishment.\\nThus, these religious institutions became the\\nchannel, through which the benevolence of\\nthe wealthy was communicated to the lower\\nclasses. And though the charity, which seem-\\ned to acquire sanctity by passing through that\\nmedium, may sometimes have been diminish-\\ned or perverted, there can be no doubt that\\nAmong- those produced by Muratori, are some\\nbearing the dates 759, 812, 790, 718, 721, 757, 764,\\n847, 825, c. A charter given to the monks of Mo-\\ndena, in 996, contains these words: Et doraum\\nHospitalem habeant, ubi secundum morem hospites\\nde decimis laborum suorum recipiant. Some assert,\\ntliat, before the middle of the eighth century, tiiere\\nwas no monastery in the west which had not an Hos-\\npital attached to it; and we have remarked that in\\nlater ages, that was, in at least one instance, the\\nvery foundation on which a new order was established.\\nWe might add that such was the origin of the Ordre\\ndu Saint Esprit at Montpelier and we observe that\\nin 1198, Innocent III. rebuilt an Hospital, which\\nhad been founded at Rome, in 715, by a Saxon king\\nfor the use of Saxon pilgrims.\\nt Some of these, called Matriculse, seem to have\\ncorresponded very nearly with our poor-houses. The\\nDomus Hospitalis was nearly synonymous: a Church\\nwas usually founded with them. We have an instance\\nof one of these built by Ansaldus at Lucca, in 784, on\\nthe condition that every week, twelve poor and\\nstrangers should be admitted to the table of the\\nChurch. There are abundant records of such esta-\\nblishments; but some of them were, in process of\\ntime, seized and appropriated by the lay-rectoz See\\nMuratori, Dissert. 37.\\n42\\nmuch of it reached its destination, even in the\\nworst ages of the church. In seasons of gen-\\neral strife and anarchy, the contributions of\\nthe pious found then* best hope of security\\nand usefulness in monastic hands and if the\\nsacred deposit was sometimes violated by the\\ntreacherous avarice of those to whom it was\\nconfided, a much greater portion was unques-\\ntionably applied to its intended purpose, the\\nalleviation of disease and misery.\\nIn the Eastern Church, the introduction of\\nevery variety of charitable establishment im-\\nmediately followed the reception of the Gos-\\npel. It was the work of Christian principles\\nand of Christian men and was closely, though\\nnot inseparably, connected with the monastic\\ninstitution. Two of the greatest patrons of\\nthat system, St. Basil and St. Chrysostom,\\nwere likewise the founders of hospitals (Nos-\\nocomia) places of entertainment for stran-\\ngers (Xenodochia) were early attached to\\nseveral Churches, and deacons appointed\\nto discharge their duties. But the monaste-\\nries of the East were at no period so enriched\\nby charitable deposits, as those of the Latin\\nChurch: for the monks in those countries\\nnever obtained influence so despotic over a\\nmore enlightened people and a more settled\\nform of civil government secured the wealthy\\nagainst the rapine, to which they were con-\\ntinually hable under the feudal anarchy.\\nBut it was not merely in respect to their\\ntemporal necessities that the people, and es-\\npecially the lower orders, were benefited by\\nthose establishments. Many blessings were\\nat the same time conferred by their religious\\ncharacter; many afilictions were consoled,\\nmany hopes suggested, many sins prevented,\\nby the exertions of pious monks. Those\\nbrothers, though exalted as a community,\\nwere not individually removed above the\\ncondition of the peasants, and they had com-\\nmonly the same origin so that the inter-\\ncourse was close and searching, and its ad-\\nvantages frequently reciprocal. There are\\nmany spiritual wounds, which are most eflTec-\\ntually probed and healed by a pastor, whose\\ncondition, whose associations and understand-\\ning, are not much elevated above those of the\\npenitent. A more perfect confidence, a deep-\\ner sympathy, is then excited, than when the\\nparties are widely separated in rank or intel-\\nlect. This advantage the monks in general\\npossessed over the secular clergy in the Ro-\\nThis is proved by the mere use of the terms\\nXenodochia, Gerontocoraia, Nosocomia, Orphano-\\ntrophia, Brephotrophia, Ptochotrophia, so familiar\\nto the writers of those ages.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0337.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "330\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\nman Church; and to this we may partly\\nattribute the superiority of their influence.\\nThat this influence was often abused, we\\nknow too well nor can there be any doubt\\nthat the intercourse which led to it has been\\nsometimes injurious. But during the better\\nages of monachiara, it is unquestionable that\\nthe blessings of that religious connexion be-\\ntween the monks and the poor were greatly\\npredominant.\\nIt is the boast of St. Bernard that those\\nwho had embraced the monastic condition\\nlived with greater purity than other men\\nthat they fell less frequently and rose more\\nquickly that they walked with greater pru-\\ndence were more constantly refreshed with\\nthe spiritual dew of heaven rested with less\\ndanger died with greater hope. And far\\nas the monastic practice has generally fallen\\nbelow its profession, we doubt not, that in the\\nearlier ages^ and especially in the infancy of\\ntheir several institutions, their inmates sur-\\npassed all other classes of society, not except-\\ning the secular clergy, in the exercise of mor-\\nal and religious offices. Devoted to the re-\\nlief of the poor, and the service of the sick and\\nthe stranger, they were so placed, that even\\nthe imperfect discharge of their charitable\\nduties conferred no scanty benefits on an\\nuncivilized generation. Among the millions\\nw^ho have entered religious houses, under the\\nmost solemn vows of virtue and piety, there\\nmust have been multitudes whose mere inno-\\ncence made at least some amends to society\\nfor their seclusion from its care and its temp-\\ntations; there were certainly many, whose\\nacquirements and indisputable excellence\\nthrew out a light and example to their con-\\ntemporaries and some there were, and not a\\nfew, whose eminent qualities were directed,\\nas steadily as the spirit of their age allowed\\nthem, to the honor and improvement of their\\nChurch to alleviate private affliction, and\\nmitigate the general barbarism.\\n(3.) From the earliest period, in the East-\\nern as well as in the Roman Church, the du-\\nties of education were intrusted to the monks.\\nIn process of time they became, in the latter\\nChurch, nearly confined to them, and they\\ncontinued so at least as late as the eleventh\\ncentury. Monastic schools were established\\nby St. Benedict they were inseparably at-\\ntached to his institutions, and spread, with\\nthe progress of his order, over the kingdoms\\nof the West and they were open to children\\nof the earliest age.* It would seem that, in\\nThis was peculiar to the order of St. Benedict.\\nHist. Litt. de la France, Siecle xii. p. 11. See also\\nthe eighth century, the cathedral or episcopal\\nacademies were first established and these\\nafterwards became the most distinguished for\\nthe rank and eminence of their scholars.\\nThey were conducted, under the superintend-\\nence of the bishop, by the canons of the Ca-\\nthedral. And here we need only repeat a\\nformer observation, that, if the office of in-\\nstruction was confined to the clergy, so also\\nwere its benefits, for many ages, to those in-\\ntended for the ministry. So that the advan-\\ntages which those establishments really con-\\nferred on the body of society were neither\\nimmediate nor certain while the power of\\nthe clergy, being unduly exaggerated by the\\nexclusive possession of learning, Was thereby\\nplaced upon a principle absolutely at variance\\nwith the highest earthly interests of man.\\n(4.) This subject naturally leads us to our\\nlast consideration the extent and character\\nof the literature, whether sacred or profane,\\nwhich was protected and nourished in the\\nmonastic establishments. On the first matter,\\nRoman Catholic writers do not hesitate to\\nascribe the veiy preservation of the pure doc-\\ntrine of the Church to the refuge which it\\nfound within those fortresses though it may\\nseem doubtful, whether that doctrine might\\nnot have been preserved with equal purity,\\nthrough ages too ignorant for controversy or\\ncavil, by the fidelity of the secular clergy. At\\nany rate, this praise can scarcely be granted\\nto the monks without some qualification. For\\nif it be true that, during the Arian controversy,\\nthey were the most zealous defenders of the\\nNicene faith, it is not less certain, that the\\nprinciples of Origen, and the mystical f in-\\ntei-pretation of Scripture gained great footing\\ni among them, and that not merely in the East\\nMabillon, Etudes Monastiques, p. 1. ch xi. The\\nsame writer (ch. xv.) enumerates several among the\\nearly Christian heroes, Gregory Nazianzen, Chry-\\nsostom, Epiphanius, Jerome, c. wlio studied for a\\ngreater or less time in monasteries. St. Basil, in the\\nfirst instance, established a school in his monastery\\nfor the reading of holy (as distinguished from profane)\\nhistories, and appointed rewards for superior merit.\\nNunquam de manu et oculis recedat liber, says St.\\nJerome; and it is from the same monastic student\\nthat we have received that much contemned precept,\\nne ad scribendum cito prosilias. Multo tempore\\nprius disce quod doceas.\\nSee Mosh. vol. ii. p. 55.\\nt This is said to have been, in the first instance,\\noccasioned by the substitution of mental prayer for\\nmanual labor. From the excesses of mysticism pro-\\nceeded the errors of the Beghards and Beguines, and\\nother enthusiasts of the thirteenth and fourteenth cen-\\nturies they strove after absolute perfection, and they\\nfell into fanaticism.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0338.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NUNS.\\n331\\nnor should the support which they persevered\\nin affording to the cause of the Images, during\\nthat long and angiy controversy, be forgotten\\nin any estimate which we may endeavor to\\nform of their pretensions to doctrinal or eccle-\\nsiastical purity. It is indeed unquestionable,\\nthat the externals of religion, so valuable to\\nthe Latin church, its offices, and ceremonies,\\nwere enriched and dignified by the monks\\nand canons. They acquired an imposing\\nsplendor from the number engaged in their\\nperformance, and the resources of their sev-\\neral communities. But passing over these\\nequivocal merits, we may mention one gi-eat\\nand truly incalculable service which those es-\\ntablishments conferred on future ages, though\\nthey neglected tO derive much advantage fi-om\\nit themselves. They preserved, through dan-\\ngerous and turbulent periods, ancient copies\\nof the inspired writings, and of the most val-\\nuable commentaries made on them in the ear-\\nliest times. And those were among the most\\nprofitable moments of monastic leisure, which\\nwere employed in multiplying the sacred\\nmanuscripts.!\\nThough religious houses were intended to\\nbe the depositories of virtue and piety, I not\\nof letters, yet letters were, to a certain extent,\\nencouraged there, as subsidiary to the grand\\nobject of the institution. It is shown, indeed,\\nby the learned author of the Monastic Stud-\\nFleury, Di^cours. depuis 800 1100. Mura-\\nlori, Dissertat. 56. The monks gained great advan-\\ntages by the introduction of chants into the service;\\nand this was imitated, in the ninth century, by the\\ncathedral clergy. Some rivalry ensued between these\\necclesiastics, and thus, coppit frequentius agi et au-\\ngustius procederedivina Res. Some modulation of\\nprayers and praises, they had indeed used from the\\nearliest ages but not with that plenitude and majesty,\\nwhich the chorus of monks and canons afterwards in-\\ntroduced. The organ appears to have come into use\\nabout the year 826.\\nt The great increase of MSS. during the eleventh\\ncentury, is to be ascribed to this monastic leisure,\\nand could scarcely be effected otherwise. And this\\nwas the first step, after the devastation of the four\\npreceding ages, towards the revival of ancient, and\\nthe creation of modern, learning. In the twelfth age\\nAve find St. Bernard inculcating the duties of writing\\nand copying as the best substitute for labor.\\nt The words of St. Peter, We have left all to\\nfollow Thee, are those, as St. Bernard observed,\\nwhich have founded cloisters and peopled deserts.\\nMabillon (Etudes Monastiques, p. 1.) proves the\\nprevalence of literary industry, in the monastic life,\\nby direct historical- evidence by the multitude of\\nlearned ecclesiastics who emerged from them; by\\ntheir libraries; by direct reference to the rule of St.\\nBeuedict. To the neglect of study he attributes the\\nies, that the earliest monks entu ely renounced\\nprofane literature, and confined their diligence\\nto theological works and contemplations the\\nauthority and example of St. Jerome confirm-\\ned that preference. But in later times, and\\nespecially when the practice of manual labor\\nfell into disuse, the limits of their studious in-\\ndustry were enlarged, and they gradually em-\\nbraced some department of profane science,\\nas well as of classical lore. The coirjpilation\\nof Decretals led to the study of canon law\\nthe discovery of the Digest directed attention\\nto civil legislation. The art of medicine pre-\\nsented a spacious field, which was made at-\\ntractive, first, perhaps, by its salutary and\\ncharitable uses, afl;erwards by the gain* which\\nfollowed it. The monastic establishinents\\nfurnished the leisure and the best existing in-\\nstruments for all those pureuits and, after\\nthe eighth or ninth age, they were distin-\\nguished by some efforts after knowledge, not\\nfruitless of beneficial effects and even of use-\\nfiil discoveries.\\nAgain, many of the most precious monu-\\nments of profane antiquity owe their preser-\\nvation to the sanctity of the monasteries, or to\\nthe zeal of their defenders. All these might\\nhave perished, as many, notwithstanding, did\\nperish, had there not existed, during the long\\nand barbarous anarchy of the Western Em-\\npire, certain communities, associated in the\\nname of religion for peaceful, if not pious,\\npurposes whose interests were opposed to\\nthe progress of disorder and rapine, and\\nwhose holy profession secured them some re-\\nspect from a lawless, but superstitious, people.\\nThe diligence which was employed in trans-\\ncribing those valuable models, while it pro-\\nmoted their circulation, could scarcely fail to\\ninfuse some taste or energy into the dullest\\nmind and it certainly appears, that during\\nthe eighth and ninth, and especially the elev-\\nenth ages, most f of the characters, who ac-\\ndecline of the several Orders, and observes, that re-\\nform was commonly attended by its restoration; that\\nacademies or colleges were invariably connected with\\nthe Benedictine establishments; and that both Popes\\nand Councils perpetually inculcated the duty of study.\\nA council held at Rheims, under Innocent II. in\\n1131, published a canon, prohibiting monks and\\ncanons-regular to study civil law or medicine; and\\nthe injunction was repeated by the Lateran Council in\\n1139. These occupations were on this occasion ex-\\npressly ascribed to avarice. And we may remark,\\nthat the prohibition was confined to the monks the\\nsecular clergy, in the entire ignorance of the laity,\\nwere permitted to practise both law and physic.\\nt Bede, Alcuin, Willibrod, c. were monks; and\\nmost of the Popes and Cardinals of the eleventh cen-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0339.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "332\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nquired any ecclesiastical celebrity, proceeded\\nfrom the discipline of the cloister.\\nHaving thus intended to give a general\\nview of the advantages w^hich the monastic\\nsystem has conferred on society, we cannot\\nfail to observe, that they are for the most part\\nconfined to ages of ignorance or turbulence\\nthat they were almost proportionate to the\\ndebasement of the people, and to the weak-\\nness or wickedness of the civil government.\\nThe former of those evils was somewhat al-\\nleviated, the latter was partially obviated, by\\nthe monastic institutions. Herein is compre-\\nhended the sum and substance of their utihty.\\nIn a civilized nation, under a just and enlight-\\nened rule, it is their necessary effect to ob-\\nstruct industry and retard improvement. But,\\non the other hand, if we consider them in re-\\nference to the times in which they rose and\\nbegan to flourish, if we compare the habits,\\nthe morals, the intelligence of the monks with\\nthose of their secular contemporaries, shall\\nwe not immediately admit, that in bad ages\\nthey were probably the best men that they\\nwere tlie most useful members of a disjointed\\ncommunity that their vicious principles were\\nless vicious than the general principles of so-\\nciety that they were in advance of the civ-\\nilization of their day If so and to us it\\nappears indisputable let us be cautious how\\nW8 cast unqualified censure upon a body of\\nreligious persons, who formed, for the space\\nof five or six centuries, the most respectable\\nportion of the Christian world.\\nSuperstitious tendency. At the same time,\\n%ve ought not to forget, that, even in those\\ntimes to which their utility was confined, it\\nwas continually obstructed both by the orig-\\ninal defects of their system, and its consequent\\ncorruptions. Almost from their first estab-\\nlishment, in the East no less than in the West,\\nwe find them the faithful defenders, if not\\nparents, of superstitious abuse. The adora-\\ntion of saints, the miraculous qualities of relics,\\nand the homage due to them, and, above all,\\nthe sanctity and worship of images, have been\\ninculcated with peculiar zeal by the monks\\nof every order, in every age of the church.\\nAgain, as they ever have been the patrons of\\nreligious abuse, so have they inflexibly op-\\nposed any general attempt at church reform.\\nReforms, indeed, in their particular establish-\\nments have been incessant. Such, again, as\\ntouched the discipline of the secular clergy\\nhave sometimes found support in the jealousy\\ntury rose from the ranks of the regular clergy. See\\nHist. Litt. de la France, xi. Siecle.\\nof the regular orders. But any exertion, tend-\\ning to the restoration of pure Christianity, has\\never found its fiercest opponents in the clois-\\nter and through such opposition many un-\\nscriptural practices have been perpetuated\\nboth in the Eastern and Western Churches.\\nOf course it is not intended to ascribe to them\\nall the corruptions of religion indeed, we\\nhave already traced the origin of many of\\nthese to a period preceding the creation of\\nmonachism. The vices of the clergy are\\nacknowledged in ecclesiastical records long\\nbefore the prevalence of monastic influence\\nand it seems probable even that the traffic in\\nindulgences finally so scandalous to the Men-\\ndicants, was begun by the bishops. But all\\nexisting abuses were carefully nourished and\\nfostered by the hands of monks and the ex-\\necution of miracles and other popular impos-\\ntures was conducted with peculiar ingenuity\\nand success by the inmates of the monastery .f\\nAnd we may add, that the lucrative system\\nof Purgatory was by them most zealously sup-\\nported, as indeed the wealth which flowed\\nfrom it was distributed for the most part\\namong those establishments.\\nIn early ages the monks were the subjects,\\nand, as it were, the army of the bishops they\\nmaintained their rights, they fought their bat-\\ntles, and profited by their protection. In the\\nEast this mutual relation long subsisted and\\nas the original monasteries were expressly\\nsubjected, by the Council of Chalcedon, to\\nthe bishop of the diocese, and as many were\\nindebted for their foundation to episcopal\\nmunificence and piety, the claims were just,\\nand the connexion natural. But in the Ro-\\nman Church it was violated almost by the\\nfirst movements of papal ambition.\\nExemptions, In the year 601, Gregory the\\nGreat :j: (himself for some time the inmate of\\nSee Mosheim, vol. ii. p. 420. We may remark,\\nthat the same author sometimes distinguishes the regu-\\nlar canons as more exempt from the vices which he so\\nindiscriminately objects to the other monastic orders.\\nt The Carthusians are stigmatized by monastic\\nwriters for inferiority in that power, if not for the\\nentire destitution of it. The consequence is, that,\\nhaving performed few or no miracles, they boast very\\nfew names in the calendar of the saints. See Hos-\\npinian, lib. v. cap. vii.\\nGiannone, Stor. Nap., lib. iv., cap. xii. Mos-\\nheim, seemingly overlooking this circumstance, is\\ndisposed to attribute the growing alliance of the\\npopes and monks in the eleventh century to the op-\\npression and rapacity of princes and bishops. (Cent,\\nxi. p. 2, chap, ii.) Doubtless there were instances\\nof this but the principle of the alliance was of much\\nearlier origin.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0340.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "MONASTIC WEALTH.\\n333\\na monastery) held a Council, in which were\\npassed many regulations favorable to what\\nthe monks considered their independence.\\nThay were permitted to choose their own\\nabbot; and the bishop was precluded not\\nonly from all interference in their temporali-\\nties, and all exercise of jurisdiction over them,\\nbut even from the celebration of the divine\\noffices in their churches. From this event\\n(if from any single event) we may probably\\ndate the undue aggrandizement of the mon-\\nastic order, and its increasing influence on civil\\nas well as ecclesiastical politics. But in inde-\\npendence it only so far gained, as to exchange\\na near for a distant master\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a petty tyrant, it\\nmight be, for an imperious but partial despot.\\nOne evil effect of this change was presently\\nfelt, the removal of the bishop s immediate\\nsuperintendence facilitated the progress of\\nabuse and licentiousness. The eighth and\\nninth ages were, in truth, the most triumphant\\nera of monasticism. f Whatsoever learning\\nthen existed was confined, or nearly so, to\\nthe convents and not only did nobles and\\nkings contest with each other the honor of\\nendowing them, but there were many who\\ntook refuge there in their own persons from\\nthe miseries and dangers of a turbulent world.\\nBy such secession they conferred the security\\nwhich they courted and additional .sanctity\\nseemed to suiTound the buildings which were\\ndignified by the retreat of great, perhaps even\\nof good, men.\\nAbsolute exemptions from episcopal au-\\nthority were for some time rare. The first\\ninstance was probably that of Monte Cassino,\\nwhich might be excused by its vicinity to\\nRome. But the example, though sparingly\\nimitated, was by no means lost on following\\ntimes and after the pontificate of Gregory\\nVIL, the abbots began universally to claim\\nthe immediate protection of St. Peter and\\nhis Vicar was seldom slow to accord it. In\\nprocess of time, entire congregations of mo-\\nnasteries (the Clunian, for instance, and the\\nOne of Charlemagne s Capitularies prohibited\\nabbots and abbesses from keeping fools, buffoons, and\\njugglers, for their amusement. But this implied no\\nparticular censure on the monastic orders, since we\\nobserve the same prohibition to be extended to bish-\\nops.\\nt Giannone, lib. v. cap. vi. The same have also\\nbeen considered as the grand periods of episcopal\\nauthority. Both may be true. For the monasteries,\\nthough in some cases, and to a certain extent, inde-\\npendent of the bishops, were not yet placed in rivalry\\nwith them; but they probably made common cause,\\nwhenever the general interests of the Church were\\nconcerned.\\nCistertian) were included in a single exemp-\\ntion so afterwards were the Mendicant Or-\\nders and finally the whole monastic body\\nacknowledged no other dependence than on\\nthe Pope alone. The abuse was at length\\npushed so far, that even a private clerk might\\nobtain of course by purchase exemption\\nfrom the control of his bishop. Undoubted-\\nly, during the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth\\ncenturies, the Holy See derived great power\\nfrom the sort of separate hierarchy thus es-\\ntablished and for the two following ages,\\nwhen ambition became less its ruling spirit,\\nand avarice more so, such exemptions became\\nthe means of abundantly gratifying the favor-\\nite passion. But in the excess to which they\\nwere then carried, they shook the foundation\\nof papal power, by inflaming the jealousy and\\ndisunion of the regular and secular clergy\\nand thus they mainly tended to promote, in\\ndue season, the rise of the Reformation, and\\nto facilitate its progress.\\nMonastic Wealth. Purgatory, Indulgences^\\nfc. At the same time, if the Popes were long\\nsupported and aggrandized through their close\\nconnexion with the monastic Orders, so were\\nthey very sedulous to return the favor, and to\\nenrich those Orders, sometimes at the expense\\nof the secular clergy, but more usually by\\ncontributions from the laity. In earlier ages,\\nthe profusion of kings and nobles abundantly\\nsatiated the avarice of every department of\\nthe church but when this spirit gradually\\nexpired, and new Orders vi^ere still every-\\nwhere starting up, professing poverty, and\\nclamorous for wealth, it became necessary to\\nopen new resources for their nourishment.\\nThese were easily discovered in the fruitful-\\nness of superstition. Purgatory presently as-\\nsumed a more definite shape and it was no\\ndifficult office for the priests, who created it,\\nto conduct its administration and economy\\nTheir power over the concerns of that state\\nwas believed on the same authority, which\\nhad establislied its existence. This grand in-\\nvention, with the devices of masses, indid-\\ngences, c., which flowed from it, extended\\nits influence from the highest even to the low-\\nest classes of the people; so that through\\nThe papal right to grant these exemptions does\\nnot seem to have been disputed. Yet it rested on no\\nbetter foundation than a confused notion, confirmed\\nand augmented by the Decretals, that there were no\\nlimits to that authority. We should observe, that\\neven in the East there were also instances of the di-\\nrect dependence of monasteries on the Patriarch but\\nthey were rare, and probably in faint imitation of\\nthe practice of the West.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0341.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "534\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthese means every condition of society be- 1\\ncame tributary to the church. The monks\\nenjoyed a very great share in the profits of\\nthis imposture. During the tenth and elev-\\nenth centuries, the reputation to M^hich they\\nhad ab-eady risen was so much augmented by\\nthe foundation and name of Cluni, that some\\nare disposed to date their triumph over the\\nsecular clergy from this period it is cer-\\ntain that the attention of churchmen was from\\nthis time more anxiously directed to their\\ntemporalities f than heretofore. After\\nthe institution of the Mendicants, the lucra-\\ntive I departments of the profession were\\nchiefly committed to their superintendence\\nand it was especially through their heedless\\nabuse of favors, as heedlessly lavished on them\\nby a succession of necessitous Popes, and\\nmost so through the public and confessed ve-\\nnality of indulgences, that the deformities of\\nthe papal system became generally acknow-\\nledged and execrated. These were the scan-\\ndals which, more than any of its pretensions\\nand impostures, awakened the indignation of\\nmankind. And thus it came to pass, in the\\nfulness of time, that out of the bosom of that\\nvery order which had been most instrumental\\nin supporting papal power, and corrupting\\nthe very corruptions of religion, the voice of\\nProvidence was pleased to call forth the great\\nrestorer of his holy church. While the Ben-\\nedictines were reposing in their luxurious\\nedifices while the Mendicants were openly\\nj)rostituting for gold the offices and pretended\\nsolaces of religion, the progress of knowledge\\nand the increase of corruption prepared the\\nfield of triumph for the Saxon reformer.\\nIt is probable that they far surpassed the secular\\nclergy of this time in austerity and even in real piety\\nof life, which was not, indeed, any very difficult tri-\\numph. It is certain that they now began to apply\\nnot only to study, but to business, which the seculars\\nalmost equally neglected. Hence the succession of\\nfive monks, who, during the eleventh age, governed\\nthe Church for fifty years; and to whom Mosheim, in\\nhis unqalified hatred for every thing monastic, attri-\\nbutes almost all its sins.\\nt Giannone (Stor. Nap., lib. vii., cap. v.) remarks,\\nthat censures and excommunications those spiritual\\nweapons which hitherto had been usually employed\\nfor the correction of sin were from this period\\nchiefly directed against persons who plundered or\\nalienated the property of the Church.\\nX It is worthy of remark that the French, in pur-\\nsuance of their constant determination to preserve\\nthemselves from pure papacy, strongly discouraged\\nthe acquisition of property in France by tJie Mendi-\\ncants, fairly objecting to them their unequivocal vow\\nof poverty.\\nCHAPTER XX.\\nHistory of the Popes, from the Death of InnO\\ncent III. to that of Boniface VIIL\\nThe ardor of the Popes for Crusades its motives and\\npolicy Honorius III. Frederic s vow to take the cross,\\nand procrastination Gregory IX. his Coronation he\\nexcommunicates the Emperor who thus departs for\\nPalestine Gregory impedes his success, and invades\\nhis dominions their subsequent disputes Innocent\\nIV. his previous friendship with Frederic Council\\nof Lyons various charges urged against Frederic In-\\nnocent deposes Frederic and appoints his successor, on\\nhis own papal authority Civil war in Germany in\\nItaly death of Frederic his character and conduct\\nhis rigorous Decree against Heretics Observations\\nOther reasons alleged to justify his deposition this\\ndispute compared with that between Gregory VII. and\\nHenry Taxes levied by the Pope on the Clergy Cru-\\nsade against the Emperor Exaltation of Innocent his\\nvisit to Italy and intrigues his death his qualities as\\na statesman as a churchman expression of the Sultan\\nof Egypt\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Alexander IV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Urban IV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Clement IV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nIntroduction of Charles d Anjou to the throne of Naples\\nGregory X. his piety, and other merits Second\\nCouncil of Lyons Vain preparations for another Cru-\\nsade Death of Gregory Objects of Nicholas II.\\nMartin TV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Senator of Rome Nicholas IV. diligent\\nagainst Heresy Pietro di Morone or Celestine V.\\ncircumstances of his elevation his previous life and\\nhabits his singular incapacity disaffection among the\\nhigher Clergy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his discontent and meditations\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his re-\\nsignation Boniface VIIL his excessive ambition and\\ninsolence on the decline of the papal power his tem-\\nporal pretensions Sardinia, Corsica, Scotland, Hun-\\ngary Recognition of Albert King of the Romans and\\nact of his submission Philip the Fair The Galilean\\nChurch origin of its liberties Differences between\\nBoniface and Philip Bull Clericis Laicos its substance\\nand subsequent interpretation Affairs of the Bishop\\nof Parmiers Bull Ausculta Fill burnt by Philip Con-\\nduct of the French Nobles of the Clergy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 of Boniface\\nBull Unam Sanctam other violent proceedings\\nModeration of Philip further insolence of the Pope\\nPhilip s appeal to the General Council William of No-\\ngaret Personal assault on Boniface his behavior and\\nthe circumstances of his death.\\nThe Church of Rome had now so habitually\\nstained herself with blood, as to be callous to\\nthe common feelings of nature, and insensible\\nto the miseries of mankind. For more than\\na century she had employed her power in\\npromoting the destruction of human life, by\\nthe most senseless expeditions: and as the\\nruinousness and vanity of the Crusades be-\\ncame more manifest, she seemed to redouble\\nher exertions to renew and perpetuate them\\nfor she thrived by contributions levied for\\nthis purpose, and by the property which was\\nthus thrown under ecclesiastical protection\\nand she gathered strength through the weak-\\nness of monarchs, and the superstition of their\\nsubjects. Again, after Innocent had succeed-\\ned in throwing an additional outrage upon\\nhumanity and reason, by converting the ma-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0342.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "THE POPES FROM 1216 TO 1305.\\n335\\nchine, which had been intended against the i\\nenemies of Christ, into an engine of domestic j\\npersecution and torture, it became more than\\never the interest of the pope to keep ahve a\\nspirit, which might so easily be made to de-\\nviate into arbitrary channels. And thus the\\nzeal for Crusades, which inflamed the breast\\nof Innocent, passed without any diminution\\ninto those of his successors. Moreover, it is\\nwell known how earnestly the holy See sup- j\\nported the interests of Frederic II. against\\nOtho IV., as long as the former was the\\nweaker party, and how zealously it began to\\nraise enemies against him, as soon as he be-\\ncame powerful whiFe the industry, with\\nwhich it renewed and prolonged the contests\\nbetween the Guelphs and the Ghibelines\\ncontests which lacerated the vitals of Italy\\nfurnishes melancholy proof, that its interests\\nwere even at this time associated with every\\nprinciple that is subversive of peace and bane-\\nful to society and that it pursued those inter-\\nests with callous, persevering, uncompromis-\\ning obduracy.\\nHonorius III. Innocent III. was succeeded\\nby Honorius III., a native of Rome, who for\\nfour years had been governor of Palermo\\nunder Frederic II. but the remembrance of\\nthat connexion was easily thrown off, as soon\\nas he rose from the condition of a subject to\\nthat of a rival. Frederic had made a solemn\\nvow to Innocent, to engage without loss of\\ntime in a new crusade and on his coronation\\nat Rome, in 1220, he renewed that promise\\nwith still greater solemnity to Honorius. In\\nthe year following, instead of proceeding on\\nhis expedition, he appears to have appointed,\\non his own authority, to some vacant see in\\nvirtue, as he maintained, of his royal right\\nin violation, as the pope asserted, of the liber-\\nties of the church. During the time consumed\\nin this dispute, Damietta fell into the power\\nof the Mahometans. In the year 1223, at a\\ncouncil held at Terentino in Campania, the\\nEmperor renewed his oath to depart, and that\\nwithin the space of two years and to give\\nearnest of his sincerity, he e.spoused the\\ndaughter of John of Brienne, King of Jeru-\\nsalem. In the year following, that he might\\natone to the church for his continued delay,\\nand evince to her the sincerity of his affec-\\ntion, he published some savage constitutions\\nagainst heretics, which we shall presently no-\\ntice. At the same time, in a long letter to\\nthe Pope, he complained of the general indif-\\nference to the cause of the Crusades, which\\nthen unfortimately prevailed throughout Eu-\\nrope. Some disputes with the Lombards\\nformed the next excuse for his delay and in\\n1227 Honorius died, still pressing the depart-\\nure of the monarch, and still pressing it in vain.\\nAccession of Gregory IX. Gregory IX.,\\nwho was nephew of Innocent III., was imme-\\ndiately raised to the pontifical chair, with loud\\nand unanimous acclamation. On the day of\\nhis coronation he proceeded to St. Peter s,\\naccompanied by several prelates, and assumed\\nthe pallium according to custom and after\\nhaving said mass he marched to the palace of\\nthe Lateran, covered with gold and jewels.\\nOn Easter Day, he celebrated mass solemnly\\nat Sta. l^Iaria Maggiore, and returned with a\\ncrown on his head. On Monday, having said\\nmass at St. Peter s, he returned wearing two\\ncrowns, mounted on a horse richly capari-\\nsoned, and surrounded by Cardinals clothed\\nin purple, and a numerous clergy, f The\\nstreets were spread with tapestry, inlaid with\\ngold and silver, the noblest productions of\\nEgypt, and the most brilliant colors of India,\\nand perfumed with various aromatic odors.\\nThe people chanted aloud Kyrie eleison, and\\ntheir songs of joy were accompanied by the\\nsound of trumpets. The judges and the offi-\\ncers shone in gilded habits and caps of silk.\\nThe Greeks and the Jews celebrated the\\npraises of the Pope, each in his own lan-\\nguage a countless multitude marched before\\nhim carrying palms and flowers and the sen-\\nators and prefect of Rome were on foot at\\nhis side, holding his bridle ^and thus was he\\nconducted to the palace of the Lateran.\\nThe first and immediate act of a pontificate\\nSee Fleury, Hist. Eccle. 1. 78, sect. 65, where\\na part of the Tetter is quoted. The actual restitution\\nof the territories of the Countess Matilda to the Ro-\\nman See, is by some ascribed to this Pontificate.\\nRaynaldus (ann. 1221, Num. 29) asserts, that the\\nimperial diploma existed in the Liber Censaum of the\\nVatican library apud Pagi. Vit. HoDor. iii. Sect.\\nXXX i.\\nt This description is very feintly copied from a\\nlife of Gregory IX. cited by Odoricus Raynaldus;\\nthe following is a specimen: Divinis missarum officiis\\nreverenter expletis duplici diademate coronatus sub\\nfulgoris specie in Cherubini transfiguratur aspectum,\\ninter purpuratam venerabilium Cardinalium, Cleri-\\ncorum et Praelatorum comiiilivam innumeram, insig-\\nnibus papalibus prsecedentibus, equo in phaleris pre-\\ntiosis evectus, per almse Urbis miranda moenia Pater\\nUrbis et Orbis deducitur admirandus. Hinc cantica\\nconcrepant, etc. etc. See Pagi, Vit. Gregor. ix., s.\\niii. Fleury, 1. 79. s. 31. There seems no reason to\\nbelieve, that these demonstrations of joy or ebullitions\\nof adulation exceeded the customary parade of the\\nthirteenth century.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0343.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "836\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nso gorgeously undertaken, was to urge the\\nrenewal of the Crusades, both by persuasion\\nand menace, at the various courts of Europe.\\nThe forces of Frederic were already collected\\nat Otranto, and, if we are to believe some\\nwriters,* the Emperor did actually embark,\\nand proceed on his destination as far as the\\nnarrow sea between the Morea and Crete,\\nwhen a dangerous indisposition obliged hmi\\nto return. It is at least certain, that he once\\nmore deferred the moment of his final depar-\\nture. The Pope was infuriated he treated\\nthe story of illness as an empty pretence, and\\nwithout waiting or asking for excuse or ex-\\nplanation, instantly excommunicated the Em-\\nperor. This took place on the 29th of Sep-\\ntember, within six months from his elevation\\nto the See and the sword of discord, which\\nwas drawn on that day, had no secure or last-\\ning interval of rest, until the deposition, or\\nrather the death of Frederic.\\nThe Emperor wrote several papers in his\\njustification, and among them a letter to Hen-\\nry III, of England, containing much severe\\nand just reproach against the Roman Church.\\nThe Roman Church (such was the substance\\nof his upbraiding) so burns with avarice that,\\nas the ecclesiastical revenues do not content\\nit, it is not ashamed to despoil sovereign Prin-\\nces and make them tributary. You have a\\nvery touching example in your father King\\nJohn you have that also of the Count of\\nToulouse, and so many other princes whose\\nkingdoms it holds under interdict, until it has\\nreduced them to similar servitude. I speak\\nnot of the simonies, the unheard-of exactions,\\nwhich it exercises over the clergy, the mani-\\nfest or cloaked usuries with which it infects\\nthe whole world. In the meantime, these in-\\nsatiable leeches use honeyed discourses, saying\\nthat the Court of Rome is the Church, our\\nmother and nui-se, while it is our stepmother\\nand the source of every evil. It is known by\\nits fruits. It sends on every side legates with\\npower to punish, to suspend, to excommuni-\\nSee Giannone, 1. xvi. c. 6. Slgonio seguito la\\nfede di Matteo Paris, il quale (ad ann. 1227, p. 286)\\nscrisse: Animo nimis consternati in iisdem navibus\\nquibus venerant plusqnam 40 armatorum mlllia sunt\\nreversi. But this passage more probably relates to\\nthe numerous pilgrims, who had actually sailed to the\\nHoly Land for the purpose of meeting Frederic, and\\nwho immediately returaed on not finding him there.\\nFleury makes no mention of his having put to sea at\\nall on this occasion; but Bzovius asserts per tri-\\nduum in mare provectus cursum convertit ac se neque\\nmaris jactationera neque incommodam valetudinem\\nf)ati posse asseruiu Ann. Eccles, ad ann. 1227.\\ncate not to diffuse the word of God, but to\\namass money, and reap that which they have\\nnot sown.* And so they pillage churches,\\nmonasteries and other places of religion, which\\nour fathers have founded for the support of\\npilgrims and the poor, x^nd now these Ro-\\nmans, without nobility and without valor, in-\\nflated by nothing but their literature, aspire to\\nkingdoms and empires. The Church was\\nfounded on poverty and simplicity, and no\\none can give it other foundation than that\\nwhich Jesus Christ has fixed. At the same\\ntime the Emperor continued to prepare for\\nimmediate departure, in spite of the sen-\\ntence which hung over him. The Pope as-\\nsembled a numerous Council, and thundered\\nforth a second excommunication and in the\\nspring following, without making any humil-\\niation, or obtaining any repeal of the anathema\\nunder which he lay, Frederic set sail for the\\nHoly Land.\\nFrederic IL in Palestine. If there had been\\na shadow of sincerity in Gregory s professed\\nenthusiasm for the liberation of Palestine,\\nif he had loved the name and birth-place\\nof Christ with half the ardor Vv ith which he\\nclung to his own papal and personal dignity,\\nhe would not have piu sued the departed Em-\\nperor with his perverse malevolence, he would\\nnot have prostituted the ecclesiastical censures,\\nto thw art his projects and blast his hopes.\\nYet he did so his mendicant emissaries were\\ndespatched to the Patriarch and the military\\norders of Jerusalem, informing them of the\\nsentence under which Frederic was placed,\\nand forbidding them to act, or to communicate\\nwith him. At the same time, provoked, as\\nsome assert, f by a previous aggression from\\nFrederic s lieutenant, he invaded with all his\\nforces the Apuhan dominions of the Emperor.\\nUnder these adverse circumstances, Frederic\\nmade a hasty, but not inglorious,^ treaty with\\nIn 1229, Gregory IX. levied an exaction of\\ntenths in England with so much severity, that even\\nthe standing crops were anticipated, and the bishops\\nobliged to sell their property, or borrow money at a\\nhigh interest, in order to answer the demand. Erat\\nPapa tot et tantis involutus debitis, ut unde bellicam,\\nquam susceperat, expeditionem sustineret, penitus\\nignorabat, Matth. Paris, anno citato. Mention is\\nmade of the continual, though secret, maledictions\\nwith which the Pope was pursued.\\nt Fleury, 1. 79, s. 43. Giannone, 1. 16, c. 6.\\nThe possession of the City and of the Holy Se-\\npulchre was secured to the Christians, while the Tem-\\nple (now the Mosque of Omar) which had already\\nbeen desecrated to the Mahometan worship, was left\\nin the possession of the Saracens: a fair arrangement,\\nwhich was misrepresented by the Pope and most ec", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0344.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "THE POPES FROM 1216 TO 1305.\\n337\\nthe Saracens, and instantly returned to the\\ndefence of his own kingdom a measure\\nwhich became the more necessary, since the\\nPope had issued a third excommunication,\\nreleasing his subjects from their oath of alle-\\ngiance.* We do not profess, in this peaceful\\nnarrative, to describe the details of military\\nadventures, or to trace the perplexed and faith-\\nless politics of Italy. We must be contented\\nto add, that some successes of the Emperor\\nled to a hollow and fruitless reconciliation\\nthat this again broke out (in the year 1238)\\ninto open war, which lasted till the death of\\nthe Pope, three years afterwards. The period\\nof nominal peace had been disturbed by the\\nconstant complaints and recriminations f of\\nboth parties. The perusal of those papers is\\nsufficient to convince us, that if both had some,\\nthe Pope had the gi-eater, share of blame and\\nwhile the style, which the prelate assumes, is\\nthat of an offended and injured protector and\\npatron, the language of the Emperor, though\\nnever abject, frequently descends to the bor-\\nders of querulousness and humility.\\nInnocent IV. The cause of Frederic gained\\nnothing by the death of Gregory, since he\\nwas succeeded by Innocent IV.| This ex-\\ntraordinary person (Sinibaldo Fieschi, a Ge-\\nnoese) had been distinguished as cardinal by\\nhis attachment to the person, if not to the\\ncause, of the emperor; and on his election to\\nthe pontificate, the people of Italy indulged\\nthe fond and natural expectation, that the dis-\\nsensions which blighted their happiness would\\nat length be composed. Not so Frederic for\\nhe was familiar with the soul of Innocent,\\nand had read his insolent and implacable\\ncharacter. To his fi-iends, who proffered\\ntheir congratulations, he replied, that there\\nwas cause for sorrow rather than joy, since\\nhe had exchanged a cardinal, who was his\\ndearest friend, for a pope, who would be his\\nbitterest enemy.\u00c2\u00a7 And so, indeed, it proved.\\nclesiastical writers, and restored to history by Gibbon\\nand Sismondi. Rep. Ital. chap. 15.\\nThe plea which he gave was because no one\\nshould observe fidelity to a man who is opposed to\\nGod and his Saints, and tramples upon his command-\\nments. A new maxim (as Fleury simply observes,)\\nand one which seems to authorise revolt.\\nt These disputes are related at great length by\\nFleury, liv. 81, sect. 32, c.\\nX On June 24, 1243. Celestine IV., in fact, in-\\ntervened, but died on the sixteenth day after his\\nelection.\\nSee Giannone, Stor. di Nap., lib. xvii., c. 3,\\nand various authorities collected by Sismondi, Rep.\\nItal., ch. xvi.\\n43\\nOn the occasion of an early and amicable\\nconference. Innocent refused to withdraw his\\npredecessor s excommunication, until Freder-\\nic should restore all that he was charged with\\nhaving plundered from the Church. The\\nmeeting had no result and Innocent present-\\nly repaired to France, and summoned a very\\nnumerous council at Lyons.\\nFirst Council of Lyons. As soon as the\\nmembers were assembled* (in 1245) Inno-\\ncent, taking his throne, with Baldwin, empe-\\nror of the East, on his right hand, began the\\nproceedings, by conferring the use of the red\\nbonnet on his cardinals f to the end that they\\nmight never forget, in the use of that color,\\nthat their blood was at all times due to the\\nservice of the Church. At the same time he\\nadorned them with other emblems of dignity,\\nin imitation of regal pomp and state, and in\\nscorn (as it was thought) of a favorite ex-\\npression of Frederic, that a Christian prelate\\nought to emulate the meekness and poverty\\nof the disciples of Christ. He then opened\\nhis discourse respecting the defence of the\\nHoly Land, and of other states at that time\\nendangered by the Tartar invasion,^ and con-\\ncluded with some general reproaches on the\\ncharacter and conduct of Frederic, that he\\nSee Giannone, lib. xvii., cap. 3. Sismondi, Rep.\\nItal., ch. xvi.\\nt Bzov, Ann. Eccles., ad ann. 1245. Giannone,\\nloc. cit. Pagi. vit., Inn. IV. sec. xxxi. investigates\\nthe question whether this digniiy was conferred at\\nthat time, or two years later.\\nX Besides the aflair of Frederic, to which our\\naccount in the text is nearly confined, the first Gene-\\nral Council of Lyons professed three grand objects.\\n(1.) To assist the Latin emperor of Constantinople\\nagainst the Greeks. (2.) To aid tlie emperor of\\nGermany against the Tartars. (3.) To rescue the\\nHoly Land from the Saracens. For the attainment\\nof the first of these objects, the Pope ordained a\\ncontribution of half the revenues of all benefices on\\nwhich the incumbents were not actually resident,\\n(a wholesome and admirable distinction,) placing a\\nstill higher impost on the largest; also of a tenth of\\nthe revenues of the Church of Rome. For the second,\\nhe exhorte i the inhabitants to dig ditches, and build\\ncastles. For the third, he commanded the priests,\\nand others in the Christian army, to offer up continual\\nprayers, moving the Crusaders to repentance and vir-\\ntue. Besides which he promised a twentieth part of\\nthe revenues of benefices for three years, and a tenth\\nof those of the Pope and his cardinals. He likewise\\nencouraged all who had the care of souls to influence\\nthe faithful to make donations by testament and other-\\nwise. The decree touching the levies of money dis-\\npleased many prelates, who openly opposed it, de-\\nclaring that the Court of Rome now perpetually\\ndespoiled them under that pretext.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0345.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "S3^8\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nhad pefSectrted the pontiiFs and other minis-\\nters of the Church of God exiled and plun-\\ndered the bishops imprisoned the clergy, and\\neven put many to a cruel death, with other\\nsimilar charges. The same were repeated on\\nthe next day of meeting, and supported and\\nexaggerated by the suspicious testimony of\\ntwo partial and intemperate prelates. On both\\noccasions they were boldly repelled by the\\nemperor s ambassador, Taddeo di Suessa.\\nAfter the delay of a fortnight, occasioned by\\nan unfounded expectation of Frederic s ap-\\npearance in person^ the council assembled for\\nthe third time and then, after premising some\\nconstitutions respecting the Holy Land, In-\\nnocent, to the astonishment and horror of all\\nwho heard him, pronounced the final and\\nfatal sentence against Frederic. He declared\\nthat prince deprived of the imperial crown,\\nwith all its honors and privileges, and of all\\nbis other states he released his subjects from\\ntheir oatb he even forbade their fuitlier\\nobedience, on pain of excommunication, and\\ncommanded the electors to the empire to\\nchoose a successor. He presently recom-\\nmended to that dignity Henry, Landgrave of\\nThuringia. For the kingdom of Sicily, he\\ntook upon himself, with the counsel of the\\ncardinals, his brethren, to provide a sove-\\nreign.\\nDeposition of Frederic. Frederic was at\\nTurin when he received the news of this\\nproceeding. He turned to the barons, who\\nsuiTounded him, and, with deep indignation,\\naddressed them. The pontiff has deprived\\nme of the imperial crown let us see if it be\\nso. He then ordered the crown to be brought\\nto him, and placed it on his head, saying,\\nthat neither pope nor council had the power\\nto take it from him. Most of the princes of\\nEurope were, indeed, of the same opinion,\\nand continued to acknowledge him to the end\\nof his life. And we may remark, that the\\nusurpation of Innocent was in one respect\\nmarked with peculiar audacity, lie did not\\neven plead the approbation of the Holy Coun-\\ncil, but contented himself with proclaiming\\nthat the sentence had been pronounced in its\\npresence.*\\nNevertheless, his edict found willing obe-\\nSaci-o proesente Concilio. Bzovius (Ann.\\nEceles., ad ann. 1445) gives the precious documenl\\nentire, prefaced, of course, with unqualified eulogy.\\nPagi, however, (Vit. Inn. IV., sec. xx.,) argues,\\nthat the approbation of the Council was implied in\\nits proceedings, if not actually expressed in the title\\nof the sentence\\ndience from the superstition or the turbulence\\nof the German barons. Henry was supported\\nby numerous partisans, and waged a prosper-\\nous warfare against Conrad, the son of Fred-\\neric and on his early death, William, Count\\nof Holland, was substituted by the Pope as a\\ncandidate for the throne. Innocent s genius\\nand activity suggested to him the most refined\\narts to insure success, and his principles per-\\nmitted him to adopt the most iniqukous. He\\neven departed so far from the observance of\\nhumanity, and the most sacred feelings of\\nnature, as to employ his intrigues to seduce\\nCom ad from the service of his father, into\\nrebellious and parricidal allegiance to the\\nChurch. That virtuous prince, rejecting, with\\nfirmness, the impious proposition, replied, that\\nhe would defend the side he had chosen to\\nthe last breath of life and neither the Pope\\nnor the Church gained even a temporary ad-\\nvantage by an attempt which covers them with\\neternal infamy.\\nHis death and character. The same indus-\\ntrious hostility which had kindled rebellion\\namong the German princes, was exerted with\\nno less effect among the contentious states of\\nItaly. The Guelphic interests were every-\\nwhere strengthened by the energy of Inno-\\ncent and the utmost eflforts of Frederic were\\ninsufficient to restore tranquillity to Germany,\\nor even to obtain any important triumphs over\\nhis Italian enemies. He died in Apulia, in\\nthe year 1250 and though he had never for-\\nmally renounced the title of Emperor, his\\ndeposition was virtually accomplished by the\\nedict of Innocent, since the rest of his life was\\nspent in uninterrupted confusion and alarm,\\nin the midst of battle, and sedition, and treason,\\nwithout any enjoyment of the repose of royalty,\\nand with a very limited possession either of its\\ndignity or authority. The character of Fred-\\neric nas been vilified by Guelphic writers, and\\nprobably too highly exalted by the opposite\\nfaction. In the conduct of affairs purely tem-\\nporal, he is celebrated for justice, magnifi-\\ncence, generosity, as well as for the patronage\\nof arts and literature. Familiar with the use\\nof many languages, and himself an author,\\nhe exhibited that disposition to cultivate sci-\\nence, and nourish every branch of Imowledge,\\nwhich is so seldom associated with great\\nvices. In regard to his long and comphcated\\ncontentions with the Church, it is unquestion-\\nably true that he violated, without any known\\nnecessity, certain solemn obligations respect-\\ning the time of commencing his Crusade,\\nGiannone, Stor. Nap., lib. xvii., ch. 4,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0346.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "THE POPES PROM 1216 TO 1305.\\n339\\nHis reluctance to engage at all in such san-\\nguinary and fruitless enterprises may be ac-\\nknowledged and justified; but his repeated\\nbreach of faith gave some reason to the Holy\\nSee for suspectuig his subsequent promises.\\nIt is also true that he exiled some bishops,\\nand imprisoned othei-s, and even proceeded to\\ngreater extremities against some individuals\\nof the inferior orders of the clergy and also\\nthat he levied contributions and imposts on\\nall classes of his ecclesiastical subjects.* But\\nthose who felt his rigor may probably have\\ndeserved it by moral or political misconduct\\nand it was just and legal f that the clergy\\nshould contribute some proportion to the sup-\\nport of the state. It may seem strange that,\\nwhile his adversaries heap upon him the bit-\\nterest charges of impiety and blasphemy, his\\nfriends persist in asserting the unalterable\\nfidehty and affection which he bore to his\\nmother church, the protectress of his infancy\\nthat he was ever eager to advocate her cause,\\nand promote her interests. In support of\\nthis singular pretension, it is advanced, that\\nhe was the inflexible and implacable extirpa-\\ntor of heresy. This fact, though urged by his\\nadmirers, is not disputed by his enemies. It\\nis faithfully recorded, that at an early period\\n(in 1224) he published three constitutions,\\nwhich aggravated the guilt and punishments\\nof heresy even beyond those of treason, and\\nplaced the temporal authorities at the disposal\\nof the ecclesiastical inquisitors. Those (he\\nHence (says Giannone) probably arose the re-\\nport, that he had commonly proclaimed his intention\\nof reducing the clergy to primitive poverty; so that\\nMatthew Paris, who, before Frederic s deposition,\\nhad always adhered to his party, as soon as he under-\\nstood that such were his common expressions, as he\\nwas himself abbot of Monte Albano (St. Alban s,)\\nin England, and wealthy and well beneliced, was dis-\\npleased with such a proposition, and so began to\\nchange his style, and to write against him, in a man-\\nner different from his former. Stor. di Nap., lib.\\nxvii., c. 4.\\nt Giannone pi oves that such had been the invaria-\\nble custom, at least in the southern provinces of the\\nempire of Frederic.\\nOne of these is the celebrated expression respect-\\ning the Three Impostors, then commonly attributed\\nto Frederic, though solemnly and publicly denied by\\nhim. Another is a tale, recorded by certain monks,\\nthat, when they requested him to spare their crop of\\nwheat, Frederic commanded his soldiers to desist,\\nand to respect those ears of corn, since some day the\\ngrains which they contained might become so many\\nChrists. Giannone, loc, cit., on authority of Simon\\nHanh, Hist. Germ, in Frederico II.\\nSeveral authors assert that, in virtue of a pro-\\nmise made to Innocent III., he established a perma-\\nordained) who have been arrested for heresy,\\nand who, being moved by the feai of death,\\nare desirous to return to the Church, shall be\\ncondemned to the penance of perpetual im-\\nprisonment. The judges shall be bound to\\nseize the heretics discarded by the inquisitors\\nof the holy See, or by othei-s zealous for the\\nCatholic faith, and to confine them closely\\nuntil their execution, according to the sen-\\ntence of the Church We also condemn\\nto death those who, having abjured to save\\ntheir life, shall return into error. We deprive\\nheretics, and all who abet them, of all benefit\\nof appeal and it is our will that heresy be\\nentirely banished from the whole extent of\\nour empire. And as the crime which assails\\nGod is greater than that of treason, we ordain\\nthat the children of heretics, to the second\\ngeneration, be deprived of all temporal bene-\\nfits, and all public offices, unless they come\\nforward and denounce their parents.\\nSuch were the measures by which an inde-\\npendent, and powerful, and (for those days)\\nan enlightened monarch, evinced his affection\\nfor the Church of Rome! Such were the\\nfavors by which he courted her friendship,\\nand sought to merit her gratitude by feeding\\nher fiercest passion by sanctioning the most\\nfatal of all her evil principles. It is true that\\nFrederic may thus have established some\\nclaims on the sympathy of the furious zeal-\\nots of his time but his indulgence to thase\\nchurchmen was no deed of friendship to the\\nChurch. To protect and foster the vices of\\na system, is to prevent its permanence, and\\npoison its prosperity; and if ever, during his\\nlong reign, he appeared as the real friend of\\nRome, it was the time when he least profes-\\nsed that name at the time when he exposed\\nher abuses, and proclaimed her shame, and\\ncalled upon her to repent and amend. And\\nassuredly, when he lent his obsequious sword\\nto swell the catalogue of her crimes, he was\\nalready preparing for his latter years the tem-\\npest which disturbed and tormented them\\nnor did it happen without the spirit of God,\\nthat his calamities were inflicted by that same\\nhand, whose darkest atrocities had been ap-\\nproved and directed by himself.\\nIt is strange, too, that among the four rea-\\nsons by which the Pope justified his sentence\\nof deposition, it was one, that Frederic had\\nnent Inquisition in Sicily in the year 1213. Stor. di\\nNap. loc. cit. This, however, is scarcely probable,\\nfor the Inquisition was not at that time permanently\\nestablished even at Toulouse.\\nFleurv, Hist. Eccl., lib. Ixxviii., sec. Ixv.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0347.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "340\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nrendered himself g*m*% of heresy., by his con-\\ntempt of pontifical censures, and his unholy\\nalliance with the Saracens. Thus, then, did\\nthat prince, according to the strict letter of his\\nown constitutions, become liable, on his con-\\ndemnation by the Church, to the monstrous\\npenalties contained in them.\\nDisputes between Church and Empire. An-\\nother, perhaps a more plausible reason, was\\nthis, that he had been deficient in that fidel-\\nity, which he owed to the Pope, as his vassal\\nfor the kingdom of Sicily for that claim,\\nhowever absurd in origin and principle, had\\nbeen previously asserted and acknowledged.\\nBut, in truth, when we compare the character\\nand causes of this second conflict between the\\nChurch and the Empire with those which\\nmarked the contest of Henry with Gregoi-y\\nVII. and his successors, we find it much\\nmore diflEicult to discover what was the spe-\\ncific and tangible ground of quarrel. In the\\nformer instance there existed one grand and\\ndefinite object, for which both parties perse-\\nveringly struggled in the latter, many vague\\ncomplaints and indeterminate offences were\\nadvanced and retorted but no single great\\nprinciple was avowedly contested, nor was\\nany one additional right or privilege acquir-\\ned or confirmed to the Church by its final\\ntriumph. Only the power and influence of\\nRome were made more manifest and other\\nnations were taught to tremble at the omnipo-\\ntence of the double sword.\\nThis leads us to remark another distinction\\nthat, in the contest with Henry, it was, in\\nreality, the Church of Rome which rose in\\nofiposition to the empire the spiritual, or, at\\nleast, the ecclesiastical, interests of the See\\nwere those most consulted and most promi-\\nnent in the debate. In that with Frederic, it\\nwas rather from the Court of Rome, that the\\nspirit and motives of policy proceeded. In\\nthe former case, the material sword was in-\\ntroduced as secandary and subsidiary to the\\nspiritual but in the latter, if the contrary\\nwas not actually the case, f at least the two\\nSee Sismondi, Rep. Ital., ch. xvi.\\nf In the year 1251, ChrLstianus, (or Conrad,)\\nArchbishop of Mentz, was actually deposed by Inno-\\ncent, for reluctance to use arms in the defence of the\\nChurch. He said, that the works of war did not\\nbecome the sacerdotal character; but that he was\\never willing to use the sword of the spirit, which v/as\\nthe word of God. The Scriptures had commanded\\nhim to put his sword in the sheath. Of this offence\\n(and no other charge is mentioned) he was accused\\nby the king and certain of the laity before the Pope,\\nand was immediately degraded from his See. Pagi,\\nInnoc. IV. 3 sec. xlvii.\\nweapons were so dexterously substituted and\\ninterchanged for each Other the one was so\\ncontinually presented under the holy sem-\\nblance of the other as to show the profi-\\nciency which the See had latterly made in\\nthe art of deluding the human race.\\nAgain the avarice or the necessities of\\nRome compelled her, during these disputes,\\nto a measure which, however expedient at\\nthe moment, was finally very injurious to\\nher that of levying taxes rigidly and gener-\\nally upon the clergy. It was not in England\\nonly (though there most successfully that\\nGregory IX. exacted from all ranks of eccle-\\nsiastics the tenth of their movables immedi-\\nately on his breach with the emperor and\\nevery one recollects with what repugnance\\nhis second requisition (in 1240) was admitted\\nby our clerical forefathers. From the mo-\\nment that the Pope was found so infatuated\\nas to publish a Crusade f against a Catholicr\\nThe pages of Matthew Paris abound with instan-\\nces of pontifical rapacity and insolence. See ad\\nannas 1244, 1245, 1246, 1247, 1250, 1252, c.\\nSometimes a legate h. latere was the instrument\\nsometimes the Mendicants acted as tax-gatherers;\\nand even Ireland did not escape their visitations. In\\n1247, the complaints both of the French and English\\nclergy assumed a formidable shape for that age. The\\nlasting effect was, that the former devotion to Rome\\nwas turned into execrabile odium et maledictiones\\noccultas. For all both saw aad felt that the Pope\\nwas insatiable in his extortions, to their great loss\\nand impoverishment. And there were many who be-\\ngan to question whether he had really received from\\nheaven the power of St. Peter to bind and to loose,\\nseeing how very unlike he was to that apostle. Re-\\nsokitum est igkur o iniqua loquentium, c.\\nand this as well in France aa in England,\\nt The same indulgences were promised to those\\nwlio armed against the emperor as against the sultan\\nand the apostolic preachers, under Innocent at least,\\neven pointed out the former as the easier and broader\\nroad to salvation. Sismondi, Rep. Ital., ehap. xvi-\u00c2\u00bb\\nFleury, Hist. Eccl., lib. Ixxxiii., sec. xxxiii. The\\nnobility of France, and the Queen Blanche, were\\nhighly offended by this measure of*Innocent, during\\nthe Crusade of St. Louis. The Pope (they com-\\nplained) is preaching a new Crusade against Christ-\\nians for the extension of his own dominions, and\\nforgets the king, our master, who is suffering so much\\nfor the faith. Let the Pope (the queen replied)\\nkeep those who go into his service; and let them de-\\npart, never to return.* The nobles also reprimanded\\nthe Mendicants who had preached this Crusade. We\\nbuild for you churches and houses we receive, nourish,\\nand entertain you. What good does the Pope for\\nyou He fatigues and torments you; he makes you\\nhis tax-gatherers, and renders you hateful to your\\nbenefactors. They excused themselves on the plea\\nof the obedience due to him. Here we dis-\\ncover the elements of the Gallicaa liberties.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0348.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "THE POPES FROM 1216 TO 1305.\\n341\\nemperor, and to feed his own temporal ambi-\\ntion by despoiling his faithful Catholic clergy,\\nthe minds of all reasonable laymen were start-\\nled and revolted by the former outrage, while\\nthe hearts of the clergy, being touched by the\\ninjustice of the latter, began gi-adually to close\\nagainst so rapacious a protector.\\nConduct of Innocent\u00e2\u0080\u0094 When Innocent re-\\nceived the news of the death of Frederic, his\\nexultation broke forth without restraint or\\nmoderation Let the heavens rejoice, and\\nlet the earth be in festivity for the thunder\\nand the tempest with which a powerful God\\nhas so long threatened your heads, are chang-\\ned by the death of that man into refreshing\\nV^reezes and fertilizing dews. It was thus\\nthat he addressed the clergy of Sicily, while,\\nat the same time, he prepared to reduce that\\nprovince, together with the kingdom of Na-\\nples, under his own immediate government,\\nand attach it in perpetuity to the dominions\\nof the Church. In pursuance of this project,\\nhe quitted Lyons, his constant residence\\nduring the uncertainties of the war, and vis-\\nited, in a sort of triumphal procession, the\\nGuelphic cities of Italy. He was everywhere\\nreceived with an enthusiasm which he had\\nnot merited by any regard for any interests\\nexcept his own and he is even supposed\\nsomewhat to have chilled the misplaced grat-\\nitude of his allies by the unexpected assertion\\nof some spiritual pretensions over themselves.\\nIn Sicily, and the south of Italy, he succeeded\\nin creating a powerful party but it was over-\\nthrown by the arms of Conrad and Manfred,\\nthe sons of Frederic. Foiled by force, the\\nPope had recourse to intrigue and he began\\nto treat successively with the kings of Eng-\\nIn a similar spirit of Christian forgiveness, the\\nsame Pope is related to have expressed his exultation\\nat the death of Grosstete, bishop of Lincoln. I re-\\njoice; and let every true son of the Church rejoice\\nwith me that my great enemy is removed.\\nAssuredly that admirable prelate had gone very far\\nin disaffection, not hesitating to denounce Innocent,\\nalmost with his dying breath, as Antichrist; For\\nby what other name are we to designate that power,\\nwhich labors to destroy the souls that Christ came to\\nBavel\\nt On the departure of the Pope from Lyons, the\\nCardinal Hugo made a valedictory address to all the\\npopulation of both sexes; and it contained the fol-\\nlowing sentence: Amici, magnam fecimus, post-\\nquam in hancUrbem venimus,utilitatem et eleemosy-\\nnam. Quando enim primo hue venimus, tria vel\\nquattuor prostibula invenimus. Sed nunc recedentes\\nunum solum relinquimus. Verum ipsum durat con-\\ntinuatum ab orientali parte civitatis usque ad occi-\\ndentalem. This is related as fact by Matthew Paris\\nAd ann. 1251.\\nland and France, with a view to bestow the\\ncrown of the Sicihes on a branch either of\\nthe one family or tJie other. In the mean-\\ntime, the death of Conrad revived in him the\\nexpu ing hope of uniting it to his own. Am-\\nbition resumed her sway and he broke off\\nthe imperfect negotiations. The kingdom of\\nNaples was agam thronged with his emissa-\\nries seditions were in every quarter excited\\nin his favor and even Manfred himself, in\\nthe belief that resistance would be vain, ad-\\nvanced to the frontiers to offer his submission,\\nand deigned to lead by the bridle the horse\\nof the pontiff as he crossed the Garigliano.\\nThis event, which seemed to secure to the\\nCourt of Rome the throne of Naples and Sic-\\nily, and thus to extend its dominions beyond\\nany limits which it had at any tmie reached,\\nor, till lately, aspired to, took place in the\\nsummer of 1254. The duration of this un-\\nnatural prosperity was even shorter than could\\nhave been predicted by the most penetrating\\nstatesman for before the conclusion of the\\nvery same year, Manfred had again possessed\\nhhnself of the keys of the kingdom. But In-\\nnocent did not live to witness this second re-\\nverse he had already expired at Naples,\\nin mature old age, and in the confident per-\\nsuasion that he had achieved the dearest ob-\\nject of his ambition, and that he died the\\nmost powerful prince who had ever filled the\\nthrone of St. Peter.\\nThe Character of Innocent IV. During a\\npontificate of eleven years and five months,\\nSoon after Innocent s death, (of which the exact\\nday, it is proper to remark, is disputed Pagi, Iim.\\nIV., sec. Ixv.) a cardinal had the following vision.\\nHe saw a noble matron, on whose brow the word Ec-\\nclesia was written, present her petition at the Judg-\\nment-seat, saying, Justissime Judex, juste judica. She\\nthen brought forward these charges against Innocent\\nIV. (1.) At the foundation of the Church, Thou\\ndidst give it liberties proceeding from Thyself; but\\nhe has made it the vilest of slaves, (ancillam vilissi-\\nmam.) (2.) It was founded to benefit the souls of\\nthe miserable; he has made it a table of money-\\ngatherers. (3.) It was founded in Faith, Justice,\\nand Truth; but he has staggered Faith, destroyed\\nJustice, and clouded Truth. Justum ergo judicium\\nredde mihi. Then the Lord said to him. Go and re-\\nceive thy reward according to thy meiits. And thus\\nhe was carried away. The cardinal then woke,\\nthrough the terror of this sentence, and shouted so\\nloud, as to excite the suspicion of insanity. Ista\\nvisio (continues Matthew Paris) (nescitur si fantas-\\ntica) multos perterruit et utinam cum efFectu casti-\\ngans emendavit. That it was generally propagated,\\nand perhaps believed at the time, is sufficient to prove\\nto us (if we needed indirect proof) what was the\\nsort of reputation which Innocent IV. possessed\\namong his contemporaries.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0349.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "342\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nhe had displayed all the qualities which con-\\nsummate an artful politician, and which dis-\\ngrace a bishop and a Christian. As a states-\\nman, he designed daringly, he negotiated\\nskilfully, he intrigued successfully; he per-\\nfectly comprehended the means at his dis-\\nposal, and adapted them so closely to his\\npuiposes, that his reign presented a series of\\nthose triumphs which are usually designated\\nglorious. As a churchman, he bade defiance\\nto the best principles of his religion he set\\nat nought the common feelings of humanity.\\nThe spiritual guide to eternal life, he had no\\nfixed motive of action, except vulgar temporal\\nambition. The servant of the servants of\\nGod, he rejected with scorn the humiliation\\nof Frederic, f and spurned a suppliant empe-\\nror, who had been his friend. And lastly,\\nwhen the infant son of Conrad was presented\\n*o his tutelary protection by a dying father,\\nthe prayer was haughtily refused and the\\nfather of all Christians, and the protector of\\nall orphans, hastened to usurp the hereditary\\nrights of a Christian child and orphan. These\\ncircumstances duly considered, with every\\nallowance for times and prejudices, seem,\\nindeed, almost to justify the expression of the\\nsultan of Egypt, in his answer to a letter of\\nInnocent the taunt of a Mussulman addres-\\nsed to Christ s vicar upon earth; We have\\nreceived your epistle, and listened to your en-\\nvoy he has spoken to us of Jesus Christ\\nwhom we know better than you know, and\\nwhom we honor more than you honor him. I\\nAlexander IV. Alexander IV. succeeded\\nto the chair, to the passions, and to the pro-\\njects of Innocent and it was the leading ob-\\nject of his reign of six years to maintain or\\nWe should mention, however, that the fall of\\nFrederic is not wholly attributable to Innocent s in-\\nfluence. A very strong republican and anti-imperial\\nspirit previously prevailed in many, especially the\\nnorthern, cities of Italy, which the Pope could not\\nhave created, though he very well knew how to avail\\nhimself to it. Another remark we may hei-e make\\nthat Innocent was much more successful in foment-\\ning seditions, and making parties in foreign states,\\nthan in securing the subordination of his own capital.\\nThere were few cities in Italy where he had less\\ninfluence than at Rome; which may account for his\\ncontinual absence from it. See Sismondi, Rep. Ital.,\\nchap, xviii. Matthew Paris, Hist. Anglise, ann.\\n1254.\\nf Sismondi, Rep. Ital., chap. xvii.\\nX De quo Christo plus scimus qua.m vos sciatis, et\\nmagnificamuseum plusquam vos magnificatis. Bzov.,\\nAnn. Eccles., ad ann. 1264. Matthew Paris, Hist,\\nad ann. eundem. The letter is a very sensible com-\\nposition, and deals very directly with the subjects on\\nwhich it treats.\\nrecover the temporal possession of the king-\\ndom of Manfred. But he possessed neither\\nthe firmness of character nor the various tal-\\nents necessary for success. The machine,\\nwhich had not always moved obediently even\\nto the hand of Innocent, seemed to lose, in\\nhis feebler grasp, all the elasticity of its action\\nand it became evident, before the end of his\\nj pontificate, that the sceptre of Naples and\\nSicily was not destined to a bishop of Rome.\\nj At the same time, Alexander was celebrated\\nI for the exercise of some of those virtues,\\nwhich were not found in his predecessor\\nfor earnestness of piety, or, at least, for assid-\\nuity in prayer, and the strict observance of\\nChurch regulations. The favors which he\\nbestowed upon the Mendicant orders will\\nprove his zeal, indeed, rather than the wisdom\\nof his policy. But the Crusade which he\\npreached, from whatsoever motive, against\\nEccelino, the tyrant, was almost justified by\\nthe crimes of that miscreant for though a war\\nproclaimed in the name of God is, in most\\ninstances, only wickedness cloaked by blas-\\nphemy, yet we may view it with some indul-\\ngence, when it is directed against the convicted\\nenemy of mankind.\\nIJrhan IV. and Clement IV. For the seven\\nfollowing years (from 1261 to 1268) the chair\\nwas occupied by two Frenchmen, Urban IV.\\nand Clement IV., who have obtained an emi-\\nnent place in civil as well as ecclesiastical his-\\ntory, by the introduction of Charles of Anjou\\nto the throne of Naples. Whether from per-\\nsonal hostility to the actual occupant of that\\nthrone, or from ecclesiastical rancor against\\nthe son of Frederic, or from a political de-\\ntermination to cut off all connexion between\\nthe south of Italy and the empire, or from all\\nthese causes united, the holy See, by whom-\\nsoever administered, did not remit or relax its\\nexertions for the expulsion of Manfred. The\\nnegotiations with the court of France, which\\nInnocent IV. had commenced and interrupted,\\nwere renewed and concluded by Urban IV.\\nand during the following reign of Clement,\\nthe Crusade against a legitimate and vhtuous\\nmonarch was completed with the most san-\\nguinary success. The brother of St. Louis\\nsupported his usurpation by the same merci-\\nless sword which had achieved it and the\\nhistorians of Italy still recount, with tears of\\nAlexander IV. is thus characterized by Matthew\\nParis; Sa*.is benignus et bene religiosus; assiduus\\nin orationibus, in abstinentia strenuus, sed sibilis\\nadulantium seducibilis et pravis avarorum suggestion-\\nibus inclinitivus. Pagi is very much offended by the\\nqualification of the praise.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0350.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "THE POPES FROM 1216 TO 1305.\\n343\\nindignation, the more than usual horrors of\\nthe French invasion.\\nBut, however strong this Pope s nationality-\\nmay have been, it did not cause him to forget\\nhis papal interests. The conditions which he\\nexacted from Charles, on investing him with\\nthe crown of Naples, contained most of the\\nclaims then in dispute between kings and\\npopes, such as the unqualified appointment\\nto vacant sees, the exclusive care of the tem-\\nporalities during vacancy, and even the aboli-\\ntion of all pretensions rising from the regalia.*\\nGregory X. On the death of Clement, tlie\\nSee was vacant, through the disunion of the\\ncardinals, for nearly three years. At length,\\nin 1271, an Italian, a native of Piacenza, was\\nelected, and assumed the name of Gregory X.\\na person (says Fleury) f of little learning,\\nbut of great experience in secular affairs, and\\nmore given to the distribution of alms, than\\nthe amassing of riches. He was in the Holy\\nLand at the tijne of his appointment and as\\nhe returned with a keen and recent impres-\\nsion of its sufferings, and with an enthusiasm\\nfreshly kindled by that spectacle, the first act\\nof his pontificate was directed to the revival\\nof the crusading ardor; and the same con-\\ntinued to the end of his life to be the favorite\\nobject of his exertions. He was successful,\\nbecause he was sincere. Those, who cared\\nnot for his reasoning, listened to his disinter-\\nested supplications those who were not in-\\nflamed by his enthusiasm, still respected and\\nloved it. It was no longer against a Christian\\nsectarian, or a Catholic Emperor and his per-\\nsecuted race, that the monarchs of Europe\\nwere called upon to arm it was no longer\\nfor the peculiar aggrandizement of the Court\\nor Church of Rome, that the father of Chris-\\ntians summoned them to battle they had\\nSee Giannoae, Stor. di Nap., lib. xix., cap. v.\\nIn a Bull, dated in 1266, he declared that the dispo-\\nsition of all benefices rightfully belonged to the Pope.\\nThe claims of the princes were supported by a decree\\nof the Council of Lyons. See Dupin, Siecle xiii\\nsec. X. That author observes generally that com-\\nEaendanis of benefices, and the distinction between\\nsimple benefices and those with cure of souls, were\\nthe introduction of this age; and that the jurisdic-\\ntion, privileges, and immunities of the clergy, were\\nthus extended as far as possible. Pluralities were\\nstrictly prohibited, and commonly enjoyed. On the\\nother hand, ecclesiastics were compelled to contri-\\nbute, not only to the real or pretended necessities of\\nthe church, but frequently, under one pretext or other,\\nto the exigences of the state. Hence their murmurs\\nand discontent. The possession and enjoyment was\\nihe habit and the right the contribution was novel\\nand vexatious.\\nt Hist. Eccl., lib. Ixxxvi. sec. xvii.\\nalready learnt to distinguish between the in-\\nterests of the Vatican and the honor of Christ\\nand the magic which a spiritual Pope had so\\nlong exei-cised over the human mind, lost\\nmuch of its fascination and power, as soon as\\nhe degenerated into a temporal prince.\\nBut Gregory X. had higher and less am-\\nbiguous claims on the gratitude of Christen-\\ndom than any zeal for the deliverance of Pal-\\nestine could possibly give him. He labored\\nto compose the dissensions of his distracted\\ncountry^ to heal the wounds which had been\\nso wantonly inflicted by the selfish ambition\\nof his predecessors. He interposed, impar-\\ntially, and therefore not vainly, to reconcile\\nthe opposite factions of Guelphs and Ghibe-\\nlines and exhibited to them the new and\\nvenerable spectacle of a pacific Pope. He in-\\nterposed too in the affairs of the empire but\\nit was again for the purpose of terminating a\\ndivision which threatened the peace of Ger-\\nmany and he proved the sincerity of his in-\\ntention by confirming the election of Rodolph,\\nwho had secured and deserved the affections\\nof his people. Another project, on which he\\nwas bent with like earnestness, had the same\\nrespectable character, the reconciliation of\\nthe Greek and Latin Churches and in this\\ndifficult affuii* he also obtained a complete\\n(though very transient) success, by the con-\\ncessions of the Emperor Michael, and the\\ntemporary or nominal submission of his\\nChurch.\\nThe Second Council of Lyons. It was at\\nthe second Council of Lyons, that the deputies\\nLeonardus Aretinus (Histor. Florent. lib. iii. p.\\n48, edit. Argent, 1610) bears ample testimony to the\\nsanctity and pacific character of Gregory, and details\\nthe circumstances of his attempt to reconcile parties\\nat Florence. The following is given as part of his\\naddress to the citizens: Quae est igitur hjec tam\\npraepotens causal Quod Guelphus est (inquit) aut\\nGibellinus nomina ne ipsis quidem qui ilia proferunt\\nnota! Ea nimirum causa est cur eives necantur, do-\\nmus incenduntur, evertitur patria, sititur proximi\\nsanguis. Oh puerilem stultitiam oh amentiam non\\nferendam Gibellinus est ^at Christianus, at civis,\\nat proximus, at consanguineus. Ergo heec tot et tam\\nvalida conjunctionis nomina Gibellinis succumbent\\nEt id unum atque inane nomen (nam quid significet\\nnemo intelligit) plus valebit ad odium, quara ista\\nomnia tam praeclara et tam solida et expressa ad cari-\\ntatem, c. These sentiments (the historian adds)\\nwere grateful to the multitude, but displeased the\\naristocracy. The Pope was then obliged to lay the\\ncity under an interdict; and his admirable intentions\\ninvolved him in an obstinate contest with the nobles.\\nBut any doubts which migjit still remain respecting\\nhis sanctity were removed (as Leonardus gravely\\nasserts) by the numerous piracies performed at his\\ntomb.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0351.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "344\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nof the East presented their faithless homage\\nto the Roman pontiff. But that prelate had\\ntwo other, and, perhaps, dearer objects, in the\\nsummoning of that vast assembly.* The one\\nwas to complete the preparations for this long-\\nprojected Crusade the other was the worthier\\nof his wisdom, and even of his piety to re-\\nform the obnoxious abuses of his Church. In\\nthe course of the six sessions of the Council,\\nthirty-one constitutions were enacted for the\\nbetter administration of the Church, and they\\ndid honor at least to the intentions of those\\nwho promulgated them. Some eight or ten\\nof these related to the election of bishops\\nseveral others to cures and benefices, to the\\ndiscipline or temporalities of the Church.\\nAnother (the 21st) was levelled against the\\nunlimited growth of Mendicant orders; dis-\\nbanding all, which had not formally received\\nthe papal confirmation, and discouraging the\\nfoundation of others. But that among the\\nacts of this assembly, which was at the time\\nthe most celebrated, and perhaps in effect tlie\\nmost permanent, was the law which regulated\\nthe method of papal election, by severe re-\\nstraints imposed upon the conclave.f It was\\nthen enacted, that the cardinals should be\\nlodged in one chamber, without any separa-\\ntion of wall or curtain, or any issue that the\\nchamber should be so closed on every side,\\nas to leave no possibility of entrance or exit.\\n*No one shall approach them or address them\\nprivately, unless with the consent of all pres-\\nent, and on the business of the election. The\\nconclave (properly the name of the chamber)\\nshall have one window, through which neces-\\nsary food may be admitted, without there be-\\ning space for the human body to enter. And\\nif (which God forbid) in three days after their\\nentrance they shall not yet have come to a\\ndecision, for the fifteen following days they\\nshall be contented with a single dish, as well\\nfor dinner as for supper. But after these\\nfifteen days they shall have no other nourish-\\nment than bread, wine and water, until the\\nelection shall be made. During the election.\\nFive hundred bishops, seventy mitred abbots,\\nand a thousand inferior clergy and theologians com-\\nposed this Council, assembled in 1274. The legates\\nof Michael the Greek Emperor, and of the King of\\nthe Tartars were present. Also the ambassadors of\\nFrance, Germany, England, Sicily, c., and one\\nPrince, James of Arragon. Pagi, Greg, x., s. xxv.\\nt Pagi, Vit. Greg. X. sect. xli. Fleury, llv.\\nIxxxvi., sect. xlv. It was quite obvious that, as men\\nand cardinals are constituted, these regulations could\\nnot be enforced rigorously. But with some modifi-\\ncations they subsist even to this moment.\\nthey shall receive nothing from the apostol-\\nical chamber, nor any other revenues of the\\nRoman Church.\\nIntended Crusade^ and Death of Gregory.\\nThe expedition to Palestine gave promise of\\nthe most favorable issue. The Emperor Ro-\\ndolph had engaged to conduct it Philip the\\nHardy, King of France, Edward of England,\\nJames of Arragon, and Charles of Sicily, had\\npledged their faith to attend it supplies had\\nbeen secured by the universal imposition of a\\ntax on Ecclesiastical property and the fol-\\nlowing year was devoted to the necessary\\npreparations. At the end of that year,* before\\none galley had departed, or perhaps one sol-\\ndier embarked, the Pope himself fell sick and\\ndied. From that moment (says Sismondi)\\nthe kings into whbm he had inspired his en-\\nthusiasm, renounced their chivalrous projects\\nthe Greeks returned to their schisms, and the\\nCatholics, divided afresh, turned against each\\nother those arms which they had consecrated\\nto the deliverance of Palestine.\\nJVicholas III. The short reigns of Innocent\\nv., Adrian V. and John XXI,, were not dis-\\ntinguished by any memorable event. Nich-\\nolas III., a Roman of the family of theUrsini,\\nsucceeded in 1277, and devoted himself with\\ngreat prudence and success, not so much to\\nenlarge the temporal edifice of his church, as\\nto secure the foundations on which it stood.\\nFor that purpose he resumed some negotia-\\ntions, commenced by Gregory X. at Lyons,\\nwith Rodolph, King of the Romans, and\\nbrought them to so fortunate a termination,\\nthat that prince finally satisfied all the dona-\\ntions of preceding Emperors, and recognised\\nthe cities of the ecclesiastical states, as being\\nabsolutely independent of himself, and owing\\ntheir entire allegiance to the Pope. Nicholas\\nhad another object of jealousy in the increas-\\ning power of Charles, King of Sicily, and he\\nhad the address f to engage that prince to re-\\nsign two very important dignities, which he\\nhad probably acquhed through the subservi-\\nence of Clement IV. One was the office of\\nImperial Vicar-general in Tuscany the other\\nwas that of Senator of Rome. We have al-\\nready had occasion to mention the inefficacy\\nof the Pope s civil authority in his own capi-\\ntal and this had lately been subjected even\\nto additional insult by the frequent appoint-\\nIn January, 1276.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f The art with which he played off the Emperor\\nand King of Sicily against each otlier, until he ob-\\ntained all that he required from both, was worthy of\\nthe most refmed ages of papal diplomacy. See Sis-\\nmondi, Rep. Ital. cliap. xxii. ann. 1277, 1278.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0352.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "THE POPES FROM 1216 TO 1305.\\n345\\nmerit of foreigners to the highest offices.\\nPope Nicholas pubhshed a constitution to\\nprevent the recurrence of this evil, and to\\nlimit the time of possession to one year.\\nIt is worth remarking, that, in defence of\\nhis temporal sovereignty, as well over the\\nstates, as over the city, of Rome, he appealed\\nto the immovable foundations on which he\\nconceived them to rest. In favor of the first,\\nhe pleaded the donations of Lewis the Meek,\\nand the confirmations of Otho I. and St.\\nHenry in favor of the second, the Dona-\\ntion of Constantino and he maintained, that\\nthe temporal power of the Pope and his\\nCardinals was absolutely necessary for the\\nfree exercise of then spiritual functions. He\\nreigned only two years and nine months he\\nis commonly described as possessing many\\ngood qualities and we read of no other seri-\\nous charge against him, than that he heaped\\nupon his greedy relatives and connexions the\\nmost splendid benefices of the church, with\\nunmerited and shameless profusion.\\nMartin IF. The King of Sicily was suc-\\ncessful in procuring the election of a French-\\nman, Martin IV., who is chiefly remarkable\\nin history for his entire subservience to the\\ninterests of his patron. In violation of both\\nthe clauses of the constitution of Nicholas, he\\naccepted the office of Senator, and held it for\\nlife. As this was the first instance of such\\ncondescension on the part of St. Peter s suc-\\ncessors, it has not escaped the notice of the\\nhistorian. And if indeed the claims on the\\ntemporal sovereignty of Rome, which they\\nhad asserted for above two centuries, had\\nbeen well founded, it would have been a\\nstrange and unprecedented degradation for a\\nsovereign prince to exercise a simple magis-\\ntracy in his own city, f But Martin was\\nprobably less disposed to examine the remote\\nand general question of right, than to avail\\nhimself of the substantial power thus firmly\\nvested in his own person.\\nHe enjoyed his dignity for a very short time.\\nFleiirj liv. Ixxxvii., sect. xv. and xvi.\\nt Sismondi (chap, xxii.) asserts that he immedi-\\nately transferred his dignity to Charles, following\\nJordanus, apnd Raynaldum, and other authorities.\\nThe words of the appointment sufficiently express the\\nextent of the power conferred. Nobiles viri\\nElectores ordinati domino Martino Papse IV.\\nunanimiter et concorditer transtulerunt et plenarie\\ncommiserunt regimen senatus Urbis,ejusque territorii\\net districtus toto tempore vitae suae et dederunt sibi\\nplenam et liberam potestatem regendi toto tempore\\nUrbem per se, vel per alium, vel per alios, et\\neligendi senatorem, vel senator?-:, c. c.\\n44\\nSicilian Vespers, and the misfortunes of his\\ncountrymen. He was buried in the Church\\nof St. Lawrence, and many sick were healed\\nat his tomb, in the presence of vast numbers\\nof the clergy and laity, according to the evi-\\ndence of a contemporary author, who affirms\\nthat those miracles still lasted while he was\\nwriting, which Avas six weeks after the de-\\ncease of the pontiff.* The mention of these\\nimpostures is so common, even in the pages\\nof the most enlightened Catholic historians,\\nthat we are not justified in passing them over\\nin entire silence. In fact, they formed so es-\\nsential a part of the Roman Catholic system,\\nthat we should do injustice to its whole charac-\\nter, if we were not occasionally to notice them.\\nMartin was succeeded by a noble Roman,\\nHonorius IV. and he, by another native of\\nthe Roman states, Nicholas IV., who was\\nelected in 1288. The claims of this Pope on\\nhistorical notice, are confined to some diligent\\nbut almost hopeless exertions to excite the\\nprinces of Europe to another Crusade and to\\nsome as zealous and as fruitless efforts for the\\nextirpation of heresy. In 1288, he stimulated\\nhis Mendicant emissaries to peculiar diligence\\nboth in Italy and Provence, and put in prac-\\ntice a somewhat singular method for securing\\nthe orthodoxy of his people.f He obliged the\\nconverted heretic to be bound in a pecuniary\\nrecognizance against relapse, and to find suf-\\nficient securities for payment. Avarice was\\nscarcely become even yet the ruling passion\\nof the Vatican but since the sway of Inno-\\ncent III., it had been rapidly gaining ground\\nand the edict of Nicholas gives fearful indica-\\ntions of its progress. In the year following,\\nan ordinance was published at Venice, for the\\npurpose of facilitating the operations of the\\nInquisition and it was approved and con-\\nfirmed by the pontiff.\\nElection of Pietro di Morone, or Celestine V.\\nNicholas died soon afterwards; and the\\nhistory of his successor is distinguished by so\\nmany strange circumstances from the ordina-\\nry annals of papal biography, that it may afford\\nrelief as well as advantage to unfold its par-\\nticulars. Through the disunion of the cardi-\\nnals, the See had already been vacant for\\nseven-and-twenty months, and no progress\\nFleury, liv. Ixxxviii., sect. xvi. Both Martin\\nand his predecessor were extremely attached to the\\nFranciscan Order.\\nt The idea was not original. Instructions to the\\nsame effect were given to the Minorites by Alexander\\nIV. in 1258. It was then provided, that the money\\nso raised should be employed in the prosecution of\\nheretics.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0353.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "346\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nseemed yet to have been made towards the\\ndecision. They were still assembled in con-\\nclave, and still without any prospect of imme-\\ndiate accommodation, when, on some day in\\nthe beginning of July, 1294, one of their num-\\nber was prevented from attending the delib-\\neration by the sudden and violent death of\\nhis brother. By this casual occurrence, the\\nthoughts of the venerable society were direct-\\ned toman s mortality; and their reflections\\nassumed a serious and solemn character. At\\nlength, returning to the subject before them,\\nthe bishop of Tusculum asked with vehe-\\nmence, Why then delay we so long to give\\na head to the Church whence this division\\namong us To which Cardinal Latino add-\\ned, It has been revealed to a holy man, that\\nunless we hasten to the election of a Pope, in\\nless than four months the anger of God will\\nburst upon us. Hereupon, Benedict Gaiet-\\nano, (the same who was afterwards Boniface\\nVIII.) sarcastically smiled and said, It is\\nbrother Pietro di Morone, to whom that rev-\\nelation has been vouchsafed Latino ans-\\nwered, The same he has written to me that,\\nwhen engaged in his nocturnal devotions be-\\nfore the altar, he had received the command\\nof God to communicate this warning. Then\\nthe cardinals began to discourse of what they\\nknew concerning that holy man. One dwelt\\non the austerity of his life, another on his\\nvirtues, another on his miracles presently\\nsome one proposed him as a candidate for the\\nSee and a discussion immediately arose on\\nthat question.\\nThe debate was of very short duration, for\\nreason had given place to passionate emotion,\\nand passion was mistaken for inspiration.\\nCardinal Latino first gave his suffrage for\\nPietro di Morone his example was eagerly\\nfollowed by his colleagues, and the sudden\\nand ardent unanimity of the conclave was\\nattributed to the immediate impulse of the\\ndivinity.*\\nIts choice had fallen upon a weak and aged\\nrecluse, whose life had been devoted to the\\nmost rigorous observances of superstition, and\\nwhose inveterate habits of solitary meditation\\ndisqualified him for the commonest offices of\\nA suspicious historian would perhaps except\\nBenedict Gaietano from the charge of superstitious\\nenthusiasm. Possibly even then he proposed to profit\\nby the weaknesses of Pietro; but lie could scarcely\\nhave considered them as the object of God s especial\\ninterposition; or have believed that an old man, who\\nhad not hitherto filled any office in society, had been\\nEelected by the especial favor of Providence to occupy\\ndie hi\u00c2\u00b0fhest.\\nsociety. His very name was derived from\\nthe mountam top where his existence had\\npassed away. The cave in which he dwelt\\nhad been the refuge of a dragon, who obse-\\nquiously resigned it to his human successor\\nand we are seriously assured, that his infancy\\nhad been the object of that miraculous agency,\\nwhich he so profusely exercised in his later\\nyears and that even at his entrance into this\\npolluted world, he was protected by the sem-\\nblance, or the reality, of the monastic habit.*\\nThe deputies proceeded to announce to him\\nthe astounding change in his fortune. They\\narrived at the city of Sulmone, and having\\nreceived permission to present themselves,\\nascended with toil and sweat the narrow and\\nrugged path, which led through a desolate\\nwilderness to the cell they sought. The cell\\nwas closed against them, and they were com-\\npelled to make their communication through\\na small grated window. Through the inter-\\nstices they beheld a pale old man, attenuated\\nwith fasting and macerations, with a beard\\ndishevelled, and eyes inflamed with tears,\\ntrembling with the agitation into which the\\nawful announcement had thrown him. The\\nArchbishop of Lyons then assured him of the\\nenthusiasm which had united the Cardinals\\nin his favor and pressed him, by accepting\\nthe dignity, to compose the troubles of the\\nChurch. Pietro answered, I must consult\\nGod go and pray likewise. He then pros-\\ntrated himself on the earth, and after remain-\\ning some time in supplication, he rose and\\nsaid, I accept the pontificate, I consent to the\\nelection I dare not resist the will of God, I\\nwill not be wanting to the Church in her ne-\\ncessity. No sooner was the result of this\\ninterview bruited abroad, than the sides of\\nMt. Morone were frequented by assiduous\\nvisitants, whom piety, or interest, or curiosity\\nconducted to the cavern of the hermit-pope.\\nChurchmen and laymen of every rank hasten-\\ned to pay homage to his virtues or his dignity\\nand his earliest levee was adorned by the\\npresence of two kings.f\\nAll these fables are sedulously and solemnly re-\\nlated by Bzovius. Manebat mairi fixum quod nas-\\ncenti olim filio contigerat, ac tanquam magnum ali-\\nquod divinumque portendebat. Ex utero siquidem\\nmaterno exierit circumamictus indumento quodam,\\nquod nihil ab his quibus religiosi liomines ve^tiuntur,\\ndifferebat. Ad ann, 1294.\\nt Charles le Boiteux of Sicily, and his son Charles\\nMartel, titular Prince of Hungary. The Pope elect\\ndescended to Aquila to assume his pontificals, on an\\nass, and the two princes held the bridle.\\nIntumidus vilem Murro conscendit asellum,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0354.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "THE POPES FROM 1216 TO 1305.\\n347\\nHis Character. It was immediately discov-\\nered that the quaUfications of Celestine V.\\n(Pietro assumed that name) fell far short even\\nof the ordinary limits of monastic capacity.\\nHe was entirely ignorant of all science and\\nall literature even the Latin language was\\nnearly strange to him; against the compre-\\nhension of worldly matters his eyes were\\nclosed by perpetual seclusion, and his blind-\\nness was confirmed by old age his simplicity\\ntempted and rewarded deception, and he was\\nguilty of the most extraordinary errors in the\\ndischarge of his easiest duties. Besides this,\\nhe brought with him from his cell and his\\nconvent (for he had been the founder of a new\\nOrder of Monks, distinguished for their illite-\\nrate vulgarity) a disaffection towards the high-\\ner ranks of the secular clergy, which was not,\\nperhaps, without reason and a contempt for\\ntheir luxuries and abhorrence for their vices,\\nwhich formed the holiest feature in his char-\\nacter. It was probably this disposition, which\\nendeared him to the laity, as well as to many\\namong the regular clergy and no doubt it\\nwas the alienation from his own official coun-\\nsellors, which subjected him too obsequiously\\nto the influence of the king of Sicily. For\\nunder this influence he was assuredly acting,\\nwhen, without any foresight of the inevitable\\nconsequences of the measure, he added to the\\ncollege of Cardinals seven natives of France.\\nThese were circumstances sufficient to ex-\\ncite the dissatisfaction of that body, and their\\nsuspicions respecting the nature of the spirit\\nwhich had decided their choice. They pro-\\nfessed apprehensions, which were not wholly\\nunreasonable, lest, by some new imprudence,\\nthe Pope should compromise or concede the\\nmviolable rights of the Church. They dis-\\nliked the frugal severity of his Court they\\ncomplained with justice, that he preferred an\\nobscure residence in the kingdom of Naples\\nto the Holy and Imperial City and the bit-\\nterness of their displeasure was completed,\\nwhen he revived, in all its rigor, the obnox-\\nious constitution of Gregory X. respecting the\\nmanner of papal election.\\nIn the meantime, Celestine had discovered\\nhis own disqualifications, and his inability to\\ncorrect them. Amidst the incessant toil of\\noccupations which he disliked and dignities\\nwhich he despised, he sighed for the tranquil-\\nlity of his former solitude and then, that his\\nRegum fraena nianu dextra laevaque regente\\nPontificis.\\nMight there not in this act be some of that Humility\\nwhich apes the Divinity\\npious meditations might not wholly be dis-\\ncontinued, he caused a cell to be constructed\\nin the centre of his palace, whither he fre-\\nquently retired to prayer. On such occasions,\\nhe sometimes gave vent to his deep disquie-\\ntude. I am told that I possess all power\\nover souls in this world why is it then that\\nI cannot assure myself of the safety of mine\\nown that I cannot rid myself of all these\\nanxieties, and impart to my own breast that\\nrepose, which I can dispense so easily to\\nothers Does God require from me that\\nwhich is impossible or has he only raised\\nme in order to cast me down more terribly?\\nI observe the Cardinals divided and I hear\\nfrom every side complaints against me. Is it\\nnot better to burst my chains, and resign the\\nholy See to some one who can rule it in\\npeace if only I could be permitted to quit\\nthis place and return to my solitude!\\nHis Resignation. Several of the Cardinals\\nhaving observed that disposition, were sedu-\\nlous to encourage it. It was entirely in ac-\\ncordance with their general wishes, with that\\nmost especially of Benedict Gaietano since\\nhe designed himself for the successor. Those,\\non the other hand, who profited by Celestine s\\nsimplicity, or reverenced his piety, or admired\\nhis popular austerities, dissuaded him from so\\nunprecedented a project. But the good man\\nwas sincere and inflexible;* and after tasting\\nfor only five months of the bitterness of power,\\nhe pronounced his solemn resignation f of the\\npontificate.\\nThus far his vows were accomplished witl^\\nBzovius describes his ardor for abdication, by\\nthe strong expression, that no one ever accepted of-\\nfice so eagerly as he resigned it. That writer (if\\nwe coidd forget the miraculous absurdities which\\noverload his narrative) has described this curious epi-\\nsode in papal history more fairly than Mosheim; for\\nthe latter overlooks the old hermit s absolute incapa-\\ncity, in a partial eagerness to attribute the discontent\\nof his clergy to the consciousness of their own vices,\\nand the fear of a rigorous reformation though that\\nmay unquestionably have been one of their motives.\\nt I, Celestine V., moved by sufficient causes by\\nhumility, by the desire of a better life, by respect for\\nray conscience, by the feebleness of my body, by my\\ndeficiency in knowledge, by the evil disposition of the\\npeople and to the end that I may be restored to the\\nrepose and consolation of my past life resign the\\npapacy freely and voluntarily, and renounce that office\\nand that dignity, c. Such was the form of\\nhis resignation, as given by Fleury (1. 89, s. 34) on\\nthe authority of Wadingus, 1294, n. 6. As his power\\nto resign was by some held doubtful, the Cardinals\\nsuggested to him first to publish a general Constitu-\\ntion, authorizing a Pope to abdicate his office. He\\ndid so.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0355.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "348\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\nout any obstruction. But the last aspirations\\nof his prayer were not accorded, nor was it\\ngiven him again to breathe the peaceful\\nbreezes of Mt. Morone. The shadow of his\\ndignity continued to haunt him after he had\\ncast away the substance the man who had\\npossessed the chair of St. Peter, and abdicated\\nit, could not possibly descend to insignificance\\nor rise to independence. The merit of re-\\nsigning a throne was insufficient to atone for\\nthe imprudence of accepting it and Celestine\\nwas condemned for the remainder of his days\\nto strict confinement by the jealousy of Boni-\\nface.\\nBoniface VIII. As the pontificate of Boni-\\nface VIII. is the hinge on which the subse-\\nquent history of papacy almost entirely turns,\\nwe must follow its particulars with more than\\nusual attention. Whatsoever flexibility or\\nshow of moderation Benedict Gaietano may\\nhave exhibited before his advancement, he\\nthrew off all disguise and all restraint as soon\\nas he had attained the object of his ambition.\\nHis pride seemed to acknowledge no limit,\\nand no considerations of religion, or policy,\\nor decency could repress his violence. In\\n1298, Albert of Austria caused himself to be\\nsaluted king of the Romans and having slain\\nhis competitor in battle, made the usual over-\\nture to the Pope for confirmation. But this\\nfavor Boniface was so far from according, that\\nhe placed the crown f upon his own head, and\\nseizing a sword, exclaimed, It is I who am\\nCsesar, it is I who am Emperor it is I who\\njvill defend the rights of the empire There\\nIS a solemn and affecting function in the Ro-\\nman Cliurch, (celebrated on the first day of\\nLent,) in which ashes are thrown on the\\nheads of the proud and great, to remind them\\nSoon after his resignation, he escaped from some\\nattendants whom Boniface had placed over him, with\\nthe view of returning to his ancient cell; but finding\\nhimself pursued, he turned towards the eastern coast,\\nin the hope of finding a refuge in Greece. He was\\nspeedily overtaken but in the meantime he had ma-\\nterially swelled the catalogue of his miracles, and\\nestablished that sort of reputation by which he merit-\\ned his canonization.\\nf We may here observe that, in consistency with\\nhis principles, Boniface VIII. introduced the use of\\nthe double crown. It appears from the images of\\nthe Popes, as well as from historical evidence, that\\nfrom St. Sylvester to Boniface VIII,, they were con-\\ntented with a single crown. From Boniface to Ur-\\nban v., they doubled the symbol of royalty, as its\\nsubstance was really falling from under them. From\\nUrban downwards, throughout the decline and over-\\nthrow of their authority, they have fondly clung to the\\nmajesty of the triple crown,\\nof their insignificance and mortality. While\\nthe Pope was performing this ceremony, one\\nSpinola, Archbishop of Genoa, a political ad-\\nversaiy, presented himself in his turn to re-\\nceive the lesson of humiliation. Boniface\\nbeheld him, and dashing the ashes in his face,\\nsaid to him, Ghibeline remember that thou\\nart dust, and that with thy brother Ghibelines,\\nthou wilt return to dust. As the kingdoms\\nof Europe were then situated, not only in po-\\nlitical reference to papal usurpation and pre-\\ndominance, but also in respect to the revival\\nof learning, the progress of civilization, the\\nchange of principles, and the decay even of\\nsome inveterate prejudices, there only wanted\\nan intemperate defender, such as Boniface,\\nto decide the wavering balance, and precipi-\\ntate before its time the baseless despotism of\\nRome.\\nThose historians are, notwithstanding, in\\nerror, who date the decline of the papal su-\\npremacy from the reign of Innocent III. On\\nthe contrary, the system had not then quite\\nattained the fulness of its force it had not\\nthen achieved its greatest triumph, which,\\nwithout question, was the deposition of Fred-\\neric II. And if it is true, that, from Innocent\\nIV. to Boniface VIII., no additional ground\\nwas gained, that no fresh claims were assert-\\ned, even that some former claims were less\\neffectually enforced it is certain, on the other\\nhand, that not one iota of the papal preten-\\nsions had been resigned and that they had\\nmet for the most part with ready, or at least\\nundisputed, acquiescence. But in the mean-\\ntime, the understanding of mankind had been\\nno longer stationary knowledge and genius\\nand reason had revived and taken courage,\\nand were advancing to the assertion of their\\neternal rights and in the eye of the philoso-\\npher, it was a circumstance of evil omen to\\nthe projects of Boniface, that they were urged\\nby the contemporary of Dante. Nevertheless,\\nwhether insensible to the weakness of his\\nown cause, or to the progress of the princi-\\nples opposed to it, or imagining by violence\\nto supply the want of strength, he resolved to\\npush the temporal pretensions of the See to\\ntheir most extravagant limits, f\\nThese anecdotes are related by Sismondi (Rep.\\nItal. chap, xxiv.) without suspicion, on the authority\\nof Pipini and Muratori.\\nf Ruggiero di Loria having conquered Gerba, and\\nsome other islands, till then nearly unknown, near the\\ncoast of Africa, was contented to receive them in fief\\nand on condition of tribute, from Boniface, who\\nvouchsafed him a Bull of Investiture, in 1295. (In-\\nsulas objacentes Africte, Gerbam nimirum et Cherchi-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0356.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "THE POPES FROM 1216 TO 1305.\\n349\\nHis temporal pretensions. His first meas-\\nures wore, indeed, a specious appearance,\\nsince he presented himself as the advocate of\\npeace. He endeavored to reconcile Charles\\nof Sicily and James of Arragon and more\\nthan once obtruded his mediation upon the\\nKings of England and France these attempts\\nseem to have had no other fruit, than a con-\\nsiderable contribution levied upon the English\\nclerg}\\\\ He then turned his attention in other\\ndirections. In 1297, he gave the kingdom of\\nSardinia and Corsica in fief to James of Ar-\\nragon and his posterity, on certain conditions\\nof aid and subsidy to Rome. In 1300 he laid\\nclaim to the kingdom of Scotland, and direct-\\ned Edward I. to withdraw his soldiere from\\nthat country and in the correspondence thus\\noccasioned between those two gi-eat usurpers,\\neach party might have found it easier to in-\\nvalidate the claims of the other, than to estab-\\nlish his own this burst of empty arrogance\\npassed of course without effect. He pretend-\\ned to the disposal of the crown of Hungary,\\nand gave it to a grandson of Charles le Boi-\\nteux and when some of the nobles (in 1302)\\nventured to support a rival prince, he addres-\\nsed his legate there established, in the follow-\\ning terms: The Roman pontiff, established\\nby God over kings and their kingdoms, sove-\\nreign chief of the hierarchy in the church\\nmilitant, and holding the first rank above all\\nmortals, sitteth in tranquillity in the throne\\nof judgment and scattereth away all evil with\\nhis eyes. You have yet to learn that\\nSt. Stephen, the first Christian King of Hun-\\ngary, offered and gave that kingdom to the\\nRoman Church, not willing to assume the\\ncrown on his own authority, but rather to re-\\nceive it from the vicar of Jesus Christ since\\nhe knew, that no man taketh this honor on\\nhimself, but he that is called of God. f In\\n1303 Boniface found it expedient to acknow-\\nledge as king of the Romans the same Albert\\nwhom he had formerly reviled this conces-\\nsion was attended by a recognition of his own\\nauthority, by that prince, to the following ef\\nnaSj quas Loria barbaris eripuerat, jure fiduciario,\\nsedis Apostolicse liberalitate Bonifacius ei possiden-\\ndas aitrfbuit. Raynaldus. Ann. 1295, s. xxxvi.) It\\nwas on the ground of this precedent, that two centu-\\nries afterwards, Alexander VI. assumed the right to\\ndispose of all undiscovered tracts, continental or in-\\nsnkr; and to concede the whole extent of terra in-\\ncognita to Ferdinand and Isabella, by drawing a line\\non the map fi om pole to pole. Giannone, lib. xix.\\ncap. 5.\\nProv. XX. 8.\\nt Heb. V. A.\\nfeet. I acknowledge that the Roman empire\\nhas been transferred by the holy See, from\\nthe Greeks to the Germans in the person of\\nCharlemagne 5 that the right to elect a king\\nof the Romans, destined to be emperor, has\\nbeen accorded by the holy See to certain\\nprinces ecclesiastical and secular and that\\nthe kings and emperors receive from the holy\\nsee the power of the sword. He concluded\\nthat act of subservience by an unconditional\\npromise of military aid, if it should be re-\\nquired by the Pope. His sincerity was never\\nput to trial, and when we consider for how\\nlong a period, and with what general success,\\nthe dependence of the empire had been as-\\nserted by the Popes, and recollect the peculiar\\nfoundation on which that claim rested, we\\nshall scarcely wonder at its unequivocal ac-\\nknowledgment by Albert. From these facts,\\nwe may at least observe the assiduity, with\\nwhich Boniface pressed his temporal preten-\\nsions in every quarter of Europe. We shall\\nnow proceed to the principal theatre of his\\nexertions, and watch the accumulation of the\\ntempest which followed them.\\nPhilip the Fair of France. The throne of\\nFrance was then occupied by Philip the Fair\\na man as arrogant, as jealous, as violent as\\nBoniface, and perhaps even surpassing him in\\naudacity. The clergy of France, though very\\nfaithfully attached to the Catholic Church and\\nrespecting the Pope as its head, had on vari-\\nous occasions, from the earliest period of\\npapal usurpation, displayed an independent\\nspirit of which we find no trace in other\\ncountries yet not such as to give the slight-\\nest indications of schism, or even to prevent\\nthe holy see from making some successful\\ninroads. The first mention that we find of\\nthe liberties of the Galilean (as distinguished\\nfi-om the Roman) Church, is in the year 1229,\\nand on an occasion of which it has no reason\\nto be proud. A very rigorous Ordonnance\\nwas then published in the king s name for the\\nextinction of Heresy enjoining the immedi-\\nate punishment of offenders, commanding the\\nstrictest search to be made for them, and of-\\nfering a reward on conviction and the end\\nof this was to establish the liberties and\\nimmunities of the Gallican Church, Bu\u00c2\u00a3\\nthe act from which those liberties really date\\ntheir origin, is the celebrated Pragmatic Sanc-\\ntion of St. Louis, published in 1269, on his\\ndeparture against the Saracens. Its constitu-\\ntions will be recorded in the next chapter.\\nTheir leading object was to protect episcopal\\nFleury, liv, Ixxix. sectr L.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0357.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "350\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nelection and preferment to benefices, the priv-\\nileges granted to monasteries and ecclesiasti-\\ncal persons, and the property of the church\\ngenerally, from the intrusions and exactions\\nof Rome. Thus this matter rested till the\\nreign of Boniface VIII. The fixed and dis-\\ntinct principle on which the Galilean liberties\\nwere finally placed (the inferiority of the Pope\\nto a General Council) was not yet established,\\nnot perhaps even broached but enough had\\nbeen done to prove to a moderate Pope, that\\nneither the king nor the clergy of France\\nwere prepared to acknowledge an implicit\\nobedience.\\nBtdl Clericis Laicos. The first difference\\nbetween Boniface and Philip was merely suf-\\nficient to discover the disposition, and inflame\\nthe animosity of both. The Pope had learnt,\\nthat the kings both of France and England\\nhad levied contributions on their clerical,, as\\nwell as their lay, subjects, for purposes of state.\\nIn consequence, he published, in 1296, his\\ncelebrated Bull, beginning Clericis Laicos, of\\nwhich the substance was this Antiquity re-\\nlates to us the inveterate hostility* of the laity\\nto the clergy, and the experience of the pres-\\nent age confirms it manifestly since, without\\nconsideration that they have no power over\\necclesiastical persons or property, they load\\nwith impositions both prelates and clergy,\\nregular and secular; and also, to our deep\\naffliction, prelates and other ecclesiastics are\\nfound, who, from their greater dread of tem-\\nporal than eternal majesty, acquiesce in this\\nabuse. He then proceeds to pronounce sen-\\ntence of excommunication against all who\\nshall hereafter exact such impositions, wheth-\\ner kings, princes, or magistrates, and against\\nall who shall pay them.\\nDisputes between Boniface and Philip.\\nVery soon afi:erwards, Philip published, in re-\\ntort, an edict, forbidding the export of money,\\njewels, and other articles specified, out of his\\ndominions. The Pope, who was thereby de-\\nprived of his ecclesiastical contributions, pre-\\nsently put forth a long reply and remonstrance,\\nin which he explained his preceding Bull to\\nmean, that the consent of the Pope is neces-\\nOn this sentence, Fleury, the most candid of\\nCatholics, very simply remarks, That aversion of\\nlaymen for the clergy, which the Pope mentions, as-\\ncended not to a very high antiquity; since for the\\nfive or six first ages, the clergy secured the respect\\nand affections of all men, by their chai itable and dis-\\ninterested conduct. (liv. Ixxxix. s. xliii.) No clergy,\\nwhich shapes its conduct by any other principle, ever\\nwill secure, or ever ought to secure, either affection\\nor respect.\\nsary for the levying of the aforesaid contribu-\\ntions; that, in circumstances of great national\\nexigency, even that might be dispensed with;\\nand that the prohibition did not extend to do-\\nnations strictly voluntary.* At the same time\\nhe enlarged on the liberty of the Church\\nthe ark of Noah the spouse of Jesus Christ\\nto which He had given power over all the\\nbody of the faithful, and over every individual\\nmember of it. By these general expressions\\nhe intended to insinuate, not only that princes\\nhad no power over the Church, but that the\\nChurch possessed unlimited control over prin-\\nces. The rejoinder on the part of the king\\nhad more reason in its theology, and more\\npiety in its reason. It professed a holy fear\\nof God, and respectful reverence for the min-\\nisters of the Church; but, in the full con-\\nsciousness of justice, it repelled with disdain\\nthe senseless menaces of man. In the follow-\\ning year, the Pope had the prudence to ad-\\ndress to the archbishop of Rheims such an\\ninterpretation of the Bull as left to Philip no\\nreasonable ground of complaint and French\\nhistorians, with great probability, attribute the\\nrare moderation of Boniface to his necessities\\nor his avarice, f\\nThe truce thus tacitly established between\\nthe parties was of very short duration. In-\\ndeed, where were so many undefined and dis-\\nputable rights, it was not possible that peace\\ncould long subsist between two rivals equally\\ndisposed to encroachment and usurpation. In\\nthe year 1301, Philip arrested (and seeming-\\nly with justice) Bernard de Saisset, bishop\\nof Pamiers, a creature of the Pope, on the\\ncharge of sedition and treasonable language,\\nand caused him to be confined until the sen-\\ntence of degradation should be passed on him,\\nprevious to the infliction of legal punishment.\\nAt the same time he wrote a respectful letter\\nto Boniface, praying him to deprive the cul-\\nprit of his clerical privileges, or at least to take\\nmeasures for his conviction. But Boniface,\\nhaving learnt that a bishop had been placed\\nin confinement, addressed his answer (which\\nhe sent by a special legate) to that point only\\nand denying that laymen had received any\\npower over the clergy, he enjoined the king\\nto dismiss the prisoner freely to the pontifical\\npresence, with full restitution of all his pro-\\nperty, at the same time reminding him that\\nPagi, Vit. Bonif. VHI., sect, xxviii.\\nt To the same cause we may probably ascribe the\\nproclamation of the first Jubilee, in the year 1300,\\nby Boniface, an institution to wlach we shall recur\\nin a future chapter.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0358.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "THE POPES FROM 1216 TO lg05\\n351\\nhe had himself incurred canonical punish-\\nment for having rashly laid his hand on the\\nperson of a bishop. On the same day, or\\nvery soon afterwards, he published a Bull,\\naddressed also to Philip, in which, after ex-\\nhorting his son to listen* with docility to his\\ninstructions, he proceeded in the following\\nterms God has set me over the nations j\\nand over the kingdoms, to root out and to j\\npull down, and to destroy and to throw down,\\nto build and to plant, f in his name, and by\\nhis doctrine. Let no one persuade you, then,\\ntliat you have no superior, or that you are not\\nsubject to the chief of the ecclesiastical hier-\\narchy. He that holds that opinion is sense-\\nless, and he that obstinately maintains it is an\\ninfidel, separate from the flock of the good\\nShepherd. He then continued, still out\\nof his affection for Philip, to charge him\\nwith many general violations of the ecclesias-\\ntical privileges, or, as they were then more\\ncommonly called. Liberties; and concluded\\nby informing him, that he had summoned all\\nthe superior clergy of France to an assembly\\nat Rome, on the 1st of the November follow-\\ning (1302,) in order to deliberate on the reme-\\ndies for such abuses.\\nPhilip burns the Pope s Bull. Philip was\\nastonished by this measure, but not so con-\\nfounded as to deviate either into timidity or\\nrashness. He convoked a full and early as-\\nsembly or parliament of his nobles and clergy.\\nIn the meantime, he burnt the Bull of the\\nPope as publicly as possible, and caused that\\nact to be proclaimed with trumpets through-\\nout the whole of Paris. In his subsequent\\naddress to his parliament, he mentioned the\\nproceedings of Boniface, disclaimed with\\nAusculta,fili the two first words of this Bull\\nhave affixed to it its historical name. It was pub-\\nlished in December, 1301, and was preceded only two\\ndays by another constitution of Boniface, called Sal-\\nvator Mundi, by which he suspended all favors and\\nprivileges which had been accorded by his predeces-\\nsors to the kings of France, and to all their subjects,\\nwhether lay or clerical, who abetted Philip. Pao-j\\nBonif. VIIL, sec. Ivii.\\nt Jerem, i. 10. The words are addressed to Jere-\\nmiah, in respect to his prophetic mission; but they\\nhad been perverted to the support of the papal pre-\\ntentions long before the time of Boniface. See, for\\ninstance, the letter of Honorius III., written in 1225,\\nto Louis of France. The plenitude of power\\nwhich the Holy See has received from God is there\\nplaced chiefly on that foundation.\\nt Another reason, by which he justified his inter-\\nference, was his own responsibility to God for the soul\\nof King Philip.\\nscorn any temporal allegiance to hira, retorted\\nthe charges of corruption and mal-adminis-\\ntration, declared his readiness to risk any loss\\nor suffering in defence of the common in-\\nterests, and referred the decision of the ques-\\ntion to the assembly. The barons and lay\\nmembers pronounced their opinions loudly\\nand unhesitatingly in favor of the king. With\\nthem the question was, in a great degree, na-\\ntional. They were jealous of the honor of\\nthe crown, and eager to protect it from any\\nforeign insult. And though a calmer judg-\\ni ment would, perhaps, have taught them, that\\nI such a restraint upon the monarchy might, in\\nits effects, be beneficial to all classes of the\\npeople, they sacrificed every consideration of\\npolicy to the passion of the moment. The\\nsituation of the clergy was exceedingly diffi-\\ncult, since they had two duties to reconcile,\\nwhich, even in ordinary times, were not al-\\nways in strict accordance, and which were\\nthen in direct opposition. Their first attempt\\nwas to explain and justify the intentions of\\nthe Pope but that was repelled with general\\ncontempt and indignation. Then they ex-\\npressed a dutiful anxiety to assist the king,\\nand maintain the liberties of the kingdom\\nbut at the same time they pleaded the obedi-\\nence due from them to the Pope, and prayed\\nfor permission to attend his summons to\\nRome. This permission was clamorously\\nrefused by the king and his barons.\\nThe clerg}^ then addressed a letter to the\\nPope, in which they expressed an apprehen-\\nsion lest the violent and universal hostility,\\nnot of the king and his barons only, but of\\nthe body of the laity, should lead to an entire\\nrupture between France and Rome, and even\\nbetween the clergy and the people and they\\nprayed that he would release them from the\\nsummons to Rome. At the same time the\\nbarons also wrote not, indeed, to the Pope,\\nbut to the College of Cardinals in severe\\ncensure of the new and senseless pretensions\\nof Boniface, on whom personally they cast\\nthe entire blame of the diflference. In reply,\\nthe cardinals disavowed, on the part of Boni-\\nface, any assertion that the king of France\\nheld his temporalities of the Pope while, in\\ndefence of his ghostly authority, they main-\\nThe laity absolutely fly fi-om our society, and\\nrepel us from their conferences and councils, as if we\\nwere guilty of treason against them. They despise\\necclesiastic censures, from whatsoever quarter they\\nmay come, and are preparing and taking precautions\\nto render them useless. Fleury, Hist. Eccles., liv.\\nxc,., sec, ix.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0359.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "352\\nHISTORY OP THE CHURCH.\\ntained, that no man in his senses can doubt,\\nthat the Pope, as chief of the spu itual hie-\\nrarchy, can dispense with the sin of every\\nman Hving. In his reply to the dutiful sup-\\nplication of the prelates, the Pope rebuked\\nthem for their want of courage and attach-\\nment, enforced on them the indisputable\\nsubjection of things temporal to things spirit-\\nual, and persisted in commanding their at-\\ntendance at Rome.\\nBull Unam Sanctam. The great majority\\ndisregarded the summons but some few\\nwere found who considered their first obedi-\\nence as due to their ecclesiastical sovereign.\\nThese proceeded to Rome and, in spite of\\ntheir small number, Boniface availed himself\\nof the name of this Council to publish the\\nDecretal, commonly known as the Bull Unam\\nSanctam. The propositions asserted in this\\ncelebrated constitution are, first, the Unity of\\nthe Holy Catholic Church, without which\\nthere is no salvation wherein is one Lord,\\none faith, one baptism. Hence it follows,\\nthat of this one and only Church there is one\\nbody and one head, (not two heads, which\\nwould be monstrous,) namely, Christ, and\\nChrist s vicar, St. Peter, and the successor of\\nSt. Peter. The second position is, that in the\\npower of this Chief are two swords, the one\\nspiritual, and the other material but that the\\nformer of these is to be used by the Church,\\nthe latter for the Church the former is in\\nthe hand of the priest, the latter in the hand\\nof kings and soldiers, but at the nod and suf-\\nferance of the priest. It is next asserted, that\\none of these swords must be subject to the\\nother sword, otherwise we must suppose two\\nopposite principles, which would be Mani-\\nchaean and heretical. Thence it is an easy\\ninference, that the spiritual is that which has\\nrule over the other, while itself is liable to no\\nother judgment or authority than that of God.\\nThe general conclusion is contained in one\\nshort sentence, Wherefore we declare, de-\\nfine, and pronounce, that it is absolutely es-\\nsential to the salvation of every human being,\\nthat he be subject unto the Roman pontiff.\\nBut Boniface did not content himself with\\nmere assertions. On the very same day he\\nalso published a Bull of excommunication\\nagainst all persons, of whatsoever rank, even\\nkings or emperors, who should interfere in\\nany way to prevent or impede those, who\\nThe texts on which these propositions were\\nchiefly founded are John x. 16; RoIn^^s xiii. 1 Je-\\nremiah i. 10; 1 Corinthians ii. 15.\\nmight desire to present themselves before the\\nRoman See. This edict was, of course, un-\\nderstood to be directly levelled against Phihp.\\nSoon afterwards he sent a legate into France,\\nthe bearer of twelve articles, which boldly\\nexpressed such papal pretensions, as were in\\nopposition to those of the king and con-\\ncluded with a menace of temporal as well as\\nspiritual proceedings. The claims contained\\nin these articles have been already mentioned,\\nand do not require enumeration. But what\\nmay raise our surprise is, that the- answer of\\nPhilip was extremely moderate that he con-\\ndescended to explain away much that seemed\\nobjectionable in his conduct; that he prom-\\nised to remedy any abuses which his officers\\nmight have committed, and expressed his\\nstrong desire for concord with the Roman\\nChurch.\\nHis moderation may have been affected,\\nand his explanations frivolous, and the abuses\\nin question he may not have seriously intend-\\ned to alleviate. But at least it is true that he\\nhad never sought the enmity of Rome and\\nhad Boniface availed himself of that occasion\\nto close the breach, when he might have\\nclosed it with profit and dignity, his last days\\nmight have been passed in lofty tranquillity\\nhe would have been respected and feared,\\neven by those who hated him and posterity\\nwould still have admired the courage and the\\npolicy which had contended against the most\\npowerful prince in Europe, in no very blind\\nor superstitious age, without disadvantage or\\ndishonor. But the Pope did not perceive this\\ncrisis in his destiny. He proceeded in his\\nformer course he proclaimed his dissatis-\\nfaction at the answers of the king, and repeat-\\ned and redoubled his menaces.\\nPhilip had then recourse to that public\\nmeasure which so deeply influenced the fu-\\nture history of papacy the convocation of a\\nGeneral Council, to pronounce on the pro-\\nceedings of the Pope. But while he was\\nengaged in preparations for this great contest,\\nand for the establishment of a principle to\\nwhich his clergy were not yet prepared to\\nlisten, a latent and much shorter path was\\nopened to the termination of his perplexities.\\nOutrage on Boniface. William of Nogaret,\\na celebrated French civilian, in conjunction\\nNot only did the bishops and the whole clergy\\ndecline any active part in the proceedings against the\\nPope, but they refused any share in them, and only\\nconsented to the convocation of the council through\\nthe necessity of seeking some remedy for the disorders\\nof the Church.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0360.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "THE POPES FROM 1216 TO 1305.\\n353\\nwith certain Romans of the Colonna family,\\nwho had fled for refuge to Paris from the\\noppression of Boniface, passed secretly into\\nItaly, and tampered successfully with the\\npersonal attendants of the Pope. The usual\\nresidence of the latter was Anagni, a city\\nsome forty or fifty miles to the south east of\\nRome, and his birth-place. There, in the\\nyear 1303, he had composed another Bull, in\\nwhich he maintained, that, as vicar of Jesus\\nChrist, he had the power to govern kings\\nwith a rod of iron, and to dash them in pieces\\nlike a potter s vessel and he had destined\\nthe 8th of September, the anniversary of the\\nnativity of the Virgin, for its promulgation*\\nA rude interruption disturbed his dreams of\\nomnipotence, and discovered the secret of\\nhis real weakness. On the very day preced-\\ning the intended publication of the Bull,\\nNogaret, with Sciarra Colonna, and some\\nother nobles, escorted by about three hun-\\ndred horsemen, and a larger number of par-\\ntisans on foot, beai ing the banners of France,\\nrushed into Anagni, with shouts of Success\\nto the king of France! Death to Pope\\nBoniface After a feeble resistance, they\\nbecame masters of the pontifical palace.\\nThe cardinals dispersed and fled through\\ntreachery, as some assert, or, more prob-\\nably, through mere timidity. The greater\\npart of the Pope s personal attendants fled\\nalso.\\nBoniface, when he perceived that he was\\nsurprised and abandoned, prepared himself\\nwith uncommon resolution for the last outrage.\\nSince I am betrayed (he cried) as Jesus\\nChrist was betrayed, I will at least die like a\\nPope. He then clothed himself in his official\\nvestments, and placed the crown of Constan-\\ntine on his head, and gi-asped the keys and the\\ncross in his hands, and seated himself in the\\npontifical chair. He v/as now eighty-six\\nyears of age. And when SciaiTa Colonna,\\nwho first penetrated into his presence, beheld\\nthe venerable form and dignified composure\\nof his enemy, his purpose, which doubtless\\nwas sanguinary, seemed suddenly to have de-\\nserted him, and his revenge did not proceed\\nbeyond verbal insult, f Nogaret followed. He\\nPsalms ii. 9.\\nt Some modern French historians assert that Bon-\\niface was severely wounded by the assailants a story\\n%vhich is idly repeated by Mosheim, and re-echoed\\neven by Gibbon. It is the unanimous affirmation\\nof contemporary writers, that no nand was raised\\nagainst him. See Sismondl, chap. xxiv. The words\\nof S- Antoninns (part 3., tit, xx,, cap. 8. sec. xxi.)\\n45\\napproached the Pope with some respect, but\\nat the same time imperiously informed hinij\\nthat he must prepare to be present at the\\ncouncil forthwith to be assembled on the sub-\\nject of his misconduct, and to submit to its\\ndecision. The Pope addressed him Wil-\\nliam, of Nogaret, descended from a race of\\nheretics, it is from thee, and such as thecj\\nthat I can patiently endiu-e indignity. The\\nancestors of Nogaret had atoned for their\\nerrors in the flames. But the expression of\\nthe pontiff was not prompted by any oflence\\nhe felt at that barbarity not by any conscious-\\nness of the iniquity of his own oppression,*\\nor any sense of the justice of the retribution\\nit proceeded simply from the sectarian hatred\\nwhich swelled his own breast, which he felt\\nto be implacable, and which he believed to be\\nmutual.\\nWhile their leaders were thus employed,\\nthe body of the conspirators dispersed them-\\nselves throughout the splendid apartments in\\neager pursuit of plunder. Any dehberate plan\\nwhich might have been formed against the\\nperson of the Pope, was disappointed by their\\navarice. During the day of the attack, and that\\nwhich followed, the French appear to have\\nbeen wholly occupied in the ransack. But\\nin the meantime the people of Anagni were\\nrecovered from their panic and perhaps they\\nwere more easily a^vakened to the shatne of\\ndeserting their Pope and their citizen, vdien\\nthey discovered the weakness of the aggres-\\nsors, and the snare into which their license\\nhad led them. They took up arms, assaulted\\nthe French, and having expelled or massacred\\nthem, restored to the pontiff his freedom and\\nauthority.\\nHis Death. But they were unable to restore\\nhis insulted honor and the spirit which had\\nbeen broken by indignity. Infuriated by the\\ndisgrace of his captivity, he hurried from\\nAnagni to Rome, burning for revenge. But\\nthe violence of his passion presently over-\\npowered his reason, and his death immediate-\\nare express. Domino autem disponente, ob digni\u00c2\u00ab\\ntatem Apostolicas Sedis, nemo, ex inimicisejus aiisus\\nfuit mittere in eum manus sed indutum sacris vestibus\\ndimiserunt sub honesta custodia, et ipsi insistebant\\npraedse, c. See Pagi, Bonif. VIII,, sec. ixx.\\nBoniface VIII. was a very faithful patron of the\\nInquisition and if his name is not distinguished in\\nthe list of persecuting popes, it is rather from the\\nwant of opportunity, than of inclination. Persecu-\\ntion being now systematized by the regular machinery\\nof the inquisition, there were fewer occasions for in-\\ndividual distinction. See Whately on The Errors\\nof Romanism, ch. v., sec. iii., vi., p. 241 ^244.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0361.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "354\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nly followed. He was attended by an ancient\\nservant, who exhorted hiin to confide himself\\nin his calamity to the Consoler of the afflicted.\\nBut Boniface made no reply. His eyes were\\nhaggard, his mouth white with foam, and he\\ngnashed his teeth in silence. He passed the\\nday without nourishment, the night without\\nrepose and when he found that his strength\\nbegan to fail, and that his end was not far dis-\\ntant, he removed all his attendants, that there\\nmight be no witness to his final feebleness and\\nhis parting struggle. After some intei*val, his\\ndomestics burst into the room, and beheld his\\nbody stretched on the bed, stiflT and cold. The\\nstafiT which he carried bore the mark of his\\nteeth, and was covered with foam his white\\nlocks were stained with blood and his head\\nwas so closely wrapped in the counterpane,\\nthat he was believed to have anticipated his\\nimpending death by violence and suffoca-\\ntion.*\\nThis took place on the 10th of October;\\nand precisely on the same day, after an inter-\\nval of three hundred and three years, his\\nbody was dug up, and transferred to another\\nplace of sepulture. Spondanus,f the Catholic\\nhistorian, was at Rome at the moment. He\\nrelates the circumstances, and mentions the\\neagerness with which the whole city rushed\\nto the spectacle. His body was found, cov-\\nered with the pontifical vestments, still fresh\\nand uncorrupted. His hands, which his ene-\\nmies had asserted to have been bitten away in\\nhis rage, were so free from decay and mutila-\\ntion, with every finger entire, that even the\\nveins and nerves appeared to be swelling with\\nflesh and life.\\nAfter the death of Boniface the French in-\\nterest presently prevailed in the College and\\nin the year 1305 the archbishop of Bourdeaux,\\na native of France, was elected to the chair.\\nHe took the title of Clement V., and presently\\nti ansferred the papal residence from Rome to\\nAvignon.\\nSisinondi,Rep. Ital.,end of chap. xxiv. Con-\\ncerning which Boniface (says Matthew of Westmin-\\nster) a certain versifier wrote as follows\\nIngreditur Vulpes, regnat Lpo, sed Canis exit;\\nRe tandem vera si sic fuit, ecce Chimera!\\nFlores Histor. ad ann. 1303.\\nOthers give the same in the form of a prophecy,\\ndelivered by Morone during his imprisonment. As-\\ncendisti ut Vulpes, regnabis ut Leo, et morieris ut\\nCanis. Antiq. Eccles. Britann. ad ann. 1295.\\nf Spondanus continued the History of Baron ius\\nfrom the year 1197, in which it concludes, to 1646.\\nSee also Bzovius on this same occurrence. Ann.\\n1303.\\nCHAPTER XXI.\\n(I.) On Lewis IX. of France His public motives con-\\ntrasted with those of Constantine and Charlemagne\\nHis virtues, piety, and charity\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Particulars of his civil\\nlegislation His superstition The original Crown of\\nThorns its removal to Paris its reception by the king.\\nHis death His miracles and canonization The Bull\\nof Boniface VIII. (II.) On the Inquisition, Whether\\nSt. Lewis contributed to its establishment Origin of\\nthe Inquisition\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Office of St. Dominic and his contem-\\nporaries Erection of a separate tribunal at Toulouse\\nby Gregory IX. The authority then vested in the Men-\\ndicants Its unpopularity in France Co-operation of\\nSt. Lewis Conduct of Frederic II. Of Innocent IV.\\nLimits to the prevalence of the Inquisition. (III.) On\\nthe Oallican Liberties. Remonstrance of the Prelates of\\nFrance respecting excommunications. Firmness of\\nLewis His visit to the Cistercian chapter. The sup-\\nplication of the monks, and the reply of the King\\nEarly spirit and sense of independence in the French\\nclergy The Pragmatic Sanction of St. Lewis Its prin-\\nciple The six articles which constitute it Conse-\\nquences of the policy of Innocent III. (IV.) On the\\nCrusades. Remarks on the character and circumstan-\\nces of the first Crusade Exertions of St. Bernard for\\nthe second Crusade its fatal result Excuse of that\\nabbot\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Causes of the fall of the Latin kingdom of Je-\\nrusalem Third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh Cru-\\nsades\u00e2\u0080\u0094The eighth and ninth. St. Lewis\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Termination\\nof the Crusades, and final loss of Palestine General\\nremarks (1.) On the Origin and first motives of re-\\nligious pilgrimage\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Treatment of first pilgrims by the\\nSaracens Pilgrimage during the 10th and 11th centu-\\nries\u00e2\u0080\u0094Conquest of Palestine by the Turks\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Practice of\\nprivate feuds and warfare in Europe prevalent in the\\n10th century The superstitious spirit of the same age\\nassociated with the military General predisposition\\nin favor of a Crusade Failure of Sylvester II. and\\nGregory VII. (2.) On the Objects of the Crusades\\nwhat they v/ere what they were not The object of\\nthe first distinguished fi-om that of following Crusades\\nConduct and policy of the sovereigns of Europe Of\\nthe Vatican Gradual change in its objects. (3.) On\\nthe Results of the Crusades\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Advantages produced by\\nthem Few and partial\u00e2\u0080\u0094 on government- on commerce\\non general civilization Evils occasioned Religious\\nwars\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Immoral influence\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Corruption of Church disci-\\npline Canonical penance\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Introduction of the Plenary\\nIndulgence\u00e2\u0080\u0094 its abuses\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Jubilee\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Interests of the\\nclergy. JVoie (A.) On the collections of papal decretals\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094That of Gratian\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the Liber Sextus Clementines, c.\\nJVote (B.) On the University of Paris The Four\\nFaculties Foundation of the Sorbonne. JVote {C.)\\nOn certain Theological Writers Rise and progress of\\nthe Scholastic System of Theology\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Peter the Lombard\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094His Book of the Sentences \u00e2\u0080\u0094St. Thomas Aquinas\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094His history and productions\u00e2\u0080\u0094 St. Bonaventure\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the\\ncharacter of his theology The Realists and Nomin-\\nalists\u00e2\u0080\u0094or Thomists and Scotists. The Immaculate\\nConception.\\nIt is seldom that the stream of ecclesiastical\\nhistory receives any important contribution\\nfrom the biography of kings. Our more\\npeaceful course is uideed perpetually troubled\\nby the eddies of secular polity, and most so\\nin the most superstitious ages. The names of\\nConstantine and Charlemagne have, it is also\\ntrue, desei-ved an eminent rank among the\\nheroes of the church. But if we pass ovef", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0362.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "LEWIS IX. OF FRANCE.\\n355\\nthe legendary tales of the monarch-monks of\\nthe darkest days, we shall scarcely discover\\nany other powerful prince whose policy was\\nformed either on an ardent sense of religion,\\nor an attachment to ecclesiastical interests,\\nuntil we amve at the reign of Lewis IX.\\nAnd here we must at once distinguish the prin-\\nciples of that prince from those either of Con-\\nstantme or of Chai-lemagne. By whatsoever\\nmotives of genuine piety those two sovereigns\\nmay really have been influenced, it is certain\\nthat their ecclesiastical institutions were chief-\\nly regulated for political ends. It was their\\nobject an object worthy of then* royal rank\\nand virtues to improve the moral and relig-\\nious condition of their subjects through the\\ninstrumentality of Christ s ministers and at\\nthe same time to raise the dignity and charac-\\nter of those, whose sacred office, when they\\nare not the worst of men, is calculated to\\nmake them the best. But the actions of\\nLewis were not guided by any such consid-\\nerations. They proceeded from that which it\\nwas the purpose of the others policy to cre-\\nate an absorbing Christian piety, with its\\ntrain of concomitant excellences. On this\\nsubject there is no difference among histori-\\nans, except in as far as some are more dis-\\nposed to ridicule the superstitious excesses\\ninto which he fell, through the practice of\\nhis age, than to do justice to the lofty motives\\nwhence his virtues proceeded.\\nSection I.\\nOn Lewis IX.\\nLewis IX. was born about the year 1215,\\nand came to the throne at a very early age.\\nHe was educated by a mother named Blanche,\\nwho was eminent for her devotion to God\\nand the church and we should here remark,\\nthat he drew his first breath, and received his\\nearliest notions of ecclesiastical polity, among\\nthe groans of the suffering Albigeois. The\\nsanctity of his private life was not suUied by\\nany stain, nor was it clouded by any austerity.\\nNever, since I was born/ (says Joinville,)\\ndid I hear him speak ill of any one. He\\nloved his subjects and had his lot been cast\\nin happier days, he would have loved man-\\nkind. But the principles of his church so\\ncontracted those of his religion, that his\\nbenevolence could never expand itself into\\nphilanthropy.\\nHe was 3evout in private prayer, as well as\\na constant attendant on the offices of the\\nchurch. On the one hand, his submission to\\nthe admonitions, and even to the personal\\ncorrections, of his confessor, is diligently re-\\ncorded and on the other, his adoration of\\nthe Holy Cross is recounted with no less\\nadmiration. He would descend from his seat,\\nand advancing in a homely garment, with his\\nhead, neck, and feet bare, and his children\\nbehind him, bend with such profound hu-\\nmility before the emblems of his salvation,\\nthat the spectators were moved to tears of\\naffection and piety. He appears, too, from\\nthe same accounts, to have washed the feet of\\nmonks and of mendicants, by a very common\\nexercise of self-abasement. And we may\\noverlook this foolish affectation in that sub-\\nstantial excellence, which distributed his char-\\nitable benefactions without thrift or partiality,\\nthrough every class of those who needed\\nthem. The foundation of many churches\\nand monasteries secured at the same time the\\ngratitude and fidelity of his spiritual subjects.\\nHume has ascribed to Lewis IX., together\\nwith the mean and abject superstition of a\\nmonk, the magnanimity of a hero, the integ-\\nrity of a patriot, the humanity of a philoso-\\npher. That insatiable zeal for crusades,\\nwhich neither his reason, which was power-\\nful, nor his humanity, nor his philosophy, nor\\nall united, were even in later life sufficient to\\nallay, afforded at the same time the most per-\\nnicious proofs of his superstition and his\\nheroism. But his patriotism was more hon*-\\norably displayed in the internal regulation of\\nhis kingdom in the removal of abuses, in the\\nadvancement of civilization and in this office,\\n(as his domestic biographer observes,) he so\\ncombined the secular with the spiritual intei-\\nests of his subjects, that he seemed to dis-\\ncharge by the same acts the double office of\\npriest and king, f He detested the practice\\nof usury and to that motive we may perhaps\\nSee the book De Vita et Actibus Ludovici,\\nc. by his chaplain, William (Carnotensis) of Char-\\ntres and his Vita, Conversatio et Miracula, by F.\\nGaufridus his confessor. One object of the latter is\\nto point out the exact correspondence of the charac-\\nter of Lewis with that of Josiah. The particular\\ndescription and changes of his coarse raiment; the\\ndays of his fasting, of his abstinence from meat, or\\nfrom fruit and fish, or from every kind of fish except\\none, or from everything except bread and water, and\\nsuch like details of his devotional observances, are\\nrelated by both writers especially by the confessor,\\nand in his 17th chapter. The king s eleemosynary\\nliberality forms the worthier subject of that which\\nfollows. Both his biographers were Dominicans.\\nf Quod eliam quodammodo regale sacerdotiura,\\naiit sacerdotale regimen vidcretur par iter exercere.\\nG u ;i olm Carnotensis", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0363.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "S5e\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ncised the trade exclusively. Still v/e must\\ndoubt the wisdom, while we censure the cru-\\nelty, of the edict, by which he expelled them\\nfi-om the country. He enacted a very severe\\n(according to our notions, a barbarous) law\\nagainst blasphemy. While we praise his\\nbold, though seemingly ineffectual, attempts\\nto restrain the moral profligacy of his nobles,\\nwe shall scarcely less applaud the vigor, with\\nwhich he exerted against that body the power\\nof royalty, in a cause almost equally sacred.\\nIt was a leading object of his policy, to pro-\\ntect the lower classes of his subjects against\\nthe brutal f oppression of the aristocracy\\nami to unite the interests of the crown and\\nthe people against that privileged order, which\\nwas equally hostile to the independence of\\nboth. Justice he commonly administered in\\nperson, J and tempered it with his natural\\nclemency. At the same time he endeavored\\nto purify its sources by permanent alterations,\\nand to secure at least for future ages the bles-\\nsings, which he might despair effectually to\\nimpart t his own. Accordingly, he struck\\nat the root of the evil, and made it the grand\\nobject of his efforts, to substitute trial by evi-\\ndence for the judgments of God and most\\nespecially for the most sanguinary among\\nthem, the decision by duel. His ordinances\\non those subjects were obeyed within the\\nboundaries of his own domains but he had\\nHe caused the lips (or, as some say, the fore-\\nhead) of those convicted, to be seared with a hot iron.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Having Tearnt, on one occasion, that a nobleman\\nhad hanged three cfiildren for the offence of hunting\\nrabbits, Lewis condemned him to capital punishment.\\nBut the rest of the nobility united with so much de-\\ntermination to preserve the life of their fellow-tyrant\\nand the prerogatives of their order, that the king was\\nobliged to commute the punishment for deprivation\\n\u00c2\u00a9f property.\\nX I have often seen the saint, (says Joinville,)\\nafter fee had heard mass, in summer, come out to the\\nForest of Vincennes, and seat himself at the foot of\\nan oak, and make us sit all round him. And those\\nwho had any business eame and spoke to him without\\nany officer giving them hinderance\u00c2\u00bb And sometimes\\nhe would come to the Garden of Paris, and have\\ncarpets spread for us to sit near him; and then he\\nadministered justice to his people, as he did at Vin-\\ncennes. Histoire du Roy St. Louis, p. 23. Edit.\\nParis, 1617. This history, which is the life of an\\nadmirable king and Christian, by a candid, loyal,\\nunaffected sokiier, is a beautiful specimen of inarti-\\nficial biography. But, unhappily, the most beneficial,\\nand, therefore, the noblest acts of the monarch, are\\nnot those which have most attracted the attention of\\nthe soldier. The details of his campaigns, and many\\nanecdotes of his private life, are related with minute-\\nness and seeming accuracy but his great legislative\\neaactments arc slightly, or not at all noticed.\\nnot the power to enforce them universally\\nThe Barons, who were severally the legisla-\\ntors in their own estates, adhered to the ven-\\nerable establishments of former days and a\\nmore general diffusion of knowledge was re-\\nquired, before the plainest reason, aided even\\nby royal authority, could prevail against the\\ninveterate sanctity of instituted absurdities.\\nIt was the same with those humane endeav-\\nors to arrest the practice of private warfare,\\nin which he anticipated the course of civiliza-\\ntion by more than two centuries.* But when\\nbe despaired of effecting this object at once,\\nhe attempted at least to mitigate the mischief\\nby a judicious prohibition that neither party\\nshould commence hostilities till forty days\\nafter the offence shad been offered.f Thus\\nwas he compelled to temporize with a great\\nnational evil, of which he felt at the same time\\nthe whole extent, as well as his own incapa-\\ncity to correct it. From these instances Ave\\nmay observe, that the civil legislation of St.\\nLewis was generally founded on wise policy,\\nand that it always sprang from benevolent\\nmotives. We shall presently notice some of\\nhis ecclesiastical enactments but, at the same\\ntime, it must be admitted, that the charge of\\nabject superstition alleged against him by\\nthe philosophical historian is not less just,\\nthan the merits also ascribed to him nor will\\nit here be out of place to recount one cele-\\nbrated incident in support of this imputation.\\nReception of the Croion of Thorns. The\\nHistory of the Church comprises the records\\nof superstition, which in those corrupt ages\\nwas indeed so interwoven with piety, that it\\nis rare to find them separate. The character\\nof St. Lewis particularly exemplified their\\ncombination it may be perpetually detected\\nin his warlike enterprises but there is not\\none among his spiritual adventures which\\nbetter illustrates himself and his age than the\\nfollowing: The original Crov/n of Thorns\\nhad been long preserved at Constantinople as\\nthe most precious and venerable among the\\nrelics of Christ yet such were at this time\\nthe necessities of the government, that the\\nholy treasure was consigned in pawn to the\\ngovernment of Venice. It was delivered over\\nto the commissioners of the Republic, who\\nThe right of private feud cannot be considered\\nas abolished, until nearly the end of the 15th century.\\nIn collecting a large and, for those days, a valuable\\nlibrary, and in encouraging the progress of knowledge\\namong his subjects, St. Lewis opened the only certam\\npath to their civilization\\nt Some attribute this regulation to Philippe A\u00c2\u00ab-\\nguste.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0364.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "LEWIS IX. OF FRANCE,\\n357\\nimmediately set sail, in a wintry and incle-\\nment season, full of religious confidence, and\\nwere preserved (as it was thought) through a\\nperilous voyage by the holiness of their charge.\\nThe pledge, which the Greeks were too poor\\nor too wise to redeem, was eagerly purchased\\nby St, Lewis, and the relic, after a few months\\nat Venice of repose and adoration, continued\\nits pilgrimage to the west. During the com-se\\nof an overland journey it was again distin-\\nguished by the favor of the elements; and\\nthough the rain fell abundantly during the\\nnights, not a drop descended by day to inter-\\nrupt its progress. At length when it arrived\\nat Troyes in Champagne, the event was noti-\\nfied to the king at Paris, and he instantly set\\noff to welcome it, accompanied by the Queen\\nBlanche his mother, by his brothers, by some\\nprelates, and other nobles.\\nThe royal company met their holy acquisi-\\ntion in the neighborhood of Sens, and after\\nthey had uncovered the case and beheld the\\nobject, and moistened it with pious tears, they\\nassembled the clergy of the diocese and form-\\ned a solemn procession towards the city. As\\nthey approached the gates, the king and his\\neldest brother, the Count d Artois, received\\nthe venerated burden on their shoulders and\\nin this manner, with naked feet, and no other\\ncovering than a shirt,* they carried it, in the\\nmidst of the adoring crowd, into the cathe-\\ndral. Thence it proceeded to Paris, and\\nthere its arrival was hailed with a repetition\\nof the same degrading solemnities. The\\nwhole clergy and the whole people were in\\nmotion, and again the two illustrious brothers,\\nbarefoot and naked as before, supported and\\ndeposited it in the destined sanctuary. An\\nannual festival was instituted to comrae^riorate\\nan event of such national importance the in-\\ntroduction of this new palladium. But its\\nvalue was soon afterwards diminished by the\\nimportation of a formidable rival for the pop-\\nular adoration. It was not long before the\\nroyal enthusiast succeeded in procuring some\\nsubstantial fragments of the real Cross and\\nthis acquisition again furnished him with an-\\nother pretext to multiply to his lively subjects\\nthe occasions of religious festivity.\\nHis Death mid Canonization. In the year\\n1270, St. Lewis died before Tunis, while in\\nthe prosecution of his second crusade. His\\nlast words were said to have been these f\\nVita et Convers. S. Ludovici, c., per F. Gau-\\nfridum. Aug. 11, 1239, was the day consecrated by\\nthis exploit.\\nt So says William of Chartres, and Boniface VIII.\\nin his Bull of Caaoiiizatioa, confirms it.\\nLord, I will enter into thine house I will\\nworship in thy holy temple, and give glory to\\nthy name. Into thy hands I commend my\\nspirit. From the beginning of his life to its\\nI latest breath the same principle predominate^\\nthe same religious fervor ^(however it may\\nsometimes have been perverted) influenced all\\nI his actions and, perhaps, in the interminable\\ncatalogue of her Saints, the Church of Rome\\ncannot number a name more worthy of that\\ncelestial dignity than Lewis IX. But the\\nmerit to which that pious monarch was chief-\\nly indebted for his heavenly office, was not\\nthat to which he had ever particularly pre-\\ntended. His eminent vu tues, his religious life\\nand death, even his services to the Catholic\\nChurch, might seem to have entitled him to\\nthat high reward. But those claims had been\\nwholly insufficient, had it not also been con-\\nclusively attested that he had performed many\\nmanifest and astonishing miracles.\\nThe canonization of Lewis IX, took place\\ntwenty-seven years after his death, and almost\\nthe whole of that time was employed in col-\\nlecting the necessary documents.* The rapid\\nsuccession of the Popes was the cause which\\nretarded it and it may seem as if in mockery\\nof his holy character, that the performance\\nof this office did at last devolve upon Boni-\\nface VIII. It was Boniface who preached\\nthe panegyrical sermon, and enlarged on\\nthose various virtues which had no counter-\\npart in his own bosom. It was the genius of\\narrogance which paid homage to the spirit of\\nhumility, and exalted it even to the thrones\\nof heaven. Let the hosts of heaven rejoice\\nat the arrival of so noble and glorious an in-\\nhabitant an approved and eminent husband-\\nman of the Christian faith is added to their\\nmultitudes. Let the glorious nobility of the\\ncelestial citizens sound the jubilee of joy, for\\nan honored stranger is adscribed to their\\nranks. Let the venerable assembly of the\\nSaints arise with gladness and exultation, to\\nreceive a com[)eer who well deseiTes such\\ndignity. Arise, thou innumerable council of\\nIn the first of the two sermons delivered by\\nBoniface on that occasion, he expressly asserts, that\\nafter the fullest examination into the evidence for the\\nmiracles, he has ascertained that sixty-three miracles\\nwere assuredly performed, besides others which God\\nevidently vouchsafed to him (sexagiata tria., inter\\ncaetera quoe Dominus evidenter ostendit, certitudina-\\nliter facta cognovimus.) Respecting the tedious du-\\nration of the investigation, Boniface remarks, in the\\nsame discourse, Avith great simplicity Et ita per\\ntot et totiens e\u00c2\u00bb.minatum est, rubricatum et discussum\\nnegocium, quod de lioc plus facta est descriptura,\\nquam imus as inns posset portare.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0365.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "358\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nfaith zealots of tlie faith arise, and sing the\\nhymn of praise in concert with the Cliurch\\nwhich is your own. He offered offence\\nto no one, to no one violence or injury. He\\ncarefully observed the boundaries of justice,\\nwithout deserting the path of equity. He\\npunished with the sword the daring and law-\\nless enterprises of the wicked. An ardent\\nlover of peace and concord an anxious\\npromoter of unity hostile to scandals and\\ndissensions, c. c. We may remark that\\nthis last topic, in the mouth of Boniface VIII.,\\nwas at best an equivocal eulogy. A zeal for\\nunity, and an abhorrence of scandals and\\ndissensions, is a praise which, when proceed-\\ning from pontifical lips, conveys the necessary\\nsuspicion of intolerance. Lewis has been\\naccused of that crime ^the ruling iniquity of\\nhis age and we shall now examine on what\\nfacts that charge is really founded.\\nSection II.\\nOn the Inquisition.\\nIt is asserted, and with truth, that the Inqui-\\nsition was permanently established in France\\nduring the reign of St. Lewis that he never\\nceased to manifest great partiality for the\\nDominicans and Franciscans, f and all invest-\\ned with the inquisitorial office and that it\\nwas even at the particular solicitation of the\\nking,t that Alexander IV. confirmed, in 1255,\\nthe institution of that tribunal, and appointed\\nthe Prior of the Dominican Convent at Paris\\nto be Inquisitor-general in France. That we\\nmay be able to estimate the real weight of\\nIt is diffieult to conceive a more turgid and tau-\\ntologous composition than this celebrated bull.. The\\nmerits which Lewis really possessed, are enumerated\\nwithout taste or feeling and the author of the pane-\\ngyric seems to have been wholly incapable of esti-\\nmating the character wiiich he pretended to eulogize.\\nf It appears that he intended to educate two of his\\nsons in monasteries, and that by his Testament he\\nconsigned one to Dominican, the other to Franciscan\\ntuition. Gaufridus, Vita et Conversat. chap. 14.\\nX See Limborch, Hist. Inquisit. lib. i. cap. 16.\\nThe annalist Raynaldus has expressed his pious re-\\ngret, that the admirable institution of the Saint was\\nfeebly supported, and even entirely overthrown by his\\ndegenerate successors! We should observe that the\\ndomains of the Count of Poitiers and Toulouse, who\\nMvas then Alphonso, brother of the king, were except-\\ned from the jurisdiction of the prior, as being already\\nsubject to a special commission on rhatters of faith.\\nFleury, liv. Ixxxiv. Ixxxv. The act of St. Lewis\\nwas to establish that generally throughout his king-\\ndom, which had hitherto been confined to the most\\ninfected province..\\nthese assertions, and (what is more important\\nthan the reputation of any individual) that we\\nmay understand on what ground that fright-\\nful structure was erected, we must trace as\\nshortly as possible the causes which led to its\\nfoundation.\\nThe itinerant emissaries of Innocent III.,\\namong whom Dominic is the name most\\ncelebrated, first obtained the title of Inquisit-\\nors that is to say, they were invested by the\\nPope with authority to discover, to convert\\nor to arraign before the ecclesiastical courts\\nall guilty or suspected of heresy. But thia\\nwas the limit of their commission. They did\\nnot constitute an independent tribunal, nor\\nwere they clothed with any judicial power.\\nThe process was still carried on, according\\nto the practice then prevailing, before the\\nbishop of the diocese, and the secular arm\\nv ^as invited, when necessary, to enforce his\\nsentence. But this form of proceeding was\\nnot found suflSciently rapid to satisfy the\\neagerness of the Pope and his missionaries.\\nThe work of extirpation was sometimes re-\\ntarded by the compunctions of a merciful pre-\\nlate, sometimes by the reluctance of the civil\\nauthorities to execute a barbarous or unpop-\\nular sentence.* And to remove these im-\\npediments to the course of destruction, there\\nwas no resource, except to institute in the in-\\nfected provinces, with the direct co-operation\\nof the ruling powers, a separate tribunal for\\ncauses of heresy. This object was not imme-\\ndiately accomplished. In the meantime the\\nDominicans and Franciscans were s])reading\\ntheir numbers and influence in every country.\\nAnd as they were the faithful myrnjidons of\\nthe Roman See, and more devoted in their\\nallegiance than either the secular or the regu-\\nlar clergy, thus arose an additional reason for\\ninvesting them with a distinct jurisdiction.\\nBy the council held at Toulouse in 1229, (of\\nwhich the decrees have been noticed in a\\nformer chapter,) a canon was publislied which\\nunited one priest with three laymen, in a\\nsort of council of inquisition. It is this regu-\\nIt should be remarked on the other hand, that it\\nwas sometimes (especially in the beginning of the\\npersecutions) precipitated by the agency of popular\\nfury, excited by the preachers against the heretics.\\nTheir favorite text is said to have been (Psalm xciv.\\nv. 16.) Who will rise up for me against the evil-\\ndoers Who will stand up for me against the work-\\ners of iniquityl Many of them were eloquent the\\npeople were superstitious the preachers were fana-\\ntics. In fact, when the ecclesiastical censures were\\ndespised, and the secular power refused its aid, pop?*\\nular iu.^(luess y.as their only remaining instruiBen.tj.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0366.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "THE INQUISITION.\\nS59\\nlation which is reasonably considered as the\\nfoundation of the Court of Inquisition.\\nTo Pope Gregory IX. be ascribed the honor\\nof this success! Still the court thus estabhshed\\ncontinued to be a court of bishops. Its object\\nwas indeed exclusively such as the most zeal-\\nous pontiff could have desned; but it was\\ncomposed of materials neither wholly desti-\\ntute of human feeling, nor blindly subservient\\nto the papal will. A further change was,\\ntherefore, necessary and, accordingly, about\\nthree years afterwards, Gregory found means\\nto transfer the authority in the new court to\\nthe Dominican order. It was thus that the\\nInquisition, properly so called that is, a\\ncourt for the trial of heretics, erected by\\npapal authority, and administered by papal\\ndependents was indeed instituted. Some\\npopular commotions f followed its first pro-\\nceedings; the persons of the judges were\\nexposed to insult, and the whole body was, for\\na short time, expelled from the city. But the\\nspirit of Rome was yet too powerful, the fu-\\ngitives were presently restored. And though\\nthe inquisitorial system never reached in\\nFrance those refinements in barbarity which\\nsome other countries have endured though\\nit obtained, in truth, no very permanent foot-\\ning among a humane and generous people\\nit continued to subsist there for several years;\\nand if there was any sceptre under which it\\ncan be said to have flourished, it was assur-\\nedly the sceptre of St. Lewis. Still we must\\nnot forget that it was established in his boy-\\nhood so that the guilt of that act is unjustly\\nBy the Council of Narbonne, held two years be-\\nfore, it was enacted^ tiiat the bishops should estab-\\nlish in each parish synodal witnesses to inquire into\\nheresy, and other notorious crimes, and to make their\\nrepoi-t. These were truly established inquisitors;\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094still their office was to report, not to judge.\\nt Besides the indignation excited by the object of\\nthis institution, there was a general objection among\\nlaymen to the establishment oi any new ecclesiastical\\ntribunal, to which all classes were alike amenable.\\nAnd this was not diminished when, to the original of-\\nfences of heresy, those of Judaism, Mahometanism,\\nsodomy, sacrilege, and even polygamy, were added.\\nBut we have not observed that this wide extension\\nof the objects of that court was ever made in France.\\nX We must notice the injustice which has hastily\\nbeen offered to the character of Lewis IX. by Mosh-\\neim. That writer having asserted (on the authority\\nof the Benedictine compilers of the history of Lan-\\nguedoc) that Lewis published a barbarous edict against\\nheretics, in the year 1229, proceeds thus: A great\\npart of the sanctity of good King Lewis consisted in\\nhis furious and implacable aversion to heretics.\\nNow, that this aversion formed, at any age, a promi-\\nnent pai-t of his character, will be asserted by no one\\ncast upon him. He perpetuated the evil which\\nhe found and in the religious code of those\\ndays, the unity of the Church was so care-\\nfully identified with the glory of Christ, that\\nan ardent desire for the one might easily de-\\ngenerate into a misguided zeal for the other\\nand thus, without intending to exculpate the\\nroyal persecutor, we are bound to distinguish\\nbetween the crime of those who created that\\necclesiastical system, and of him who blindly\\nsupported it; of the churchmen* who art-\\nfully confounded the essence of religion with\\nthe maintenance of their own power, and of\\nthe pious laymen, who adopted with reverence\\nthe undisputed and consecrated maxims.\\nProgress of the Inquisition. The brutal\\nedicts t of Frederic II., published about 1244,\\nand not exceeded by the most barbarous em-\\nanations of the Vatican, were not palliated by\\nany motive of misdirected pietyt yet were\\nthey much more effectual than the encour-\\nagement of Lewis in arming the fury of the\\nDominicans, at least within the limits of his\\nempire. But the intolerant zeal of Frederic\\nneither sofl;ened the hostility of Innocent IV.,\\nnor preserved himself from the anathemas of\\nthe Church. After his triumph. Innocent\\npursued and exceeded the footsteps of his\\npredecessors. He established the Tribunal\\nwho has studied the whole of his life. But in res-\\npect to this particular edict, was Mosheim ignorant\\nthat it was published under the regency of Queen\\nBlanche, when the prince was not yet fifteen years\\nold\\nIn 1239, one hundred and eighty heretics were\\nburnt in Champagne, in the same flames, and in the\\npresence of eighteen bishops. It is a holocaust\\nagreeable to God! exclaimed a monk who witnessed\\nthe execution. Was it to be expected that\\na woman and a child should rise up against an eccle-\\nsiastical practice, which was sanctioned by the con-\\ncurrent zeal of monks, of prelates, of popes, and of\\ncouncils\\nf Four of them are cited by Limborch, Hist, of\\nInquisit., lib. i. cap. 12.\\nX He was accused of having favored and fostered\\nheresies. His edicts may have had that tendency;\\nbut he was assuredly innocent of the intention.\\nGiannone (lib. xix., chap. v. sect, iv.) seems to\\nascribe the establishment of the court virtually ad-\\nministered by the Mendicants, to Innocent IV., and\\nwith truth, so far as Italy was concerned. Two cir-\\ncumstances (he remarks) were opposed to it. (1.)\\nThe judicial rights of the episcopal courts. (2.) The\\nexecutive rights of the secular magistrates. The first\\nwas obviated by the nominal association of bishops\\nin the inquisitorial office. The second, by permitting\\nthe magistrate to have his minister in the court,\\nthough at the appointment of the grand inquisitor.\\nThere v\u00c2\u00bbas much art in this concession; for thus,\\nwhile the ecclesiastics really held the whole power.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0367.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "360\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nof the Inquisition in the nortli of Italy, and in\\nthat form which made it most effectually the\\nengine of the Vatican. It is true, that in this\\ncourt the bishop was nominally appointed as\\ncoadjutor to the papal inquisitor but all sub-\\nstantial judicial authority was placed in the\\nhands of the latter. The civil magistrate\\nwas likewise admitted to a seat among the\\nmembers of the court but in reality bis\\npower was ministerial only. The whole\\neffective power, both judicial and executive,\\nwas vested in the Dominicans and Francis-\\ncans. From Italy, the pestilence rapidly\\nspread to the island of Sardinia, to Syria, and\\nto Servia. f On the other hand into Spain,\\nthe field of its most destructive ravages, it\\nwas introduced so late as the reign of Ferdi-\\nnand and Isabella a reign more renowned,\\nmore panegyrized, than any other in the his-\\ntory of that country. But from Spain even\\nihe despotism of Charles V. was insufficient\\nto communicate it to the rest of his subjects\\nthe natural humanity of the Germans perse-\\nveringly repelled that pestilence and the in-\\nhabitants of Naples on one side, and of the\\nLow Countries on the other, resisted and re-\\njected it with equal constancy.\\nWe shall not enter more deeply into the\\nrecords of the Inquisition, nor particularize\\nthe combinations of its machinery, and the\\nexquisite harmony of its movements, because\\nit did not reach that fatal perfection until a\\nthe secular authorities, by being united with them in\\nname, were associated in hatred. They were tools,\\nthey were mistaken for accomplices.\\nWe learn from Bzovius at a later period, (ann.\\n1302, sect. X.,) that Boniface VIII. transferred the\\ninquisitorial office from the Franciscans to the Domi-\\nnn;a8is, publishing at the same time some severe con-\\nstitutions against heretics. There is one feature in\\nthem which we have not remarked in the earliest\\nedicts. Not only were their defensores, receptatores,\\nc., included in the penalties, but also their filii et\\nnepotes children and grandchildren. The bishop\\nof the diocese was permitted to act in concert with\\nthe inquisitors and the investigation was ordered to\\nproceed simpliciter et de piano, absque, advocato-\\nrum et judiciorum strepitu et figura! The accusers\\nwere allowed to give evidence secretly, if there should\\nseem to be any danger to them from the publication\\nof their names.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f- Limborch, lib. 1., cap. xvi. The Liber Sen-\\ntentiarum Inquisitionis Tholosanse, published at the\\nend of his work, is of great value, not only as it\\nfaithfully represents the spirit of the ruling party in\\nthe Church at that time, (there were no doubt many\\nindividuals of greater moderation and humanity,)\\nbut also as the best storehouse of the opinions with\\nwhich the heretics were charged, and for which they\\nsuffered.\\ntime posterior to the conclusion of this Hi^\\ntory.\\nIt is with no trifling satisfaction that\\nwe dispense with this labor for the details\\nof ingenious barbarity, though they may\\nawaken a transient attention, convey little\\nthat is instructive to a reasonable mind and\\nthe feelings of horror and indignation which\\nthey excite, do they not sometimes miss their\\ntrue object, and exceed their just limits? do\\nthey not sometimes rise into a detestation\\ntoo general and too unqualified against the\\nChurch which peraiitted such iniquities.?\\ndo they not sometimes close our charities\\nagainst fellow Christians and fellow Catho-\\nlics, who perhaps abominate, as intensely as\\nwe do, the crimes of their ancestors To ex-\\npose the deviations from the precepts of the\\nGospel and the principles of philanthropy,\\ninto which the Church of Rome, in different\\nages, has fallen, is a painful task so common-\\nly obtruded upon the historian, that he may\\nwell be spared the gratuitous denunciation\\nof those which do not lie within the bounda-\\nries prescribed to his work.\\nSection III.\\nOn the Gallican Liberties.\\nSt. Leivis and his Clergy. A difference\\nwhich took place between St. Lewis and his\\nclergy, in the year 1263, throws some light\\nboth on his own character, and on the eccle-\\nsiastical history of the age. The bishops\\nwere desirous to make to the king a remon-\\nstrance from their whole body and when\\nthey were admitted into his presence, the\\nbishop of Auxerre spoke in their name as\\nfollows Sire, all these prelates here assem-\\nbled desire me to say, that you are permitting\\nthe Christian religion to fall to ruins, and to\\ncrumble in your hands. On which the good\\nking f made the sign of the Cross, and said,\\nNow tell me, bishop, how that is, and for\\nwhat reason Sire, continued the bishop,\\nthe evil is, that no regard is any longer paid\\nto excommunication. In these days, a man\\nM ould rather die under the sentence, than\\nobtain absolution by making the necessary\\nsatisfaction to the Church. Wherefore, Sire,\\nall these here present request, with one voice,\\nthat, for the honor of God, and in the dis-\\nIt was indeed introduced into Spain under Pope\\nSixtus IV., before the close of the fifteenth century;\\nbut its first efforts, which were directed against the\\nJews, were merely characterized by savage barbarity.\\nf Joinville, who tells the story, was present. Prem.\\nPartie Vje de St. Louis, p. 24,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0368.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "GALLICAN LIBERTIES.\\n361\\ncharge of your own duty,* it may please you\\nto coinmand all your bailiffs, provosts, and\\nother administrators of justice, as follows\\nthat, if any one be found in your kingdom\\nwho shall have lain under a sentence of ex-\\ncommunication for a year and a day continu-\\nous, he be compelled, by seizure of his goods,\\nto reconcile himself to the Church. The\\nholy man (le saint homme) answered, that he\\nwould issue such order in respect to those\\nwho should be proved guilty of injustice\\neither to the Church, or to their neighbor.\\nThe bishop pressed, in reply, the exclusive\\nprivileges of ecclesiastical jurisdiction but\\nthe king firmly refused the secular aid, un-\\nless the nature of the offence, and the justice\\nof the censure, should be such as required its\\ninterference. This was the endeavor of a\\nwise prince to distinguish the boundaries of\\necclesiastical and civil jurisdiction, and to re-\\nstrain the former within its just limits and it\\nshows at least, that, on matters which were\\nstill left; open to the exercise of reason, Lewis,\\nhow much soever he might love the religion,\\nwas not at all disposed to be overreached or\\noverawed by its ministers.\\nWe may relate another anecdote of the\\nsame monarch, which will suggest one or\\ntwo instructive reflections to the intelligent\\nreader. St. Lewis had promised to be pres-\\nent at a chapter-general of the Cistercian or-\\nder, to be held in the year 1244 with unusual\\nsolemnity. Innocent IV. received informa-\\ntion of his intention and as the contest with\\nFrederic involved him at that moment in\\nsome difficulties, he took measures to profit by\\nthe pious disposition of the king of France.\\nThe monarch arrived, attended by his moth-\\ner, his brothers, and some nobles and all the\\nabbots and the monks of the community, con-\\nsisting of five hundred, went forth in proces-\\nsion to meet and welcome the royal visiter.\\nImmediately, while he was seated in the\\nchapter, surrounded by his court, the abbots\\nand the monks fell on their knees before\\nhim, with their hands in the attitude of pray-\\ner, and their eyes suffused with tears for\\nPour Dieuj et pour ce qu ainsi le devez faire.\\nWe should observe that the demand on the part of the\\nprelates was not new, and that it had even been grant-\\ned by the predecessor of Lewis. The first canon of\\nthe Council of Narbonne, held in 1227, mentions, as\\nthe law then in force, that whoever remained under\\nthe sentence, after three admonitions, should pay a\\nfine of nine livres and a denier; but that whoever\\nremained so for a whole year, should suffer the con-\\nfiscation of all his property. Fleury, liv. Ixxix. sec.\\nxxxii,\\n46\\nsuch had been the instructions of Innocent.\\nTheir prayer was this: That, according to\\nthe ancient custom and liberty of France, he\\nwould protect their father and pastor, the\\nholy pontiff, against the insults of the empe-\\nror that he would receive him, if necessaiy,\\ninto the bosom of his kingdom, as Alexander\\nhad formerly been received, while flying be-\\nfore the Emperor Frederic, and Thomas of\\nCanterbury, in his persecution by Henry of\\nEngland. St. Lewis descended from\\nhis seat, and placed himself in like manner\\nupon his knees before the holy suppliants.\\nBut his reply was dictated by the calmest\\nprudence and policy that he would defend\\nthe Church, as his honor required, from the\\ninsultsof the emperor and no less willingly\\nwould he receive the exiled Pope into his\\nkingdom, if his barons should so counsel\\nhim but that a king of France could on no\\noccasion dispense with the counsels of his\\nnobles. It was no secret from the\\nking, nor, perhaps, even from his monastic\\npetitioners, that the barons of France would\\nnever consent to open their rich domains, as\\na refuge for the rapacious court of Innocent\\nIV.\\nIf St. Lewis, on the one hand, protected the\\nliberties of his lay-subjects from the usurpa-\\ntions of the clergy, he was no less vigilant,\\non the other, in shielding all pai-ties from the\\nincreasing exactions of Rome. Even from\\nvery early ages the Church of France had\\nexhibited on some important occasions marks\\nboth of independence and good sense, above\\nthe level of other nations. The oriental ab-\\nsurdity of the Stylites was rejected by that\\nmore rational people. The rising authority\\nof St. Leo was unable to silence the refracto-\\nry bishops of France. The use of images\\nwas for sometime discountenanced in that\\ncountry. The Augustinian doctrine of pre-\\ndestination found, perhaps, its warmest ad-\\nversaries among the divines of France. But\\nmost especially in the contest of Hincmar\\nwith Pope Nicholas, and some other occur-\\nrences of the ninth century, do we detect\\nthe spirit of a clergy not prepared to pay im-\\nplicit obedience to the foreign autocrat of the\\nChurch. Nevertheless, no formal declaration\\nof resistance no national attempt to emanci-\\npate the Galilean Church from any of its fet-\\nSee Matthew Paris, ad ann. 1244, We must\\nnot confound this affair with a conference which did\\nactually take place two years afterwards between the\\nking and the Pope within the walls of Cluni, See\\nPagi, Vit. Innoc. IV., sec. xxxiii.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0369.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "362\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nters, or give it security by a separate constitu-\\ntion against further aggressions had hitherto\\nbeen made by any king of France.\\nThe Pragmatic Sanction. It was the last\\namong the legislative acts of St. Lewis to\\npublish those institutions which formed the\\nbasis of the boasted Liberties of the Gallican\\nCliurch. Just before his departure for Tu-\\nnis, he issued his Pragmatic Sanction. It\\nwas founded on the necessity of distinguish-\\ning temporal from spuitual authority, and\\nbecame, in after times, the foundation of a\\nmore extensive emancipation. Like those,\\nhowever, which were built upon it, it was pe-\\nculiarly directed against the pecuniary usur-\\npations of Rome, and her claims to the pat-\\nronage of the Church. The latter subject\\nhad indeed occasioned the earliest conten-\\ntions between the empire and the Vatican,\\nat a time when the rights of the dispute were\\non the side of the latter. But since the days\\nof Innocent II., the usurpations, whether in\\nthe imposition of taxes, or the distribution of\\nbenefices, had proceeded from the court of\\nRome and Lewis IX. having acquired by\\nhis pei-sonal character, as well as his wise\\nEstablishments, the affection and fidelity\\nof his subjects, felt strong enough to repress\\nthem.\\nAccordingly, in the year 1269, that he might\\ninsure the tranquillity of his Church and king-\\ndom during his absence, and also secure for\\nhis enterprise the protection of God, he pro-\\nmulgated his celebrated Ordinance. It is\\ncomprised in six articles. (L) The churches,\\nthe prelates, the patrons, and the ordinary\\ncollators of benefices, shall enjoy their rights\\nto their full extent, and each shall be sustain-\\ned in his jurisdiction. (2.) The cathedral and\\nother churches shall possess the liberties of\\nelections, which shall be carried into complete\\neffect. (3.) We will, that simony, the pest of\\nthe Church, be wholly banished from our\\nkingdom. (4.) Promotions, collations, pro-\\nvisions and dispositions of prelatures, dignities,\\nand other ecclesiastical benefices and offices,\\nwhatsoever they may be, shall be made ac-\\ncording to the institutions of common law, of\\nThe Establishments of St. Louis belong, for\\nthe most part, to civil history. It is only necessary\\nto observe, that though many particular enactments\\nwere severe, and even barbarous, according to the\\nestimation of a civilized age, they were founded upon\\nprinciples of policy, and even humanity, far above\\nthose of the times in which they were promulgated.\\nLe Roi (says Millot) devint legislateur: I anarchie\\nfeodale devoit finir.. Anotjier half century, and it\\ndid so.\\nthe councils, and of our ancient Fathers. (5.)\\nWe renew and approve of the liberties, fran-\\nchises, prerogatives, and privileges, granted\\nby the kings our predecessors, and by our-\\nselves, to churches, monasteries, and other\\nplaces of piety, as well as to ecclesiastical\\npersons. (6.) We prohibit any one from, in\\nany manner, levying and collecting the pecu-\\nniary exactions and heavy charges which the\\nCourt of Rome has imposed, or may hereafter\\nimpose, upon the Church of our kingdom,\\nand by which it has been miserably impover-\\nished unless it be for a reasonable and very\\nurgent cause, or by inevitable necessity, and\\nwith the free and express consent of the king\\nand of the Church.\\nSix years earlier, when the archbishop of\\nTyre arrived in Firanee, as the legate of the\\nHoly See, to impose a contribution on the\\nclergy for the cost of a holy f war, an assem-\\nbly of bishops referred his Bull to the king\\nand ordained that, if any chose to accede to\\nthe claim, they would do so by then- own free\\nwill, not through any legal compulsion from\\nRome. It is obvious, from these occa-\\nsional ebullitions, to observe, that the sordid\\npolicy of Innocent IV. was already producing\\nits effect, in disposing the secular clergy to\\nresist the despotism of Rome. Fifty years\\nhad not yet elapsed from the death of that\\npontiff, when we find the prelacy of France\\nplaced in direct opposition X to the Vatican,\\nItem exactiones et onera gravissima pecuniarum\\nper Curiam Romanam Ecclesise regni nostri imposi-\\ntQs vel imposita, quibus regnum nostrum miserabiliter\\ndepauperatum extitit, sive etiam iraponendas vel im-\\nponenda, levari aut colligi nuUatenus volumus, nisi\\nduntaxat pro rationabili, pia et urgentissima causa,\\nvel inevitabili necessitate, ac de spontaneo ac expresso\\nconsensu nostro et ipsius Ecclesiee regni nostri.\\nThere are some copies in which the last article does\\nnot appear. But there is more reason for the opin-\\nion, that it was curtailed in those, than interpolated\\nin the rest. Though the other articles do not make\\nexpress mention of the court of Rome, yet it seems\\nclear that the second, third, fourth, and a part of the\\nfirst, are levelled against it. See Fleury, liv. Ixxxvi.\\nsec. i. Dupin. Nouv. Biblioth., sec. xiii. chap. vii.\\nThe act was cited, as here given, by the Parliament\\nto Lewis XL, in 1483, and in the Act of Appeal of\\nthe University of Paris, in 1495.\\nt The Declaration of the bishops is given by Me-\\nnard in his notes on Joinville, p. 287.\\nThe same spirit, of course, extended itself to the\\nlower clergy. It was during this reign that a Cure\\nat Paris thus addressed his congregation. You\\nknow, my brethren, that I am ordered to publish an\\nexcommunication against Frederic (11.) I am igno-\\nrant of the motive. I am only certain that there has\\nbeen a quarrel between that prince and the Pope\u00e2\u0080\u0094", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0370.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "THE CRUSADES.\\n363\\nend a politic prince availing himself of that\\nspirit to the disadvantage of the Holy See.\\nAs long as the Popes were contented to make\\ncommon cause with their clergy against the\\nsecular authorities, they were indeed strong\\nand formidable. But when they openly dis-\\ntinguished between the interests of the court\\nof Rome and of the rest of the hierarchy\\nwhen they proceeded to supply the luxuries,\\nor forward the ambitious projects of the one\\nby invading the revenues of the other from\\nthat moment the despotism of the apostolical\\nChair, notwithstanding the swarm of Mendi-\\ncants which it created for its defence, had\\nparted with its only ground or hope of per-\\nmanence.\\nSection IV.\\nOn the Crusades.\\n*The report of the Council of Clermont\\nwafted a cheering gale over the minds of\\nChristians. There was no nation so remote,\\nno people so retired, as did not respond to\\nthe papal wishes. This ardent wish not only\\ninspired the continental provinces, but the\\nmost distant islands and savage countries.\\nAccordingly a mighty mass of fanaticism put\\nitself in motion towards the East. The frame\\nof society was convulsed, and seemingly dis-\\nsolved and as the will of Heaven is not un-\\ncommonly pleaded to justify the extravagance\\nof man, the phenomena of the physical world\\nwere pressed into the same adventure mete-\\nors and exhalations pointed out the road to\\nJerusalem, and the most ordinary signs of\\nnature became portents and prodigies. The\\nfirst burst of the storm fell upon some mise-\\nrable Jews, who were living in peace under\\nChristian protection, and rhany were massa-\\ncred. It then rolled onwards and the follies,\\nthe sufferings, and the crimes, which marked\\nthe progi-ess of the first crusade, have not ever\\nbeen equalled in the history of human mad-\\nness. Nevertheless, as a military enterprise,\\nit was successful. Some exploits were per-\\nformed of extraordinary daring. The same\\nGod alone knows which is right. I excommunicate\\nhim who has injured the other, and absolve him who\\nhas suffered the injury. The congregation were\\namused with the sally. The emperor is said to have\\nsent a present to the preacher; but the Pope con-\\ndemned him to canonical penance and he performed\\nit accordingly.\\nMalmsbury, p. 416. He continues: The Welsh-\\nman left his hunting; the Scotch his fellowship with\\nvermin; the Dane his drinking party the Norwegian\\ni is ravv fish.\\nagency which had lighted the flame was at\\nhand to nourish it on every occasion of disas-\\nter and the spirit that v/as chilled by famine\\nor by fear, was immediately revived and in-\\nflamed by some new and stupendous miracle.\\nMen who could be brought really to believe,\\nwhile under the endurance of the most fright-\\nful reverses, that the favor of God was espe-\\ncially extended and contmually manifested to\\nthem, were capable of more than human ex-\\nertion the entire abandonment of reason left\\nspace for the operation of energies which do\\nnot properly belong to man.\\nThe victory of Doryleum was followed by\\nthe siege of Antioch the capture of that city\\nled the way to the investment of Jerusalena\\nitself; and the banner of the cross was finally\\nplanted on Mount Sion amidst horrors, which\\nprobably had not been paralleled since the\\ntriumph of Titus over the same devoted city.\\nRespecting the double massacre inflicted upon\\nthe infidels, we shall merely remark, that it\\nhad not the excuse of hasty uncontrollable\\npassion, but that it was designed and deliber-\\nate. A deeply settled resolution of revenge\\nmay have had some share in the deed, but\\nthe policy of extermination had probably\\nmore and the spirit of religious persecution\\ncertainly directed the weapons and poisoned\\nthe wounds. In the meantime. Deux el volt\\nit is the will of God was the watchword\\nand the battle-shout of the Christians it\\noverpowered the prayers of the women and\\nthe screams of their dying children and\\nwas then loudest upon Sion and Calvary\\nwhen the commandments of God and Christ\\nwere most insultingly violated.\\niS^. Bernard preaches the Second Crusade.\\nThe loss of the Crusaders, in this first enter-\\nprise, is calculated with probability at about\\n1,200,000 lives but the Holy Sepulchre was\\nfreed from the pollution of the infidel and,\\nwhat perhaps was of more consequence, as\\nrespects the continuance of similar expedi-\\ntions, a Latin kingdom was established in\\nJerusalem. It is remarkable, that not one\\nof the sovereigns of Europe adventured his\\nperson, or even deeply risked his repiitation,\\nin the unknown perils of the first crusade.\\nBut, nearly fifty years afterwai-ds, the loss of\\nEdessa, and some other reverses in the East,\\nawakened the sympathy of Lewis VII. of\\nFrance and Conrad III. of Germany, and\\nChristiani sic neci totum laxaverant animum, ut\\nnee sugens masculus, aut foemina, nedum infans unius\\nanni vivens manum percussoris evaderet. Albert, p.\\n283, cited by Mills, Hist. Crusades, chap, vi,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0371.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "364\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthey determined to aid an afflicted Christian\\nand a brother king. For this purpose it was\\nnecessary to rouse the fuiy of Europe a\\nsecond time and the eager co-operation of\\nSt. Bernard secured success. A less powerful\\ninstrument might have answered the object.\\nAny intemperate enthusiast can excite his\\nfellow-mortals to deeds of wickedness; the\\ngenius of St. Bernard was given him to do\\ngood to mankind but it was contracted by\\nthe severity of monastic discipline; it was\\nstained with the prejudices of an ignorant\\nage it was distorted by the very austerity of\\nhis virtues it was misdirected even by his\\npiety. He entered with ardor upon his mis-\\nsion of evil. He traversed fruitful provinces\\nand populous cities. Vast multitudes every-\\nwhere assembled to applaud and to listen;\\nand the energy of his delivery and the vehe-\\nmence of his tones and action, roused the\\nfeelings of many, who were even ignorant of\\nthe language in which he addressed them, f\\nSuch excitement, in a matter where passion\\nand not reason was engaged, produced every\\neffect of persuasion and if, besides, there\\nwere any so torpid, as to resist the natural\\neloquence of the holy man, he enjoyed that\\nother resource, so potent in its influence where\\nall the ordinary operations of the mind are\\nsuspended, he possessed the gift of mira-\\ncles, and proved his heavenly mission (so his\\ncredulous panegyrists assert) by many preter-\\nnatural signs. At the same time he affected,\\nby a more dangerous assumption, the pro-\\nphetic character; and, on the faith of Him,\\nwho can neither err nor deceive, he foretold\\nand promised a splendid career of triumphs.\\nArmed with so full and various a quiver\\nagainst the feeble reason of a superstitious\\ngeneration with high personal celebrity and\\neloquence with the support of powerful\\nprinces with pontifical approbation with\\nthe repute of supernatural aid, and preten-\\nsions to heavenly inspiration\u00e2\u0080\u0094 what wonder\\nIt is amusing to observe the contempt with whidi\\nthe Abbot of Clairvaux speaks of the hermit-preacher\\nof the first crusade: Fuit in priori expeditione, an-\\ntequam Hierosolyma caperetur, vir quidam, Petrus\\nnomine, cujus et vos (ni fallor) saepe mentionem au-\\ndistis, c.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Bernard. Epist. 363, p. 328, vol. i. ed.\\nMabil. The reference is made by Mills, Hist. Cru-\\nsades, chap. ix.\\nt Latin was the language which he indiscriminately\\naddressed to the vulgar in all the provinces in which\\nhe preached. Since preternatural powers have been\\nascribed to him, it has been thought remarkable that\\nthe gift, of which he seemed to stand most in need,\\nwas perversely witlilield.\\nwas it that St. Bernard confounded the sense\\nand broke up the repose of Europe that he\\ndepopulated cities and provinces (such was\\nhis own rash boast,) and sent forth the whole\\nflower and vigor of Christendom on the holy\\nenterprise\\nThe history of religious war has not re-\\ncorded any expedition at the same time more\\nfatal and more fruitless, than the crusade of\\nSt. Bernard. After two or three years of\\nsuffering and disaster almost uninterrupted,\\na miserable remnant of survivors returned to\\nrelate their misfortunes and marvel at their\\ndiscomfiture. A general outcry was raised\\nagamst the author of those calamities; in-\\nnumerable widows and orphans demanded\\nof the prophet their husbands and their sires\\nor at least they claimed the sacred laurels\\nwhich he had promised ^the triumphs which\\nhe had vouchsafed, in his dispensation of the\\nboons of heaven, to the soldiers of the cross.\\nThe detected impostor was not ashamed to\\ntake shelter under the usual pretext of relig-\\nious hypocrites. He asserted that his pro-\\nphecies (the prophecies of God) were only\\nconditional that in foretelling the success of\\nthe cmsaders, he had assumed their righteous-\\nness and the purity of their lives that their\\nown enormous crimes had diverted or sus-\\npended the designs of Providence, just as in\\nancient days the sins of the Jews in the wil-\\nderness had foiled the policy and foresight of\\nMoses. If at any time we can regard with\\nlevity any pious artifice of the meanest ec-\\nclesiastic for the most innocent purpose, still\\nThis celebrated passage is in the beginning of\\nthe second book of his Treatise, De Consideratione,\\naddressed to PopeEugenius III., and should be cited:\\nMoyses educturus populum de terra ^Egypti me-\\nliorem illis pollicitus est terram. Nam quando ipsum\\naliter sequeretur populus, solam sapiens terram\\nEduxit eductos taraen in terram quam promiserat\\nnon introduxit. Nee est quod ducis temeritati im-\\nputari queat tristis et inopinatus eventus. Omnia\\nfaciebat Domino imperante. Domino cooperante, et\\nopus corifirmante sequentibus signis. Sed populus\\nille, inquis, durae cervicis fuit, semper contentiosd\\nagens contra Dominum et contra Moysem servum\\nejus. Bene illi creduli et rebelles Hi autem quidl\\nIpsos Interroga. Quid me dicere opus est quod fa-\\ntentur ipsi Dico ergo unum Quid poterant confi-\\ncere, qui semper revertebantur, cum ambularent\\nQuando et isti per totam viam non redierunt corde\\nin JEgyptuml Quod si illi ceciderunt et perierunt\\npropter iniquitatem suam, miramur istos, eadera fa-\\ncientes, eadem passos! Sed numquid illorura casus\\nadversus promissa Deil Ergo, nee istorum. Neque\\nenim aliquando proraissiones Dei justitiae Dei prseju-\\ndicant.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0372.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "THE CRUSADES.\\n365\\nour smile is not unmLx:ed with melancholy or\\ncontempt. But the crime of St. Bernard, the\\nmost enlightened prelate of his time, who\\nusurped the attributes and forged the seal of\\nGod, in order to launch some hundreds of\\nthousands of confidiug Christians into pro-\\nbable destruction, or at best into successful\\nmassacre, excites a serious indignation, which\\nit would be partial to suppress, and which\\nneither his talents, nor his virtues, nor his\\npiety, nor the vicious principles of his age,\\nare sufficient to remove.\\nSubsequent Crusades. Forty yeai-s after the\\ndeparture of this expedition, in the year 1187,\\nSaladin gained the batde of Tiberias, and soon\\nafterwards recovered from the Christians the\\npossession of the Holy City. The Latin\\nkingdom of Jerusalem had struggled through\\neighty-eight years of precarious existence,\\nagainst internal dissension and tumult, and\\nthe perpetual aggressions of the infidel. Per-\\nhaps it must have yielded under any circum-\\nstances to the genius of Saladin but its fate\\nwas precipitated by the feudal divisions of its\\ndefenders, the jealousy subsisting between\\nthe Knights of the Temple and those of the\\nHospital, and the violent quarrels in which\\nthe latter were engaged, through the effect\\nof their papal immunities, with the avaricious\\nhierarchy of Palestine.*\\nThe Third crusade (1189\u00e2\u0080\u009492) was distin-\\nguished by the adventures of the lion-hearted\\nRichard. The Fourth followed only three\\nyeai-s afterwards, under the auspices of Pope\\nCelestine TIL, and terminated in inglorious\\nfailure. The Germans, of whom it chiefly\\nconsisted, accused the faint co-operation of\\nthe barons resident in the Holy Land. The\\nFifth and Sixth were created, or at least pro-\\ntected and fostered, by Innocent IH. The\\nformer of these may possibly be ascribed to\\nthe still surviving spirit of popular supersti-\\ntion, lashed into fanaticism by the preachmg,\\nor at least by the miraculous pretensions, of\\nan enthusiast named Fulk. But whatever\\nmay have been its origin, its termination\\nthe capture of Constantinople was certainly\\nneither foreseen nor designed by its advocates.\\nThe warriors of the sixth crusade likewise\\ndeclined from the original object of these mili-\\ntary pilgrimages, and deviated, with greater\\npromise of profit if not of glory, into the\\nwealthy plains of Egypt. Their courage\\nwas repaid by the conquest of Damietta but\\nThis subject will be again mentioned in the\\ntwenty-sixth chapter.\\nthe advantage thus obtained was neither great\\nnor permanent. The force of the Christians\\nin the East was weakened by division, and\\nthey were contented to despoil what they\\ncould not hope to possess. Still, if we are\\nto assign to this expedition the concluding\\nexertions of Frederic II., it terminated with\\nmore honor to the Christian name, and with\\na nearer approach to the liberation of the\\nHoly Sepulchre, than any which had been\\nundertaken since the first. And that its re-\\nsults were not more lasting, is to be ascribed,\\nnot to the insincerity of the emperor, but to\\nthe narrow jealousy of a passionate pope,\\nwho roused all his military and monastic\\nmyrmidons m opposition to that very cause\\nwhich he, as well as his faithless predecessor,\\nhad dai-ed to designate the cause of God.\\nTfwse of St. Lends. The chivalrous enter-\\nprize of the Count of Champaigne, and Rich-\\nard Earl of Cornwall, followed the council of\\nSpoleto, in 1234 and the imperfect success,\\nwhich attended it, was rather occasioned by\\nthe dissensions of the Mussulman princes,\\nthan by the cordial co-operation of the Chris-\\ntians. It added one to the list of the crusades\\nand was presently succeeded by tv^^o others,\\nthe Eighth and Ninth, with which the melan-\\ncholy catalogue at length concluded. Both\\nof these may probably be attributed to the re-\\nligious fervor of St. Lewis. In the access of\\na dangerous sickness, in the year 1244, that\\nprince vowed the sacrifice of his personal ser-\\nvice to God, should his health providentially\\nbe restored. It was so. In the following\\nyear, the numerous host of prelates, assembled\\nat the council of Lyons, proclaimed the cru-\\nsade, and enjoined four preparatory years of\\npeace and seriousness throughout the western\\nnations. During this interval large contribu-\\ntions were levied both on the clergy and laity,\\nand other effectual means adopted to secure\\nsuccess and at its expu-ation, the pious mon-\\narch spread his sails for the East. His imme-\\ndiate object, however, was not the liberation\\nof the Sepulchre, but the conquest of Egypt\\nand in the conduct of this campaign he close-\\nGreg^ory IX. Innocent III. died before the de-\\nparture of the expedition, which he had been par-\\nticularly and personally diligent in promoting. See\\nthe preceding chapter. Not professing to give a\\nregular history of these various expeditions, nor to\\nmention more facts than are necessary for our infer-\\nences, we have not noticed the celebrated Ciusade of\\nChildren under this pope yet it may fairly be con-\\nsidered as the consummation of the work of fanati-\\ncism.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0373.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "366\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nly imitated both the gallantry and the errors 1\\nof his predecessors, who had triumphed and\\nperished in the same field. The misfortunes\\nof the sixth crusade, though still fresh in the\\nmemory of mankind, taught as usual no les-\\nson and conveyed no warning to the genera-\\ntion which followed and the repetition of\\nsimilar blunders only led to a more disastrous\\nresult. The army was defeated, and Lewis\\nhimself fell a captive into the power of the\\ninfidel. But his follies were redeemed by the\\ngold of his subjects and he returned to expiate\\nhis fatal enthusiasm by the exercise of peace-\\nful virtues, and to repair, by useful and hu-\\nmane institutions, the wrongs which he had\\ndone to his people.\\nBut the spark of superstition was neither\\nextinguished by the discharge of his best du-\\nties, nor chilled by the advance of age. After\\nan interval of twenty years of wisdom, he re-\\nlapsed into the old infatuation, and unfurled,\\nfor the last time, the consecrated banner of\\nfanaticism. His second expedition consisted,\\nfor the most part, as the first had done, of\\nFrench and English and, like the first^ it was\\nagain directed against the Moslems of Africa,\\nnot agamst the usurpers of the Holy Land.\\nThe heroic plains of Carthage were occupied\\nby the Christian force; and the tombs of Ter-\\ntullian, Cyprian and Augustin may perhaps\\nhave been rescued from the pollutions of the\\nunbeliever; but the army was still encamped,\\nwithout any decisive success, before the walls\\nof Tunis, when St. Lewis was called away\\nfor ever from the sanguinary scene.\\nHis death was immediately followed by\\nthe romantic adventures of the English Ed-\\nward, which closed the long succession of\\nfruitless efforts for a worthless object. The\\npower of the Infidel presently increased in\\nmight and boldness; and, in the year 1291,\\nthe last fragments of Christian rule were swept\\naway from the surface of Palestine. Acre,\\nthe conquest of the English hero, was the last\\npossession of the Cross it had long been the\\nonly strong bulwark against the Moslem force.\\nIt was important, through its situation at the\\nend of that large and fertile plain which ex-\\ntends to the Jordan eastward, and which has\\nbeen the field of decisive conflicts in every\\nage of the history of Palestine it was import-\\nant, as the centre of commercial intercourse\\nbetween the east and the west, the resort of\\nall nations and all languages. But the uni-\\nversal profligacy which prevailed withm its\\nwalls, and the crimes with which it was stain-\\ned, beyond the shame of any other Christian\\ncity, were thought to justify the judgment of\\nGod, when at length he delivered it over to a\\nMahometan conqueror.*\\nThe Causes of the Crusades.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 To this hasty,\\nbut necessary outline of the history of the\\nCrusades, we are called upon to subjoin some\\ngeneral observations on their causes, their\\nobjects, and their results: not aspiring to em-\\nulate the eloquence with which this subject\\nhas been so commonly treated, nor affecting\\nto add any thing original in thought or ex-\\npression to the successful labors of our pre-\\ndecessors but simply to justify the preten-\\nsions of this work, which would vainly assume\\nthe title of an Ecclesiastical History, if it\\nshould pass in entire silence over the most\\namazing phenomenaj which ever proceeded\\nfrom the abuse of religion. And if, indeed, it\\nbe a true reflection, that the only enterprise,\\nin which the nations of Europe have at any\\ntime engaged with a single arm and a com-\\nmon soul,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and that, too, no vague and tran-\\nsient adventure, but the passion or policy of\\ntwo hundred years, ^stands singularly mark-\\ned in the historic temple, as a monument of\\nhuman absurdity: if this be true, is it possible\\nto search too frequently for the sources of such\\nunanimous infatuation, or to ascertain too mi-\\nnutely what passions of what prejudices, oi\\nwhat interests those were, which availed to\\ndispossess and enchain for so long a period\\nthe reason of mankind? Moreover, as we\\nhave found occasion to observe, that an indul-\\ngent Providence will sometimes extract bless-\\nings from man s blindest follies, it becomes us\\nalso to inquire, whether the fruits of those\\nwild enterprises were any other than shame,\\ndegradation, and misery. Though, indeed, in\\nthis case, it might seem presumptuous to look\\nfor any manifestation of divine compassion,\\nwhere impiety called itself religious devotion,\\nand massacre pleaded for reward, and pleaded\\nin the blessed name of Christ,\\nPilgrimage. To visit the spots which have\\nbeen consecrated by immortal deeds, to\\ntread in the footsteps which those have traced\\nwhose memory we love and revere, is the\\nsuggestion of natural piety, not the maxim or\\nobservance of religion. Nevertheless, such\\npractice is easily associated with any religion,\\nwhenever the qualities of its founder have\\nbeen such as to excite the enthusiasm of its\\nE questo pericolo non fii senza grande e giusto\\ngiudizio di Dio, che quella citta era plena di piu\\npeccatori uomini e femine d ogni dissolute peccato,\\nche terra chi fosse Ira Christiani. Giovanni Villanf\\nlib. vii., c. 144, as cited by Mills, Hist. Crusades", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0374.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "THE CRUSADES.\\n367\\nvotaries and thus the performance of holy\\npilgrimage became an early, a frequent, and\\nalmost a peculiar usage of the Christians.\\nFrom an innocent, perhaps useful custom, it\\nwas gradually exalted into a spiritual duty\\nand the journey to the sepulchre of the Sav-\\niour was encouraged and enjoined by some of\\nthe oldest Fathers of the established Church.\\nThe pure principle of pilgrimage was pres-\\nently mixed and alloyed by vulgar motives\\na faint shade of superstition was insensibly\\nheightened into a darker and the traveller\\nreturned from the holy places, no longer satis-\\nfied with the consciousness of pious intent\\nand sincere devotion, but also charged with\\nrelics of departed saints, or fragments of the\\nholy crown or cross. This degenerate\\npassion was nourished by the rulers of the\\nchurch multitudes thirsted for those vain\\npossessions, whom a mere ardor to worship\\nat the tomb of Christ would scarcely have\\nf rtified against the toils of the journey ;4he\\nSyrian dispensers of the profitable patrimony\\ni7uceasingly discovered new treasures by rev-\\nelation, or multiplied the original by miracles\\nso that the crowds who thronged the sanc-\\ntuaiy perpetually increased, and the sources\\nwhich fed their credulity were never closed\\nnor lessened.\\nIt was natural to expect that the conquest\\nof Palestine by the unbelieving Saracens\\nwould have abolished the means, if it did not\\ndesecrate the objects, of pilgrimage. But it\\nproved otherwise. The enlightened Caliphs\\nimmediately perceived the policy of tolera-\\ntion they saw the direct advantages which\\nflowed into Syria through the superstition\\nand commerce of the West; they may even\\nhave learned from their own practice to re-\\nspect the motives of the travellers, and the\\nkindred passion which occasioned an annual\\nvisit to the Christian Mecca. Certainly they\\nreceived the visiters without insult, and dis-\\nmissed them without injury.\\nDuring the concluding portion of the tenth\\ncentury, a strange impulse was given to the\\nspirit of pilgrimage by an accidental cause,\\nwhich, as it was sown in delusion, produced\\nthe customary harvest of wickedness. The\\nbelief prevailed of the approaching dissolution\\nof the world and the termination of earthly\\nthings Mount Sion was to become the judg-\\nment-seat of the Most High and the Chris-\\ntian nations were taught to depart and humble\\nthemselves before his throne. Those inter-\\nested exhortations were too obsequiously obey-\\ned; and though the notion which created\\nthem was after a few years falsified and ex-\\nploded, yet the habit of journeying to the\\nHoly Land had in the meantime gained great\\nprevalence, and the idea of an expiatory obli-\\ngation became commonly attached to it. In\\nthe century following, the journey assumed\\nnot unfrequently the form of an expedition,\\nand was sometimes undertaken by considera-\\nble bodies of associated and even armed de-\\nvotees. We still peruse, in the narrative of\\nIngulphus, a native and historian of England,\\nthe adventures of seven thousand holy Ger-\\nmans, v ^ho engaged in the entei-prise under\\nthe direction of the archbishop of Mayence,\\nand in the society of thirty Norman horsemen.\\nThey encountered many dangers and suffered\\nmany losses but they attained their object,\\nand worshipped at the fountain of their relig-\\nion. And when they recounted, in domestic\\nsecurity, their various fortunes, their listeners\\nwere more likely to be inflamed by the admi-\\nration of their success, than deterred by suf\\nferings or perils, which greater foresight or\\nfelicity might easily ward off from themselves.\\nTowards the close of the eleventh age,\\nabout the year 1076, the dominion of Palestine\\nwas torn from the Arabian dynasty by the\\nwilder hand of tlie Turks. The pure fanati-\\ncism of that rude people was not yet softened\\nby friendly intercourse with the followers of\\nthe adverse faith, nor would it stoop to yield\\neven to the obvious dictates of interest. Many\\noutrages were at this time unquestionably per-\\npetrated upon the strangers who visited the\\nsepulchre, and upon the Christian natives and\\nsojourners in Syria. Those who returned\\nfrom the East were clamorous in their des-\\ncriptions and their complaints and tales of\\nsuffering and of sacrilege, of the prostration of\\nChrist s followei-s, the profanation of his name,\\nthe pollution of his holy places, tales of Mos-\\nlem oppression and impiety, were diffused\\nand exaggerated and believed, with fierce and\\nrevengeful indignation, from one end of Eu-\\nrope to the other.\\nWarlike Spirit of the Age. Whatsoever\\nmay have been the merits of the feudal prin-\\nciples in earlier times, they had degenerated,\\nin the eleventh century, into a mere code\\nof militaiy service and subordination. The\\nwhole business, the pleasure, the passion of\\nthat age was war. It animated alike the cities\\nand the villages it presided over the domestic\\nregulations of every family it was familiar\\nwith the thoughts, where it did not constitute\\nthe habits, of every individual. Even the\\nhigher orders of the clergy forgot their spirit-\\nual in their secular obligations, and very com-\\nmonly engaged in the same pursuits from a", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0375.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "368\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ncommon necessity. It was in vain that\\nCharlemagne had restrained by his Capitula-\\nries that preposterous practice. The policy\\nof Charlemagne was too wise for the times in\\nwhich he lived: he attempted to anticipate\\nthe operation of progressive ages; he enacted\\nsome useful laws but he was unable to per-\\npetuate a premature, and therefore transient,\\ncivilization. No sooner was he removed by\\ndeath than inveterate barbarism resumed its\\nsway, and the bulwark which his single hand\\nhad raised against the principles, customs,\\nand prejudices of ancestral ignorance, was\\nhastily swept away. During the two centu-\\nries which followed, in spite of the general\\nexertions of the clergy, as a body, to arrest\\nthe desolating spirit, in spite of canonical leg-\\nislation and ecclesiastical censure, the practice\\nof private warfare continued with no mitiga-\\ntion. Early in the eleventh age, the Treuga\\nDei (the Truce of God) was solemnly enjoin-\\ned, with the purpose of enforcing a suspension\\nof hostilities during certain days in every\\nweek. But though this humane ordinance\\nwas frequently confirmed and reiterated, there\\nwas no age in which the military frenzy had\\nsuch general prevalence throughout Europe,\\nnone in which the exercise of arms and the\\neffusion of blood were so completely the habit,\\nthe motive, almost the morality, of the west-\\nern nations.\\nSuperstitious zeal At a period when re-\\nligious notions or observances were mingled\\nwith all customs and all institutions, and thus\\ninterwoven with the whole texture of private\\nas well as public life, and when, besides, the\\ncorruptions of Christianity had so superseded\\nits genuine spirit, that the notions which we\\nhave called religious should rather have been\\ndesignated superstitious, the ruling passion\\nof the age was easily associated with its ruling\\nweakness. Martial enterprise went hand in\\nhand with enthusiasm, misnamed pious the\\nexploits of the one were consecrated by the\\nexpressions, sometimes by the feelings, of the\\nother and the words of the priest were re-\\npeated, or the image of the Saviour embraced,\\neven in the fiercest moments of the strife.\\nAbject ignorance, followed by credulity, held\\ndominion almost undisputed and the minds\\nOlim (says Guido, abbot of Clairville) noii habe-\\nbant castella et arces ecclesise cathedrales, nee inee-\\ndebant pontifices loricati. Sed nunc, propter abim-\\ndantiam teinpox alium rerum, flainma, fen o, csede\\npossessiones ecclesiarnm prselati defendunt, quas de-\\nberent pauperlbus erogare. Du Cange, Gloss. Lat.,\\nart. Advocatus. The abbot s olim extended through\\nthe first five centuries, and not much later.\\nof men were destitute of any moral principles\\nto restrain, or any moral knowledge to direct,\\nthe course of their passions. The faculties\\nwhich distinguish sense from absurdity, piety\\nfrom fanaticism, truth from falsehood and im-\\nposture, were extinct or dormant; and a rest-\\nless and irrational generation lay exposed to\\nthe impulse of any rising tempest.\\nOn such an age and race, so inured to the\\nuse of arms, so alive to the emotions of re^\\nligion, so familiar with the practice of holy\\npilgrimage, the indignity of Turkish oppres-\\nsion, the outrages on the name and sepulchre\\nof Christ, fell with an electric efficacy. At\\nanother time, under other circumstances, the\\nbolt might have passed by unfelt and almost\\nunheeded; but al; that moment it was no\\npremature nor unseasonable visitation, but it\\nfound men prepared, and intensely sensible\\nto its operation and the flash which attend-\\ned it descended on materials prepared for ex-\\nplosion.\\nIt argues a superficial knowledge both of\\nnature and of history to suppose that a phe-\\nnomenon, so astounding as the first crusade,\\ncould have been produced in any condition\\nof society without strong predetermining\\ncauses; and that the preaching of the Hermit\\nor even the indulgences of the Pope could\\nhave excited to that enterprise, minds that\\nwere not deeply disposed to receive the im-\\npulse. There are some, indeed, who consider\\nthe increase of pontifical power during the\\neleventh age, under the auspices of Hilde-\\nbrand, to have been a leading cause in pro-\\nducing the Crusades. It is true that, a cen-\\ntury earlier, the aspirations of Sylvester II.\\nwere without effect it is more remarkable\\nthat even Gregory himself, though professing\\nan ardent and even personal eagerness for the\\nenterprise, carried his project to no result;\\nwhile Urban, with much less individual in-\\nfluence, accomplished the work with great\\nfacility. But in the time of Sylvester, some\\nof the popular motives for the crusade did not\\nyet exist, others had not attained sufficient\\nprevalence and maturity; and Gregory was\\ndiverted from his scheme by the more press-\\ning solicitations of domestic ambition. But\\nwhen Urban threw the torch among the mul-\\ntitudes of Placentia and Clermont, their hands\\nwere prepared and eager to seize it, and ex-\\ntinguish it in Moslem blood. A pilgrimage to\\nthe sepulchre of Christ was then a common\\nand almost customary act of devotion a pil-\\ngrimage in arms was congenial with the spirit\\nof a warlike race to liberate the holy places\\nand to chastise the usurpers were objects con-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0376.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "THE CRUSADES.\\n569\\nsistent with each other, and with the ruling\\nprinciples of the age.\\nObjects of the first Crusade.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 And such were\\nthe objects of the first crusade\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to deliver the\\nHoly Land from a state of imaginary pollution,\\nand to take vengeance on the infidel possessor.\\nNo consideration of distant consequences, nor\\neven of immediate utility, entered into them.\\nReason was not consulted, nor were her pre-\\ncincts approached of the passions themselves,\\nthose most akin to reason had no share in the\\nadventure. Ambition was silent in the up-\\nroar. Policy might, indeed, have offered\\nplausible justification, by suggesting that the\\nhurricane which had wasted Asia might pre-\\nsently break over Europe but the argumenta\\njusti meht5,if they have satisfied some writers\\non this subject, entered not in any degree in-\\nto the motives of the Crusaders. They were\\nnot men to calculate remote dangers still less\\ndid they perplex themselves with any theo-\\nretical speculation as to the right of hostility,\\nor seek their excuse in the antichristian prin-\\nciples of their enemy. From the rule and\\npractice of Mahometan aggression, they might\\nalmost have inferred the right of reciprocal\\ninvasion but they looked for immortality,\\nnot for justification it never occurred to\\nthem to doubt the justice, or rather the hoh-\\nness, of their cause they sought no plea or\\npretext, except in the passion of their re-\\nligious frenzy and in the sharpness of their\\nsword.\\nThere was still another motive which might\\nhave seemed substantial to the warriors of\\nthose days, and which they might equally\\nhave borrowed from the Infidel a design to\\nconvert the miscreants by force, and to drag\\nthem in chains to the waters of baptism but\\neven this project held no place among the in-\\ncentives to the first crusade. In later times,\\nindeed, when, in the vicissitudes of military\\nadventure, the arms of the Mahometan were\\nfound to preponderate, some faint attempts\\nwere made, or meditated, f to convince those\\nThe success which had attended the Asiatic, and\\neven Syrian, campaigns of Nicephorus, Phocas, and\\nJohn Zimisces (963 975) might have offered rea-\\nsonable hopes to the ambition of the Crusaders, and\\nalmost justified the military policy of the expedition\\nif ambition or policy had ever entered into their\\nconsideration.\\nf In 1285, Honorius IV., in order to convert the\\nSaracens, strove to establish at Paris schools for\\nArabic and other oriental languages. The Council\\nof Vienna, in 1312, recommended the same method\\nand Oxford, Salamanca, Bologna, as well as Paris,\\nwere places selected for the establishment of the Pro-\\n47\\nwhom it proved impossible to subdue; but\\nthe earliest soldiers of the Cross were moved\\nby no such design they rushed in thought-\\nless precipitation to an unprofitable end, and\\nthey believed that a Power irresistibly im-\\npelled them, and that that Pov/er was the\\nWill of God.\\nOf those which followed, These remarks\\nare properly confined to the origin of the first\\ncrusade to that burst of pure fanaticism\\nwhich was itself unmixed with worldly in-\\ncentives, though it opened the field for other\\nenterprises, proceeding from the usual motives\\nof human action. An inattention to this dis-\\ntinction has misled some writers, who, failing\\nto discriminate between the circumstances\\nwhich produced, and those which nourished,\\nthe crusades, have not taken an accurate view\\nof either. A midtitude of causes combined\\nto impel the machine when it was once in\\nmotion, though the agency which launched\\nit was simple and uniform. In the first place,\\nby the success of the first expedition, an im-\\nportant kingdom was established in the East.\\nImmediately measures were taken to provide\\nfor its protection, and secure its stability.\\nNatives of most of the western states settled\\nin Palestine. The Latin colony adopted the\\nfeudal discipline, and the common constitu-\\ntion of Europe. Hence a thousand links\\nwere extended of sympathy and of interest\\nand together they formed an entirely new\\nground for exertion, and gave a different\\ncharacter to the movement which agitated\\nthe West. Henceforward, reciprocal rela-\\ntions existed the honor of Christendom was\\nnow engaged to maintain its conquests over\\nthe unbeliever it was held base to relinquish\\na possession, acquired through so many losses,\\neven by those who might not think the losses\\ncounterbalanced by the possession. It is one\\nthing to rush into a desperate enterprise, and\\nanother to encounter some additional risk in\\ndefence of that, which by much previous risk\\nhas been achieved.\\nNot one of the sovereigns of Europe was\\neither personally engaged in the first crusade,\\nor very zealous in promoting it: it proceeded\\nfrom soin-ces wholly distinct from the policy\\nof courts and the springs of civil government.\\nBut the second, and most of the following\\nexpeditions, were undertaken, some with the\\naid and countenance, others under the very\\nauthority and direction, of the leading mon-\\narchs. It is unnecessarv to observe how\\nfepsorships. But the decree appears to have remain-\\ned without effect, until Francis Ivcalled it into life-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0377.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "370\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nmany different ingredients were thrown into\\nthe cup of fanaticism by such co-operation,\\nobedience to the command, affection for the\\nperson, gratitude for the favor, hope from the,\\ngenerosity, of the prince and, what was\\nscarcely less potent than these, the seal of ap-\\nprobation which stamped the practice, which\\ngave it prevalence and fashion, which placed\\nit among the ordinary means of distinction,\\namong the legitimate duties of military ser-\\nvice. Again, the policy, which nrixed\\nitself almost necessarily with the royal mo-\\ntives, entirely lost sight in some cases of the\\noriginal object. The pollution of the holy\\nplaces was forgotten in the fruitfid prospect\\nof the plains of Egypt, or of the commerce\\nwhich thronged the Afilcan ports in such\\nmanner, as to make it very questionable\\nwhether plunder, rather than conquest, was\\nnot the principal motive of three, at least,\\namong the latest crusades. St. Lewis himself\\nwas, perhaps, as politic as he was pious and\\nit is not easy to perceive how the sufferings\\nof the Holy Land could have been much al-\\nleviated by any advantages which be might\\nhave achieved before the walls of Tunis. At\\nany rate, though the same vows and intentions\\nmight still be professed, very different incen-\\ntives were certainly proposed, and very dif-\\nferent methods adopted, to accomplish them.\\nTlie policy of the Popes. The principles\\nand motives of the Vatican, which are gen-\\nerally found so consistent, were subject to\\nsome fluctuation in the encouragement which\\nit extended to the crusades. The feeling of\\nSylvester appears to have been the anticipation\\nof that, which animated the first adventurers a\\ncentury afterwards. Gregory VIL had more\\nspecific and tangible objects. His practical\\nmind was not perhaps much moved by\u00c2\u00bbthe\\ntears of Palestine and the tales of her pollu-\\ntion but he considered the union of the rival\\nchurches, and the general triumph of the\\nChristian over the Moslem cause, as projects\\nnot unworthy of the confederacy of the West,\\nand of his own superintendence.\\nThe Popes of the 12th century followed,\\nwhere they did not direct or inflame, the pas-\\nsion of their age and the successive arma-\\nments of martyrs were launched with the\\napostolical benediction on their holy destina-\\ntion. But the designs of Innocent IH. were\\nof a different and more selfish description\\nand he did not fear to pervert to their accom-\\nplishment the machine intrusted to him for\\nother purposes. The arms which had been\\nconsecrated to the service of Clirist, against\\ntlie blasphemers of his name, were now turn-\\ned against the domestic adversaries of the See\\nof Rome. The views and policy of Innocent\\nwere purely ecclesiastical they did not ex-\\ntend in any direction beyond the interests of\\nthe Church over which he presided and it\\nwas the impulse of the moment to crush the\\nfoe in his bosom, before he sought for a re-\\nmote and defensive enemy.\\nWhen the precedent of converting the ban-\\nner of the Cross into a badge of Papal sub-\\nsei vience was once established, the name and\\nobject of a holy war passed through different\\nmethods of profanation and the sword of\\nthe Crusader, after being steeped in heretical\\nblood, was drawn, in the same hateful service,\\nagainst a Catholic adversary. The Popes had\\nthus accomplished their final object in sub-\\nstituting the defence of the Church which\\nreally meant the temporal interests of the See\\nof Rome as a recognised object for arming\\nthe subjects of all governments, in the name\\nof Christ; and to this purpose the plenary\\nindulgence, still the great lever of popular\\nfanaticism, was commonly and not vainly\\napplied.\\nFrom that time forward it does not appear\\nthat the Vatican pursued any fixed policy\\nrespecting the expeditions really undertaken\\nfor the chastisement of the Infidel. Its gen-\\neral voice was indeed loud in their favor\\nand bulls and exhortations were perpetually\\npromulgated to quicken or revive the ardor\\nof the Faithful. Notwithstanding, there were\\nparticular occasions such as the attempts of\\nFrederic II. and the seventh crusade on\\nwhich the pontifical power was employed to\\nthwart, or even to prevent, the enterprise.\\nBut the secret of this fluctuation was too often\\nand too openly betrayed. The advantage\\nand aggrandizement of Rome was now be-\\ncome in papal eyes the only legitimate object\\nof the religious spirit and, according to the\\nmore modern and favorite method, she now\\nturned that spirit into the channel of her ava-\\nrice. The Indulgence, which in the first\\ninstance was only granted as the reward of\\nactual service in the holy cause, was, in pro-\\ncess of time, publicly exchanged for gold\\nand the timid or indolent devotee was first\\npermitted, and afterwards encouraged, to re-\\ndeem by his wealth the toils and dangers of a\\nmilitary penance. Again Innocent III. had\\ntaxed the clergy of Europe for the benefit of\\nthe Holy Land but presently we find com-\\nplaints, that the tax was become the object,\\ninstead of the means, and the crusade only\\nthe pretext. And thus the treasury of Rome\\nwas filled, amidst the disappointment of all", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0378.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "THE CRUSADES.\\n371\\nhonest enthusiasts and the murmurs of a de-\\nfrauded priesthood. The memory of Gregory\\nVII., and the fame of his spiritual triumph\\nand lofty ambition, were put to shame by the\\nsordid cupidity of his degenerate successors.\\nDecline of the Crusading Spiiit. The above\\nobsei-vations are sufficient to show how wide-\\nly both the causes and objects of the Crusades\\nvaried during the long period of their contin-\\nuance, and how far they sometimes deviated\\nfrom the pure martial fanaticism of their ori-\\ngin. As they were thus mixed up with the\\nordinary motives of poHcy, and were de-\\ngraded to the selfish service of Rome, so the\\nfuel by which they were nourished gradually\\ndisappeared, and the flame insensibly burnt\\nout and in this circumstance we observe the\\nlimits to which the influence of the Vatican\\nitself was confined. When popular spirit\\nwas kindled by other causes, the Pope was\\nabundantly powerful to fan and excite it\\nwhen it had risen to the height of its fury, he\\nhad control sufficient to misdirect it but\\nwhen it began to sink and die away, his ut-\\nmost efibrts were unable to sustain or revive\\nit. As long as the Vatican was contented to\\nfeed and minister to tlie universal passion, its\\ninfluence, which was really great, appeared\\nto have no bounds but when that passion\\nhad once subsided, the Pontiffs lost their hold\\non human weakness and neither the increase\\nof exemptions or indemnities, nor the mul-\\nTlie Crusaders, besides their plenary indulgences,\\nhad several alluring temporal privileges, which are\\nperhaps correctly reduced under the following heads:\\n1. They were exempted from prosecution for debt\\nduring the time of their service. 2. From paying\\nin eresl for the money which they had borrowed for\\nthe outfit. 3. For a certain time, if not entirely,\\nfrom the payment of taxes. 4. They might alienate\\ntheir lands without the consent of the superior lord.\\n6. Their persons and effects were taken under the\\nprotection of St. Peter, and anathemas denounced\\nagainst all who should molest them. 6. They enjoy-\\ned all the privileges of ecclesiastics; such as not be-\\ning bound to plead in civil courts, c. (See Robert-\\nson s Proofs and Illustrations.) It remained, of\\ncourse, very uncertain how far these privileges would\\nbe acknowledged by the secular authorities, and to\\nwhat extent those civil courts would consent to forego\\ntheir jurisdiction over so large a multitude; and thus\\nthe real value of these papal immunities depended\\non the Pope s influence, and various other causes.\\nThe serfs who exchanged their agricultural service\\nfor that of the Cross appear by that act to have ob-\\ntained their freedom: at least, that which was con-\\nferred by common military service, would scarcely be\\nwithheld from the crusader.\\ntiplication of mdulgences, availed to inflame\\nthe descendants of those spontaneous enthu-\\nsiasts, who, in obedience to the preaching of\\nthe Hermit, had rushed forth to restore the\\nhonor of Christ, and avenge the wrongs of\\nhis worshippers.\\nEffects of the Crusades. ---As the causes^from\\nwhich the crusadhig frenzy at first broke forth,\\nwere of long and regular growth, so likewise\\nwas the process of its extinction slow and\\ngradual. Throughout the space of two hundred\\nyears, the original flame, though continually\\nsinking, was not wholly lost; it was still min-\\ngled, though in smaller proportions and fainter\\ncolors, with the various mass of new motives,\\nwhich ineffectually endeavored to supply its\\nplace, and which really derived their bright-\\nness from it. But when at length the sky\\ncleared, and the last clouds had passed away,\\nwhat were the traces of evil or of good which\\nwere left upon the face of the earth What\\npeiTnanent effects were engraven upon the\\ndestinies of Europe by the violent hand which\\nhad so long dh ected them From a system of\\nmilitary aggression, which had no foundation\\nin reason, or even in those passions which are\\nnearest to reason, few indeed Avere the fruits\\nwhich could be expected for the benefit of\\nsociety and if any such did in effect proceed\\nfrom the crusades, it was through circumstan-\\nces wholly independent of their design. It\\nappears to us, that these fortuitous advantages\\nwere both few in number and extremely par-\\ntial. Perhaps it would be unreasonable to\\ndispute that the decline of the baronial des-\\npotism, with the birth of municipal rights on\\nthe one hand, and the just extension of royal\\nauthority on the other, was accelerated by the\\nviolent alienations of property which the cru-\\nsades occasioned but those salutary changes\\nwould have been produced, and perhaps at\\nno later period, by the sure agency of wiser\\nprinciples, advancing with the advancement\\nof knowledge. We may indeed hail the acci-\\ndent which hastened (if it hastened) their ap-\\npearance but we should err were we to as-\\ncribe to it their existence. The commercial\\nbenefits which historians too generally connect\\nwith the expeditions to the East were princi-\\npally confined to three cities of Italy Venice,\\nGenoa, and Pisa;* and if they were thence\\nThe results were probably unfavorable to Ham-\\nburgh, Lubeck, and the other towns forming the\\nHanseatic League, by draining the capital southwai d.\\nBesides the aristocratic military spirit, which was\\nnourished by the Crusades, is essentially anti-com-\\nmercial.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0379.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "372\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\npartially reflected to some other parts of the\\nPeninsula, that AVas a poor compensation to\\nthe commonwealth of Europe for the violent\\nextortions which exhausted its more powerful\\nmembers France, Germany, and England.\\nTheir treasuries were drained, and the mighty\\nsources of their national industry dried up,\\nthat the sails of two or three small republics\\nmight overspread the Mediterranean, and re-\\nceive the first fruits of the contributions so\\npainfully levied for the chastisement of the\\nInfidel,\\nTlie loss of Christian life occasioned by the\\nCrusades is fairly calculated at more than two\\nmillions. But if the mutual animosities of\\nprinces, or, what w^as even more destructive,\\nthe rage of private warfare, had been suspend-\\ned during their continuance, some consolation\\nfor the sacrifice would have been oflTered to\\nhumanity by the repose and concord of the\\nsurvivors. The fact, however, vi^as otherwise\\nfor a veiy fewyeai-s after the departure of the\\nfirst crusaders, the Truce of God was indeed\\nobserved but immediately the tide of feudal\\nbarbarism returned into its former channel,\\nand proved that the passion for international\\nor domestic broils was neither consumed in\\nforeign adventure, nor superseded by the thirst\\nfor it. It is even probable that the nature of\\nsuch contests was still further nnbittered by\\nthe introduction of those habits of unrelenting\\nferocity, which are invariably generated by\\nreligious warfare.\\nIt is, again, at least questionable, whether\\nthe arts of peace and civilization acknowledge\\nany obligation to the influence of the Crusades.\\nThe barbarians gazed in ignorant admiration\\nat the splendid magnificence of Constantino-\\nple How great is this city how noble and\\nbeautiful What a multitude of monasteries\\nand palaces it contains of exquisite and won-\\ndrous fabric How many structures are scat-\\ntered even in the streets and alleys, which are\\nmarvellous to behold It were tedious to\\nrecount what an abundance of all good things\\nis found there, of gold and of silver, of every\\nform of vestment, and of the relics of the\\nsaints. The records of the time are filled\\nFulcher. ap. Bongurs. vol. i. p. 386. Fulche-\\nrius Carnotensis was chaplain to the Count of Cliar-\\ntres. The origimil passage is cited by Mills, Hist.\\nCrus. chap. iii. It is certain that the collecting of\\nrelics was a very favorite occupation with the crusad-\\ners, who thus enriched with many remarkable trea-\\nsures the sanctuaries of the West. But to this pursuit\\ntheir curious industry seems to have been confined.\\nWe do not learn that they brouglit back any other\\nwith similar expressions of wild astonishment.\\nBut have we any proof that these enthusiasts\\nprofited by what they beheld that they imi-\\ntated what they admired that they strove\\nto transplant to their own soil that exotic ge-\\nnius and taste of which they felt the excel-\\nlence.^ Or were they merely ruffled by a\\ntransient inconsequential emotion, unconnect-\\ned with any principle of action, or intelligence\\nof observation It is asserted, that\\nif the Greeks were far superior to the western\\nnations in the culture of humanity, the Sara-\\ncens were scarcely less so and the strangers\\nhad thus a double opportunity of discovering\\nand correcting their deficiencies. But it is\\nforgotten that the soldier of the Cross was no\\nenlightened and leisurely traveller, searching\\nto instruct himself and his generation but a\\nfierce, unlettered fanatic, proceeding on a pur-\\npose of bloodshed. In his prejudiced eyes,\\nthe civilization of the Greeks was inseparably\\nassociated with luxurious indolence and ef-\\nfeminate timidity that of the Saracens with\\nan impious faith and blaspheming tongue\\nand the disdain with which he regarded the\\none, and the detestation with which he ap-\\nproached the other, repelled him equally from\\nthe imitation of either. And if it be true, that,\\nduring the long period of two hundred years,\\nsome trifling advancement in the arts of civili-\\nzation did in fact take place, it would still be\\ndifficult to specify a single invention as the\\nindisputable effect of the Crusades. Chrono-\\nlogical coincidences are sometimes mistaken\\nfor moral connexions and the changes whicli\\ndistinguish any age are thus too commonly as-\\ncribed to the passion or principle which may\\nhave predominated at the time. But in the\\npresent case, when we reflect that during the\\neleventh century before the commencement\\nof the crusades the human mind had already\\nrevived and entered upon its certain career\\nof improvement, we may indeed Avonder that\\nits progress was so slow, and its exertions so\\nbarren, during the two which followed but it\\nwould be preposterous to attribute the few\\nadvantages, which may really have been in-\\ntroduced, to a cause which Avas in itself\\ndecidedly hostile to every moral meliora-\\ntion.\\nFor, since knowledge is the only sure in-\\nstrument for the elevation of man, can we\\ncontributions to the store of European piety, or any\\nto the store of its learning. On the other hand,\\nmany monks took up arms, who ould have been\\nmore innocently and more profitably employed at\\nhome", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0380.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "THE CRUSADES.\\nS73\\nimagine a condition of society more fatal to\\nits progress than that which was regulated by\\nthe co-operation of superstitious zeal with\\nmilitary turbulence? wherein two princi-\\nples, separately so fruitful of mischief and\\nmisery, were leagued together against the vir-\\ntue and happiness of mankind What need\\nwe to pursue the inevitable consequences\\nWar assumed a more frightful character by\\nthe impulse of fanaticism and the ordinary\\nbarbarities of European strife were multi-\\nplied in the conflicts of the East. This ne-\\ncessarily grew out of the very nature of the\\ncontest. When the authority of Heaven is\\npleaded for the infliction of punishment, it\\ncreates an implacable and remorseless spirit\\nsince it supersedes, by a stern necessity, all\\nordinary motives, and stifles the natural plea-\\ndings of humanity. The crusaders exclaim-\\ned, It is the will of God and in that fancied\\nbehest the fiercest brutalities, which the world\\nhad ever beheld, sought not palliation, but\\nhonor, and the crown of eternal reward.\\nThe spirit of religious persecution appears\\nto have borrowed the peculiar features,\\nwhich afterwards distinguished it, from the\\npractice, and even from the principles, of the\\nCrusades. To destroy the votaries of a dif-\\nferent faith was esteemed an act of religion\\nand that, too, not so much because they were\\ndangerous, as because they differed. The prin-\\nciple, which was originally intended against\\nMahometans only, took root generally. The\\nrude understandings of a superstitious race\\nwere pei-plexed. One sort of difference might\\nbe as offensive to Heaven as another. The\\nword heresy was not less diligently and deeply\\nstigmatized in the tablets of the church, than\\ninfidelity. To the Pope, the infallible inter-\\npreter of the spu itual oracles, the former was\\nat least as formidable and as hateful as the\\nlatter. And thus the weapon which had\\nbeen applied with so much praise of piety to\\nchastise the one, might be turned, M ith the\\nsame salutary efficacy, to the extirpation of the\\nother. Through such an inference, which\\nWe more particularly mean the practice of as-\\nsaulting whole sects and districts of heretics, as such,\\nby authorized military force. The religious wars\\nbetween the Catiiolics and the Arians Avere of a very\\ndifferent character from those between the Church\\nand the Albigeois, c. and from the Arian Contro-\\nversy to the time of the Crusades, persecution, in the\\nWest, had never the opportunity, whether it had the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0will or not, of destroying by wholesale. The exist-\\nence of the heresy of the Vaudois during that period,\\nthough not improbable, is not historically certain.\\nthen appeared not unreasonable, urged by the\\nauthority of a powerful pontiff the practice\\nof rehgious massacre was introduced into the\\nchurch of Christ and when the ministers of\\nbigotry had once revelled in blood, they were\\nnot soon or easily compelled to relinquish the\\ncup. Among the many evil consequences\\nof the Crusades, we may account this, per-\\nhaps, as the worst, that they put arms into\\nthe hands of intolerance, and finally kindled\\nin the bosom of Europe the same fanatical\\npassions, with which they had desolated the\\nEast.\\nIf we are to believe the contemporary\\nhistorians, the heroes of the cross were re-\\nmarkable for theu- contempt of every moral\\nprinciple and tlie cities of Palestine were\\npeculiarly polluted by the prevalence of vice.\\nIf those who resorted to the birth-place of\\ntheir religion were not touched even on that\\nholy spot by its plainest precepts if the wo-\\nmen were involved with the men, the priest\\nwith the waiTior, in equal and indiscriminate\\nprofligacy there can be no doubt in which\\ndirection the moral system of Europe was in-\\nfluenced by the Crusades nor can we sup-\\npose that the habits acquired in Syria were\\nforgotten or abjured by the returning pil-\\ngrim.\\nThe Plenary Indulgence. Ecclesiastical\\nwriters are equally loud in theu complaints,\\nrespecting the corruption sustained through\\nthe same means by the discipline of the\\nchurch. The final cessation of canonical\\npenance is ascribed to the introduction of\\nthe plenary indulgence. In uncivilized ages,\\nthe moderate use of the spiritual authority\\nwas unquestionably attended with advantage.\\nThe practice of prayer, of fasting, of alms-\\ngiving, under the superintendence of a pious\\nconfessor, was salutary to the offending indi-\\nvidual and useful to society. It taught humili-\\nation to the proud sph it it taught the exercise\\nof charity and it may often have produced the\\ngenuine fruits of repentance. It is true that,\\nin early times, some discretion had commonly\\nbeen intrusted to the bishop, to mitigate and\\neven, within certain limits, to commute the or-\\ndinary penalties and it was not later than the\\neighth century, that even pilgi images to cer-\\ntain specified places were substituted for the\\nappointed penance. But before the times of\\nthe Crusades there was no mention of plenary\\nindulgence. It had not hitherto been held\\nout to the sinner that, by a single act, he\\nmight be discharged from all the temporal", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0381.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "374\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\npenalties imposed on him by the Divine Jus-\\nlice. Til is was an innovation exceeding the\\nboldness of all former changes, and suited to\\nthe extraordinary occasion which called for\\nit. But it is properly observed, that those\\nwho introduced it had forgotten the legiti-\\nmate object of canonical penance; that it was\\nenjoined to the sinner, not so much for his\\nchastisement, as for the disciphne and purifi-\\ncation of his soul. But what, after all, were\\nthe religious duties or merits, which took the\\nplace of the original system, and through\\nwhich this full indulgence was acquired To\\nwear those arms, of which it had been pen-\\nance indeed to be deprived to turn them\\nagainst a foreign, instead of a domestic foe\\nto engage in a mighty and soul-inspiring en-\\nterprise, instead of contesting the boundaries\\nof a manor, or the fosse of a fortress. Such\\nwere the previous habits of the Crusaders\\nand a system, which offered pardon on such\\neasy terms, must have acted with many as\\na positive encom-agement to sin.\\nAs the process of canonical penance was\\ncommuted for the plenary indulgence, so was\\nthe indulgence itself directly and unreserved-\\nly f commuted for money. On the conse-\\nquences of this second cori uption we shall\\nnot further dwell, than to mention it among\\nthe causes which finally operated to quench\\nthe crusading ardor. So soon as absolutions\\nwore made matters of open traffic, the motive\\nbecame too manifest and thus at length the\\npreachers of Crusades attracted so few listen-\\ners, that it became necessary to promise tem-\\nporary indulgences of days or even years\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094-to any who woiUd consent to attend their\\nsermons.\\nThe evil did not expire with its occasion\\nand after the Crusades were at an end, the\\npopes discovered for it a new, an easier, and\\nperhaps a more profitable object. By the in-\\nSuch was the original design of penance; but it\\nis also true, that the idea of expiation, or an atone-\\nment for sin by suflering, very soon entered into the\\nconsideration, and very commonly took place of the\\nfirst motive. That idea is at variance with the first\\njninciples of Christianity; and so far as it was pre-\\nvalent, the penitential system was founded on a false\\nprinciple, and its abolition can be no matter of regret\\nto any true Christian.\\nt Penances, as we have mentioned, had been pre-\\nviously commuted, and commuted for money too,\\nwhen they were commuted for alms: only, that which\\nhad hitherto been sparingly and decently and indi-\\nrectly practised, grew into an avowed, authorized,\\nhabitual abuse.\\nf Soe Fleury s Discourse on the Crusades,\\nstitution of the Jubilee (in the year 1300,) the\\nplace of pilgrimage was skilfully changed\\nfrom Jerusalem to Rome and the Tombs\\nof the Apostles supplied, in the popular in-\\nfatuation, the Cross and the Sepulchre of the\\nSaviour. A consoling compensation was thus\\nmade both to the avarice of the Vatican and\\nthe superstition of the people and the indul-\\ngence Avas not abandoned, nor its venality at\\nall restrained, until the insulted sense and\\npiety of mankind at length revolted against\\nthe enormous abuse.\\nIf, then, we are obliged to admit that the\\neffects of the Crusades were generally per-\\nnicious if it is true that they caused an use-\\nless waste of human life, that they increased\\nthe ferocity of war,, that they gave a deadlier\\nform to religious persecution, that they de-\\npressed the level of morality, that they intro-\\nduced into the discipline of the church its\\nmortal corruption, their good effects will be\\nfound insignificant in the comparison, even\\nthough we should account among them the\\naggrandizement of the sacred order for one\\nof their effects certainly was the immediate\\nincrease of the ecclesiastical revenues. The\\nproperty of the Crusaders was commonly\\nplaced, during the expedition, under the\\nbishop s protection and in case of his death,\\nit often fell, without supposing any direct\\nfraud, into the possession of the church.\\nAgain, though there were wanting neither\\npriests nor monks who assumed the cross in\\nperson, yet the number of those was by no\\nmeans proportionate to the wealth and mul-\\ntitude of the holy community so that they\\nsuffered less severely than any other class the\\nijn mediate evils of the conflict. But the tax\\nwhich was imposed on them by Innocent,\\ndid in effect much more than counterbalance\\nthose temporary gains and even in the most\\nsordid calculation of the sacerdotal interests,\\nwe may safely pronounce that they did not\\npermanently profit by that commotion, which\\noverthrew for a season the general welfare of\\nsociety.\\nNOTE (a) on papal DECRETALS.\\nIn the first ages of Christianity the letters\\nwritten by the leading Fathers of the Church\\nfor the regulation of doctrine and discipline\\nwere called Decretals (Epistolae Decretales.)\\nAs the authority of the bishop of Rome grad-\\nually rose above that of other bishops and\\npatriarchs, he also claimed an especial defer-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0382.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "PAPAL DECRETALS.\\n375\\nence for his epistles and in a synod held at\\nRome, in 494, under Pope Gelasius, the de-\\ncretals of the Roman prelate were invested\\nwith the same authority as the canons of\\ncouncils.\\nCollection of Gratian. After the time of\\nCharlemagne, the Popes, as they felt their\\ngrowing power, proceeded not only to deny\\nthe necessity of any confirmation of their de-\\ncretals, but to distinguish and exalt them, so\\nas to supersede the canons of the church.\\nAs they increased in weight, they multiplied\\nin number. Gratian, a native of Chiusi in\\nTuscany, a monk of St. Felix of Bologna,\\npublished his celebrated collection in 1151.\\nMany had been previously put forth, but\\nwithout obtaining any public authority. But\\nthat of Gratian was more favorably received,\\nand was made the subject of the public lec-\\ntures of the canonists. It was entitled the\\nBook of Decrees, or simply The Decretal\\nDecretum,* and was divided into three parts.\\nThe first of these, called The Distinction,\\ncomprised one hundred and one articles, re-\\ngarding chiefly the different descriptions of\\nlaws, ecclesiastical and civil the authoi-ity of\\nthe canons and decretals the ceremonies of\\nordination the duties of the clergy; the power\\nof the pope. The second The Causes con-\\ntained thirty-six sections, relating to various\\nmatters of church discipline and jurisdiction\\nsimony, appeals, evidence, elections, cen-\\nsures, testaments, sepultures, usury; of the\\nrights of monks and abbots of commendams,\\noaths, war, heresies, sorcery, c. The third\\npart On the Consecration treated of the\\nconsecration of churches of the celebration\\nof mass and the divine offices; of the eucha-\\nrist and other sacraments of fasts and festi-\\nvals, and some other subjects. The work\\nabounded in errors, not only as it attributed\\nto the false decretals and other fabrications\\nthe authority of genuine compositions, but\\nalso as it falsified many of the passages cited\\nfrom unsuspected monuments. Nevertheless,\\nit was received without hesitation and, after\\nfuraishing alone the materials of canonical\\nlearning to the schools of Europe, it became\\na sort of basis on which new and additional\\ndecrees and commentaries were fixed and\\nlong supported. Another collection was made\\nby Bernardo Circa, Bishop of Faenza, in the\\nyear 1191. This work was intended as a\\nsupplement to the Decretals of Gratian, and\\nThe author admitted the object and difficulty of\\nhis work, when he called it Concordia Discordantium\\nCaaonum.\\nwas therefore called the Book of Extrava-\\ngants, i. e. of matters not comprised in the\\nDecretals. But as this was a private compi-\\nlation, it obtained no force and accordingly,\\nabout the year 1210, Innocent III. caused a\\nmore perfect collection to be made, and gave\\nit the seal of public authority. This was called\\nthe Roman Collection.\\nAs circumstances changed, and edicts in-\\ncreased in multitude, fresh compilations were\\nthought necessary and Gregory IX. avail-\\ned himself of so favorable an occasion for es-\\ntablishing and extending the monarchy of his\\nsee. In that, which was pubhshed under his\\nauspices, and which affected to be modelled\\non the code of Justinian, f such former con-\\nstitutions, as seemed to him unsuitable to the\\ncharacter of his own times, were fearlessly\\ncut away, and others inserted, on the pleni-\\ntude of his own authority, which were more\\ncongenial to the age and more favorable to\\npontifical usurpation. As the compilation\\nof Tribonianus had been divided into five\\nbooks, so was that of Gregory. This work\\nwas immediately published throughout all\\nthe schools and universities of Europe; and\\nas it was composed with great diligence and\\nenforced by the highest authority, it was very\\ngenerally and even eagerly received.\\nTo this collection Boniface VIII. added,\\nabout the year 1299, an additional book,\\ncommonly known as the Sixth (Liber Sex-\\ntus,) and containing all the constitutions pos-\\nterior to the pontificate of Gregory IX. This\\ntoo was universally acknowledged, excepting\\nperhaps in France. It was further augment-\\ned, in the following age, by the Clementines\\nIt is usual to reckon five different compilations\\nof Decretals between Gratian and Gregory IX. that\\nof the Bishop of Faenza, three during the pontificate\\nof Innocent III., and a fifth containing the Letters\\nof Honorius III. Dupin, Bibl. Nouv., S. XII. ch.\\niii. and x. Raimond de Pennafortwas the person to\\nwhom Gregory committed the labor of his compila-\\ntion. The effect of these successive collections (as\\neven the moderate Roman Catholic Historians avow)\\nwas to complete the overthrow of the ancient law, to\\nestablish the absolute and unbounded power of the\\npope, and to create an infinity of suits and processes,\\nto be decided by the venal justice of the court of\\nRome. They were extensions of the principles of\\nGratian, as Gratian had enlarged upon those of the\\nfalse Decretals, in at least two important points in\\nexempting the pope from the authority of the canons,\\nand the clergy universally from every sort of lay juris-\\ndiction. See Fleury s Seventh Discourse.\\nt The MS. of the Pandect was discovered among\\nthe ruins of Amalfi, in 1137.\\nJohn XXII. published, in 1317, the Constitutions", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0383.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "376\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nand they were succeeded by the Extrava-\\ngants a name adopted, probably, from tlie\\nwork of the Bishop of Faenza. These were\\nthe labors of the popes of Avignon; and\\nas the Decretum was intended to correspond\\nwith the Pandects, and the Decretals with\\nthe Code, so the Extravagants had their mo-\\ndel in the Novelise of the imperial legislator.\\nUnder these heads the different branches of\\npontifical jurisprudence were, for a long pe-\\nriod, comprised,* until they were further aug-\\nmented by the much more modern addition\\nof the Institutions.\\nNOTE (b) on the university OF PARIS.\\nThe numerous public schools or academies\\nwhich had previously been formed in various\\nparts of Italy and France, at Salamanca, at\\nCologne, and elsewhere, assumed the form\\nby which they were afterwards characterised\\nduring the thirteenth century. The most\\ncelebrated was that of Paris. It was adorn-\\ned more than any other by the multitude, the\\nrank, and the diligence of its students, and by\\nthe abilities and various acquirements of its\\nprofessors and since, while other acade-\\nmies confined their instructions to particular\\nbranches of science, that of Paris alone i)re-\\ntended to embrace the entire range, it was\\nthe first which took the title of University.\\nIn its origin, f in the century preceding, it\\nhad been composed of two classes of artists,\\nwho gave instructions in the arts and philos-\\nophy and of theologians, who delivered ex-\\npositions and commentaries, some of them\\non the Holy Scriptures (they were afterwards\\ncalled Biblici others (denominated Senten-\\ntiarii) on Peter the Lombard s Book of the\\nSentences. These two appear to have been\\nthe earliest Faculties nor is mention made\\nof any others I in the Constitutions delivered\\nof his predecessor, Clement V. They were divided,\\nas was the Liber Sextus, into five books, and recom-\\nmended by a bull to the most eminent universities.\\nIn this short account we have chiefly followed\\nGiannone, Stor. di Nap., lib. xix. cap. v. s. 1. See\\nalso Dupin, Nouv. Biblioth., Siecle XII. chap. xvii.\\nt We refer not to its antiquity, since it boasts to\\nhave been founded by Charlemagne, and augmented\\nby Lewis the Meek and Charles the Bald. Its com-\\npletion it certainly owed to the kings of the third\\nrace, especially Lewis the Young and his son Philippe\\nAuguste, It had some celebrity at the end of the\\ntenth century; but before that epoch, the academy at\\nRheims seems to have been in greater repute.\\nX Dupin, Nouv. Biblioth., Siec. XIII., chap. x.\\nMosheini, Cent. XIII. p. ii. chap. i.\\nin 1215 by the legate of Innocent III. But\\nthe other two law and- medicine were\\nfounded immediately afterwards; and in a\\nletter addressed by the university, in 1253, to\\nall the prelates of the kingdom, the four fac-\\nulties are boldly compared to the four rivers\\nof the terrestrial paradise. Over each of\\nthese societies a doctor was chosen to pre-\\nside, during a fixed period, by the suffrages\\nof his colleagues, under the title of doyen, or\\ndean.\\nIn the first instance, the members of the\\nacademy were divided into two classes only\\nmasters and scholars. There were no dis-\\ntinctions in grade or tide no previous cer-\\nemonies were necessary for advancement to\\nany office. But the introduction of various\\ndegrees, to be conferred after certain fixed\\nperiods of study, followed very soon and\\nfour were expressly specified those of bach-\\nelor, licentiate, master, and doctor in the\\nreform by which Gregory IX. gave a per-\\nmanent character to the university. While\\nsome of the Italian academies may have\\nbeen more eminent for a peculiar proficiency\\nin the science of law or of medicine, the\\npalm of theological superiority was conceded,\\nwithout any dispute, to Paris. To afford still\\ngreater facilities and encouragement to this\\nstudy, Robert de Sorbonne, a man abounding\\nboth in weakh and in piety, the chaplain and\\nfriend of St. Lewis, founded, about the year\\n1250, that very renowned institution, which\\nhas associated his name, for so many centu-\\nries, with the theological labors, glories, and\\ncontroversies of his countrymen.\\nThese few sentences may be sufficient to\\ncall the reader s attention to an important and\\nattractive subject, and even to render intelligi-\\nble such passing mention, as will be made\\nhereafter, of the university of Paris. But as\\nthe particulars of its origin, its construction,\\nits growth, and its prosperity, do not strictly\\nbelong to ecclesiastical histoiy, we must not\\npermit them to usurp those scanty pages,\\nwhich may be more appropriately, if not\\nmore instructively, occupied.\\nAs was Bologna, for instance, for the former, and\\nSalerno for the latter. Gratian published his Decre-\\ntal at Bologna; and the stimulus thus given to the\\nstudy of canon law continued long to produce its ef-\\nfect. The study of civil law in the same school is\\ndated from about twenty years earlier i. e. from the\\ndiscovery of the Pandect. The medical precepts,\\nwhich issued from Salerno, are said to have been de-\\nrived from the books of the Arabians, or the schools\\nof the Saracens in Spain and Africa.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0384.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "THEOLOGICAL WRITERS.\\n377\\nNOTE (c) ON CERTAIN THEOLOGICAL WRITERS.\\nThe fathers of the early Church were cau-\\ntious in provoking subtle speculations on the\\nholy mysteries, and seldom engaged in that\\nfield of theology, unless to repel the invasion\\nof some popular error. And even then they\\nvvere usually contented to arm themselves\\nwith scripture and tradition as the princi-\\nples of theii- defence, reserving the resources\\nof reason for what they considered its le-\\ngitimate object in theological controversies,\\nthe interpretation of the sacred writings.\\nWhen philosophy was at length admitted to\\npartake in tliese debates, the method first\\nadopted, as most congenial to the sublime\\ntruths of religion, was that of Plato and if\\nthey were sometimes exalted by this alliance\\ninto fantastical mysticism, they at least escap-\\ned the degrading torture of minute and pug-\\nnacious sophistry. But the rival system also\\nfound some early advocates, though insuffi-\\ncient to give it general prevalence. Boethius\\napplied the principles of Aristotle to the mys-\\nteries of the Trinity and the Incarnation,\\nthus moving many abstruse and inexplicable\\nquestions and John Damascenus afterwards\\npublished a methodical exposition of all the\\nquestions or difficulties of theology. In the\\nWest, in the ninth century, John Scotus\\nErigena fell into the same snare but his\\nmethod of subtilizing was not suited to the\\ngenius of his age and during that which fol-\\nlowed, every operation of the human mind\\nwas suspended.\\nBut when reason again awoke, she was\\nstraightway delivered mto the fetters of Aris-\\ntotle. Towards the middle of the eleventh\\ncentury, his philosophy was taught, after the\\nArabian method, in the public schools and\\nthough, in the first instance, it was confined\\nto the illustration of profane subjects, yet\\nTo such, and to the errors occasioned by them,\\nis the allusion of Prudentius. Pref. secunda in Apo-\\ntheosim.\\nStatum lacessunt omnipollentis Dei\\nCalumniosis litibus:\\nFidem minutis dissecant ambagibus,\\nUt quisque lingua nequior\\nSolvunt ligantque qufestionum vincula\\nPer syllogjsmos plectiles.\\nVae captiosis sycophantarum strophis,\\nVse versipeili astutise!\\nNodos tenaces recta rumpit regula,\\nInfesta dissertantibus.\\nPrudentius flourished at the end of the fourth cen-\\ntury.\\n48\\nas men became commonly imbued with its\\nprinciples, and as the whole system, political\\nand moral, in those days, was interwoven\\nwith religious, or at least with ecclesiastical,\\nconsiderations, it was not long before the\\nprevalent system passed obsequiously into\\nthe service of theology.* John the Sophist,\\nRocellinus, Berenger, Lanfranc, Anselm, in-\\ntroduced that method it was improved by\\nAbelard it was rapidly propagated in all the\\nschools of Europe f and its immediate and\\nnecessary effect was to multiply, without any\\nlimit, the difficulties which it affected to re-\\nsolve. The objects of the investigation were\\ntoo immense for human comprehension, yet\\nthey were sought by the meanest exercise of\\nhuman ratiocination. The end was unattain-\\nable and, had it not been so, the means were\\nthose least likely to have attained it. Never-\\ntheless, the disputants proceeded with eager-\\nness and confidence and thus it proved that,\\nm this boundless field, the most different con-\\nclusions were reached by paths nearly simi-\\nlar and that out of every question which it\\nwas proposed to resolve, a thousand other\\nquestions started forth, more abstruse, more\\nabsurd, more immeasurably remote from the\\nprecincts of reason and of sense than the\\noriginal.\\nFatendum simul est, (says Brucker, Hlstoria\\nCritica Philosophise,) ex quo Philosophia Saracenica\\nseculi xii Occidentis Christianis innotuit, plenis eos\\namplexibusinconditum philosophise genus i ecepisse,et\\ninsanientiura more in Dialecticam debacchatos, malum\\nmalo augendo ad Theologiara earn transtulisse. (See\\nPer. ii., par. ii., lib. ii., cap. ii. and iii.) That author\\nshows, that, from the seventh until nearly the twelfth\\nage, philosophy was confined to the possession of ec-\\nclesiastics, and to the limits of the Trivium and\\nQuadrivium. The system which succeeded was call-\\ned scholastic, as emerging from the schools of the\\nmonasteries. After the time of Gratian, the study\\nof canon law was very commonly mixed up with it;\\nand the combination of the three incongruities, Canon\\nLaw, Scholastic Philosophy, and Theology, formed\\nwhat Brucker aptly denominates a Triplex Mon-\\nstrum.\\nt Otho Frisingensis introduced the scholastic sys-\\ntem into Germany. That prelate, the son of Leopold,\\nmarquis of Austria, and Agnes, daughter of Henry\\nIV., was made bishop of Frisingen, in Bavaria, in\\nthe year 1138. He attended Conrad to the Holy\\nLand in 1147, and died nine years afterwards. He\\nwrote (in seven books) a Chronological History of\\nthe World, from the Creation to his own time, which\\nis frequently cited by the ecclesiastical annalists.\\nX Among the multitude of these questions, there\\nwere some which ended, and after no very long inves-\\ntigation, in absolute infidelity. The Latin writers of\\nthe thirteenth age abound with complaints (exagger-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0385.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "378\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nPeter the Lombard. To impose some re-\\nstraint on this great intellectual licentiousness,\\nto revive some respect for ancient authori-\\nties, to erect some barrier, or at least some\\nlandmark, for the guidance of his contempo-\\nraries, Peter the Lombard published, about\\nthe middle of the tvk^elfth century, his cele-\\nbrated Book of the Sentences. Born in the\\ncountry vv^hence he derived his surname, and\\neducated at Bologna, then more famous as a\\nschool for law than divinity, he proceeded to\\nParis for the prosecution of the latter study.\\nHe was recommended to the patronage of St.\\nBernard and presently attained such emi-\\nnence in academical erudition, that he was\\nraised, in the year 1150, to the See of Paris.\\nThe Book of the Sentences is a collection of\\npassages of the Fathers, especially of St. Hila-\\nry, St. Ambrose, St. Jerome, and St. Augustin,\\nexplaining and illustrating the principal ques-\\ntions, which then so violently agitated the\\nscholastic doctors. The aut?ior was cautious\\nin intermixing original observation with the\\nvenerable oracles of the early Church and\\nhe trusted, by the ancient simplicity of his\\nwork, and his contempt of the fashionable\\nsubtleties, to restore some respect for the less\\nvicious system of older times. The intrinsic\\nmerit of this production, the talents and ex-\\ntensive learning which it exhibited, recom-\\nmended it to universal attention and the\\nMaster of the Sentences long retained an\\nundisputed supremacy in the theological\\nschools. But the effect of his work was not\\nthat which he had warmly and, perhaps, rea-\\nsonably anticipated. The schoolmen made\\nuse of his text, principally that they might\\nhang on it theii- futile disceptations and com-\\nmentaries and so fruitful was that elaborate\\nbook in matter for ingenious disputation, that\\nPeter the Lombard, so far from having arrest-\\ned the current, is usually ranked among the\\nchiefs or fathers of the scholastic theology.\\nated, no doubt, but not unfounded) of the progress of\\nunchristian opinions, directly deduced from Aristote-\\nlian principles tliat the soul perished with the body\\ntliat tlie world had had no beginning, and would\\nIiave no end\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that there was only one intellect among\\nall the hunian race that all things were subject to\\nabsolute fate or necessity that the universe was not\\ngoverned by Divine Providence, c,, c. We should\\nobserve, that the Aristotelians declined what might\\nhave been the personal consequences of these opinions\\nby a subtile distinction. These matters (they said)\\nare philosophically true but they- are theologically\\nfalse Vera sunt secundum Philosophiam, non secun-\\ndum Fidem Catholicam. See Mosheim, Cent. XIII.\\np. i. chap, ii., and p. ii. chap. v.\\nSee Dupin, Nouv. Biblioth., Cent. XII. chap.xv.\\nSt. Thomas Aquinas. If the dominioii of\\nAristotle was for a moment suspended by the\\ndecree of the council of Paris,* (in 1209) which\\ncondemned to the flames his metaphysical\\nworks, it was effectually restored by the pa-\\ntronage of Frederic XL That emperor caused\\nnumerous translations to be made from his\\nmost celebrated compositions, and diffused\\nthrough Italy, and especially at Bologna, the\\ngenius which had hitherto ruled with peculiar\\nprevalence in France. At the same time, a\\nnew description of disputants had grown up,\\nfor whose character and offices the scholastic\\nmethod was admirably calculated, and who\\ncarried it to its most pernicious perfection.!\\nNeanmoins on peut le considerer comme !e chef de\\ntous les scholastiques car quoiqu il ait suivi dans\\nson ouvrage une methode bien differente des autres,\\nquant h. la maniere de trailer les questions de Theo-\\nlogie son livre leur a tontefois servi de fondement\\net de base, et lis n ont fait en apparence que de com-\\nme nter.\\nThe reason assigned for the condemnation of\\nAristotle on this celebrated occasion was, that his\\nworks had given occasion to the errors of Amalric,\\nand might probably do so to many others. (See\\nBrucker, Loc. cit.) And they did so but the errora\\nwhich scholastic subtlety raised, were as easily laid\\nby a different formula of the same incantation they\\nappeared and disappeared, fleeting, impalpable, un-\\nsubstantial. The permanent heresies of the age\\nstood on firmer ground. The grievances of the Wal-\\ndenses and the Wicliffites were not the creations of\\nsophistry so neither could sophistry, though back-\\ned by persecution, silence the murmurs which they\\ncaused.\\nt We should here observe that the popes, however\\nthey profited by the influence of the mendicants, were\\nby no means decided advocates of the scholastic the-\\nology. The celebrated Epistle of Gregory IX. to\\nthe doctors of Paris, contains (for instance) these\\nwords Mandamus et strict^ prsecipimus, quatenus,\\nsine fermento mundanas scientise, doceatis theologi-\\ncam puritatem, non adullerantes verbum Dei philoso-\\nphorum figmentis sed content! terminis a\\npatribus institutis, mentes auditorum vestrorum fructu\\ncoelestis eloquii saginetis, ut hauriant a fontibus Sal-\\nvatoris. The passage is cited by Mosheim. Cent.\\nXIII. p. ii. chap. iii. Brucker (Hist. Crit. Philo-\\nsoph. p. ii. Pars. ii. lib. ii, c. iii.) cites the follow-\\ning passage from a bull of the same pope published in\\n1231. Magistri vero et Scholares Theojogiae\\nnee philosophos se ostentent, sed satagant fieri Theo-\\ndidacti nee loquantur in lingua populi linguam\\nHebrseam cum asotica confundentes, sed de ill is tan-\\ntum in scholis quaestionjbus disputent, quae per libros\\ntheologicos et sanctorum patrum tractatus valeant ter-\\nminari. But the system was extremely popular with\\nthe students; their ardor was aided by the edicts of\\nFrederic IT.; and the system of Aristotle, superior\\nto all edicts, was destined to yield only to the pre-\\ndominance of another system, that of polite litera-\\nture and natural reason. See Petrarch s complaints", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0386.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "ST. BONAVENTURA.\\n379\\nThe mendicants now gave laws to the acade-\\nmies of Europe and the rules which they\\nimposed were drawn from the code of Aris-\\ntotle. At this time arose Thomas Aquinas,\\nthe angelic doctor, the Coryphseus of the\\ndisciples of the Stagyrite. He was descended\\nfrom an illustrious family and born in the\\nneighborhood of Naples, in the year 1224.\\nHe entered vei*y young into the Dominican\\nOrder, and studied at Paris and at Cologne,\\nunder Albert the Great, a German scholastic,\\nthe dictator of his day.* St. Thomas (he was\\nin due season canonized by John XXII.) died\\nat the early age of fifty; but the writings which\\nhe has left behind him compose seventeen\\nfolio volumes. The most important among\\nthem are his Coiyimentaries on Aristotle, and\\nhis Sum of Theology. But they likewise con-\\ntain most voluminous observations on various\\nbooks of the Old and New Testament, and\\ninvestigations of many theological, metaphy-\\nsical, and moral questions. They were\\nstudied in those days with insatiable avidity.\\nThey are now confined to the shelves of a few\\nprofomid students, whence they will never\\nagain descend. It might seem harsh indeed\\nto say of them, that they are of less account\\nin the eyes of a sage, than the toil of a single\\nhusbandman, who multiplies the gifts of the\\nCreator and supplies the food of his breth-\\nren. f But there is room for doubt whether\\nany important practical benefits were ever\\nderived from them whether the reflections\\nwhich they awakened were generally profit-\\nable either to the present condition of man,\\nor to his future prospects. And we certainly\\ncannot question, that the spirit of contentious\\ndisceptation, which they nourished and pro-\\npagated, was injurious to one of tlie best\\n])rinciples of religion, religious forbearance\\nand universal charity\\nof the dishonor brought on theology, by the profane\\nand loquacious dialecticians of his day. De Renied.\\nUtriusq. Fortun. and Tiraboschi, vol. v. p. i. lib. ii.\\nThis honor was, however, contested by our\\ncountryman, Alexander Hales, a Franciscan, who\\ntaught philosophy at Paris, and acquired the formid-\\nable title of The Irrefragable Doctor. Another\\nand more attractive appellation was The Fountain\\nof Life. He entered into the Franciscan Order in\\n1222, and died at Paris twenty-three years after-\\nwards. His most important work was a Commen-\\ntary on the Book of the Sentences, composed by\\nthe order of Innocent IV.\\nt The words are Gibbon s\u00e2\u0080\u0094 applied to a different\\nsubject.\\ni Fontenelle, we believe, (see Tiraboschi, Stor.\\nLett. Ital., vol. iv. p. i. lib. ii.) has somewhere said\\nof St. Thomas Aquinas, that in another age and\\nSt. Bonaventura. Contemporary with St.\\nThomas Aquinas was another celebrated or-\\nnament of the church, St, Bonaventura. He\\nwas a native of Tuscany, and entered in the\\nyear 1243 into the Order of the Franciscans.\\nHe likewise completed his studies at Paris,\\nand with such success, as to acquire the title of\\nthe Seraphic Doctor. In the year 1256 he was\\nappointed General of his Order, and died at\\nno very advanced age. His works are less\\nvoliiminous than those of Aquinas, and bear\\nthe stamp of a very different cliaracter.f The\\ntendency of his mind was rather towards the\\nextreme of mysticism, than that of minute and\\nfrivolous disputation. It rose into the regions\\nof spiritual aspiration it courted no intellect-\\nual triumphs and despised the abuse of rea-\\nson. By this quality he has obtained, and in\\na gi-eat degree merited, the eulogies of Ger-\\nson who has pronounced (and the authority\\nis respectable) that his works surpass in use-\\nfulness all those of his age, in regard to the\\nspirit of the love of God and Christian de-\\nvotion which speaks in him that he is pro-\\nfound without being prolix, subtle without\\nbeing curious, eloquent without vanity, ardent\\nwithout inflation. There are many (says the\\ncritic) who teach the accuracy of doctrine;\\nthere are others who preach devotion there\\nare few who in their writings combine both\\nthese objects. But they are united by St.\\nBonaventura, whose devotion is instructive,\\nand whose doctrine inspires devotion.\\nThe celebrated controversy between the\\nRealists and the Nominalists, of which the\\nunder other circumstances he would have been Des\\nCartes. No one ever questioned his genius and im-\\nmense erudition or that he has intermixed some sen-\\nsible remarks wilh the fashionable sophistry, only\\nwe should not value him too highly for this. A great\\nmind should oppose the evil principles of the time\\nat least it should lead no aid to them. Roger Bacon\\nin the same age acted a nobler part.\\nThe Italians are justly proud of the success of\\ntheir countrymen in the schools of Paris. Besides\\nthe three eminent ecclesiastics mentioned in the text,\\nthey enumerate, among the Parisian Professors of the\\nsame age, John of Parma, a Franciscan; Egidio da\\nRoma, an Augustinian Agostino Trionfo of Ancona\\nand Jacopo da Viterbo. Through the following cen-\\ntury the series continued, though with diminished\\nbrilliancy and then it ceased.\\nt Both these doctors are praised for professional\\ndisinterestedness. Bonaventura is related to have\\nrefused the archbishoprick of York; Aquinas that of\\nNaples, as well as other dignities.\\nX See Dupin. Nouv. Biblioth. Cent. XIII., chap,\\niv.\\nRoscellinus, a native of Brittany, has the repute\\nof having invented these opinions. He was opposed", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0387.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "380\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\norigin was not long posterior to the general\\nstudy of Aristotle, was continued with no great\\nintermission till the days of Luther. The\\nfourteenth century was particularly disturbed\\nby its violence. Two of the leading champions\\nof that age were John Duns Scotus, and his\\ndisciple William of Occam. The former had\\nventured boldly to impugn some of the posi-\\ntions and conclusions of St. Thomas Aquinas,\\nand his opinions found many advocates. These\\nformed the party of the Nominalists; and\\nsince, in the political disputes of the day, they\\nfavored the cause of the emperor, they fell\\nunder the spiritual denunciations of the Vati-\\ncan. Again, the Dominicans for the most\\npart rallied round the banners of Aquinas and\\nthe pope, while the Franciscans commonly\\ndefended the tenets of Scotus, a member of\\ntheir own order. Thus the controversy as-\\nby Anselm, and compelled to abjure before a Council\\nat Soissons, in 1092. He seems also to have incurred\\nsome danger from a popular tumult. He was exiled\\nfrom France, and then passed a short time in Eng-\\nland, where he gave great offence by censuring the\\nconcubinage of the clergy, attested by their numerous\\nillegitimate children, and by calumniating (as is said)\\nArchbishop Anselm. The writers of the Hist. Litt.\\nde la France treat hira throughout as a heretic\u00e2\u0080\u0094 but\\nnone of his writings (if any ever existed) now re-\\nmain.\\nThis the subtle doctor died in the year 1308.\\nHe was a native of Dunse, in Scotland, and a Fran-\\nciscan.\\nsumed a new name, as its character became\\nmore rancorous and tlie ambitious polem\\nics of that and of succeeding ages severally\\nenlisted among the conflicting ranks of the\\nThomists and the Scotists. The principal\\npoints of theological difference between\\nthese renowned adversaries, were the nature\\nof the divine co-operation with the human\\nwill, and the measure of divine grace neces-\\nsary for salvation. These were subjects which\\nhave employed the devout in every age, and\\nprovoked the perpetual exercise of reason.\\nBut the production, which was more effect-\\nual, perhaps, than any other, in exalting the\\nreputation of Scotus, was his demonstration\\nof the immaculate conception of the Virgin\\nMary. The Dominicans maintained that the\\nholy Virgin was not exempt from the stain of\\noriginal sin the deeper devotion, or the bold-\\ner hypocrisy of the Franciscan supported the\\ncontrary opinion. That either party was\\nright, it is beyond the capacity of man to\\nascertain; and it is clear, that both were\\nequally absurd, in as far as both were equally\\npositive. Yet, will it be believed that this\\ninscrutable and most frivolous question form-\\ned an important subject of difference in the\\nRoman Catholic church a subject deemed\\nnot unworthy of the cognizance of popes and\\nof councils for the space of more than two\\nhundred years\\nSee Mosheim, Cent. XIV., p. ii., chap. iii.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0388.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE POPES.\\n381\\nPART V.\\nCHAPTER XXII.\\nResidence of the Popes at Avignon.\\n(I.) History of the Popes. Clement V. conditions im-\\nposed on him by Philip he fixes his residence in\\nFrance\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Charges against the Templars\u00e2\u0080\u0094 their seizure\\nCouncil General of Vienna- its three professed ob-\\njects\u00e2\u0080\u0094Condemnation and punishment of the Templars\\nRemarks Questions on the orthodoxy of Boniface\\nVIII. Ecclesiastical abuses Attempt at Reform Ele-\\nvation and character of John XXII. his avarice the\\napostolical chancery\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his contest with Liswis of Bavaria\\nthe Emperor advances to Rome creates a rival Pope\\nfruitless issue of the struggle appeals from Pope to\\na General Council\u00e2\u0080\u0094 charges of heresy against John\\nhis opinion respecting the intermediate State commo-\\ntion in the Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 rhis dying confession. Remarks\\nBenedict XII. his virtues and endeavors to reform the\\nChurch Clement VI. Deputation from Rome its\\nthree objects the Jubilee multitude of pilgrims\\nconduct of the Romans Temporal prerogatives exer-\\ncised by this Pope Restrictions imposed in conclave\\non the future Pope Innocent VI.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and instantly broken\\nby him his character and objects disputes with the\\nGerman Church Urban V. passed some time at Rome\\nbut returned to Avignon-^Gregory XI. deputation\\nfrom Rome Catharine of Sienna her pretensions\\nEmbassy to Avignon interview with the Pope he\\ngoes to Rome and dies there Observations\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (II.) Ge-\\nneral history of the Church, its heresies, 8;c. (1.) Decline\\nof the papal power Intestine convulsions of the Ec-\\nclesiastical States consequent deficiencies in papal\\nrevenues means employed to replenish them profli-\\ngacy of the Court of Avignon surpassing that of Rome\\nTemporal weakness and dependence of the Avignon\\nPopes Growing contempt for spiritual censures Ap-\\npeals to General Council Disputes between the Pope\\nand the Franciscans Diffusion of knowledge among\\nthe laity.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (2.) Attempts at Reform feeble and inefl ect-\\nual. (3.) The character of the rigid Franciscans\\nSchism in that Order The Spirituals and Brethren of\\nthe Communit} Their treatment by Clement V. By\\nJohn XXII. The Bull Gloriosam Ecclesiam Some\\nSpirituals burnt for heresy their consequent increase\\nthey unite with Lewis of Bavaria The Pope aided\\nby the Dominicans Remarks Charles IV. Change\\nin the Imperial policy Triumph of the Pope and In-\\nquisitors Final division of the Franciscans The Beg-\\nhards The Lollards their origin and character their\\nalleged opinions and mysticism Some contemporary\\ninstitutions of the Church Heresy and persecution of\\nDulcinus The Flagellants their origin progress\\npractice and sufferings Concluding observations.\\nSection I.\\nHistory of the Popes.\\nWhen Philip undertook to raise the arch-\\nbisliop of Bourdeaux to the pontifical chair, six\\nconditions are beheved to have been imposed\\nby the monarch, and accepted by the subject.\\nFive of them stipulated for the entire forgive-\\nness of all the insults which had been offered\\nto Boniface, and the Roman See for the res-\\ntoration of the friends of Philip to communion\\nand favor for the power of exacting tenths\\nfor the five following years for the condem-\\nnation of the memoiy of Boniface for resti-\\ntution of dignity to two degraded cardinals,\\nand the creation of some others, friends of\\nthe king. The sixth was not then specified\\nthe mention of it was reserved for a more\\nconvenient season and we may remark,\\nthat the others were obviously not suggested\\nby any long-sighted policy aiming at the per-\\nmanent humiliation of the Roman See, but\\nrather by passion and temporary expediency.\\nIf we except the nomination of new cardinals,\\nwho would probably be French, there is not\\none among the conditions dictated, under the\\nmost favorable circumstances, by the great\\nenemy of the See, which tended in effect to\\nreduce it to dependence on his own throne,\\nor even materially to weaken any one of the\\nfoundations of its power. Nor should this\\nsurprise us since the violence which Philip\\nexhibited throughout the contest, and the\\nprovocations which he received, make it pro-\\nbable, that his animosity was rather personal\\nagainst Boniface, than political against the\\nChurch, or even Court, of Rome.\\nThe Secession to Avignon. The first act of\\nthe Pope elect was to assemble his reluctant\\ncardinals at Lyons, to officiate at his corona-\\ntion f and his reign, which began in 1305 and\\nlasted for nine years, was entirely passed in\\nthe country where it commenced. Clement\\nV. was alternately resident at Bourdeaux,\\nLyons, and Avignon and he was the first\\namong the spiritual descendants of St. Peter,\\nwho insulted the chair and tomb of the apostle\\nby continual and voluntary absence his ex-\\nample was followed by his successors until\\nthe year 1376. Thus for a period of about\\nseventy years, the mighty pontifical authority,\\nBzovius, Contin. of Baron. Annal. Ann. 1305, i.\\nFleury, liv. xc. a. xlix. Giannone, lib. xxii. cap.\\nviii. Historians are not agreed what the sixth con-\\ndition was some assert that it was to heap additional\\nanathemas on Boniface, and burn his bones others\\nsuppose it to have been fulfilled by the condemnation\\nof the Templars, others by the transfer of the papal\\nresidence to France. The violence of Philip s cha-\\nracter, and tlie mere temporary character of most of\\nhis other stipulations, make the first, perhaps, the\\nmost probable conjecture.\\nt King Philip officiated also, and condescended\\nto lead the Pope s horse by the bridle, according to\\nthe ancient fashion of Imperial humiliation. Lyons\\nboasted to be a fiee city, and the bishop had, in fact,\\ngained the principal authority there, to the exclusion\\nof that of the king of France.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0389.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "382\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwhich was united by so many ties to the name\\nof Rome, which in its nature was essentially\\nItalian, and which claimed a boundless extent\\nof despotism, was exercised by foreigners, in\\na foreign land, under the sceptre of a foreign\\nprince. This humiliation, and, as it were,\\nexile of the Holy See,* has been compared by\\nItalian writers to the Babylonian captivity;\\nand a notion, which may have originated in\\nthe accidental time of its duration, has been\\nrecommended by other points of similarity.\\nFrench authors have regarded die secession\\nto Avignon in a very different light but we\\nshall venture no remarks on the general char-\\nacter of this singular period, until we have\\ndescribed the leading occurrences which dis-\\ntinguished it.\\nClement V. immediately fulfilled most of\\nthe stipulated conditions he restored the par-\\ntisans of the French king to their honors he\\ncreated several new cardinals, Gascons or\\nFrenchmen; he revoked the various decrees\\nmade by Boniface VIII. against France, even\\nto the Bull Unam Sandam at least he so\\nqualified its operation, a.s not to extend it to a\\ncountry which had merited that exception by\\nits faithful attachment to the Roman See\\nbut when called upon to publish a formal con-\\ndemnation of the memory of that pontiff, he\\nreceded from his engagement with the direct\\navowal, that such an act exceeded the limits\\nof his authority, unless fortified by the sanction\\nof a General Council.\\nVery soon afterwai ds, rumors v/ere propa-\\ngated respecting various abominations, both\\nrehgious and moral, perpetrated by the Order\\nof the Knights Templars not in occasional\\nlicentiousness, but by the rule and practice of\\nthe society. Information of these offences was\\nfirst communicated to Philip, afterwards to\\nthe pope both parties attached, or affected to\\nattach, infinite importance to it and at length\\nit was determined to refer that question also\\nto a General Council. The Pope issued or-\\ndei-s for such an assembly, and appointed\\nVienne,in Dauphiny, as the place of its meet-\\ning. In the meantime, Philip caused all the\\nTemplars in his dominions to be seized in one\\nday (October 30, 1307 and Clement exerted\\nhimself with various, but very general, suc-\\ncess to engage the other sovereigns of Europe\\nto the same measure.\\nCouncil of Vienne. On October 1, 1311,\\nthe Council assembled. Its professed objects\\nThe Popes who reigned at Avignon, and who\\nwere all French, were Clement V. John XXH.\\nBenedict XH. Clement VI. Innocent VI. Urban\\nV. Gregory XL\\nwere three: To examine the charges\\nagainst the Templars and secure the purity\\nof the Catholic Faith. 2. To consult for the\\nrelief of the Holy Land. 3. To reform the\\nmanners of the clergy and the system of the\\nChurch. The first of these terminated in\\nthe entire suppression of the Order; their\\nproperty f was transferred to the Knights of\\nthe Hospital, who were considered a more\\nfaithful bulwark against the progress of the\\nInfidel (it was thus that the second purpose\\nof the assembly was also supposed to be ef-\\nfected while their persons were consigned\\nto the justice of provincial Councils, to be\\nguided by the character, confession, or con-\\ntumacy of the individual accused. By these\\nmeans the greater part unquestionably escaped\\ni with their lives; but several were executed,\\nand among these the Grand Master and the\\nCommander of Normandy suffered under\\nsingular circmnstances. They had confessed\\ntheir guilt, and were consequently condemn-\\ned by the bishops, to whom that office had\\nbeen assigned by the Pope, to the mitigated\\npunishment of perpetual imprisonment. On\\nhearing this sentence, they retracted their con-\\nfession and inflexibly protested their entire in-\\nnocence. The cardinals remanded them foT\\nfurther trial on the morrow, but in the mean-\\ntime, Philip, having learnt what had passed,\\nand not brooking even so trifling a delay in\\nthe chastisement of an enemy, caused them to\\nbe burnt alive in a small island in the Seine,\\non the same evening. They endured their\\ntorments with great constancy and the as\\nsembled crowd, as it believed their guilt, was\\nastounded by their firmness.\\nPi obable Innocence of the Templars. On\\nthe reality of their guilt or innocence depends\\nthe character of Clement v.; for it is not pro-\\nbable that he was deceived in a matter so im-\\nportant, involving the lives and property of so\\nnumerous and powerful a body, and to a cer-\\ntain extent the interests and honor of so many\\nkings and nations. It is true, that it was by\\nPhilip that the first attack was made both up-\\non their character and their persons but the\\nBzov. Contin. Baron. Ann., 311, s. i. Fleury,\\n1. xci. sect. xxvi.\\nf Excepting that in Spain and Portugal, which\\nwas consecrated to the formation of a new order,\\nwith the prospect of a Moorish Crusade, under the\\nespecial superintendence of the pope. We find it,\\nmoreover, affirmed by Dupin, Nouv. Biblioth. Cent.\\nXIV. chap. ii. that the publication of the Bull for\\nthe dissoliiiion of the order was prevented in Ger-\\nmany, and that. the Templars were there acquitted by\\na Provincial Council.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0390.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE POPES.\\n383\\nblast which he sounded was presently repeated\\nby the Pope, and reiterated in every quarter\\nof Europe. Again, the Templars were rich\\nand notwithstanding the nominal disposal of\\ntheir property which was made at Vienne,\\nthere were few princes who entirely lost so\\nfavorable an opportunity for spoliation.* It is\\nadmitted, indeed, that Philip continually dis-\\nclaimed any avaricious motive for his aggres-\\nsion and that he does not appear in fact to\\nhave turned his success to those ends but he\\nwas irritated by their opposition to some for-\\nmer schemes, and against the Grand Master,\\nin particular, he was known to entertaui a\\npersonal and implacable animosity. As\\nto the proofs of their guilt the confessions,\\nwhich several are affirmed to have made, do\\nnot rest on any satisfactory evidence, though\\nit seems probable, that some did really ac-\\nknowledge all that was imputed to them.\\nBut of these, some may have been driven into\\nweakness by torment or teiTor while others,\\nindividually guilty, may have imputed to the\\nsociety their private crimes. At any rate,\\ntheir confessions are confronted by the firm-\\nness of many others, who repelled, under\\nevery risk and torture, the detestable accusa-\\ntions. Indeed many of the charges were of\\na nature so vei7 monstrous, f so very remote\\nfrom reason or nature, as almost to carry with\\nthem their own confutation at least, the most\\nexplicit and unsuspicious evidence was neces-\\nsary to establish their truth and none such\\nwas offered.\\nPhilip was more successful iii his efforts\\nto destroy an ancient and powerful Military\\nOrder, than to disgrace the memory of an\\ninsolent pontiff; and the Council, which sup-\\npressed the Templars with such little show\\nof justice or humanity, contended with in-\\nvincible eagerness for the reputation of Bo-\\nAs the princes ei)joyed the rents of the landed\\nestates, until the commissioners of the Knights of\\nRhodes had made out their claims, there arose great\\ndelays in resigning them. Philip himself retained a\\ncertain sum for the expenses of the prosecution; but\\nnot sufficient to justify any suspicion of rapacity.\\nt They are contained (see Bzovius, Ann. 1308, s.\\niii.) in six charges and fourteen questions involving\\ninfidelity, blasphemy, and the most abominable im-\\npurities. That which the sufferers appear most gen-\\nerally to have confessed under the torture, was the\\npublic denial of Christ, as a condition of admission\\ninto the Order, attended with insults to the cross.\\nWe need scarcely refer the reader to the excellent re-\\nmarks of Voltaire and Sismondi on this subject. The\\nlatter especially confirms his opinion, that the Temp-\\nlars were sacrificed, by contemporary authority and\\nsubstantial reasons. Ital. Rep., ch. xix.\\nniface. It was perseveringly attempted to\\nattach the stain of heresy to his name but\\nthough the king pursued this design with all\\nthe vehemence of malignity and revenge, the\\nprelates assembled at Vienne, three hundred\\nin number, unanimously proclaimed his\\nspotless orthodoxy that he died, as he had\\nlived, in the bosom of the Catholic faith.\\nDisappointed in this favorite hope, the king\\nwas compelled to seek consolation in an edict\\npublished at the same time by the pope, which\\naccorded a gracious pardon to the enemies\\nand caluminators of Boniface.\\nThe abuses of the Church. For the third\\nand worthiest object of the labor of the Coun-\\ncil, an abundant harvest was provided by the\\nmultiplied abuses of the Church. It was\\ncomplained that (in France at least) the Lord s\\nday was more generally devoted to business\\nor to pleasm-e than to divine worship that\\nthe ecclesiastical jurisdiction was frequently\\ndelegated to improper persons, and by them\\nso scandalously perverted, that the censures\\nof the Church had lost theh power and their\\nterrors that many contemptible individuals,\\ndefective alike in learning and in morals, were\\nadmitted to the priesthood that prebends and\\nother dignities, being now in most cases filled\\nby the pope, seldom by the bishop, were\\nusually presented to strangers and even for-\\neigners, men of dissolute morals, elevated by\\nsuccessful mtrigues at the Court of Rome\\nand that thus the young and deserving as-\\nl)Lrants for ecclesiastical promotion were fre-\\nquently compelled to abandon the profession\\nwith disgust, and invariably became the bit-\\nterest and most dangerous enemies of the\\nChurch. Another abuse was, the immoderate\\nindulgence of pluralities many held at the\\nsame time four or five, some not fewer than\\na dozen benefices. Another evil mentioned,\\nis the non-residence of many of the higher\\nclergy, occasioned by the necessity of person-\\nally watching their interests at the Vatican.\\nThe sumptuous luxury in which they lived,\\nand the negligence and indecency with which\\nthe divine services were performed, consti-\\ntuted another charge against the beneficed\\nclergy. The profligacy and simony, publicly\\nBzov. ad ann. 1312, i. A very tedious process\\nagainst the orthodoxy of Boniface had been carried\\non in 1310, before the pope at Avignon, where No-\\ngaret appeared as his principal accuser, and the agent\\nof Philip. But Clement, unwilling on the one hand\\nto ofl^end the King, and not daring on the other to\\nscandalize the Church, interposed so many delays,\\nthat Philip at length decided to await the decision\\nof the General Council. See Fleury, 1. xci. s. xliii\u00c2\u00bb", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0391.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "384\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\npractised at the Roman Court, swelled the\\nlong list of its acknowledged deformities.\\nOn the dissolution of the Council, Clement\\npublished, in 1313, its canons, which were\\nfifty-six in number. Most of these were, in-\\ndeed, nominally directed to the reformation\\nof the Church the progress of heresy was\\nvigorously opposed and attempts were made\\nto prevent or heal some divisions now begin-\\nning to spring up ivithin the Church: sub-\\njects to which we shall presently recur.\\nSome constitutions likewise regulated the re-\\nlation of the bishops to the Monastic Orders\\nand others imposed greater decency on the\\nloivei f orders of the clergy but the grand\\nand vital disorders of the Church, those from\\nwhich its real danger proceeded, and which\\nwere in fact the roots whence the others\\nstarted into life and notice, these were left to\\nflourish unviolated, and to spread more and\\nmore deeply into the bosom of the commun-\\nion.\\nElection of John XX//.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Clement V. died J\\nvery soon afterwards, and his death was fol-\\nThe pope ordered all the bishops to bring with\\nthem to the Council expositions of all which seemed\\nto demand correction. Two of these memoirs are\\nstill extant, and from them the abuses here briefly\\nenumerated are taken. See Fleury, liv. cxi. s. li..\\nHi. Semler, sec. xiv. cap. ii. Infinita fere sunt\\nquie reformari deberent; ignorantur quasi totaliter a\\nChristianis articuli fidei et alia quae ad religionem et\\nsalutem animarum pertinent Monachi non\\nvivunt in suo monasterio; sicut equus eflfrenis discur-\\nruntj mercantur, et alia enormia faciunt, de quibus\\nloqui verecundum est et tnrpe prjelati non possunt\\nbonis personis hodie providere obstante multitudine\\nClericornm apud Curiam Romanam impetrantium,\\nqui quidem nunquam Ecclesiam intrarunt etiam\\npueri obtinent dignitates Utinam Cardinales, qui\\nsunt animalia pennata, plena ocnlis ante et retro,\\ntalia perspiciant similes sibi similes eligunt\\nbene dico opus esse in Capite etiam et in membris\\nreformatione. The author of this bold appeal to the\\nHead, which was not itself excepted from the general\\ncensure, is not known to posterity the document is\\ngiven by Raynaldiis e Cod. Vaticano. Bzovius (ann.\\n1310, sec. vi.) enumerates, at great length, fifteen\\nof the principal abuses with which the Church was\\ncharged on this occasion.\\nf The following is the Twenty-second Canon.\\nClerici conjugati carnificum seu macellariorum aut\\ntabernariorum officium publice et personaliter exer-\\ncentes, vestes virgatas, partitas, neque statui suo con-\\nducentes, portantes severius puniantur. See Bzovius,\\nContin. Ann. Baron., ann. 1313, sec. i.\\nHe died immensely rich, through the sale of\\nbenefices and other such traflic and the moment that\\nhe was known to have expired, all the inmates of his\\nDalace are stated to have rushed with one consent to\\nhis treasury: not a single servant remained to watch\\nlowed by an obstinate difference between\\nthe French and Italian cardinals respecting\\nthe nation of his successor. This was pro-\\nlonged by the impatient interference of the\\npopulace, excited, as it would seem, by\\nsome Gascon soldiers, who proposed to ter-\\nminate the dispute by seizing the persons of\\nthe Italians. Accordingly, they set fire to the\\nconclave but the terrified cardinals escaped\\nby another exit, and immediately dispersed\\nand concealed themselves in various places\\nof refuge. Such, indeed, was their panic, or\\nat least their disinclination, that two years\\nelapsed before they could be reassembled.\\nAt length, after a second deliberation, which\\nlasted forty days, they elected James of Euse,\\na native of Cahors, cardinal bishop of Porto\\nsuch long delay and repeated consultation\\ndid it require, to add to the list of pontifical\\ndelinquents the name of John XXII. That\\nPope was of very low origin, the son of a\\nshoemaker or a tapster f but he had natural\\ntalents and a taste for letters, which were\\nearly discovered and encouraged, and his\\ngradual rise to dignity in the Church was not\\ndisgraced by any notorious scandals.:): But\\nhe had not long been in possession of the\\nhighest eminence, before he abandoned him-\\ntlie body of his master, insomuch that the lights which\\nwere blazing round fell down and set fire to the bed.\\nThe flames were extinguished; but not till they had\\nconsumed half the body of the richest Pope who had\\n3 et governed the Church. Sismondi believes thia\\nanecdote.\\nThe conclave was held at Carpentras, a place on\\nthe banks of the Rhone, not far from Avignon. It\\niiappened that the Court was assembled there when\\nthe Pope died it therelbre became the legal place for\\nthe new election.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Giovanni Villani, lib. ix. c. Ixxix. Giannone,\\nlib. xxii. cap. viii.\\nI The violent party-writers of the day, Francis-\\ncans and Ghibelines, who heaped every epithet of\\nabuse upon the hostile name of John XXII., have\\nbeen too hastily credited by some modern writers.\\nGiovanni Villani admits that he was modest in his\\nmanner of life, sober, not luxurious, nor profuse in\\nhis personal expenditure. In the course of almost\\nevery night, he rose to say his office and to study; he\\ncelebrated mass almost every day was easy of access\\nand rapid in the performance of business. He waa\\nhasty in temper, of an informed and penetrating un-\\nderstanding, and magnanimous in affairs of import-\\nance. (See Fleury, 1. xciv. s. xxxix.) These\\nqualities and habits at least repel the charge of uni-\\nversal profligacy which has been brought against him.\\nNevertheless, it is the opinion of Sismondi (chap,\\nxxix.) that his elevation was not less ascribable to\\nhis intrigues and effrontery than to his talents; and\\nthe public acts of his pontificate require no comment", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0392.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE POPES.\\n385\\nself, without scruple or shame, to his predom-\\ninant passion, avarice. He was not, indeed,\\nexempt from the ambitious arrogance with-\\nout the Church, and the vexatious intolerance\\nwithin it, which seem at this time to have\\nbeen communicated by the chair of St. Peter\\nto its successive possessors in a greater or\\nless degree to each, according to his previous\\ndisposition to those qualities but avarice\\nwas the vice by which John was individual-\\nly and peculiarly characterized, and to which\\nhe gave, during his long pontificate, the most\\nintemperate indulgence.\\nThe Apostolical Chancery. Not contented\\nwith the usual methods of papal extortion, he\\ndisplayed his ingenuity in the invention of\\nothers more effectual he enlarged and ex-\\ntended the Rule of the Apostolical Chance-\\nry he imposed the payment of annates on\\nEcclesiastical Benefices he multiplied the\\nprofitable abuse of dispensations; he increas-\\ned in France the number of bishoprics and\\ncommonly took advantage of the vacancy of\\na rich See, in order to make five or six trans-\\nlations, promoting each prelate to a dignity,\\nsomewhat wealthier than that, which he had\\nbefore held so that all were contented, (says\\nGiannone) f while all paid their fees. In a\\nword, he considered kingdoms, cities, castles\\nand territories to be the real patrimony of\\nChrist, and held the true virtue of the Church\\nto consist, not in contempt of the world and\\nzeal for the faith and evangelical doctrine, but\\nin oblations and tithes, and taxes, and collec-\\ntions, and purple, and gold and silver. Such\\nis the language of the Italian historians, and if\\nit be somewhat exaggerated by their general\\nprejudices against the popes of Avignon, the\\nimmense treasures which were unquestion-\\nably amassed by John prepare us to believe\\nHe reduced the system of Apostolical taxation\\nto a code of canon law. A deacon or sub-deacon\\nmight be absolved for murder, for about twenty\\ncrowns; a bishop for about three hundred livres\\nevery crime had its price. See Denina, 14, vi.\\nt We might be disposed to receive this with some\\nlittle suspicion- even from Giannone since he was\\nnot only an Italian, but a decided anti-Gallican also\\nwere not the facts directly derived from Giovanni\\nViHani.\\nX Giov. Villani (lib. xi. cap. xx.) asserts (on the\\nauthority of his own brother, resident at Avignon,\\nwho received his information from the treasurers of\\ntlie pope) that the treasure found on the death of John\\nXXII. amounted to more than eighteen millions of\\nflorins in gold coin while that in services of the\\ntable, crosses, crowns, mitres and other trinkets of\\ngold and precious stones, rose to about seven millions\\nmore total, twenty-five millione of golden florins.\\n49\\nmuch that is asserted respecting the methods\\nof his exaction.\\nContest with Louis of Bavaria. But the\\ncircumstance, by which this pontificate was\\nmost distinguished, and which for a moment\\nraises us from the sordid details of fi-aud and\\nextortion to the recollection of the loftier vices\\nof the Gregories and the Innocents, was a\\ncontest which the Pope perseveringly main-\\ntained with the Emperor, Louis of Bavaria.\\nHaving entered at greater length, perhaps,\\nthan was necessary into the description of the\\ntwo former conflicts between the empire and\\nthe holy See, and of that also between Philip\\nand Boniface, we shall not pui*sue the partic-\\nulars of this last and feeblest effort of declin-\\ning papacy. The leading events are briefly\\nthese. The Electors assembled at Frankfort\\nin 1314 were divided and while some chose\\nLouis for successor to the throne, others sup-\\nported Frederic, Archduke of Austria. John\\nrefused to confirm either of the Pretenders,\\nand they continued to dispute the empire with\\nthe sword till the year 1323, when Frederic\\nwas defeated and taken prisoner. The Duke\\nof Bavaria then took upon himself the impe-\\nrial administration, without at all soliciting\\nthe sanction of the Pope. Thereupon the\\nlatter pronounced sentence against him, and\\nprepared to support Leopold, the brother of\\nFrederic. Louis boldly appealed to a General\\nThe greater part of this was amassed by John, and\\nchiefly by his reservations of all the benefices of all\\nthe collegiate Churches of Christendom. His ordi-\\nnary pretext was the liberation of the Holy Land.\\nThe Storia or Nuova Cronica, of Giovanni\\nVillani, a citizen of Florence, begins at the earliest\\nage and continues to the year of his death, 1348. It\\nchiefly relates to the aftairs of Florence, and is most\\ninstructive during the last century. His brother\\nMatteo continued the History (with an addition by\\nhis own son Philip) as far as the year 1364.\\nIn a bull published in 1317, John maintained\\nthat all imperial vicars lost their authority at the\\ndeath of the Emperor, and that it devolved on the\\nPope. God himself, he continued, has confided\\nthe empire of the earth, as well as that of heaven, to\\nthe sovereign pontiff. During the interregnum, all\\nthe rights of the empire devolve upon the diurch;\\nand he who, without the permission of the apostolic\\nsee, continues to exercise the functions intrusted to\\nhim by the Emperor in his lifetime, offends against\\nreligion, plunges into crime, and attacks the divine\\nMajesty itself. See Sismondi, Rep. It., ch. xxix.\\nThis claim was pressed more than once by the Avig-\\nnon Popes the more eagerly becauee the legitimacy\\nof the King of the Romans was involved in that\\nof the Emperor and the Pope, who pretended to\\nthe prerogatives of the one, had a nearer interest ia\\nusurping the functions of the other.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0393.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "a 6\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nCounciJ, and to a future and legitimate Pope,\\nand he received in return an ineffectual sen-\\ntence of excommunication and deposition. In\\nthe meantime, the war between the opposite\\nparties had been maintained with great fury\\nin Italy, and upon the whole to the advantage\\nof the Guelphs, through the powerful aid of the\\nKing of Naples, still faithful to the Roman\\nSee. Consequently Louis was pressed to\\ncross the Alps. He assembled a parliament\\nat Milan, and assumed with great solemnity\\nthe iron crown. From Milan he advanced to\\nRome the celerity of his march anticipated\\nall opposition, and the ceremony of his coro-\\nnation was there performed, with abundant\\npomp and acclamation, in January, 1328.\\nVigorous measures of hostility were at the\\nsame time adopted a sentence of degradation\\nagainst John XXIT., and the appointment of\\na new and imperial Pope, who assumed the\\nname of Nicholas V, But though an empe-\\nror might at this time be sufficiently powerful\\ntxD repel with impunity the pontifical censures,\\nhis aggressive attempts were at least as futile\\nas those of bis adversary. Nicholas was re-\\njected by the Catholic world and, after two\\nyears of vain pretension, surrendered his title\\nand his person* to John. The Emperor had\\nbeen previously compelled to retire from\\nRome. So that, after a fruitless contest of\\nabout seven years, the relative situation of the\\ncombatants was little altered and the sen ten\\nees of degradation and deposition, mutually\\nreiterated, had no other effect than to prove\\nto the world (though not so to the individuals\\nengaged) that there was something in the\\nclaims of both parties extravagant and un-\\nfounded; and that the temporal authority on\\nthe one hand, and the spiritual on the other,\\nthough occasionally confounded by the abuse\\nof both, were in fact, as they were in essence\\nand origin, independent.\\nWe observe that, in one respect at least,\\nLouis deviated during this contest from the\\ntactics of his two predecessors, and adopted\\nthose of the French King. The appeal fi om\\nthe authority of the Pope to that of a General\\nCouncil was the severest wound which could\\nbe inflicted on papal arrogance. It was niore\\nAccording to the account of Giovanni Villani\\nflib. X. cap. clxiv,) he was delivered up by the\\nPisans, and sent to Avignon. He threw himself at\\nthe feet of the Pope, and prayed for mercy e con bel\\nsermone e autoritk se confesso peccatore eretico col\\nBavero insieme, che fatto 1 havea. It should be ad-\\nded, that John treated him extremely well, and that\\nhe died a natural death at Avignon three years after-\\nwards.\\nthan that, since it led almost iiecessarfly to\\nthe limitation of papal power. In an age of\\ndarkness, such an appeal might have been\\ntreated as a wanton, though bitter insult. But\\nreason was at length awakened, and men were\\nbeginning to consider what ought to be, as\\nwell as what had been. The promulgation\\nof a new and grand ecclesiastical principle,\\non the authority of a king and an emperoi\\nwould excite some consideration even among\\nthe most bigoted and there would be few\\nwho did not begin to entertain a question res-\\npecting the spiritual omnipotence of the Pope.\\nCharges of Heresy against John XXIL\\nAnother measure was taken by the Emperor,\\nalso after the example of Philip^ which tended\\nmore directly to the same end. In the Assem-\\nbly held at Milan, at which several prelates\\nattended, John XXIl. Avas formally impeach-\\ned on the charge of heres}^ Sixteen articles\\nwere specified, in which he erred against the\\nconstitutions of the General Councils and he\\nwas pronounced to have virtually forfeited\\nthe pontifical dignity. It was a bold proceed-\\ning in Louis on the judgment of a provincial\\nmeeting of his own partisans, to convict the\\nVicar of Christ of heretical depravity.* It\\nwas indeed to repel usurpation by usurpation,\\nand to seize the spiritual sword in his strife to\\nrecover the material. The accusations were\\nprobably false, and certainly fruitless: they\\nacquired no general credit at the time, nor\\nliave they adhered to the memory of the ac-\\ncused. Nevertheless, tlie mere assumption\\nof papal falibility m matters of faith by two\\npowerful monarchs, and the vigor of the mea-\\nsures taken on that assumption, naturally coi\\nfirmed the confidence of those whom reason\\nhad already led to the same conclusion.\\n7%e Beatific Vision. But it also happened\\nvery strangely, that the same extraordinary\\ncharge was again incurred by John XXII.\\ntowards the end of his life, and with much\\ngreater appearance of reason. In some public\\ndiscourses delivered in the course of the years\\n1331 and 1332, he had rashly declared his\\nopinion, that the souls of the faithful, in their\\nintermediate state, were indeed permitted to\\nbehold Christ as a man but that the face of\\nGod, or the Divine Nature, was veiled from\\ntheir sight until their reunion with the body\\nThe Pope^s disputes with the Spiritual Francis-\\ncans had raised a considerable party, even in the\\nchurch, against him. Besides, all the theologians\\nand sectarians, who were discontented with papal\\ngovernment, declared in favor of Louis, See the\\nlatter part of this chapter.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0394.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF TIjE POPES.\\nS87\\nat the last day.* The pubhdation of tliis new\\ndoctrine produced a deep sensation through-\\nout Christendom. The immediate admission\\nto the beatific Vision, a received and popular\\ntenet, had been openly impugned by the high-\\nest spiritual authority: it became necessa-\\nry either to resign the tenet or to condemn\\nthe Pope. Robert, King of Sicily, warmly\\nexhorted John, whom he had attached by a\\nlong and useful alliance, to retract the offen-\\nsive declaration. Philip VI. of France united\\nwith equal ardor in the same solicitation.\\nThe most learned Dominicans, together with\\nall the doctors and divines of Paris, humbly\\nurged the same entreaty. Laymen joined\\nwith churchmen, the friends of the Pontiff\\nwith his bitterest enemies, in rejecting and\\ndenouncing his erl or. The Pope was so far\\nmoved by such general and powerful interfer-\\nence, that he assembled, at the close of 1333,\\nhis Cardinals in public consistoiy and after\\nhaving caused to be read in their presence all\\nthe passages of all writers who had treated\\nthe subject, (the labor of five days,) he protest-\\ned that he had not designed to publish a de-\\ncision contrary to Scripture or the orthodox\\nfaith and that, if he had so erred, he express-\\nly revoked his error. This explanation may\\npossibly have been considered somewhat equi-\\nvocal at least it had not the effect of allaying\\nthe irritation which prevailed, and a second\\nconsistory was appointed for the same purpose\\nin the December following. But on the even-\\ning preceding its assembly, John was seized\\nby a mortal malady. Nevertheless, he sum-\\nmoned his Cardinals around him, and one of\\nthe last acts of his long life (he died at 90) was\\nto read in their presence a bull, containing the\\nfollowing declaration We confess and be-\\nlieve that souls purified and separated from\\ntheir bodies are assembled in the kingdom of\\nheaven in paradise, and behold God and the\\nDivine Essence face to face clearly, in as far\\nas is consistent with the condition of a sepa-\\nrated soul. Any thing which we may have\\npreached, said, or written contrary to this\\nMosh., Cent. XIV., p. ii,, ch. ii. The recom-\\npense of the saints, before the coming of Jesus Christ,\\nwas the bosom of Abraham after his coming, his\\npassion, and ascension, their recompense, till the day\\nof judgment, is to be under the altar of God, that is,\\nunder the protection and consolation of the humanity\\nof Jesus Christ. But after the judgment they shall be\\non the altar, that is, on the humanity of Jesus Christ,\\nbecause then they shall behold not only his humanity,\\nbut also his divinity as it is in itself; for they shall\\nsee the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. These\\nare the expressions of John, as given by Fleury, liv.\\nxciv., sect. XXI.\\nopinion, we recall and cancel. Still even\\nthe expiring confession of the Pontiff was not\\nconsidered sufficiently explicit to satisfy the\\nmeasure of orthodoxy and thus it came to\\npass that John XXII., after having ruled the\\napostolical church for above eighteen years,\\nwhich he passed for the most part m amassing\\ntreasures,! in fomenting warlike tumults, and\\nin chastising heretics, died himself under the\\ngeneral imputation of heresy. But the error\\nof the pontifical delinquent was discreetly\\nveiled by the church which it scandalized\\nand when Benedict XII., his successor, hast-\\nened, in the year following, to restore the una-\\nnimity of the fltithful respecting the Beatific\\nVision, he described it as a question which\\nJohn was preparing to decide, when he was\\nprevented by death.J\\nThe reasons which gave such popularity\\nto the orthodox opinion on this subject, and\\nexcited such very general opposition to the\\nother, were chiefly these If the Virgin, the\\nSaints, and Martyrs, were not yet admitted to\\nthe Divine presence if they were only in\\ndistant and imperfect communication with\\nthe Deity, it was absurd to uphold their medi-\\natorial office it was vain to supplicate the\\nintercession of beings who had no access to\\nthe judgment-seat of Christ. Moreover, the\\nmere insult thus offered to the dignity of the\\nsaints, and the disparagement of their long-\\nacknowledged merits, were offences very\\nsensibly felt and resented throughout the\\nCatholic world. Another reason is likewise\\nmentioned; and it may, in fact, have been\\nthe most powerful motive of dissatisfaction\\nif the dangerous opinion were once establish-\\ned, that the souls of the just, when liberated\\nfrom purgatory, must still await the day of\\njudgment for their recompense, the indidgen-\\nces granted by the Church would be of no\\navail and this (as the King of France very\\nzealously proclaimed) would be effectually to\\nvitiate the Catholic faith S\\nBzov., Ann. 1334. i. Fleury, liv. xciv., sect.\\nxxxviii.\\nt In the histories of his life we find many edicts\\ndirected against alchy mists and the adulterers of coin,\\nproving at least how much of his attention was\\nturned in that direction. He issued money from the\\npontifical mint, and counterfeited, with some loss of\\nreputation, the florins of Florence. Giov. Villani,\\nlib. ix., cap. clxx.\\n:j: In the bull Benedictus Deus, of which the sub-\\nstance is given by Fleury, liv. xciv., sect. xliv.\\nSee the end of the Tenth Book of Giovanni\\nVillani. In the course of the controversy, excited\\nsolely by his own vanity, John professed the most im-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0395.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nBenedict XIL Benedict XII. was bora at\\nSaverdun, in the county of Foix, and was the\\nson of a baker. He possessed considerable\\ntheological learning, but such little talent for\\nthe management of an intriguing court, that\\nhe suspected and proclaimed his own inca-\\npacity* for the pontifical functions. But it\\nproved otherwise; for he brought to that\\noffice a mind sensible of the corruption which\\nsurrounded him, and of the abuses which dis-\\nfigured his Church, and he employed his use-\\nful administration in endeavors to remedy\\nsuch of them as were placed within his reach.\\nIn the first exercise of his power, he dismiss-\\ned to their benefices a vast number of courtly\\necclesiastics, who preferred the splendor, and\\nperhaps the vices, of Avignon, to the dis-\\ncharge of their pastoral duties. A large body\\nof cavaliers had been maintained by the pomp\\nof his predecessor, with whose services Ben-\\nedict immediately dispensed. He was spar-\\ning in the promotion of his own relatives, lest\\nthe king should make them the means of\\nexerting influence over himself He under-\\ntook the serious reform of the Monastic Or-\\nders not confining his view to the less pow-\\nerful communities, but purifying, with indis-\\ncriminate severity, the poor and the opulent,\\nthe Mendicants, Benedictines, f and Augusti-\\npartial desire for truth but it was observed that he\\nshowered his benefices most liberally upon those who\\nsupported the new opinion. Philip of France came\\nboldly forward as the champion of orthodoxy, and the\\ninviolable unity of the Church dicendo laicamente\\ncome fidel Christiano, che invano si pregherebbero i\\nSanti, 6 harebbesi sperenza di salute per li loro meriti,\\nse Nostra Donna Santa Maria, e Santo Giovanni, e\\nSanto Piero, e Santo Paolo e li altri Santi non po-\\ntessero vedere la Deitade al fino al di del Giudizio, e\\nhavere perfetta beatitudine in vita eternaj e che per\\nquella opinione ogni indulgenza e perdonanza data\\nper anlico per Santa Chiesa, 6 che si desse, era vana.\\nLaqual cosa sarebbe grande errore e guastamento\\ndella Fede Catholica.\\nThe cardinals, twenty-four in number, agreed\\nwith an unusual decision and unanimity, ascribed by\\nsome to divine inspiration, by others to a ridiculous\\nmistake. Jacques Fournier (such was his name)\\nbeing also a cardinal, was present at his own election,\\nand when he heard the determination of his brethren,\\nhe reproached them with having elected an ass. He\\nwas certainly the least eminent member of the Sacred\\nCollege and to that circumstance, according to Gio-\\nvanni Villani (lib. xi. cap. xxi.,) he was indebted for\\nhis elevation. The cardinals, intending in the scni-\\ntiny to throw away their vctes, fatally concurred in\\nheaping them upon hhu ch era tenuto il piu me-\\nBomo de Cardinali.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Vit. Benedict. XH. ap. Baluzium, Benedict\\nhas been celebrated by the pen if Petrarch\\nnians and the Order of Citeaux, to which\\nhe had himself belonged, was the first object\\nof his correction. He established numerous\\nschools within the monasteries, and also com-\\npelled the young ecclesiastics to frequent the\\nuniversities of Paris, Oxford,* Toulouse, and\\nMontpellier. In the education of the clergy\\nhe saw the only reasonable assurance for the\\nstability of the Church. Lastly, he even dis-\\nplayed a willingness to restore the papal resi-\\ndence to Italy, if it should appear that his\\nItalian subjects were desirous of his pres-\\nence but the Imperialists were at that mo-\\nment so powerful, and the party spirit so\\nhighly inflamed, that he received little en-\\ncouragement in that design.\\nClement VI. Clement VI., who succeeded\\nBenedict, in the year 1342, did not imitate his\\nvirtues but while, in his public deportment,\\nhe more nearly followed the footsteps of John\\nXXII., he appears even to haye outstripped\\nthat pontiff in the license of his private fife. He\\nwas scarcely installed in his dignity, when he\\nwas addressed by a solemn deputation from\\nthe Roman people. It consisted of eighteen\\nmembers, f one of whom was Petrarch and\\nit was charged with three petitions. The\\nfirst was, that Clement would accept, per-\\nsonally and for his life only, the offices of\\nSenator and Captain, together with the mu-\\nnicipal charges the second, that he would\\nreturn to the possession of his proper and\\npeculiar See the third, that he would anti-\\ncipate the Secular Jubilee ordained by Boni-\\nface VIII., and appoint its celebration in the\\nfftieth year. The Pope accepted for himself\\nthe proffered dignities, but without prejudice\\nto the rights of the See to the second, which\\nwas an important and wise request, he return-\\ned a friendly but decided refusal but the\\nTe cui Telluris pariter Pelagique supremum\\nContulit Imperium virtus meritnmque pudorque.\\nYet we observe (in Bzovius, ann. 1339, s. 1,) that\\non one occasion this virtuous pontiff reserved the\\nappointment to all the prelacies of all the churches\\nfor the space of two years. Did he overlook in hia\\nreforming zeal the abuses by which he profited*?\\nAbout twenty years later, an Archbishop of Ar-\\nmagh complained, that when he was resident at Ox-\\nford, the University contained thirty thousand stu-\\ndents; whereas, at the time when he wrote (in 1358)\\nit contained only six thousand. The reason given\\nfor the decrease was, that the Mendicants, who oc-\\ncupied several of the chairs, had seduced so many of\\nthe young students into their Order, that parents were\\nno longer willing to expose their children to that risk.\\nI The orator on this occasion was Colas di Rienzo,\\nafterwards the Tribune of the Republic,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0396.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE POPES.\\n380\\nthird, which only tended to swell the profit-\\nable abuses of religion, he accorded without\\nhesitation. The following is the substance\\nof the bull which he issued (in 1343) for\\nthis purpose That the love of God has ac-\\nquired for us an infinite treasure of merits, to\\nwhich those of the Virgin and all the Saints\\nare joined that he has left the dispensation\\nof that treasure to St. Peter and his succes-\\nsors and consequently, that Pope Boniface\\nVIII. had rightfully ordained, that all those\\nwho in the year 1300, and every following\\ncenturial year, should worship for a specified\\nnumber of days in the churches of St. Peter\\nand St. Paul, at Rome, should obtain full in-\\ndulgence for all their sins. But we have\\nconsidered (he continues) that in the Mosaic\\nLaw, which Christ came spiritually to ac-\\ncomplish, the fiftieth year was the jubilee and\\nremission of debts and having also regard to\\nthe short duration of human life, we accord\\nthe same indulgence to all henceforward who\\nshall visit the said churches, and that of St.\\nJohn Lateran, on the fifl;ieth year. If Ro-\\nmans, they must attend for at least thirty fol-\\nlowing days if foreigners, for at least fifteen.\\nCelebration of the Jubilee. This proclama-\\ntion was diligently published in every part of\\nChristendom, and excited an incredible ardor\\nfor the Pilgrimage. During a winter of un-\\nusual inclemency, the roads were thronged\\nwith devout travellers, many of whom were\\ncompelled to pass the night without shelter\\nor nourishment, in the fear of robbery, and\\nthe certainty of extortion. The streets of\\nRome presented for some months the specta-\\ncle of a vast moving multitude, continually\\nflowing through them, and inexhaustibly ren-\\novated. The three appointed churches were\\nthronged with successive crowds, eager to\\nthrow off the burden of their sins, and also\\nprepared to deposit some pious offering at\\nevery visit.\\nIt is affirmed, that from Christmas till Eas-\\nter, not fewer than a million, or even twelve\\nIn visiting the three churches (says Matt. Vil-\\nlani,) including the distance from his lodging and the\\nreturn to it, each pilgrim performed about eleven\\nmiles. The streets were perpetually full, so that every\\none was obliged, whether on foot or on horseback, to\\nfollow the crowd and this made the progress very\\nslow and disagreeable. The Holy Napkin of Christ\\nwas shown at St. Peter s every Sunday and solemn\\nfestival, for the consolation of the pilgrims (Romei.)\\nThe press then was great and indiscreet so it hap-\\npended that sometimes two, sometimes four, or six,\\nor even twelve, were found there crushed or trampled\\nto death.\\nhundred thousand strangers, were added to\\nthe population of the pontifical city for as\\nmany as returned home after the completion\\nof the prescribed ceremonies, were replaced\\nby fi-esh bands of credulous sinners, and\\nthose again by others, in such perennial\\nabundance, that, even during the late and\\nunwholesome season of the year, the number\\nwas never reduced below two hundred thou-\\nsand. Every house was converted into an\\ninn and the object of every Roman was to\\nextort the utmost possible profit from the oc-\\ncasion neither shame nor fear restrained the\\neagerness of their avarice. While the neigh-\\nboring districts abounded with provisions, the\\ncitizens refused to admit a gi eater supply,\\nthan was scarcely sufficient to satisfy, at the\\nhighest expense, the simplest demands of the\\npilgrims and thus those deluded devotees,\\nafter surmounting all other difficulties on\\ntheir errand of superstition, were at length\\ndelivered up to be starved, as well as plun-\\ndered, by the inhabitants of the Holy City.\\nSuch was the moral effect produced upon\\nthe Roman people by a festival, which was\\nestablished for their pecuniary profit, and\\nwhich disturbed the social system through\\nevery rank and profession, from one end of\\nChristendom to the other.*\\nClement renewed with Louis of Bavana\\nthose vexatious disputes, which had beea\\nbegun by John XXII., and conducted with\\nso little advantage or honor to either party.\\nNeither had the present difference, after\\nmany haughty words, any lasting result\\nthough it seems probable, that the Pope\\nmight have succeeded in exciting a civil\\nwar in the dominions of his adversaiy, had\\nnot the latter escaped that calamity by death.\\nThe same pontiff defended his temporal pre-\\nrogatives in a correspondence with Edward\\nIII. of England. At another time, publicly and\\nin full consistory, he presented to Alphonso\\nof Spain the sceptre of the Fortunate Islands.\\nNor was this right contested: the less so,\\nperhaps, since St. Peter had claimed, in much\\nearlier ages, the peculiar disposal of all insu-\\nlar f domains. Clement also made an im-\\nThis account is abbreviated from Mattoo Vilkni,\\nlib. i. cap. Ivi- It is to be observed, that the Pope\\nreceived a sh ire of the oblations left by the pilgrims\\nin the different churches. Clement VI. employed the\\nfruits in an unsuccessful attempt to recover the prop-\\nerty of his church from the nobles, who had usurped\\nit.\\nt Urban II., in his Bull of 1091, presented the\\nisland of Corsica to the Bishop of Pisa; and we all\\nrecollect that our Henry II. received from Adrian IV.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0397.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "390\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH\\nportant acquisition to the patrimony of the\\nApostle by the purchase of the city of Avig-\\nnon. The jurisdiction over that territory be-\\nlonged to the Queen of Naples, as Countess\\nof Provence and for 80,000 golden florins\\nshe consented, in a moment of poverty, to\\npart yvith the valuable possession. A splen-\\ndid palace, which Benedict XII. had begun,\\nwas now completed and amplified by Clem-\\nent and the luxury of the cardinals follow-\\ned, at no very humble distance, the example\\nof the popes. These circumstances seemed\\nto remove still farther the prospect of the\\nPope s restoration to his legitimate residence,\\nand thus heightened the alarm, which some\\nwere beginning to entertain for the stability\\nof the papal power.\\nClement VI. died five years afterwards, in\\n1352 celebrated for the splendor of his es-\\ntablishment, for the sumptuousness of his ta-\\nble, and for his magnificent display of horses,\\nsquires, and pages for the scandalous abuse\\nof his patronage for manners little becom-\\ning the sacred profession, and for the most\\nunrestrained and unmufiled profligacy.*\\nOath or Capitulation taken in Conclave.\\nDuring the vacancy of the See, the cardinals,\\nwhile in conclave, passed certain resolutions\\nfor the limitation of the pontifical power and\\nthe extension of their own wealth and privi-\\nleges and the whole body bound themselves\\nby oath to observe them. One of their num-\\nber was then elected, Etienne Aubert, bishop\\nof Ostia, who took the name of Innocent VI.\\nand almost his earliest act was to annul, as\\nthe donation of Ireland. En qiioi (says Fleury) ce\\nqui me paroit le plus remarquable n est pas la pre-\\ntention des Papes, raais la credulite des Princes. But\\ncredulity, like many other weaknesses, is very com-\\nnaonly the oflfspring of interest.\\nSee Matt. Villani, lib. iii. cap. 43. He delight-\\ned to aggrandize his relatives, by conferring on them\\nbaronies in France, and raising them, hovi^ever young\\nand abandoned, to the highest dignities. At that\\ntime there was no regard to learning or virtue; it\\nsufficed to satiate cupidity with the Red Hat Huomo\\nfii di convenevole scienzia, molto cavallaresco, poco\\nreligioso, Delle femine essendo Archivescovo non si\\nguardo, ma trapasso il modo de secolari giovani\\nBaroni e nel Papato non sene seppe contenere ne\\noccultare; ma alle sue camere andavano le grandi\\ndame, come i prelati, e fra I altre una Contessa di\\nTorenna fu tanto in suo piacere, che per lei faceva\\ngran parte delle grazie sue. Quando era infermo le\\nDame il servivano, e governavono come congiunte\\nparent! gli altri secolari. II lesoro della Chiesa\\nstribui con larga mano. Delle Italiane discordie\\npoco si euro, c. We observe, that some of the car-\\ndinals so appointed incurred the severe reproach of\\nInnocent VI. by their undisguised debaucheries. Matt.\\nVillan. lib. iv. cap. Ixxvii.\\npope, what he had subscribed as cardinal.\\nWe must detest his priyate perjury yet, as\\nthe Sacred College had no power of legisla-\\ntion, unless under the presidency of the pope,\\nand as their office while in conclave was ex-\\npressly restricted to the election of a pope,\\ntheir constitutions could not legally be bind-\\ning either on the church or on the future pon-\\ntiff The attempt of the cardinals is chiefly\\nimportant, as it shows the power and the\\narrogance into which they had risen during\\nthe disorders of the Church and the con-\\nduct of the pope is remarkable, as having\\nfurnished an example and a plea to several\\nof his successors, who violated similar en-\\ngagements in afl;er times with the same per-\\nfidy. In every instance the future pope was\\na voluntary partyto the compact deliberately\\nmade in conclave in most cases he confirm-\\ned it after his election he finally broke or\\nevaded it in all.\\nInnocent VI. Yet Innocent VI. was a man\\nof simple manners and unblemished moral\\nreputation and having found the Church\\nnearly in the same condition in which John\\nXXIT. bequeathed it to Benedict, he imitated\\nthe latter in his judicious effbrts to reform it.\\nBut, though he held the See for more than\\nnine years, it seems doubtful whether his\\nmild and perhaps feebly executed measures\\nwere eflTectual in removing any important\\nabuse. At least, in the year 1358 we perceive\\nhim engaged in a dispute with his German\\nclergy, not respecting the relaxation of their\\ndiscipline, but upon a subject which was\\nusually much dearer to the Popes of Avig-\\nnon. Innocent demanded an extraordinary\\nsubsidy of the tenth of all ecclesiastical rev-\\nenues, for the use of the apostolical cham-\\nber. The clergy of the three provinces of\\nTreves, Mayence, and Cologne boldly refused\\npayment the spirit of interested opposition\\nspread rapidly and all orders of ecclesiastics\\nthroughout the whole empire united to re-\\nsist the demand. The Pope yielded without\\nstruggle or remonstrance but he immediate-\\nly sought his consolation in the exercise of\\none of the grossest usurpations of his See.\\nHe sent his messengers into every part of\\nGermany, widi orders to collect half the rev-\\nenues of all vacant benefices, and to reserve\\nEven the see of Avignon was left without a\\nbishop during this and the preceding pontificate; it\\nwas reserved, and its revenues usurped by these popes\\nat their own pleasure. Thus it would seem that the\\nreforms of Innocent VI. were not more disinterested\\nthan those of Benedict. See Vita Urbani V. ap\\nBaluz. and Baluzius s Notes.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0398.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE POPES.\\n391\\nthem for the use of the Holy See. The Em-\\nperor (Charles IV.) approved the resistance\\nof his bishops;* but on the one hand he\\ndenounced, in the strongest language, their\\npride, their avarice, and luxurious indul-\\ngences while, on the other, he warmly de-\\nmanded of the Nuncio from Avignon, where-\\nfore the pontiff was so forward in taxing the\\nproperty of the clergy, so remiss and languid\\nin the restoration of their discipline We\\nshould add, however, that Innocent, on his\\nside, did not disregard that appeal, but turn-\\ned himself to restrain the vices of the German\\nprelates while the Emperor exerted his au-\\nthority to protect them from the spoliations\\nto which they were perpetually liable from\\npowerful laymen.\\nUrban V. He was succeeded, in 1362, by\\nUrban V., whose reign was distinguished by\\nthe first serious attempt to restore the i)ontrfi-\\ncal court to Rome. On the solicitation of\\nhis Italian subjects, urged by the eloquence\\nIn an assembly of the princes of the empire held\\non this subject in 1359, Conrad d Alzeia, Count Pal-\\natine, who was charged witli the defence of the\\nclergy, addressed the meeting to this effect: The\\nRomans have always considered Germany as a mine\\nof gold, and have invented various methods to exhaust\\nit. And what does the pope give in return, but epis-\\ntles and speeches Let him be master of all the\\nbenefices as to their collation, but let him leave the\\nrevenues to those who own them. We send abund-\\nance of money into Italy for divers manufactures,\\nand to Avignon for our children who study there, and\\nwho there solicit, and let us not say purchase, bene-\\nfices. No one is ignorant what sums are every year\\ncarried from Germany to the court of Rome, for the\\nconfirmation of prelates, the obtaining of benefices,\\nthe carrying on of suits and appeals before the Holy\\nSee for dispensations, absolutions, indulgences,\\nprivileges and other favors. In all former days the\\narchbishops used to confirm the elections of the bish-\\nops their suffragans but in our time John XXII.\\nviolently usurped that right. And now another pope\\ndemands from his clergy a new and unheard-of sub-\\nsidy, threatening his censures on all who shall refuse\\nor oppose. Resist the beginning of this evil, and\\npermit not the establishment of this degrading servi-\\ntude. (Fleury, 1. xcvi. s. xxxviii.) It was in the\\nsame year that the Emperor addressed to the Arch-\\nbishop of Mayence the following complaints respect-\\ning the secular habits of his Clergy: De Christi\\nPatrimonio ludos, hastiludia ettornearaenta exercent;\\nhabitum militarem cum praetextis aureis et argenteis\\ngestant, et calceos militares-; comam et barbam nu-\\ntriunt, et nihil, quod ad vitam et ordinem Ecclesias-\\nticum spectat, ostendunt. Militaribus se duntaxat et\\nsecniaribus actibus, vita et moribus, in suae salutis\\ndispendium et generate populi scandalum, immis-\\ncent. The passage is cited by Robertson, History\\nCharles V., B. ii.\\nof Petrarch, and on an understanding of\\nperfect friendship and mutual co-operation\\nwith the emperor, he abandoned the splendid\\nsecurity of Avignon, and departed, with his\\nreluctant court, for Rome. On his way, a\\npopular tumult at Viterbo dismayed and even\\nendangered some of the cardinals; but no\\nother impediment was offered and in Octo-\\nber, 1367, the pope once more occupied the\\nhalf-dismantled palace of his predecessors.\\nHe divided a peaceful residence of about\\nthree years between Rome f and Montefias-\\neone, where he passed the summer months\\nand his alliance with Charles IV. of Germa-\\nny, whatever may have been the dispositions\\nof his subjects, guaranteed him against any\\npolitical outrage. Nevertheless, in 1370, pro-\\nbably on the persuasion of the Fronch cardin-\\nals, he returned to Avignon, where he died\\nimmediately afterwards.\\nGregory XL Again was a Frenchman,\\nGregory XL, elected to the chair, and he pro-\\nfessed his inclination to repeat the experiment\\nwhich had been made by his predecessor\\nbut his resolution was weakened and retarded\\nby the intrigues of his countrymen. He list-\\nened, indeed, with attention to the prayer of\\na solemn deputation from the Roman people,\\nin 1374 but he took no immediate steps to\\ngrant it.\\nCatharine of Sienna. Two yeai-s afterwards\\nhe was still at Avignon, when he was again\\nimportuned on the same subject by a very dif-\\nferent instrument of solicitation. There was\\none Catharine, the daughter of a citizen at Si-\\nenna, who had embraced the monastic life, and\\nacquired extraordinary reputation for sancti-\\nty. In the rigor of her fastings and watdi-\\nings, in the duties of seriousness and silence,\\nin the fervency and continuance of her pray-\\ners, she far surpassed the merit of her holy\\nCogita tecum (says Petrarch) in die ultimi\\njudicii an resurgere amas inter Avinionicos peccato-\\nres famosissimos nunc omnium qui sub coelo sunt, an\\ninter Petrum et Paulum, Stephanum et Lanrentium,\\ne. c. The same argument, which is the con-\\ncluding one, may probably have been adopted a few\\nyears afterwards by Catharine of Sienna. Petrarch\\nbecame a very ardent eulogist of this Pope.\\nt The Pope had the honor, during this period, of\\nentertaining both the Emperors as his guests. Charles\\nIV. visited him at Montefiascone in 1368; John\\nPalfeologus in the year following at Rome.\\nX Spondanus, Ann. 1370, s. iv. St. Brigida,who\\nwas at that time in Italy, is related to have assured\\nthe Pope, on the authority of an express revelation\\nfrom the holy Virgin, that his return to Avignon\\nwould be immediately followed by his death abiit\\nnihilo-minus. Peter of Arragon likewise prophesiea\\nthe Grand Schism from the same e^ent.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0399.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsisters and the austerities which she prac-\\ntised prepared people to believe the fables\\nwhich she related for she professed to have\\nderived her spiritual knowledge from no hu-\\nman instructer from no humbler source,\\nthan the direct and personal communication\\nof Christ himself On one occasion especial-\\nly she had been blessed by a vision, in which\\nthe Saviour appeared to her, accompanied by\\nthe Holy Mother and a numerous host of\\nsaints, and in their presence he solemnly es-\\npoused her, placing on her finger a golden\\nring, adorned with four pearls and a diamond.\\nAfter the vision had vanished, the ring still\\nremained, sensible and palpable to herself,\\nthough invisible to eveiy other eye. Nor\\nwas this the only favor which she boasted to\\nhave received from the Lord Jesus she had\\nsucked the blood from the wound in His side\\nshe had received His heart in exchange for\\nher own she bore on her body the marks of\\nHis wounds though these too were imper-\\nceptible by any sight except her own.f\\nWe do not relate such disgusting impiety,\\neither because it was uncommon in those\\ndays, or because it was crowned by the sol-\\nemn approbation of the Roman Church for\\nthe wretched fanatic was canonized, and\\noccupies no despicable station in the Holy\\nCalendar but it is a more extraordinary cir-\\ncumstance, awakening a deeper astonishment,\\nthat Catharine of Sienna was invited from\\nher cell by the messengers of the Florentine\\npeople, and officially charged, by the compat-\\nriots of Dante and the contemporaries of Pe-\\ntrarch, with an important commission at the\\nCourt of Rome; the office of mitigating the\\npapal displeasure, and reconciling the Church\\nwith the Repubhc was confided to her en-\\nthusiasm. She was admitted to an early\\naudience. Her arguments, which she deliv-\\nered in the vulgar Tuscan, were explained by\\nthe interpreter who attended her; and in\\nconclusion, the Pope (assured, no doubt, of\\nher devoted attachment to the Church) ex-\\npressed his willingness to leave the differences\\nentirely to her decision. X But the embassy\\nFleury thinks that she believed them herself, and\\nhe may be right: Une imagination vive, echauffee\\npar les jeunes et les veilles, pouvoit y avoir grande\\npart: d autant plus, qu aucune occupation exterieure\\nlie detournoit ces pensees. Liv. xcvii. s. xl.\\nOn the body of St. Francis the wounds were\\nvisible a distinction conferred, as his disciples as-\\nsert, on him alone. See Spondanus, ann. 1376. s. iv.\\nX Spondanus, ann. 1376, s. ii. It does not ap-\\npear, by the way, that the Florentines were ready to\\nextend the same deference to her judgment. See\\nSismondi, chap. xllx.\\nof Catharine was not confined to that object\\nonly for, whether in obedience to the wish\\nof the Florentines or to the suggestions of her\\nown spirit, she urged at the same time the\\nduties, which the pontiff owed to his Italian\\nsubjects, to the tombs of the x^postles, to the\\nchair of his mighty predecessors and her\\nreasons are said to have influenced a mind\\nalready predisposed to listen to them.\\nRespecting the motives which created that\\ndisposition, it must be mentioned that the\\nresidence at Avignon was no longer recom-\\nmended by that careless security which at\\nfirst distinguished it from Rome. The open\\ncountry had been invaded and the city men-\\naced by one of those Companies of associated\\nbrigands who were the terror of the fourteenth\\ncentury. During the pontificate of Innocent\\nVI. the inhabitants and the court had been\\ncompelled to seek for safety sometimes in\\ntheir arms,* sometimes in their riches and\\nthough the danger might not be very pressing,\\nyet being near at hand and fresh in recollec-\\ntion, it perhaps influenced beyond its impor-\\ntance the Councils of Avignon. The Pope s\\nresolution, however, still wavered and was\\nat length decided by a second embassy from\\nRome, which arrived about two months after\\nthe visit of St. Catharine. The envoys ex-\\npressly assured him, that unless he returned\\nto his See, the Romans would provide a Pope\\nfor themselves, who would reside among\\nthem his cardinal legate at the city gave him\\nthe same assurance and it afterwards ap-\\npeared, that overtures had already been made\\nto the Abbot of Monte Cassino to that effect.\\nThis was no moment for delay. Gregory\\nimmediately departed for his capital and\\nthence, whatever may have been his private\\nintentions, he was not destined to return.\\nThe place of the death of a pope was at\\nthat time of more lasting importance to the\\nChurch than his living residence, because the\\nelection of a successor could scarcely fail to\\nbe affected by the local circumstances under\\nwhich he might be chosen. There could be\\nno security for the continuance of the papal\\nresidence at Rome, until the crown should\\nbe again placed upon the head of an Italian.\\nAt Avignon, the French cardinals, who\\nwere more numerous, were certain to elect\\na French pope but the accident which\\nshould oblige the Conclave to assemble in an\\nItalian city, might probably lead, through the\\noperation of external influences, to the choice\\nof an Italian. That accident at length occur-\\nMatt. Villan., lib. vii. cap. xcvi.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0400.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "ITS HERESIES AND DIVISIONS.\\n393\\nred, and its consequences will be pursued in\\nthe folio wiag chapter.\\nSection II.\\nGeneral History of the Church, its Heresies, fc.\\nIn the meantime, the account which has been\\ngiven of the pontiffs of Avignon is sufficient\\nto throw some light on their individual mer-\\nits, and, what is of much more consequence,\\non the general character and principles of\\ntheir government. But a deeper considera-\\ntion of this important period, suggests some\\nreflections which it is proper to express;\\nwhile there are some facts, less closely con-\\nnected with papal biography, but not less\\nstrictly appertaining to the histoiy of the\\nChurch, which have not been noticed, but\\nwhich cannot wholly be overlooked. Ac-\\ncordingly, we shall first observe the decline\\nwhich took place, during these seventy years,\\nin the pontifical power, and point out some\\nof its most efficient causes. We shall then\\ninquire, whether any attempts were made to\\nobviate that decay, by measures of reform or\\nrenovation. The heresies which divided the\\nChurch, and the efforts which aimed to ex-\\ntinguish them, will be the last, and not the\\nleast instructive, subject of our examination.\\nI. Decline of the papal power. The various\\nand desultory warfare, alike savage in its cir-\\ncumstances and fruitless in its results, which\\nwas waged in Italy by the legates and mer-\\ncenaries of the Pope, in defence of the pat-\\nrimony of St. Peter, is described by the civil\\nhistorians of those times nor shall we de-\\nscend to recount the intrigues which were\\nemployed in the same contest, or the bulls\\nwhich were so repeatedly and vainly launch-\\ned from Avignon. But the evil, which these\\nmeasures were intended to repress, was deep-\\nly felt at the time, and was fatally pernicious\\nin its consequences. We have observed that,\\neven during his residence at Rome and in the\\nfulness of his power, the Pope was seldom in\\nundisputed possession of the apostolical do-\\nIt is truly remarked by Sismondi, that the Avig-\\nnon Popes prosecuted these wars with, greater ardor,\\nthan they would have done, had they been resident in\\nItaly, or than they could, had they drawn their re-\\nsources only from Italy. They suffered no personal\\ndangers, they saw nothing of the evils which they in-\\nflicted, and they derived their supplies from the con-\\ntributions of the whole church. The complaints\\nwhich the Florentine? had against the papal Guber-\\nnatores are enumerated with great warmth by Leo-\\nnardus Aretinus. Hist. Florent,, lib. viii., 181, 2.\\n50\\nmains. But, in the season of his emigration,\\nhe could place little reliance on the friends\\nwhom he had deserted, while the license of\\nhis enemies and depredators increased with-\\nout restraint. Cities and populous districts\\nwere thus separated from the ecclesiastical\\nstates, and several among the Roman barons,\\nwho were his feudatories, usuiped in per})e-\\ntuity the lands of the Church. The deficiency\\nthus occasioned in the pontifical treasury must\\nneeds be supplied from some new sourre\\nsince the change in nation and residence had\\nabated nothing of the pomp and prodigality\\nof the Vicars of Christ. The funds to which\\nthey had chiefly recourse for this purpose\\nwere twofold. By the more general and\\neasy sale of indulgences, they levied a pro-\\nductive tax upon the superstition of tlie peo-\\nple at the same time they made a dangeroiis\\nexperiment on the submission of the clergy\\nby various imposts on all ecclesiastical pro-\\nperty.* The right of presentation to all vacant\\nsees appears to have been first usurped by the\\nPopes of Avignon. It was abused as soon as\\nusurped and the system of reservation de-\\nprived the diocese of its pastor, while it car-\\nried away its revenues into the apostolical\\nchancery. At the same time the frequent\\ncontribution of tenths and first-fruits, raised\\nunder crusading or other pretences, gave\\ndeeper offence to the sacred order, as it\\ntouched their interests more directly and\\npersonally. It was vain to imagine, that the\\nmonstrous system of papacy could long sub-\\nsist, unless supported by the attachment and\\nalmost unanimity of the ecclesiastical body\\nnor could such concord easily take place, un-\\nless the Pope could contrive to identify his\\nThe following are mentioned as the sources of\\nthe papal exactions from England during the four-\\nteenth century: (1.) Peter s Pence for the supposed\\nsupport of the English pilgrims at Rome: it scarcely\\nexceeded 200/. a-year. (2.) King John s census, of\\n1000 marks. This was tolerably well paid, till the\\ntime of Urban V., in 1366, when king, clergy, lords,\\nand commons, proclaimed the payment illegal, and\\nit ceased. (3.) The payment of First-fiuits. The\\norigin of this is referred to the presents which, in\\nvery early ages, a bishop at his consecration, or a\\npriest at his ordination, paid to the officiating prelate.\\nIt was abolished by Gregory the Great, but soon\\ngrew up again, and insensibly came to be rated at a\\nyear s income. Presently, when prelates obtaine\\ntheir sees by provisions, those first-fruits flowed into\\nthe apostolical treasury. Those of smaller benefices\\nwere at first granted, seemingly in the thirteenth cen-\\ntury, to bishops and archbishops. At length, Clement\\nV. reserved for his own use all first-fruits, and John\\nXXII. imitated his example. See Lingard s Hist.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0401.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "394\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ninterests with those of the clergy, or at least\\nto persuade the clergy of such identity. But\\nfrom the hour that his exigencies could only\\nbe supplied at their expense, that his dig-\\nnity, his luxuries, his very vices, tended to\\nimpoverish, and no longer to enrich, them\\nfrom that hour a very powerful, though very\\nsordid instrument of connexion began to give\\nway, and the discontent, which might orig-\\ninate in pure selfishness, found abundant fuel,\\nas well as ample justification, in the manifold\\nabuses which disgraced the papal court.\\nRapacity of the Popes, and projligacy of the\\nCourt. Still there had been less danger from\\nthis disaffection, had the Popes pressed their\\nimpolitic exactions with any show of modera-\\ntion had they been contented to satisfy their\\nnecessities, or even to maintain with judicious\\nliberality the ceremony and pomp of office.\\nBut so far were they removed from any such\\ndiscretion, that it rather seomed their object so\\nto reign, as to unite prodigality with avarice\\nto spend profusely and hoard insatiably.\\nIt was this spirit of rapacity which presided\\nover the councils of Avignon. The lofty pre-\\ntensions which animated and even dignified\\nthe Pontiffs of former days, were degraded\\ninto mere lifeless instruments to the lowest\\nworldly purposes. We seek not now for\\nthe deep religious enthusiasm of the earliest\\nPopes, for that had long been extinguished\\nbut the exalted and magnanimous audacity\\nof the Gregories and even the Innocents,\\nthe settled ecclesiastical fanaticism (if we may\\nuse the expression,) which so long dazzled\\nthe reason of man, these too had at length\\ngiven place to baser principles and passions.\\nThe cloud of mystery, which had so long\\nhung over the chair of St. Peter, filling the\\nnations with awe for the invisible power and\\nmajesty residing there, was at length dispersed\\nand broken awa}^, and in its place was dis-\\ncovered the nakedness of human turpitude.\\nThe charm of opinion began gradually to dis-\\nsolve and whatsoever prejudices many still\\nretained in favor of the papal government,\\nthey were weakened by the sordid motives\\nwhich now directed it and an unpopular\\nvice became still more detested, when it was\\nfound engrafted upon the ecclesiastical char-\\nacter.\\nAnother cause, which materially assisted,\\nduring this period, in hastening the decline\\nof papacy, was the shameless profligacy of\\nthe court of Avignon. There is no dispute as\\nto this fact and even moderate writers have\\nsti-ained their language, in order to present a\\njust picture of that deformity. We refer not\\nto the partial philippics of Petrarch nor to\\nthe unholy name of Babylon, which may first\\nhave been affixed to the city of the Popes,\\nfrom a similarity in crime. But when Den-\\nina assures us, that the licentiousness of the\\nclergy became excessive and universal, from\\nthe time that the scandals of Avignon had re-\\nmoved all restraint and shame and when Sis-\\nmondi* declares, that that people and that court\\nmade themselves manners out of the vices of\\nall other nations, those historians do not exceed\\nthe testimony of contemporary authorities.\\nThe causes and sources of this pestilence are\\ndisputed: it is ascribed by the French writers\\nto the importation of Transalpine fashions and\\nmorals into their less corrupt climate while\\nthe Italians retoit the charge of greater im-\\npurity, and enlarge, perhaps with more jus-\\ntice, on the temptations which may ensnai-e\\na bishop who resides at a distance from his\\ndiocese, who is surrounded by a court of pre-\\nlates also non-resident, without any spiritual\\ncare or any restraint from the observation of\\nthe people. Howbeit, this argument would\\nhave had more weight, had the court of Rome\\nbeen less polluted: but whatever may have\\nbeen the comparative delinquencies of Rome\\nand Avignon, it is at least certain, that the\\nlatter were more indecent and more notori-\\nous that offences, which (if they were really\\npractised) had been heretofore veiled or only\\npartially known, were now exposed and stig-\\nmatized universally and that the only alter-\\nnative thenceforward remaining to the ponti-\\nfical government was to correct those flagrant\\nabuses, or by their means to fall, f\\nThe publication of the celebrated bull, call-\\ned Unam Sanctam, in which Boniface VIII.\\nasserted the extreme pretensions of his see to\\nboth descriptions of supremacy, may be view-\\ned, perhaps, as the great Crisis in papal his-\\ntory. As far as that moment, nothing had\\nbeen ceded in the pontifical claims, and noth-\\ning abated in the arrogance with v^^hich they\\nwere pressed. It may be, that their founda-\\nDenina, Delle Rivoluz. d ltalia, lib. xv., cap. vi.\\nSismondi, Rep. Ital., chap, xlviii. SeeBaluz., Pref.\\nin Vitas Pontif. Avenionensium.\\nt During the pontificate of John XXH., complaints\\nagainst the clergy began to break out very commonly\\nin France, occasioned by the excess to which they\\ncarried their jurisdiction, as well as other offences.\\nBut Philip the Regent protected them, Jura eccle-\\nsiarum auxerim potius quam imminuta velim. It is\\nremarkable, that it was to this declaration that the\\nkings of France are indebted for the title of Catholic,\\nso, at least, says Bzovius, Ann. 1329, s. xxiii.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0402.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "ITS HERESIES AND DIVISIONS.\\n395\\ntions had been silently crumbling beneath\\nthem, but their actual instabihty was still\\nconcealed by outward show and magnificent\\npretension. But from this point the descent\\nwas perceptible, and it soon became very\\nrapid and Philip, having penetrated the se-\\ncret of the real weakness of the See, effectu-\\nally brought about its humiliation. His attack\\non the personal safety of Boniface, though in\\na great measure defeated by the undaunted\\nconstancy of that Pontiff, disclosed to the\\nwhole world the domestic insecurity of the\\nBishop of Rome.\\nStill it must be acknowledged that a Pope, as\\nlong as the seat of his government was his own\\ncapital, could not ever be the mere depend-\\nent of any sovereign and this is the argument\\nby which Romaii Catholic writers most plau-\\nsibly defend the temporal power of the Chief\\nof their church. But no sooner had he cross-\\ned the Alps and transferred his court to\\nFrance, than he descended to the condition\\nof a subordinate prince. It was in vain,\\nthat the formalities of respect, and even the\\nshow of equality, were observed the influ-\\nence of the King of France predominated in\\nthe councils of Avignon and the sense and\\nthe notoriety of temporal dependence dis-\\ncouraged the ghostly pretensions of the Pope,\\nand blunted the edge of his weapons. For\\nthis, among other reasons, we are not sur-\\nprised to observe, that the ecclesiastical cen-\\nsures lost much of their efhcacy during this\\nage that they were received in various coun-\\ntries with various degrees of indifference,\\nbut that this indifference was everywhere\\nincreasing. Italy herself was the most con-\\nspicuous for the general neglect with which\\nshe treated them and Italy, in her spiritual\\nrebellion, did no more than imitate the pre-\\neminent obduracy of Rome, For Rome was\\nirritated by the absence of her prelate and her\\nhabitual contumacy and lawlessness found\\ngreat pretence and some justification, when\\nshe was deprived even of the ordinal^ ad-\\nvantages of an episcopal residence.\\nAnother severe, and even incurable, wound,\\nwas inflicted on papal despotism by the threat\\nof appeal to a General Council, which was\\nfirst urged by Philip, and eagerly repeated by\\nLouis of Bavaria. That there was a power\\nsuperior to the Pope within the church itself,\\nwas a principle which was sure to find many\\nadvocates even in the ecclesiastical body.\\nOnce broached, and on such high authority,\\nit was commonly discussed, and by discus-\\nsion gained ground and though the progress\\nof reason against established prejudice is usu-\\nally very slow, the mmds of many were pre-\\npared for this innovation during the fii-st half\\nof the fourteenth century but it was not\\ncan-ied into full effect till somewhat later.\\nOf the dissensions which divided the church\\nduring this period, and which we shall pres-\\nently notice, none probably occasioned so\\ngreat scandal at the time, as the disputes car-\\nried on by the more rigid Franciscans against\\nthe Pope hunself. Between tlie higher ranks\\nof the secular clergy and their acknowledged\\nhead, we have observed differences not un-\\ncommon respecting their authority, their rev-\\nenues, or the removal of their coiTuptions.\\nBut the regular orders had hitherto observed\\nthe strictest allegiance to a president, whose\\ninterests were inseparably connected with\\ntheir own and this was the first occasion\\non which the pontifical court was disturbed\\nby the sound of monastic insubordination.\\nThere was danger in an example, which might\\nbe followed by any discontented branch of the\\npriesthood but the consequence, which real-\\nly and immediately followed it, was to open\\nthe eyes of the laity to the deformities of\\nthe system, and to rouse them against those\\nabuses, which ecclesiastics themselves no\\nlonger conspired to defend.\\nBut another, and a still jmore certain instru-\\nment for the subversion of papacy had been\\nnow for some time in operation, and it ac-\\nquired additional power during the fourteenth\\ncentury an instrument, independent of the\\naccidents of papal captivity or ecclesiastical\\ndiscord, and one which, however aided by\\nsuch circumstances, would surely have ac-\\ncomplished its task without them. Human\\nreason had at length been awakened from its\\nlong lethargy; and though its first flights\\nwere wild and irregular,* it was beginning to\\nextend its influence and to know its authori-\\nity. The means of education were multipli-\\ned, its character was varied and exalted and\\nwhat was most important to all purposes\\nof general improvement, its advantages were\\nno longer confined to a privileged body, but\\nwere diffused through every condition of\\nsociety. The subjects, indeed, which still\\nengrossed the greater portion of the learning\\nof those days, were generally connected with\\ntheology, or with the constitution and disci-\\npline of the church. Still it was not to\\nchurchmen alone, that such discussions were\\nconfined. Those who profited by the ecclesi-\\nastical system were no longer the only persons\\nqualified to argue respecting it. No sooner", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0403.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "396\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwere the gates opened, than the laity rushed\\ninto that province with great eagerness and\\nthe seeds of the Reformation were already\\nscattered, though it was uncertain when they\\nwould break forth, or what fruits they would\\nbear in their maturity.\\nII. Attempts at Reformation, The abuses\\nwhich gave most offence at the commence-\\nment of this period, so as to excite the indig-\\nnation of the better portion of the clergy, and\\neven to claim the attention of the hierarchy,\\nhave been enumerated in a former page, as\\nthey were presented to the Council of Vienna.\\nThey were not corrected on that occasion, and\\nthey increased in consequence.\\nWe must not, however, suppose, that no\\nregulations were enacted under the Avignon\\nPopes for the amendment of the ecclesiastical\\nsystem they were very numerous; but the\\nmisfortune was, that they were generally mis-\\ndirected. They descended to insignificant\\np rticulars, or were fabricated by one portion\\nof the clergy against another, or by the or-\\nthodox against the heretics or they related\\nto the imposts of the Pope and the means\\nf evading them they never reached those\\ngrand deformities which endangered the\\nchiurch, through the just offence which they\\ngave to the laity. It is true that some papal\\nconstitutions were pubhshed both against the\\nnon-residence of the clergy and the holding\\nof pleuralities. But the first could not be\\nconsistently enforced by a prelate who had\\niiever visited his own see; and the Popes,\\nthough they held decisive language, f were\\nA luirnber of the Councils assembled for this pur-\\npose, aiirl the prinripai canons enacted by them are\\nmentioned bySemler, sec. xiv.,cap. ii. The follovv-\\ninff are specimens: Concil. Coloniense, ann. 1313.\\nNe clericis publica poenitentia imponatur, cum alii in\\nalbis procedunt, alii in nigris cappis, in facie laico-\\nrum. Ne fiant imprecationes contra aliquas personas.\\nConcil. Trevirevse, ej. ann. Contra gerentes cu-\\ncuteras, sen cu ^usas, mitras, virgatas, scacatas vestes.\\nContra convivia in exequiis. Ut ante vel post vel\\nsuper altare sit imago, sculptura, pictura, in cujus\\nSancti meritum constructum sit. Si infans caput\\nex utero emiserit a muliere baptizetur si solum caput\\nvel pars corporis major appareat nee discerni potest\\nsexus: dicat, Creatura Dei, ego, c. c., et ejit\\nhaptizatus.\\nt John XXH. in 1317 put forth a constitution\\nagainst all ambitious and avaricious clergymen, com-\\nplaining of their non-residence, neglect of hospitality,\\nthe ruin of their churches, c. And we observe, at\\nthe same time, that he deposed a bishop; not, how-\\never, on any of these grave charges, but for the of-\\nfence of contumacy. (Bzov., ann. 1317, s. xiii.)\\nThe same pontiff also published an edict against plu-\\nmanifestly insincere in the second. Or, if we\\nare to admit that one or two among them\\nwere really earnest in their washes and en-\\ndeavors, they were at least prevented fi*om\\ntaking measures to effectuate them by the\\nfear of offending the most powerful, though\\nperhaps the least deserving, part of the sacred\\nbody.\\nIII. Divisions and Heresies. ^When Fran-\\ncis of Umbria first established his rigid Order,\\nhis rule was celebrated by the applause of\\nsuccessive popes. The impious fables which\\nhe propagated, respecting the miraculous im-\\npression of the Saviour s wounds on his body,\\nand other such matters, were countenanced\\nand dignified by the authority of the Church\\nhe was adopted with eagerness into the fami-\\nly of the Saints and the extreme austerity\\nof the institution seemed in some fashion to\\nbe sanctified by the superstitious reverence,\\nthus studiously thrown around the name of\\nthe Founder. We are not, then, to be aston-\\nished when we observe, that several among\\nhis followers adhered to the very letter of his\\ninstructions with unprecedented pertinacity,\\nand scorned the vulgar temptations to soften\\ntheir severity. The example of relaxation\\nset to them by almost every other Order, the\\ndesertion of the more numerous part even of\\ntheir own brethren, the moderate indulgence\\nI enjoined by the Pope himself, were insuffi-\\ncient to seduce those honest fanatics from\\nstrict obedience to their law, or to abate the\\nralities, beginning Execrabilis quorundam, c.,\\nand continued in a strain of emphatic abuse. (See\\nVit., (3tia.) Joh. XXII. ap. Baluzium.) Similar\\nlaws were launched, with the same inefficiency, by\\nBenedict XII., and afterwards by Innocent VI. A\\ncurious stoi*y is told to prove the zeal of this last.\\nInnocent, before his elevation, had a favorite chap-\\nlain, on whom had been conferred seven benefices.\\nAs soon as he became Pope, the chaplain again pre-\\nsented himself, bringing with him a little godson, for\\nwhom he wished also to procure a benefice. But the\\nPope, like a just man, answered him: You have\\nseven good benefices; resign the best of them to that\\nboy. On which, when Innocent saw that the pe-\\ntitioner was discontented, he again said, You have\\nstill six benefices, and fewer would suffice for your\\nnecessities choose-, then, for yourself the three best\\nof them, and resign tlie others, that I may bestow\\nthem, for the honor of God, on three poor clergymen.\\nThe Pope was highly applauded for that act, as hav-\\ning therein followed the path of spiritual, rather than\\ncarnal aflfectjon. See Vita (4ta) Innocent. VI., apud\\nBaluzium.\\nBoth Francis and Dominic were canonized by\\nthe same pope, Gregory IX. (about 1235;) so like-\\nwise was Anthony of Padua, and other less consider-\\nable personages.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0404.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "ITS HERESIES AND DIVISIONS.\\nS97\\nvivid faith which they placed in their master.\\nFor indeed it was to faith that their feelings\\namounted, when they maintained that St.\\nFrancis was a second Christ nothing inferior\\nor dissimilar to the first and that the institu-\\ntion which he left behind him was the true\\ngospel of salvation.\\nEntire and absolute poverty, the complete\\nrenunciation of all property, whether common\\nor personal, was the fundamental principle of\\nthe society, the only principle of Christian\\nobedience the only rule of evangelical per-\\nfection. In defence of that position, it be-\\ncame them at the same time to profess and\\nargue, that the practice of Christ and his\\nApostles had been rigidly formed upon the\\nsame rule and this became accordingly the\\nquestion in dispute with their theological ad-\\nversaries. Those adversaries, as we may well\\nsuppose, were neither few nor of humble\\nrank. A courtly and luxurious hierarchy\\nwere scandalized by that unquahfied asser-\\ntion of the necessity of poverty and Christ s\\nimperious vicegerent upon earth was shocked\\nby so homely a picture of the humility of his\\nheavenly Lord.\\nSome unsuccessful endeavors were made\\nin the -preceding century to bring the Fratri-\\ncelli, or Blinorites (so they were denominated)\\nto a more reasonable view of the gospel in-\\nstitution, and of the spvit of then- own rule\\nbut it does not appear that any personal out-\\nrage was offered them until the year 1306\\nand even then it proceeded, as was naturally\\nto be expected, from the more worldly mem-\\nbers of their own fraternity. From Italy,\\nmany then fled into Provence, and were scat-\\ntered over the south of France and at this\\ntime they are represented to have united with\\nthe Spirituals, and the Beghards and Be-\\nguines. The name Spiritual is said to have\\nbeen first assumed by the followers of a schis-\\nmatic of that age, named Pierre d Olive the\\nothers were the Tertiarii, or third order of\\nFranciscans. All were equally opposed to\\nthe existing system of papal government.\\nAs their principles were henceforward iden-\\ntified, so also was their history and the term\\nspiritual is that by which the observers of the\\nrule of absolute poverty were commonly dis-\\ntinguished from theu less austere Brethren of\\nthe Community.\\nDisputes between the Popes and tlie Francis-\\ncans. Clement V. interposed his mediation\\nbetween these contentious mendicants; and\\nat the Council of Vienna he issued the Bull\\nExivi de Paradiso, with the design of bring-\\ning theni to concord by mutual concession.\\nHe permitted to the Spirituals the enjoyment\\nof the most abject poverty while at the same\\ntime, to such Franciscans as resided in barren\\ncountries, where the resources of mendicity\\nwere precarious, he allowed the use of gran-\\naries and store-houses, as places of deposit for\\ntheir common alms. Nevertheless, though all\\nacts of violence were for the moment sus-\\npended, the division of the Order continued\\nas before, and the mutual animosity was in\\nno degree abated and a distinction in dress\\nat this time introduced by the Minorites,\\nwho adopted a meaner and coarser habit,\\ncontributed no little to inflame the contro-\\nversy.\\nMatters stood thus, when John XXII. was\\nraised to the pontificate and since the mod-\\neration of his predecessors had not availed to\\nheal the schism, he entered without any delay\\ninto the opposite system. We observe that\\nthe Fratricelli are enumerated among the\\nheretics condemned in an edict which he\\npublished in 1317 and in the year following\\nhe made them the object of a memorable hull\\nThe glorious Church which has neither\\nstain nor wrinkle, which Christ loved, and for\\nwhich he delivered himself to death, that he\\nmight sanctify it by washing it with water in\\nthe Word of Life this Church the Prophet\\nknew by the revelation of the Spirit to be\\nplaced before all nations; and admiring the\\nsplendor of so much dignity, he exhibited it\\nunder the similitude of royalty, saying A\\nqueen stood on thy right hand, in gilded\\ngarments, c. c. Afier describing the\\nnature of the union between Christ and his\\nspouse the Church, and especially eulogizing\\nGloriosam Ecclesiam, non habentem macularo\\naut riigam, (juain Chiistus dilexit, pro qua semet\\nipsiim tradidit, c. NimJrum ipsa Christi Sponsa\\nVirgo Mater Ecclesia, quia inclyto Capiti suo Domino\\nJesu Cliristo iiniolabilis fidei glutino copulatur, et\\nejus iini)erio prona ohedientia substernitur, cum lUo\\nunum effecta, tarn incomparabilis unionis merito rebus\\nomnibus, more regio, principatur. Quje dum pia et\\ndevota religione terrena despicit, caelestia petit, omne\\nsinistrum premens, a dextris Sponsi gloriosaconsistit,\\nEt quia geminae charitatis splendore omni ex parte\\nrutilat, in vestitu aureo etiam angelicis spiritibus\\nadmiranda coruscat. Cujus inspstimabilis decor,\\nquia vario vivendi genere ill una tamen charitate per-\\nficitur, quasi de vestis pulcherrima varielate Iveta-\\ntur. Such were the senseless and even impious\\nrhapsodies, with which a very bad pope celebrated\\nthe corrupt church, which he still further corrupted\\nby his acts and his eulogies; not that he was really\\nblind to its deformities, but because he was too timid\\nor too wicked to correct them, and because he be-\\nlieved that the system, with all its vices upon its head,\\nwould slill last and be profitable /or his own time.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0405.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "398\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe charity of the latter, the Pope proceeded\\nto expose the errors of the Minorites. He\\nclassed them under five heads, and showed\\nhow they combined the various enormities\\nof the Donatists, of the Waldenses, and the\\nManicheans, while they also followed the\\nfoul traces of Montanus and Priscilla.\\nThe burden of their offence was contempt\\nof the bonds of the Church, and disrespect\\nfor its ministers howbeit, being convicted by\\nthe edict of John of certain condemned and\\nstigmatized heresies, they were consigned by\\nthe same act to inquisitorial authority. The\\nagents of oppression executed their part with\\nno delay and the very same year four of the\\nFratricelli were seized at Marseilles, and burnt\\nto death.\\nFrom this moment the contest assumed a\\nmuch more serious character. The devotion\\nof the Spirituals was now sealed, and their\\nresistance sanctified, by the blood of their\\nmartyrs; their zeal, their activity, their num-\\nbers everywhere increased; and the more\\nviolent were the proceedings of the inquisi-\\ntors, the more advocates did the persecuted\\nacquire, the more generally they rose into\\nrespect and consideration. Their great prin-\\nciple respecting the poverty of Christ was now\\nmade the subject of solemn deliberation; and\\nthe most celebrated divines of the age, espe-\\ncially those of Paris, were officially consulted\\non the question, and finally the Pope himself\\ndescended into the field of controversy and\\nhappier had been his fortunes, and his memo-\\nry more honored, had he confined his hostility\\nto that bloodless warfare. At the end of 1322\\nhe published a Constitution, in which he con-\\nfuted the arguments of the Franciscans, and\\nasserted for the monastic orders the right of\\nproperty, instead of the simple use of their\\nimmediate necessaries. The Spirituals re-\\nIn the account of Montanus (given in Chap. V.\\np. 78.) it is too confidently asserted that Ae ^ro/essetf\\nto he the Paraclete or Comforter. It is indeed\\nthe deliberate opinion of Mosheim that he professed\\nto be the Paraclete, sent down to complete the\\nChristian system but that writer supposes the fanatic\\nto have distinguished between the Paraclete and the\\nHoly Spirit, and not to have proceeded so far as to\\nassert his identity with the latter. Bishop Kaye is\\nof opinion that Montanus only laid claims to inspi-\\nration by the Holy Ghost; and he certainly shows\\nthat the distinction, supposed to have been made be-\\ntween the Holy Ghost and the Paraclete, has no\\nfoundation. It seems probable that the bishop s\\nopinion is correct. At least theonly alternative is\\nto believe, that Montanus pretended to be the Holy\\nGhost an absurdity by no means unparalleled in the\\nhistory of heresy.\\njected the right with the same obstinacj\\nwith which it was dictated by the Pope and\\nit was at least a singular contest, and worthy\\nof a more religious age and more reasonable\\nmotives, where the one party indignantly re-\\npudiated the worldly possessions, which the\\nother imperiously obtruded where a body\\nof beggars preferred the endurance of a dead-\\nly persecution to the sacrifice of the duty of\\npoverty.\\nIn this manner the dispute proceeded, until\\nthe rupture between John and Louis of Ba-\\nvaria became open and decided. Then the\\nEmperor, as if to turn against the Church the\\nold ecclesiastical policy, hastened to profit by\\nthe divisions of his adversary, and to foment\\nthe spiritual rebellion. The provinces of the\\nempire were thrOwh open to all the denom-\\ninations of schism and heresy; and the multi-\\nform enemies of papacy found refuge in the\\ndominions of Louis, and honor at his court.\\nMarsilius of Padua, Csesenas, Bonagratia, and\\nWilliam Occam, were the most illustrious\\namong those exiles. They directed their elo-\\nquence, their learning, and their satire, both\\npersonally against John, and generally against\\nthe system of the Church and their writings,\\nwhich were eagerly read even by that genera-\\ntion, were transmitted with still greater profit\\nto a less prejudiced posterity.\\nOn the other hand, the Pope was ardent-\\nly supported by his Dominican emissaries.\\nTheir thirst for heretical blood was heated by\\na particular jealousy of the Franciscan Order.\\nWherever an avenue was open they penetrat-\\ned. They pursued the fugitives even into the\\nremote plains of Poland and Hungaiy, and\\nintroduced into those ignorant regions the\\nmachinery of the Inquisition. But France\\nand Italy f were the scene of their most suc-\\ncessful exertions; and these were not con-\\nfined to the pontificate of John. Even the\\nThe history of John XXII. abounds with edicts\\nagainst the various denominations of heresy. We\\nare also bound to mention that he published (in 1326)\\none Constitution to repress the too great zeal of\\ncertain inquisitors in Sicily; but when we examine\\nthe nature of that zeal, we find that it had ventured\\nto attack nostros et apostolicse sedis officiales vel\\nnuntios, c. John, as well as several other popes,\\nextended more protection to the Jews than they en-\\njoyed elsewhere.\\nt Vit. John XXII. ap. Baluz. Mosheim calcu-\\nlates, from various records published and unpublished,\\nthat the names of about two thousand persons, of\\nboth sexes, may be enumerated, who suffered martyr-\\ndom in France and Italy for their inflexible attach-\\nment to the poverty of St. Francis. Cent, xiv. p.\\n2. ch. ii.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0406.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "ITS HERESIES AND DIVISIONS.\\n399\\nvirtuous Benedict began his reign by an ana-\\nthema against the Fratricelli; and it is re-\\nmarkable, tlivit, in the Constitution which he\\npubhshed on this occasion,* the articles of\\ntheir heresy are swelled to fifty- five. Their\\ndenial of the poioer of the Pope to permit them\\nto have property is among the most curious,\\nand not the least grave, of their offences\\nsome very gross absurdities were also imputed\\nto them, which may have been calumniously,\\nas indeed they may have been truly, alleged.\\nBut there is one observation here neces-\\nsary, which v/ill tend to account for the great\\nmultiplicity and vagueness of the charges ad-\\nvanced. A furious war was at that time rag-\\ning in Italy between the imperial and papal\\nfactious and it was a part of the crooked\\npolicy of the churchmen of Rome to confound\\npolitical enmity with spiritual perversity, and\\nto brand the adversaries of the visible church\\nwith the crime of heretical depravity. Among\\nthe adversaries of the church they usually\\nclassed its reformers ^those who were uideed\\nits only real friends and thus it happened,\\nthat the term heresy came now to compre-\\nhend every opinion unfavorable to the eccle-\\nsiastical government of the day, and the gates\\nof the Inquisition received without distinction\\na various and indiscriminate multitude.\\nStill, as long as the reign of Louis continu-\\ned, a secure asylum was offered to all descrip-\\ntions of Dissenters and these, being already\\nconnected by one common principle and one\\ncommon wrong, may have adopted fi*om each\\nother the absurd opinions, which some of\\nthem certainly held. But the spirit which\\nunited them was deep animosity against the\\nPope, whom they accused in thek turn of\\nimpiety and usurpation. In the year 1345, f\\nLouis was succeeded by Chai les IV. and as\\nthat Prince was chiefly obliged for his eleva-\\ntion to pontifical influence, so his policy fol-\\nlowed the interests of the Court of Avignon.\\nIf the principles of the Bavarian had con-\\ntinued to govern his dominions for another\\ngeneration, it is not improbable that the em-\\npire would have wholly freed itself from\\nBzov. ad ann. 1335, s. ii.\\nt About the same time died William Occhara,\\npestilentissimusHaeresiareha. Bzovius (ann. 1347,\\ns. xxxvi.,) though he designates this Englishman to\\nhave been omnium incentor malorum, auctor scele-\\nrum, cukor tenebrarum, c. c., still does not at-\\ntribute his death to divine interposition; which is\\nthe more surprising, because he had not hesitated to\\npronounce somewhat earlier (ann, 1321, s. xxi.) that\\nDante died through the peculiar vengeance of Hea-\\nven, which visited his calumnies against the popes.\\npapal supremacy, and raised the banners of\\nReformation in the fourteenth centuiy with\\nno inconsiderable advantage to religion. But\\nsuch anticipation of the irrore perfect triumph\\nof a more enlightened age was cut short by\\nthe perfidy of the Imperial counsels. The\\nnumerous insurgents against the despotism\\nof Rome, whom Louis had encouraged and\\nprotected and created, were betrayed by his\\nsuccessor into the hands of the avenger. The\\npeaceful provinces of the empire, hitherto\\nsacred from the inroads of persecution, were\\nnow thrown open to the Dominicans. Their\\nirruption was supported by secular edicts and\\narms and the extirpation of the Voluntary\\nbeggars the enemies of the Church and the\\nRoman empire,^ was pressed with equal\\nardor by the pope and the emperor. The\\nhouses of the offenders were given to the tri-\\nbunal of the Inquisition, to be converted into\\nprisons for heretics ;f and their effects were\\npubhcly sold, for the equal profit of the in-\\nquisitors who ordered, of the magistrates who\\nenforced, and of the poor who witnessed, their\\nexecution. The survivors fled towards the\\nbanks of the Rhine, to Switzerland, Brabant\\nand Pomerania but they were followed by a\\ntempest of mandates and bulls, and hunted\\nby the keen Dominicans even into their most\\ndistant retreats till at length it is admitted,\\nthat the greater part of Germany was restor-\\ned, after this sanguinary purification, to the\\npeaceful embrace of the Church,\\nBut neither edicts, nor bulls, nor inquisitors,\\ncould suppress the spirit of the schism, though\\nthey might extinguish its name and those\\nwho preserved their obedience to the more\\nrigid rule, were still found to be so numerous,\\nand the love of that discipline was still in\\nsome provinces so prevalent, that the popes\\nat length thought proper to sanction the in-\\nstitution. Accordingly, the Franciscan Order\\nwas by authority divided into two bodies.\\nThis is no ground perhaps for imputing to Charles\\npersonally, that his intolerance was aggravated by\\ntreachery. The individual stands convicted of per-\\nsecution only. But the circumstance of this change\\nadds one to the many instairces, ?n which the steady,\\nconsistent perseverance of the Vatican has carried\\nits point, through the fluctuations of the Imperial\\npolicy.\\nf See Moshelm, Cent. xiv. p. H. ch. ii. Their\\ncrime is mentioned in ihe edict (published at Lucca in\\n1369) which condemns them. They are a pernicious\\nsect, who pretend to a sacrilegious and heretical\\npoverty, and who are under a vow that they neither\\nought to have, nor will have, any property, whedier\\nspecial oi common, in the goods they use which\\nthey extend even to their wretched habits.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0407.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "400\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCrf.\\nwhich subsist to this day the more indul-\\ngent were called the Conventual Brethren\\nthe more austere, the Brethren of Ob-\\nservance. The disputes which afterwards\\ndisturbed this arrangement vs^ere partial and\\ninsignificant and the historian may express\\nbis astonishment mixed with sorrow, that so\\nsimple a method of reconciliation could only\\nbe reached through the paths of intolerance\\nand oppression.\\nBeghards and Lollards. The term Beg-\\nhard was in this age commonly applied to\\nthe Tertiaries of St. Francis and, though in\\nits origin probably innocent of such princi-\\nples, it was now involved in the guilt and fate\\nof the anti-papal heresies. The Brethren\\nof the free spirit, the harmless mystics of the\\nlast century,* had been some time known by\\nthat appellation and sometimes they are de-\\nsignated as Lollards, in the records of the\\nfollowing age. The reason of their confu-\\nsion is, that both names were indiscriminately\\nused by the Church to stigmatize those who\\ndissented from it, without any new^ inquiry\\nas to the grounds and points of their dissent.\\nMosheim, who has investigated this subject\\nwith great diligence, considers the Lollards f\\nto have been a society of pious laymen, form-\\ned in the first instance at Antwerp, for the\\npurpose of visiting the sick and burying the\\ndead during a season of pestilence for the\\nclergy are affirmed to have deserted their\\nofficial duties, as soon as they became attend-\\ned with peril. The humane motives and re-\\nligious practice of the new society caused it\\nto spread throughout Flanders and many\\nparts of Germany, and it was encouraged by\\nthe respect of the magistrates and the love of\\nthe inhabitants. Its success excited the jeal-\\nousy, as indeed it reflected on the reputation,\\nof all the clergy but the Mendicants had per-\\nhaps a deeper motive for animosity against it,\\nwhen they found that their own profits suffi3r-\\ned through its gratuitous charity. Accord-\\ningly, they raised the customary clamors of\\nimpiety and heresy: under the mask of ex-\\ntraordinary holiness, the Lollards concealed\\nforsooth the blackest errors and the most\\nenormous vices they were denounced at the\\npontifical throne, and their name has passed\\nSee Mosheim, Cent. xiii. p. ii. ch. v.\\nt Mosheim, Cent. xiv. p. ii. ch, ii. The word\\nLolhard means a singei ^as Beghard means one who\\nprays. The former were also called the Cellite\\nbrethren and sisters the Alexian brethren from\\nthe cells in which they lived, and the saint who was\\ntheir patron. See Seraler, Secul. xiv. cap. i.\\ninto the language of the Church to designate\\na misbelieving and sanctified hypocrite.\\nThey may have held some foolish opinions\\namong those generally attributed to them\\nthe following are the most peculiar that the\\nmind ought to be called away from the ex-\\nternal and sensible parts of religion, and fixed\\non inward and spiritual worship that the\\nsoul which is wholly absorbed in the love of\\nGod is free from the restraint of every law,\\nand may gratify its natural appetites without\\nsin that perfect virtue and perfect beatitude\\nmay be obtained in this world and that per-\\nsons so circumstanced are removed above\\nevery worldly consideration so that the\\nmoral virtues, as well as the religious cer-\\nemonies, might be neglected without offence.\\nMoreover they pretended that there were two\\nChurches, the carnal Church, which was\\nthat of Rome the spiritual, which was con-\\nfined to their own society* Such\\nwere the crimes imputed to them by the\\nChurchmen and this last may really have\\nbeen the secret of their offence. Yet, though\\nwe should believe them to have held almost\\nevery tenet with which they are charged,\\n(for the contempt of moral duties was clearly\\nnot a tenet, but a consequence calumniousjy\\ndrawn by their enemies,) may we not discern,\\nthat the principle from which they departed\\nwas excellent and holy It led them into\\nsome extravagances but were those so gross,\\nor nearly so detestable, as the deliberate absur-\\ndities which were committed by the Church\\nitself during the same period the insertion\\ninto the Liturgy of the words in which the\\nangel Gabriel saluted the Virgin Mary the\\nOther charges are instanced by Bzovius (ann.\\n1307, s. ix.) They held that the Mass, Baptism and\\nExtreme Unction were useless ceremonies that Lu-\\ncifer was an injured being, and that the angels, as\\nwell as all the enemies of their own sect, would be\\nfinally condemned that Mary did not continue a vir-\\ngin after the nativity; that the body of the Lord in\\nthe Eucharist was not real; that marriage was only\\nsanctified whoredom; that God neither punished nor\\nregarded human sins. Besides this, they lay together\\npromiscuously under the pretence of charity; they\\nate flesh when they would they observed no festivals\\nand derided the merits and intercession of the saints;\\nand finally they were so obstinate under persecution,\\nthat whatever might be their sex or age, they unani-\\nmously preferred death to conversion. In this\\nstrange and calumnious catalogue we may observe the\\nmalignity, with which some tenets, merely rejecting\\nthe innovations of Rome, are mixed up with the most\\nhorrible crimes and blasphemies. Yet this was one\\nof the most vulgar among the artifices of the Chm ch\\nmen of those days.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0408.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "ITS HERESIES AND DIVISIOXS.\\n401\\ninstitution of festivals in honor of the lance,\\nthe nails, the crown of Christ the appoint-\\nment of a holy day for the solemn celebration\\nof the wounds of Christ, miraculously im-\\npressed upon the body of St. Francis\\nIf we should believe all the calumnies that\\nchurchmen have ever fabricated in vilifica-\\ntion of the Mystics, we shall find among them\\nnothing so irrational, nothing nearly so impi-\\nous, as those authorized ecclesiastical mum-\\nmeries.\\nThe Lollards suffered some oppression in\\nAustria and other countries; but a war of\\nextermination does not appear to have been\\nformally proclaimed against them. No doubt,\\nthey were confounded by the inquisitors,\\nsometimes erroneously and sometimes wil-\\nfully,, with the more avowed enemies of the\\npapal government; and thus they shared that\\nvengeance, which was chiefly intended for\\nthe Spirituals and Beghards. But whether\\nthrough their greater obscurity or more man-\\nifest hai-mlessness, they escaped in compara-\\ntive safety, without any direct attack, and to\\nthis tolerance it may perhaps be attributed,\\nthat the sect of the Lollards f (properly so\\ncalled) never rose into great power and never\\nbecame dangerous to the Catholic Church.\\nDulcinus. During the reign of Clement\\nv., a preacher named Dulcinus, attended by a\\nwoman called Mai-garet, his wife or his mis-\\ntress, presented himself in Lombardy, and i\\nerected in the neighboring mountains the j\\nstandard of heresy. He was charged with\\ncontempt of the Catholic hierarchy, and with\\ncensuring the abuses of their immoderate\\nwealth also with asserting a succession of\\nthree theocracies that those under the Fa-\\nther and the Son were already passed that\\nthe third, under the Holy Spirit, was then in\\noperation. :j: Lastly, to consummate his odium,\\nOthers might be added. For instance, John\\nXXII. re-established with fresh indulgences the festi-\\nval of the body of Christ granting to all Christ-\\nians a general pardon of forty days for every reverence\\nmade, on the name of Jesus Christ being pronounced\\nby the priest. Giovanni Villani, lib. ii. cap. Ixxix.\\nt The name Lollard, as is well known, was after-\\nwards generally applied to various ad\\\\ersaries of the\\npopish establishment; but the real origin both of the\\nname and sect was probably such as has been here\\ndescribed-\\ni His followers called themselves the Spiritual\\nCongregation and the Order of the Apostles. We\\nalone (they said) are in the perfection in which the\\napostles were, and in the liberty which proceeds\\nimmediately from Jesus Christ. Wherefore we ac-\\nknowledge obedience neither to the pope nor any\\nother human being nor has he any power to ex-cora-\\n51\\nhis followers, who were not veiy numerous,\\nwere assailed with the primitive and accus-\\ntomed calumny of promiscuous prostitution.\\nA crusade was preached by the Church\\nagainst these m.iserable enthusiasts, and its\\narmies were led to the assault by a zealous\\nbishop. Surrounded and pressed among the\\nAlpine passes, many had already perished\\nfrom cold and want, before the sword was\\ndrawn to complete their destruction. It did so\\nmost effectually and Roman Catholic writ-\\ners record without emotion, that the heretic\\nwas torn in pieces limb from limb, after his\\nSpu itual Sister had suffered before his\\neyes by the same torture. As the massacre\\nis recorded without emotion, so its conse-\\nquence is told without understanding or re-\\nflection that the disciples of the martyr were\\nmultiplied by the deed, and increased beyond\\nnumber.\\nThe history and heresies f of Wiclif\\nalso belong to this period but we shall at\\npresent leave them unnoticed, as more im-\\nmediately appertaining to English histoiy,\\nand already familiar to most readers. And\\nif we pass from the name of that great patri-\\narch of the Reformation to the mention of a\\ntransient sect of mere fanatics, we shall most\\nfaithfully exhibit the character of an age, in\\nwhich the long reign of ignorance and error\\nwas first disturbed by the irregular struggles\\nof reviving reason. The begiimings of those\\ngreat revolutions, which renovate the v/hole\\nframe of society, are invariably marked by\\nsome transient excesses, occasioned by the\\nfirst fermentation of new and active princi-\\nples, in a body not yet qualified to give them\\nfull eflficacy. And so it befell in the present\\ninstance an age, in which the true principles\\nof Christianity were beginning once more\\nto glimmer through the ecclesiastical system\\nwhich had so long obscured them, was troubled\\nraunicate us The pope can give no absolution\\nfrom sins unless he be as holy as St. Peter, living ia\\nentire poverty and humility so that all the popes\\nand prelates, since St. Sylvester, having deviated\\nfrom that original holiness, are prevaricators and se-\\nducers, with the single exception of Pope Celestine,\\nPietro di Morone, c. See Fleury, liv. xci. sec.\\nxxiii.\\nSupra numerum. See Vita (4ta) Clementis V.\\napud Baluzium. Bzovius, ad ann. 1310. sec. xiii.\\nt Wiclif s Sixty-one Heresies are carefully enu-\\nmerated by Bzovius, (ann. 1352, s. xv.) and that au-\\nthor expresses very sincere regret at his escape from\\nthe bishops, whom the pope had stirred against him.\\nIndeed, notwithstanding his great protectors, the Re-\\nformer seems not to have been secure till the grand\\nschism frittered away the power of papacy.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0409.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "402\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nby some of the wildest absurdities of super-\\nstition.\\nThe Flagellants. The sect of the Flagellants\\nfirst betrayed its existence about the middle of\\nthe thirteenth century but it was discouraged\\nby theauthoritiesboth spiritual and secular, and\\nseemingly repressed nevertheless, about the\\nyeai* 1340, it broke out again with additional\\nviolence. Its first re-appearance was in Italy,\\nin the neighborhood of Cremona suddenly\\na multitude, amounting to ten thousand per-\\nsons, issued from the surrounding cities and\\nvillages, and paraded the countiy, flogging\\nthemselves and (in the first instance) begging.\\nTlie contagion spread with a rapidity which\\nwill afflict, but cannot surprise, the observer\\nof religious absurdities and in the courso of\\nten years scarcely a country m Europe was\\nexempt from its visitation. As the Flagellants\\nincreased in numbers, they adopted some sort\\n\u00c2\u00a9f system and method is their fanaticism\\nwhich, though it may have varied under dif-\\nferent circumstances, possessed the same gen-\\neral character. Naked from the loins upwards,\\nand marked on their fi-ont and back with red\\ncrosses, they spread themselves in numerous\\nbands over the face of Europe. Twice eveiy\\nday, in the most public places, they i erform-\\ned their discipline, until blood flowed from\\nthe wounds and they completed their duties\\nby one nocturnal and private flagellation. No\\none among them begged. No one was admit-\\nted into the society who was entirely destitute\\nno one, unless he had made a full confession of\\nhis sins, unless he had received the consent of\\nhis wife^ unless he had forgiven his enemies\\nevery injmy.f Their appearance and charac-\\nter chiefly moved the enthusiasm of the Ger-\\nmans, who opened their doors and entertained\\nthem at their tables. But it is affirmed, that\\nlihey could never be persuaded to partake twic\u00c2\u00ab\\n\u00c2\u00a9f the same hospitality, nor to prolong their\\nvisit beyond a single day: they then departed\\non their destination. Women were confound-\\ned with men in their irregular ranks and as\\nthey advanced in indiscriminate procession,\\neach bearing in his hand a wooden cross, they\\nchanted in their native language a hymn on\\nthe Passion of Christ, and frequently interrupt-\\ned their song by prostration and prayer. Their\\neyes were ever downcast, and the aspect which\\nthey wore was solemn and sorrowful.\\nBzov. ann, 1340, s. xxiv.\\nf See Bzov. ann, 1349, s. ii. It is the testinnony\\nof an enemy. Spondanus (ann. 1349 sect, ii.) who\\nconfirms these particulars, also mentions that the\\nFlagellants professed the authority of a letter, or\\nvriting, sent down to them from heaven.\\nThe innocence of their demeanor, the sre-\\nverity of their discipline, the very singularity\\nof their enthusiasm attracted a multitude of\\nproselytes but as their numbers increased,\\ntheir conduct no longer escaped reproach,\\nand the offences of individuals threw suspic-\\nion and obloquy on the whole body. More-\\nover, as they presently began to preach to the\\npeople, and as their society was not authorised\\nby the pope, many Lollards and schismatics\\neagerly mingled in their companies, and car-\\nried into them the name of heresy, and sub-\\njected them to that fatal charge. Accord\\ningly, we read in the Roman Catholic records,\\nthat the Flagellants were a sect who slighted\\nthe priesthood and the Gospel who had no\\nrevei-ence for the holy ceremonies, or evezi\\nfor the body of theXord such was the con-\\nfidence (says Spondanus) which they placed\\nin their own madness. By thirty-three con-\\nsecutive days of flagellation, they held them-\\n.selves absolred fi*om the most heinous sins,\\nto the disregard oi the salutary penance and\\nindulgences of the Church. And lastly, they\\nmaintained, that stripes were more honorable\\nthan martyrdom f that the baptism by water\\nhad passed away, and given place to the\\nbaptism by blood and that through this last\\nalone was there any road to salvation.* These\\ncharges were partly fabricated, and no doubt\\npartly true; and even the limits of the truth\\nand the falsehood are not difficult to discern\\nbut the agents of persecution, who were pre-\\nsently in motion, were not retarded by any\\nsuch considerations. They marched onwards\\nin the path of destruction and the Emperor\\nCharles IV. encouraged and directed their\\nzeal. It appears that, in the year 1351, a\\nnumber of those pitiable enthusiasts were\\ncollected in Lithuania, in the exercise of their\\nabsurd practicesi Pope Clement VL pro-\\nclaimed a holy war;f the Master of the Teu-\\ntonic order marched in person against them;\\nand after a solemn fast and public prayer, that\\nGod would aid him in the extirpation of His\\nenemies, for the gloiy of His Holy Name, he\\nassaulted them, and massacred eight thous-\\nand the remainder, about two thousand\\nmore, were carried away captive into Prussia,\\nthat they might be restored, by a second bap-\\ntisin, to the bosom of the Church.\\nSee Mosheim, Cent. xiii. p. ii. chap, iii., and\\nCent. XIV. p. ii. ch. v.\\nt Bzov., ann. 1351, s. viii. The pretext alleged\\nfor this expedition was, that when two Mendicants,\\non some occasion, interrupted the devotion of the\\nFlagellants, these had stoned one of them to deathv\\nIt does not appear that they were armed^", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0410.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "FRANCISCANS AND OTHER MENDICANTS.\\n403\\nGeneral Character of these Heresies. When\\nwe examine the various denominations of\\nheresy which appeared in the thirteenth and\\nfourteenth centuries, and in the fourteenth\\nmost especially we obsei*ve that almost all\\nwere directed, wholly or in part, openly or\\ncovertly, in tenet or in practice, against the\\nsacerdotal government and the system of the\\nRoman Church. It was not so with those\\nof earlier ages. Among the numerous sects\\nwhich divided the ante-Nicene Christians, it\\nhas been already remarked, that not one orig-\\ninated in any disaffection for the ministers of\\nreligion, or the ecclesiastical polity. In the\\ntimes which followed, the Arian and Incarna-\\ntion controversies, with tlieir numerous names\\nand progeny, were confined to matters of\\nfaith. During the prolonged disputes which\\nsucceeded about the worship of images, no\\nclamor was raised against the corruptions or\\nundue aggrandizement of the hierarchy. The\\ndissensions of the ninth century regarded the\\nnature of the Eucharist and the doctrine of\\nFatalism, and the former of those subjects\\nwas revived in the eleventh but no sect had\\nhitherto risen in revolt against the abuses and\\ntyranny of the Church. The standard Was\\nfirst erected in the twelfth age and from that\\nmoment there was never wanting a succes-\\nsion of bold and righteous spirits who rallied\\nround it. The depravity of the church sys-\\ntem was indeed, in some respects, more scan-\\ndalous in the fourteenth, than in any preced-\\ning century yet was there no lack, even in\\nmuch earlier ages, of such enormities, as might\\nwell have offended the reason and provoked\\nthe indignation of an evangelical Christian.\\nBut the fact was, that the civil institutions\\nwere at the same time so defective, and the\\ndearth of knowledge so general, that the sins\\nof the Church were overshadowed or kept in\\ncountenance by the secular depravity that\\nsurrounded them. Presently, as the social\\ncondition improved, the ecclesiastical abuses\\nexcited remonstrance and clamor the foun-\\ndations were shaken, and the edifice itself as-\\nsailed; but the clamor was still the clamor of\\nthe few the voice of enlightened individuals\\nor of scattered sects it did not yet endanger\\nthe established hierarchy, because it was not\\nyet supported by the general prevalence of\\nrational principles. The political system of\\nthe age still abounded with vices, and the\\nlearning in fashion was still perplexed with\\nprejudice and fallacy. It is always with re-\\nference to such considerations as these, that\\nwe are to estimate the danger of ecclesiastical\\nabuses and the necessity of reformation. It is\\nnot sufficient to compare existing defects with\\nthose which have been tolerated in the same\\nchurch, or in a different church, in a different\\nage. Such a comparison would only tend to\\nblind and mislead us. They must be exam-\\nined in relation to the measure of civilization\\nactually abroad to tlie prevalence of know-\\nledge, to the authority of reason, to the gen-\\neral principles of human conduct. Thus it\\nwill happen, that a much slighter defect, in\\ndays of improvement and inquiry, may prove\\nmore perilous to the system in which it is\\nsuffered to remain, than a much grosser de-\\nformity in a darker age: it is the access of\\nlight which renders the stain conspicuous and\\noffensive. And therefore it has ever been\\namong the foremost duties of churchmen, and\\ntheir surest wisdom, to detect the blemishes\\nin their institution, and having detected, to\\nremove them since it avails them little to be\\nfi-ee from the vices of preceding generations,\\nunless they share the spirit, and adopt, to a\\ngreat extent, the character and principles of\\nthen- own.\\nNOTE ON THE FRANCISCANS AND OTHER\\nMENDICANTS.\\n(I.) As something has been said in this\\nchapter respecting the intestine divisions of\\nthe Franciscans, it is proper here to mention\\nthe sect of the Fratricelli, or Ultra-Spirituals,\\nwho made some figure in the dissensions of\\nthe fourteenth age. They arose, in that which\\npreceded, from the stock of St. Francis and\\nas they disclaimed any right even to the use\\nof property, in which they surpassed the self-\\ndenial of the Spnituals, they may have de-\\nserved the praise which they arrogated, of\\nbeing the genuine disciples of their Master.\\nThey professed great personal respect for\\nCelestine V., who had been in some measure\\nthe founder of their Order but they hesitated\\nto acknowledge the legitimacy of his succes-\\nsors they proclaimed the deep corruption of\\nthe Church, and they looked with ardent and\\nalmost pious enthusiasm for its immediate\\nreformation.\\nThe Eternal Gospel. This notion that a\\nthorough regeneration of the Church was near\\nat hand, and that the reign of the true gospel\\nIn 1279, Nicholas III. published a celebrated\\nConstitution known as the Bull Exiit, in which he so\\ninterpreted the Franciscan Rule, as to prohibit to its\\nobservers every possession but to permit them the\\ntemporary use of houses, book?, c. of which the\\nproperty, in conformity with the edict of Innocent IV.,\\nV as to reside in the Church of Rome.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0411.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "404\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwas to be restored by the followers of St.\\nFrancis was not the creation of the Fratri-\\ncelli, nor was it indeed of very recent origin.\\nAs early as the beginning of the thiiteenth\\ncentury, a work was circulated, abounding\\nwith such like prophecies, under the name of\\nthe Eternal Gospel. It was founded on the\\ntext* I saw another angel fly in the midst\\nof heaven, having the Everlasting Gospel to\\npreach unto them tliat dwell on the earth\\nand it was such, as Mosheim has designated\\nit, the senseless production of an obscure, silly\\nand visionary writer. The perfect scheme of\\nrevelation which it propounded was this ^as\\nthere were three persons in the godhead, so\\nwas it necessary that there should be three\\ndispensations. The first was tliat of the Fa-\\nther, which ended at the coming of Christ\\nthe second was that of the Son, which was\\nnow on the point of concluding, to give place\\nto the third, and last. This rhapsody was as-\\ncribed, but not with sufficient foundation, to\\nJoachim, abbot of Flora in Calabria, who\\nflourished about the year 1200 who had de-\\nclaimed against the abuses of the Church, and\\npredicted their extirpation. But in spite of\\nthe respectable name, under which it had\\nsought protection, the Eternal Gospel would\\nnot perhaps have attracted any general notice,\\nhad it not been adopted by the Franciscans,\\nwho eagerly appropriated the prophecies.\\nAccordingly, about the year 1250, it was again\\npublished, with an elaborate Introduction, in\\nwhich the assertion was advanced, that St,\\nFrancis was the angel mentioned in the Rev-\\nekitions tliat the gospel of Christ was imme-\\ndiately to give place to this new and everlast-\\ning scri})tiu-e and that the ministers of this\\ngreat Reformation were to be humble and\\nbarefooted friars, destitute of all earthly pos-\\nsessions.!\\nThe Gospel might have passed unnoticed\\nand despised but the introduction contained\\na doctrine too daring, if not dangerouS; to es-\\ncape ecclesiastical reprehension and in the\\nvery year following its publication at Paris,\\nthe book was suppressed by Alexander IV.\\nYet such was the tenderness of a Pope for the\\nreputation of the Mendicants, that the censures\\nwere lenient, and the edict was issued with\\nreluctance.\\nThe introduction has been commonly as-\\ncribed to no less distinguished an ecclesiastic\\nthan John of Parma, General of the Francis-\\nRevelations xiv. 6.\\nt This account is chiefly taken from Mosheim\\n(Cent. XHI. p. ii. eh. ii.) who has investigated the\\nsubject with great diligence.\\ncans though the opinion is more probable\\nthat it was composed by one^Gerard, his friend.\\nIt is true, indeed, that writers of that order\\nhave entirely disclaimed the work, and imput-\\ned it to their rivals, the Dominicans, but with-\\nout any plausible reason. And as the intro-\\nduction was manifestly a Franciscan fabri-\\ncation, so is it extremely probable that the\\nEternal Gospel also proceeded from the same\\nforge.\\nPierre d Olive. We should also mention\\none Pierre Jean d Olive, a native of Serignan,\\nin Languedoc, who acquired some reputation\\ntowards the end of the same century, by a\\nsimilar description of merit. He, likewisCy\\nwas a leader of the Spirituals, a disciple of the\\nAbbot Joachim, and a reformer of ecclesiasti-\\ncal iniquities. He published a work called\\nPostilla, a commentary on the Revelations,,\\nin which he boldly denounced the Roman\\nChurch as the Mystery, Babylon the Great,\\nthe Mistress of Harlots, and abominations of\\nthe Earth. But he mixed so much wild and\\nsenseless superstition with his reforming zeal,\\nthat his labors were neither profitable to the\\nChurch, nor dangerous to the despotism of\\nthe Pope.\\n(II.) Contest between the Mendicants and\\nCur 6s about Confession. ^We read from time\\nto time of disputes, which arose in various\\ncountries between the Mendicants and the\\nsecular clergy, respecting the administration\\nof several Church ceremonies, but most espe-\\ncially of the rite of Confession. It may, there-\\nfore, be useful to trace very concisely the his-\\ntory of that contest. A canon of the Fourth\\nLateran Council (commonly known as Omnis\\nutriusque Sexiis) gave the entire powder of re-\\nceiving confessions to the priest but Gregory\\nIX., by a bull of Sept. 26, 1227, opened that\\nprivilege also to the Preachers. The Cures re-\\nsisted and in 1250 the Faculty of Paris loudly\\ndeclared in their favor so that Innocent IV.,\\nwho in 1244 had shown every disposition to\\nfavor theMendicantSyprohibited them, in 1254,\\nfrom hearing confessions without the permis-\\nsion of the priest. But Alexander IV. inmie-\\ndiately revoked this bull, and presently after-\\nwards issued others, to the interest of the\\nMendicants. Great heats were thus excited,\\nand in the hope to allay them, Martin IV.\\npublished, in 1282, a sort of edict of compro-\\nmise, by which the Mendicants were permit-\\nted to receive confessions, yet so that the same\\npersons v/ere still obliged to confess once a\\nRevelations xvii 5", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0412.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n405\\nyear to their own priest, according to the canon\\nof the Lateran.\\nThereon arose a fresh question whether\\nthe people were obliged again to confess to\\ntheir cures the same sins which they had\\nbefore confided to the Mendicants, and for\\nwhich they had received absolution and va-\\nrious appeals were made to the Popes on this\\npoint. Nicholas IV. delivered no express res-\\nponse but Boniface VIII. published a decre-\\ntal called Supra Cathedram, in which he en-\\ngaged to grant the privilege to the Mendicants\\nby his own plenitude, in case they had previ-\\nously asked the favor of the Bishops, and it had\\nbeen refused. Benedict XI. was still more\\ndecided for he gave the Mendicants direct\\npermission to hear confessions, and also deci-\\nded that the people were not obliged to recon-\\nfess the same sins. This decretal, again, was\\nrevoked in the Council of Vienne, and re-\\nplaced by the Clementine Dudum, which re-\\nvived the Constitution of Boniface.\\nThe above account, which is the bare out-\\nline of a tedious and angry controversy, is\\nnevertheless sufficient to exhibit, not only the\\nobstinacy with which the contending parties\\nadvanced or defended their privileges not\\nonly the value which both of them affixed to\\nthe possession of that particular privilege,\\nwhich contained indeed the grand secret of\\necclesiastical influence, but also the vacillating\\npolicy of the Vatican, and the little consistency\\nwith each other or with themselves, which\\ndirected, in their councils, the chiefs of an in-\\nfalhble Churcli,\\nCHAPTER XXIIL\\n7%e Grand Schism of the Roman Catholic\\nChurch.\\nRemonstrance of the Romans to the College its reply\\nThe Conclave Probable extentof popular intimidation\\nConstitution of the Conclave various designs of the\\nparties violence of the people Election of the Arch-\\nbishop of Bari, Urban VI. his character, and general\\nreception his first acts of harshness, and their etTect\\nThe Cardinals retire to Anagni, and annul the election\\nof Urban they choose Robert, Cardinal of Geneva,\\nClement VII. his character real merits of the ques-\\ntion Retreat of Clement to Avignon Division of Eu-\\nxope St. Catharine and other enthusiasts Conduct of\\nUrban to six Cardinals accused of conspiracy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Death\\nof Urban, and election of Boniface IX.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Jubilee-\\nits extension Sale of indulgences Privileges granted\\nto some German tovi^ns Exertions of the University\\nof Paris for the extinction of the Schism Address to\\nthe King tJiree methods proposed in it favorable cir-\\ncumstances\u00e2\u0080\u0094Death of Clement VII. \u00e2\u0080\u0094Election of\\nPietro di Luna, Benedict XIII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Grand embassy of the\\nKing to Benedict\u00e2\u0080\u0094 its failure\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Continued exertions of\\nthe King and the University attempts to influence\\nBoniface\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his assurance to the Roman deputies\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The\\nFrench withdraw their obedience from Benedict\\nBlockade of the palace at Avignon\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Benedict restored\\nj to liberty and office simoniacal rapacity of Boniface\\nI The Jubilee of 1400 Boniface succeeded by Innocent\\nVIT. Death of Innocent\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Solemn engagement of the\\nConclave Election of Angelo Corrario, Gregory XII.\\nAttempt at a conference Perjury of Gregory Retire-\\nment of Benedict to Perpignan Convocation of the\\nCouncil of Pisa proceedings of that council\u00e2\u0080\u0094 deposi-\\ntion of the two competitors and election of Alexander\\nV. his birth and character Conduct of the Antipopes\\nIntercourse of Alexander with the Roman people\\nhis death Election of Baltazar Cossa, John XXIII.\\nSigismond emperor Convocation of the Council of\\nConstance choice of the place its advantages num-\\nber of members its objects Proposition of John XXII.\\nTwo opinions respecting the course to be followed\\nArrival of Sigismond (Question as to the power of the\\nCouncil over the Pope division of the Council it de-\\ncides on the method of cession cession of the Pope\\nsuspicions of the Council Escape of John from Con-\\nstance Question de aitferihilitate Papa the Pope be-\\ntrayed to Sigismond his deposition, and the charges\\nagainst him his sentence conduct and imprisonment\\nopinions of the justice of the sentence Sigismond\\ngoes to Perpignan Conference there Union of all\\nparties Obstinacy of Benedict he retires to Peniscola\\nis deposed by the Council of Constance his conduct\\nthe Council proceeds to the election of a new pope\\nOtho Colonna, Martin V. chosen Observations\\nDeath of Augelo Corrario Pertinacity, death, and cha-\\nracter of Pietro di Luna Fate of John XXIII. his\\nliberation return to Ilalj counsels of his friends he\\ngoes to Florence, and makes his submission to Maitin\\nhis treatment, conduct, and character.\\nThe number of Cardinals at the death of\\nGregory XI. was twenty-three, of whom six\\nwere absent at Avignon, and one was legate\\nin Tuscany. The remaining sixteen, after\\ncelebrating the funeral ceremonies of tl e de-\\nceased, and appointing certain officers to se-\\ncure their deliberations from violence, pre-\\npared to enter into conclave. But the rites\\nof sepulture were scarcely performed, when\\nthe leading magistrates of Rome presented\\nto them a remonstrance to this effect On\\nbehalf of the Roman senate and people, they\\nventured to represent, that the Roman Church\\nhad suffered for seventy years a deplorable\\ncaptivity by the translation of the Holy See\\nto Avignon that during that period the cap-\\nital of the Christian world had suffei-ed morfii,\\nboth in its spiritual and temporal interests,\\nthan when it was subject to the cruel domina-\\ntion of the barbarians that tumults, seditions,\\nrevolts, and sanguinary wars, had desolated,\\nwithout interruption, the ecclesiastical states\\nthat its cities and its provinces were in part\\nusurped by domestic tyrants, and occupied in\\npart by the neighboring republics, or by the\\nLombard princes that fire and sword were\\ncarried even to the gates of Rome, which had\\nneither power nor authority to repress such\\nfury so that the aspect of the Holy City,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0413.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "406\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntlie head of religion, formerly venerable\\nthroughout the whole earth, was no longer to\\nbe recognised through its strange and foul\\ndisfigurements. That the sacred edifices,\\nthose august monuments of ancient piety,\\nwere left without honor, or ornament, or rep-\\naration, nodding to their ruin that even the\\nTitles of the cardinals, abandoned by those\\nwho derived their dignities from them, were\\nleft without roof, or gates, or walls, the abode\\nof beasts, which cropped the grass on their\\nvery altars. That the Faithful were no long-\\ner attracted to Rome, either by devotion,\\nwhich the profanation of the churches pre-\\ncluded, or by interest since the Pope, the\\nsource of patronage, had scandalously desert-\\ned his church so that there was dangei-, lest\\nthat unfortunate city should be reduced to a\\nvast and frightful solitude, and become an\\noutcast from the world, of which it was still\\nthe spiritual empress, as it once had been the\\ntemporal. Lastly, that, as the only remedy\\nfor these evils, it was absolutely necessary to\\nelect a Roman, or at least an Italian Pope\\nespecially as there was every appearance that\\nthe people, if disappointed in their just ex-\\npectation, would have recourse to compul-\\nsion. The Cardinals replied, that as\\nsoon as they should be in conclave they would\\ngive to those subjects their solemn delibera-\\ntion, and direct their choice according to the\\ninspiration of the Holy Spirit. They repell-\\ned the notion, that they could be influenced\\nby any popular menace and pronounced\\n(according to one account) an express warn-\\ning, that if they should be compelled to elect\\nunder such circumstances, the elected would\\nnot be a pope, but an intruder.* They then\\nimmediately entered into conclave.\\nThe Conclave at Rome, In the meantime\\nthe populace, who had already exhibited proofs\\nof impatience, and whom the answer of the\\ncardinals was not well calculated to satisfy,\\nassembled in great crowds about the place of\\nassembly. It may be true (though the cir-\\ncumstances rest for the most part on French\\nand partial authority,) that the civil magis-\\ntrates had previously possessed themselves\\nof the keys of the gates, which were usually\\nconfided to ecclesiastical officers, in order to\\npreclude the escape of the cardinals to a more\\nsecure place of deliberation that in the room\\nof the ordinary police they introduced a num-\\nQuam si facerent, eos ex nunc avisaverunt,\\nquod si ex ejus occasione aliquem eligerent ille non\\nesset papa sed iulrusus. Aut. Vit. Greg. XI. ap.\\nBosquet. Mairab.j Hist, du Grand Schisme, !iv. i.\\nber of Montanarii, the wild and lawless inha-\\nbitants of the adjacent mountains, who para-\\nded the streets in arms by day and by night\\nthat a quantity of dry reeds and other com-\\nbustibles was heaped together under the win-\\ndows of the conclave, with threats of confla-\\ngration that, at the moment when the Col-\\nlege was proceeding to election, the bells of\\nthe Capitol and St. Peter s were sounded to\\narms these, and other circumstances of\\ndirect constraint and intimidation, are assert-\\ned by some writers, and though probably ex-\\naggerated, have undoubtedly some foundation\\nin truth. But it is without any dispute, that\\na vast crowd of people continued in tumult-\\nuous assemblage during the whole delibera-\\ntion of the conclave,.^ and that the debates of\\nthe Sacred College were incessantly interrupt-\\ned by one loud and unanimous shout Ro-\\nmano lo volemo lo Papa Romano lo volemo\\no almanco almanco Italiano We will\\nhave a Roman for Pope a Roman, or at\\nleast, at the very least, an Italian\\nLet us now inquire, whether the College\\nwas then so constituted, as to make it likely\\nthat its free choice would have fallen upon a\\nRoman, or even an Italian. Of the sixteen\\ncardinals in conclave, eleven were French,\\none, Pietro di Luna, a Spaniard, and four\\nItalians. The unanimity of the French\\nwould, of course, at once have decided the\\nquestion but it happened that they were di-\\nvided into two parties. Seven amongst them\\nwere Limousins, natives of the same prov-\\nince and having succeeded during the last\\ntwenty-nine years, in electing four successive\\npopes from their own country, they were nat-\\nurally eager to keep possession of so profita-\\nble a distinction. But the other four, unwil-\\nling to appropriate the pontificate to a single\\ndistrict, even though that district was French,\\ndesigned that the choice should fall on one\\nof themselves. The Limousins found in their\\nsuperior numbers their hope of success and\\ntheir excuse for perseverance and at length\\nthe others, being more keenly excited by pro-\\nvincial than by national jealousy, began to\\nturn their thoughts to a coalition with the\\nItalians. These last were equally bent on the\\nelection of one of their own party and as\\ntheir only chance of success arose from the\\ndivision of the French, they very readily join-\\ned their forces against the exclusive ambition\\nof the Limousins. Such were the intrigues\\nAdsturnum, according to the Roman expression\\nof that time.\\nt Spondanus, ann. 1378, s. viii. et. seq.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0414.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "TIIE GRAND SCHISM.\\n407\\nwhich commenced immediately after the death\\nof Gregory, and ripened during the eleven\\ndays which followed and such was proba-\\nbly t the state of parties when the cardinals\\nentered the conclave. There were materials\\nin abundance for long and angry dissensions\\nand though the indignation of the Limoushis\\nagainst their compatriots might finally have\\nforced their consent to the election of an Ital-\\nian, rather than a native of any other French\\nprovince, still it was not without a sti uggle,\\nthat they were likely to forego the courtly\\nmagnificence of Avignon, to which a French\\npontiff would surely have restored them, for\\na remote and tumultuous residence among\\nthe citizens of Rome.\\nBut the internal disputes of the College\\nw^ere speedily silenced by the tempest from\\nwithout. Even after the sacred body had\\nbeen shut up in deliberation, the Bannerets,\\nor heads of the twelve regions of the city,\\nforced themselves, together with their disor-\\nderly followers, in contempt of custom and\\ndecency, into the recesses of the conclave.\\nHere they repeated their demands with re-\\ndoubled insolence, and direct menaces. The\\ncardinals are recorded to have returned their\\nformer reply, with the additional declaration,\\nthat in case any violence were used, he, whom\\nthey should so elect, and whom the people\\nwould take for a real pope, would in fact be\\nno pope at all.| The people received this an-\\nswer with indignant clamors the disorder\\nGregory XL died oa the 27th of March, and\\nthe cardinals entered into conclave on the 7th of\\nApi-it.\\nt Fleury (liv. xcvii. s. xlviii.) seems persuaded\\nthat there was some secret understanding in favor of\\nthe Arciibishop of Bari (who was afterwards elected)\\neven before the cardinals entered into conclave. But\\nthe view of Maimbourg is more probable, that so\\nwide a division, with so many opposite interests and\\npassions, was not so easily reconciled.\\nX Ista verba manifeste sonant minas; et ideo ex-\\npresse nos dicimus, quod, si per vos aut ipsos aliqua\\ncontra nos attententur, et contingat nos talium occa-\\nsione et timore aliquemeligeie, credetis habere papam\\net non habebitis, q\u00c2\u00abia non erit- Vita Greg. XI. ap.\\nBaluziiun.\\nOne of the cardinals addressed them from the\\nwindow: State a pace perche i Sigiiori Cardinali\\ndicono cosi, che domani faranno dire una messa dello\\nSpirito Santo, e poi faranno che voi sarete content!.\\nQui vero Romani maledicti tunc responderunt sic\\nNo mo lo volemo, mo. Et interim ridebant inter\\nse, et unus faciebat alteri signum, ut plus clamarent\\nut supra. In circuitu item Conclavi erat maxima\\nmultitudocum caboris et flautis, et eodem modo clam-\\nabant fortiter juxta posse. Vita (seeunda) Greg.\\nXI. apud Baluzium. We should observe, however,\\nthat this is not the description of a sanguinary mob.\\nround the chapel augmented the most fi-ight-\\nful threats were uttered in case of hesitation\\nor disobedience and the same shout, which\\nwas indeed the burden of the uproar, contin-\\nued to penetrate the conclave A Roman\\nfor our pope a Roman or at least, at the\\nvery least, an Italian\\nElection of Urban VI. These were not\\ncircumstances for delay or deliberation. If\\nany inclination towards the choice of an Ital-\\nian had previously existed in the college, it\\nwas now confirmed into necessity and on\\nthe very day following their retirement the\\ncardinals were agreed in their election. How-\\nbeit, they studiously passed over the fourltal\\nian members of their own body, and casting\\ntheir eyes beyond the conclave, selected a\\nNeapolitan named Bartolomeo Prignano, the\\nArchbishop of Bari. The announcement was\\nnot immediately published, probably through\\nthe fear of popular dissatisfaction, because a\\nRoman had not been created and presently,\\nwhen the impatience of the people still further\\nincreased, the Bishop of Marseilles went to\\nthe window, and said to them, Go to St. Pe-\\nter s, and you shall learn the decision. Where-\\nupon some who heard him, understanding\\nthat the Cardinal of St. Peter s, a Roman,\\nhad been indeed chosen, rushed to the palace\\nof that prelate, and plundered it for sucJi\\nwas the custom then invariably observed ou\\nthe election of a pope. Others thronged in\\ngreat multitudes to offer him their salutations\\nand then they bore him away to St. Peter s,\\nand placed him, according to ancient usage,\\nupon the altar. It was in vain that the good\\ncardinal, enfeebled by extreme old age and\\npainful disease, disclaimed the title, and trem-\\nbled at the honors that were forced on him.\\nI am not pope, said he and I will not be\\nantipope. The Archbishop of Bai-i, who is\\nreally chosen, is worthier than I. They as-\\ncribed his resistance to modesty or decent dis-\\nsimulation, and continued through the whole\\nday to overwhelm him with the most painful\\nproofs of their joy. In the meantime the\\nother cardinals escaped fi^om the conclave in\\ngreat disorder and trepidation, without digni-\\nty or attendants, or even their ordinary habili-\\nments of office, and sought safety, some in\\ntheir respective palaces, and others in the\\nCastle of St. Angelo, or even beyond the walls\\nof the city. On the following day, the people\\nwere undeceived and as they showed no\\nstrong disinclination for the master who had\\nReeesserunt pedes, unus sine Capa, alter cuni\\nCapa, alter sine Capacio, soli, sine sociis scutiferis\\nVit. Greg. XI. ap. Baluz.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0415.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "408\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nbeen really chosen for them, the Archbishop\\nof Bari was solemnly enthroned, and the scat-\\ntered cardinals reappeared, and rallied round\\nhim in confidence and security.\\nThe archbishop s exalted reputation justifi-\\ned the choice of the college, and secured the\\nobedience of the people. Through a long\\nlife, devoted to the service of the Church, he\\nhad reconciled the most ardent disposition\\nwith the most devout humility, and improved\\nby assiduous study apovi^erful comprehension.\\nHe submitted to the utmost severity of eccle-\\nsiastical discipline yet his deep and danger-\\nous enthusiasm did not close his mind against\\nthe liberal pursuit of learning, and the patro-\\nnage of learned men. His zeal for the Church\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was not stained by the suspicion of bigotry,\\nnor inconsistent v^ith a stern opposition to its\\nabuses and among many other virtues, he\\nwas perhaps chiefly famed for the rigorous\\nexercise of j ustice. Such was the character\\nto which Rome looked with sanguine hope\\nfor the repair of her declining fortunes nor\\nwas it, indeed, without the general approba-\\ntion of Christendom, that Urban VI. ascended\\nthe apostolical chair. The cardinals sent the\\ncustomary communications to the courts of\\nEurope of the free and canonical election\\nwhich they had made,* and peaceably as-\\nsumed their official stations about the person\\nof the pontiff.\\nHis harshness. The ceremony of corona-\\ntion was duly performed, and several bishops\\nwere assembled on the very following day at\\nvespei-s in the pontifical chapel, when the\\nPope unexpectedly addressed them in the\\nbitterest language of reprobation. He accus-\\ned them of having deserted and betrayed the\\nflocks which God had confided to them, in\\norder to revel in luxury at the court of Rome\\nand he applied to their offence the harsh re-\\nproach of perjury. One of them (the Bishop\\nof Pampeluna) repelled the charge, as far as\\nhimself was concerned, by reference to the\\nduties which he performed at Rome the\\nothers suppressed in silence their anger and\\nconfusion. A few days afterwards, at a pub-\\nlic consistory. Urban repeated his complaints\\nand denunciations, and urged them still more\\ngenerally in the presence of his whole court.\\nIn a long and intemperate harangue, he ar-\\nraigned the various vices of the prelates their\\nsimony, their injustice, their exactions, their\\nscandalous luxury, with a number of other\\nA similar announcement was made to the six\\ncardinals remaining at Avignon, who immediately\\nrecognised the new pope.\\noffences\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -in unmeasured* and uncompro-\\nmising expressions and while he spared no\\nmenace to give weight to his censure, he\\ndirected the sharpest of his shafl;s against the\\ncardinals themselves. There is not any\\ndispute, that his violence proceeded from an\\nhonest zeal for the reformation of the Church\\nbut the end was marred by the passionate in-\\ndiscretion, with which he pursued it. The\\nconsistory broke up and the members car-\\nried away with them no sense of the iniqui-\\nties imputed, no disposition to correct their\\nhabits or their principles, but only indigna-\\ntion, mixed with some degree of fear, against\\na severe and discourteous censor, f\\nThe cardinals continued, notwithstanding,\\ntheir attendance at, the Vatican for a few\\nweeks longer, and then, as was usual on the\\napproach of the summer heats, they withdrew\\nfrom the city, with the pope s permission, and\\nretired to Anagni. The four Italians alone\\nremained at Rome. The others were no\\nsooner removed from the immediate inspec-\\ntion of Urban, than they commenced, or at\\nleast more boldly pursued, their measures to\\noverthrow him. On the one hand, they\\nopened a direct correspondence with the\\ncourt of France and university of Paris J on\\nthe other, they took into their service a body\\nof mercenaries, commanded by one Bernard\\nde la Sale, a Gascon and then they no longer\\nhesitated to treat the election of Urban as null,\\nthrough the violence which had attended it.\\nNullo reprehensionibus modo imposito.\\nCiacconius.\\nf Hunc et posteris diebus, cessante jam metu,\\nvenerariut pontificem perseverarunt. Sed fnit in illo\\nhomine naUira inqnieta et dura; et tunc prseterspem\\nad tantae dignitatis fastigium sublevatus intolerabilis\\nvidebatur. Nulla patribus gratia, quod se potissi-\\nmum delegisseut, nulla humanitas, nulla conciliatio\\nanimorum. Contumax, et minabundus, et asper ma-\\nlebat videri, et metui potius quam diligi. Ea per-\\nversitas Patres coegit metu et indignatione aliorsum\\nrespicere. Itacjue clam inter se de electioiie con-\\nquest!, c. Leonardus Aretinus, Histor. Florent.,\\nlib. viii. ad finem. Leonardus was himself person-\\nally attached to the popes of that succession. By\\nsome the character of Urban is compared to that of\\nBoniface VIII. Baluzius, the organ of the French\\ncpinioa, represents him as a very monster Cujus\\nelectio facta arte diabolica.\\nX This learned and now influential body was court-\\ned with equal assiduity by Urban. In a letter ad-\\ndressed to it on this same occasion, that pontiff com-\\npared it to a constellation irradiating every other\\nacademy to a fountain whence the purest doctrine\\nperennially flowed; to a tree bearing excellent fruit.\\nSee Spondanus, Ann. 1378, s. xviii.\\nThere exists a letter written during that crisis", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0416.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n409\\nClement VJL elected at Fondx. To give\\nconsequence to this decision, they assembled\\nwith great solemnity in the principal church,\\nand promulgated, on the 9th of August, a\\npublic declaration, in the presence of many\\nprelates and other ecclesiastics, by which the\\nArchbishop of Bari was denounced an in-\\ntruder into the pontificate, and his election\\nformally cancelled. They then retired, for\\ngreater security, to Fondi, in the kingdom of\\nNaples. Still they did not venture to proceed\\nto a new election in the absence, and it might\\nbe against the consent, of their Italian breth-\\nren. A negotiation was accordingly opened\\nand these last immediately fell into the snare,\\nwhich treachery had prepared for ambition.\\nTo each of them Separately a secret promise\\nwas made in writing, by the whole of their\\ncolleagues, that himself should be the object\\nof their choice. Each of them believed what\\nhe wished and concealing from each other\\ntheir private expectations, theyf pressed to\\nFondi with joy and confidence. The College\\nimmediately entered into conclave and, as\\nthe French had, in the meantime, reconciled\\ntheir provincial jealousies, Robert, the Car-\\ndinal of Geneva, was chosen by their unani-\\nmous vote. This event took place on the 20th\\nof September (1378); the new pope assumed\\nthe name of Clement VII., and was installed\\nwith the customary ceremonies.\\nRobert of Geneva was of noble birth, and\\neven allied to several of the sovereigns of\\nEurope. He possessed talents and eloquence,\\na courage which was never daunted, and a re-\\nsolution which was never diverted or wearied.\\nLittle scrupulous as to means, in his habits\\nsumptuous and prodigal, he seemed the n)an\\nmost likely to establish his claims to a disput-\\ned crown, and to unite the courts of Christ-\\nby Marsiiius d Inghen, ancient Rector of the Univer-\\nsity of Paris, who happened to be residing with Ur-\\nban at that time. His description of affairs is such\\nas we have given. See Fleury, 1. 97, s. 52.\\nIn this document, the cardinals, after describing\\nthe tumults of the Romans, declared, that they elected\\nthe Archbishop of Bari in the persuasion that, seeing\\nthe circumstances under which he was chosen, he\\nwould in conscience have refused the pontificate; that\\non the contrary, forgetful of his salvation, and burn-\\ning with ambition, lie consented to the choice; that\\nunder the effect of the same intimidation, he was\\nenthroned and crowned, and assumed the name of\\npope, though he ratlier merited that of apostate and\\nAntichrist. They then anathematized him as an\\nusurper, and invoked against him all aids and suc-\\ncors, divine and human.\\nf They were now reduced to three, bv the deatls\\nof the Cardinal of St. Peter s.\\n52\\nendom in his favor. His age, besides, which\\ndid not exceed thirty-six, gave promise of a\\nvigorous and decisive policy.\\nNevertheless, his first endeavors had very\\nlittle success. It was in vain, that the sacred\\ncollege sent forth its addresses to princes and\\ntheir subjects, detailing all that had occurred\\nat Rome, Anagni, and Fondi, and protesting\\nagainst the violence, which occasioned the\\nillegal election of Urban. It was argued, on\\nthe other hand, that the Cardinals had assisted\\nat the subsequent ceremonies of enthronement\\nand coronation that they had announced\\ntheir choice in the usual language to all the\\ncourts of Europe; that they had continued\\ntheir personal attendance on the Pope for\\nsome weeks afterwards, and had even allow-\\ned four months to elapse, before they with-\\ndrew their obedience. Besides which, many,\\nno doubt, were well pleased to see the chief\\nof their church restored to his legitimate re-\\nsidence they disliked the irregular influence\\nof the French, and were glad to shake off\\ntheir spiritual usurpation. In truth, the rea-\\nsons, which were advanced with such ardor\\nand obstinacy on both sides, were not per-\\nfectly conclusive for either and though it is\\ncertain that the election was conducted under\\nsome degree of intimidation,* the subsequent\\nacquiescence of the Cardinals makes it highly\\nprobable, that the legitimacy of Urban would\\nnever have been questioned, had he followed\\nthe usual course of pontifical misgovernment,\\nor even published his schemes of reformation\\nwith less earnestness, or more discretion.\\nThe severity of his rebukes rankled hi the\\nSismondi (Repub. Ital., ch. 1.) does not con-\\nsider tlie choice of the Cardinals to have been decid-\\ned by the tumult of the people, because after all they\\ndid not elect a Roman, and therefore incurred some\\ndanger even by that compromise with their indepen-\\ndence. However, the real object of the populace was\\neffected, if they obtained a Pope who would probably\\nreside at Rome: this, and not the place of his na-\\ntivity, was the point Avhich touched their interests,\\nand the election of a Neapolitan secured it almost\\nas certainly, as that of a Roman. Upon the whole,\\nit seems most probable (and the result of the second\\nelection confirms this) that, had no external influence\\nbeen exercised, the Cardinals would have chosen an\\nUltramontane, or, at any rate, not tlie Archbishop\\nof Ban. Sismondi s eloquent description of this\\naffair is chiefly drawn from the contemporary account\\nof Thomas d Acerno, Bishop of Lucera, who was\\npresent. On the other hand, Baldus, a celebrated\\nlawyer and adherent of Urban, does not dispute the\\ninfluence of the popular uproar, but rests the legiti-\\nmacy of that Pope on the subsequent confirmation\\nand obedience of the sacred college.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0417.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "410\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nconscience of those who deserved them; and\\nhis menaces persuaded the court, that, to pre-\\nserve its beloved impurities, it must depose\\na master who presumed to arraign them. A\\nPope, so dangerous to the vices of the pow-\\nerful clergy, could not hope to maintain with-\\nout dispute an ambiguous right.\\nSuch was the origin of the schism which\\ndivided the Roman Church for about forty\\nyears, and accelerated more than any other\\nevent the decline of papal authority, f We\\nhave related the particulars with some minute-\\nness, not only in justice to the importance of\\nthe subject, but also to show, that the great\\ndifficulties, which were soon afterwards found,\\neven by impartial judges, in determining the\\nrights of the competitors, were not without\\nfoundation but that both parties had a plausi-\\nble plea for their respective obedience, though\\nthe true policy and interests of the church\\nclearly recommended an undivided adherence\\nto the cause of Urban.\\nFrance declares for Clement The hopes\\nof Clement were fixed on the court of France;\\nhe knew that prejudices in his favor naturally\\nexisted in that kingdom, and he knew, too,\\nthat the first steps towards his general ac-\\nknowledgment must be taken there. Charles\\nv., affecting great impartiality, and admitting\\nthe deliberation due to so grave a question,\\nconvoked at Vincennes a grand Assembly of\\nhis clergy, nobles, and council. This august\\nbody, after individually abjuring the influence\\nof all personal considerations, expressed an\\nHe strictly forbade the Cardinals, on pain of\\nexcommunication, to accept any presents. He en-\\ndeavored to restrain the luxury of all his prelates,\\nand even to reduce their tables to a single dish, a\\nlaudable moderation, of which he set the example\\nhimself. Again, he threatened the French, that he\\nwould create so many Cardinals as to place them in a\\nminority in the college. Item Cardinali de Ursinis\\ndixit quod erat unus Sotus. (Thomas d Acerno, p.\\n725.) His harsh and offensive manner increased the\\nunpopularity of his proposed reforms.\\nt The entire number of the schisms, which have\\ndisturbed the Roman Catholic Church, is variously\\nestimated by its historians. Johannes Marius, a\\nBelgian, historian of Louis XII., (a Latin translation\\nof whose work is published, together with that of\\nTheodoric of Niem,) makes the fated number to be\\ntwenty-four, the last of which, the Schism of Anti-\\nchrist, the most deadly of all, had not yet in his time\\nbefallen. The first in his catalogue is that of the\\nNovatians; the sixteenth was that occasioned by\\nGregory VII. the twentieth by Frederic Barbarossa\\nthe twenty -second was that, which we are now des-\\ncribing. His Book is divided into three parts, of\\nwhich the second, De Conciliis Ecclesiae Galli-\\ncanae, contains some useful information.\\nunanimous conviction of the legitimacy of\\nClement. The king was guided by their voice,\\nand declared on the 13th of November in his\\nfavor. The Queen of Naples, the city of\\nAvignon, and the six Cardinals who resided\\nthere, had already come to the same deter-\\nmination. In the meantime, a passionate war-\\nfare of bulls and anathemas commenced on\\nboth sides but happily the thunders must\\non this occasion have fallen harmless, even\\nin the judgment of a moderate Catholic, since\\nit was impossible certainly to decide which\\nwere the genuine bolts and the ambiguous\\nelection of the rivals placed them both in the\\nsituation of Antipopes, rather than of Popes.\\nBut they were not contented with those\\ninnocuous conflicts; the rights which were\\ninefi^ectually asserted by ecclesiastical cen-\\nsures, appealed for protection to the sword\\na succession of combats desolated the South\\nof Italy, and ended in the discomfiture of\\nClement. His first refuge was Naples; but\\nat length, finding it impossible to maintain\\nhimself in Italy against an Italian rival, he re-\\ntired to the residence most suited to his for-\\ntunes and his prospects, Avignon. From a\\ncity which was already consecrated by the\\ntombs of so many Popes, supported by the\\ncourt and nourished by the clergy of France,\\nhe bade defiance to his Transalpine adversa-\\nry and since he could not command, he was\\ncontented to divide, the spiritual obedience of\\nEurope.\\nDivision of Europe. It does not enter into\\nthe plan of this History to pursue the affairs\\nof the Church into all their connexions with\\npolitical matters to attend the march of pa-\\npal armies, hateful alike in their reverses and\\ntheir triumphs or to trace the flimsy threads\\nof intrigue, by which the momentary interests\\nof Popes and kings have been suspended. It\\nis enough to say, that, notwithstanding an in-\\ntemperate ambition and some acts of singular\\nimprudence. Urban continued to retain the\\ngreater part of his adherents. The Kings of\\nScotland and Cyprus, the Counts of Savoy\\nand Geneva, the Duke of Austria, and some\\nother German princes, and even the Kings\\nof Castille and Arragon, were finally united\\nwith France in allegiance to Clement. But\\nIn a Council previously held (on Sept. 8), to\\nexamine the rights of the dispute between Urban and\\nthe French Cardinals, before the election of Robert\\nof Geneva, the majority declared for the Cardinals,\\nthough they advised the king still to suspend his de-\\ncision. Gibbon remarks, that it was the vanity,\\nrather than the interest of the nation, which deter^\\nmined the court and clergy of France.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0418.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n411\\nthe other states of Europe remained faithful\\nto the vows, which they had earliest taken\\nand it was no unreasonable reply to the Anti-\\npope, Robert of Avignon, that he should be\\nthe last to reject that Pontiff, whom the Car-\\ndinal, Robert of Geneva, had officially recom-\\nmended to universal obedience. The doctors\\nand learned men of the age were similarly\\ndivided, and their division produced the most\\nvoluminous controversies. And lastly, as is\\nobserved by some Roman Catholic writers,\\nmany pious and gifted persons, who are now\\nnumbered among the saints of the Church,\\nwere to be found indifferently in either obe-\\ndience which sufficiendy proved (they assert)\\nthat the eternal salvation of the faithful was\\nnot in this case endangered by their eiTor.\\nIn this holy society, Catharine of Sienna was\\nagain conspicuous, as the advocate and adviser\\nof the Roman Pope. She declared herself\\n(sa3^s Maimbourg) loudly for Urban, and em-\\nployed whatever talents, and eloquence, and\\nforce she possessed, in writing aud exhorting\\nall the world to acknowledge him. At the\\nsame time, in six epistles, which she addressed\\nto himself, she discreetly recommended him\\nto relax somew^hat from that extreme auster-\\nity, which had made him so many enemies.\\nTo what extent Urban profited by that coun-\\nsel we are scarcely able to decide, though\\nsome assert, that he held his holy monitress\\nin much veneration. But we are credibly in-\\nformed, that his predecessor, who had cer-\\ntainly been influenced by her persuasions,\\nwhen at length, on his death-bed, his stronger\\nreason prevailed, called around him his friends\\naud assistants, and solemnly cautioned them\\nagainst all pretenders of either sex, who should\\npropound their private revelations as rules of\\nconduct and policy. Since I, (he said,) hav-\\ning been seduced by such as these, and having\\nrejected the rational counsel of my friends,\\nhave dragged myself and the Church into the\\nperils of a schism, which is now near at hand,\\nunless Jesus, her Spouse, shall interpose in\\nhis mercy to avert it.\\nSuch persons, notwithstanding, were found\\nin abundance on both sides and their wild\\nvisions were interpreted by the devotees of\\nIlle positiis in extremis, habens in manibus\\nsacrum Christi Corpus, protestatus est coram omnibus,\\nut caverent ab homiuibus, sive viris sive mulieribus\\nBub specie religionis loquentibus visiories sui capitis;\\nquia per tales ipse seductus, dimisso suorum rationa-\\nbili consilio, se traxerat et ecclesiam in discrimen\\nschismaiis imminentis, nisi misericors provideret\\nsponsus Jesus. See Gerson, De Examinatione\\nDoctrinarum, Parsii., consid. iii.\\nthe day, and recorded by the grave historians\\nof after times and it was this, among other\\ncircumstances, which has seduced Roman\\nCatholic writers to the very consoling conclu-\\nsion, that, though a schism did unquestion-\\nably exist, yet there were none who could\\nproperly be termed schismatics that the ad-\\nherents of Urban and of Clement were equal-\\nly the children of the church and that, while\\nthe faithful differed as to the name of the bish-\\nop, they were united in unshaken allegiance\\nand attachment to the See.*\\nCertainly the character of Urban was not\\npern)anently softened by the admonitions of\\nhis inspired instructress and to many reported\\nacts of harshness and rigor he presently added\\none of positive barbarity. The following\\nstory rests on satisfactoiy evidence. A plot\\nfor his deposition had been set on foot, origi-\\nnating, as it would seem, with the King of\\nNaples and a paper, which had been circu-\\nlated with that object, was placed in the hands\\nof some of his Cardinals for Urban had im-\\nmediately supplied the defection of his original\\ncourt by a large and, for the most part, re-\\nspectable creation. How far they counte-\\nnanced the propositions contained in it does\\nnot certainly appear ;t but as by one of those\\nthe provisional government of the church\\nwas vested in the hands of the sacred college,\\nit is not improbable that some may have as-\\nsented to them. Urban discovered the con-\\nspiracy he immediately seized six, the most\\nsuspected of the body, and after subjecting\\nthem to the utmost severity of torture, cast\\nthem into a narrow and noisome dungeon.\\nNever, says Maimbourg, was the unity of the\\nSee better preserved, than during this schism.\\nt Respecting some of the particulars of this affair\\nwe have the directly opposite evidence of two con-\\ntemporaries, who had both excellent means of infor-\\nmation. Gobellinus was attached to the house of\\nUrban, and he relates, as the report which had\\nreached him, that the Cardinals not only assented to\\nthe plan proposed to them, but actually suborned\\nfalse witnesses to convict the Pope of heresy, and in-\\ntended to burn him on the day of his condemnation,\\nand that this appeared from their own confessions.\\nTheodoric of Niem, who was on the spot, and one\\nof the judges appointed by the Pope to try tlie Car-\\ndinals, attests that all of them constantly asserted\\ntheir innocence, excepting one only, who confessed,\\nin the agony of the torture, any thing that was asked\\nhim. Though neither autlior is free from the charge\\nof partiality, we must here give our credence to the\\nlatter account, recollecting, that even that does not\\nnecessarily acquit the accused. Fleury (1. xcviii.,\\ns. XX., xxi., c.), who relates the particulars of the\\ntorture from Theod. de Niem with painful minuteness,\\ncertainly believes the conspiracy.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0419.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "41S\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nThis affair took place at Nocera, in the king-\\ndom of Naples but some reverses presently\\nobliged the Pope to take refuge at Genoa.\\nHe carried his prisoners along with him in\\nchains, and afflicted with severe hardships\\nand, during a year of sojourn in that civilized\\ncity, he could never be moved by the counsels\\nof his friends, or the prayers of the republic\\nwhich protected him, to release his captives.\\nAt length, when on the point of departure, as\\nhe feared the inconvenience or the scandal of\\ndragging them after him through a second\\njourney, and as he could not exalt his resolu-\\ntion to the performance of an act of clemen-\\ncy, if, indeed, it were not justice, he consigned\\nfive of them to sudden and secret execution.\\nThe other, an Englishman named Adam Es-\\nton. Bishop of London, owed his preservation\\nonly to the frequent and pressing remonstran-\\nces of the English King. This affair took\\nplace in the December of 1386.\\nElection and character of Boniface IX.\\nIn the October of 1389, Urban died at Rome\\nand as soon as the glad intelligence reached\\nAvignon and Paris, great wishes were express-\\ned and some hopes entertained in both places,\\nthat the schism would thus terminate that\\nthe Cardinals of Rome, wearied by the labors,\\nIhe vicissitudes, and the dangers of the con-\\nflict, would voluntarily unite themselves with\\nthe College at Avignon, and acknowledge\\ndement for Pope, on the condition of his res-\\nidence at Rome. In the university especially\\nthe public lectures were suspended, and no\\nsubject was discussed, except the probable\\ndetermination of the Roman Cardinals. In\\nthe meantime, that body, on whose resolution\\nfit that moment so much depended, appear\\nnot to have been embarrassed by any hesi-\\ntation as to the course before them. The\\nmembers immediately assembled, to the num-\\nber of fourteen they entered into conclave,\\nand elected, within a fortnight from Urban s\\ndecease, another Neapolitan for his successor.\\n^Vi.e Jubilee. Pietro or Perrino Tomacelli,\\nCardinal of Naples, assumed, on the second\\nof November, the name of Boniface IX., and\\nwas placed on the throne for which his igno-\\nrance t alone was sufficient to disqualify him.\\nMost assert that he threw them into the sea in\\nsacks; others affirm that ihey were strangled in pri-\\nson, and their bodies consumed by quick-lime. It is\\ncertain that they disappeared.\\nf Theodoric of Niem, lib. ii., cap. vi., scribendi\\natque canendi imperitus. Nemo prosperatur in\\nillo quod ignorat; unde inscitia fere venalis facta\\nfijit in ipsa Curia, tempore suo. Fuit tamen satis\\nedoctus grammaticae ac disertus, sed non habuit in\\naliqua scientia pra?eminentiam sive gradum.\\nBut the scandal of his ignorance was enhanc-\\ned by his avarice. On the year following his\\naccession, a Jubilee* was held at Rome, and\\nthe devout were exhorted to present them-\\nselves from every quarter. Unmoved by dis-\\ntance and expense, and even by the personal\\ndangers which awaited them from the parti-\\nsans of Clement or the neutral bandits of the\\nmountains, great multitudes undertook, and\\nmany accomplished, the pilgrimage. The\\naltars of the Roman churches were again en-\\nriched by the contributions of superstition\\nand if some part of the offerings was expend-\\ned in the repair of the sacred edifices, by far\\nthe larger proportion flowed directly into the\\ncoffers of the Pope. But Boniface was not\\ncontented with that partial stream, which had\\nfound its way to his capital and being desir-\\nous, no doubt, that even those of his children,\\nwho had not listened to his call, should still\\nparticipate in the spiritual consolation, he sent\\nhis emissaries among all the nations by whom\\nhe was acknowledged, with commissions to\\nsell the plenary indulgence to all indiscrimi-\\nnately, for the same sum which the journey\\nto Rome would have cost them. This abso-\\nlution extended to every sort of offence, and\\nappears not to have been preceded even by\\nthe ordinary formalities of confession or pen-\\nance, it was purely and undisguisedly venal.\\nThe necessary consequences of this measure\\nwere sufficiently demoralizing but the evil\\nwas multiplied by the impostures of certain\\nmendicants and others, who traversed the\\ncountry with forged indulgences, which they\\nbartered for their private profit.\\nStill dissatisfied, and determined to carry\\nthis lucrative mummery of the jubilee to its\\nutmost depth, and, as it were, to fathom the\\nsuperstition of his age, Boniface communicat-\\ned the privileges of the holy city to two towns\\nof Germany Cologne and Madgebourg and\\npermitted them also to hold their year of Ju-\\nbilee, after the fashion and example of Rome.\\nBy this rash act he disparaged the superemi-\\nnent sanctity of the see of St. Peter, of the\\ntombs of the apostles, and the relics of so many\\nmartyrs! He called in question the exclu-\\nThe indication of this jubilee was the act of\\nhis predecessor. Urban VI., moved by the gradual\\nabbreviation of human life, determined to reduce the\\nintei-val (already reduced from 100 to 50) from 50 to\\n33 years, this last space being the probable duration\\nof Christ s sojourn on earth. See Spondanus, ann.\\n13S9, s. ii. and iii. The new institution was to be-\\ngin afresh from the year 1390; but it was not intend-\\ned, as we shall presently observe, to supersede the\\nsecular celebration", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0420.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n413\\nsiveness of that glory, which was thought to\\nencircle the throne of the Vicars of Christ!\\nHe sacrificed that which he least intended\\nto sacrifice even the temporal hiterests,\\neven the pecuniary profits, which were ever\\nclosely connected with the peculiar holiness of\\nthe apostolical city. But his immediate gree-\\ndiness was gratified his collectors were pre-\\nsent in both places to share the offerings of\\nthe faithful and when he perceived that their\\nfatuity was not yet exhausted, he extended the\\nlicense still further, and accorded it to several\\ninsignificant places. At length, says Fleury,\\nthat Pope became so prodigal of his indulgen-\\nces, that he refused them to no one, provided\\nhe was paid for them the effect of which was,\\nthat they grew into, contempt.*\\nProjects of the University of Paris. In the\\nmeantime, the necessity of restoring the union\\nof the church became more evident, and the\\nexpressions of that opinion more loud and\\ngeneral. Boniface himself professed an ar-\\ndent, though, as it proved, an insincere desire\\nfor the same consummation, and even address-\\ned a letter to Charles of France (in April,\\n1393,) in which he exhorted him seriously to\\nundertake the sacred office of conciliation.!\\nThe king consented the University of Paris\\neagerly caught at any hope of removing the\\nscandal and the daily growing evils which\\nattended it, and applied itself to discover the\\nmost efficient means. After mature delibera-\\ntion, a public harangue was delivered before\\nthat body (in the June of 1394,) by a doc-\\ntor J appointed to the office, and after receiv-\\ning their approbation, was presented to the\\nking. It contained in substance, that there\\nwere three methods of healing the schism, any\\none of which might be adopted with reasona-\\nble hope of success: the method of cession,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094the method of compromise, the method of\\nThe indulgence-mongers of Boniface IX., when\\ntliey arrived in any city, suspended at their windows\\na flag, with the arms of the Pope and the keys of the\\nChurch. Then they prepared tables in the cathedral\\nchurch, by the side of the altar, covered with rich j\\ncloths, like bankers to receive the purchase-money.\\nThey then informed the people of the absolute power,\\nwith which the Pope had invested them, to deliver\\nsouls from purgatory, and give complete remission to\\nall who bought their wares. If the German clergy\\nexclaimed against this base traffic of spiritual favors,\\nthey were excommunicated. See Sismondi, Repub.\\nItaL, ch. Ixii.\\nt It appeared, on subsequent explanation, that\\nBoniface saw only one solution of the difficulty, the\\nexpulsion of his rival, and the universal acknowledg-\\nment of himself.\\nNicholas de Cleraangis,\\na General Council. By the first the voluntary\\nresignation of both competitors was recom-\\nmended, in the presence of both colleges;\\nthese were then to proceed in conjunction to\\nanother election. By the second, the opposite\\nclaims might be referred to certain arbitrators\\nappointed by both parties, with the power of\\nfinal decision. As, to the third, it was sug-\\ngested, in case of its adoption, that the As-\\nsembly should no longer consist of prelates\\nonly, many of whom were ignorant or pas-\\nsionately partial, but also of several doctors\\nin theology and law, members of the most\\ncelebrated universities. Of the above methods,\\nthe University pronounced its own decided\\nopinion in favor of the first, as being the\\nmost prompt and expedient, the most proper\\nto prevent expense and other difficulties, the\\nmost agreeable to the consciences of the faith-\\nful in both obediences, the most respectful to\\nthe honor of the princes, who had declared for\\nthe opposite parties. Yet was there an objec-\\ntion to this method, which, to many, as hu-\\nman nature is constituted, might have seemed\\nat once conclusive against it was it probable,\\nthat, for the attainment of a public good, two\\nmen, in the enjoyment of very great power,\\ndignity, and wealth, could both be persuaded\\nto make a vohmtary cession of those personal\\nadvantages, and to withdraw to a private, and\\nperhaps insecure, retirement, from the loftiest\\neminence of ambition.^ Yet this difficulty\\ndoes not appear to have been much considered\\nin the outset, though it became manifest, eveo\\nto the most sanguine, long before the termina-\\ntion of the contest.\\nIn the same exposition, in which the reme-\\ndies were thus pointed out, some of the mon-\\nstrous evils which then affiicted the church\\nwere exhibited with litde exaggeration while\\nall were naturally ascribed to the prevalent\\ndisease of the moment the schism. It was\\nforgotten that the greater number were rooted\\nin the system itself, and only flourished some-\\nwhat iBore i-ankly on account of its accidental\\nderangement. The church, it was declared,\\nhad fallen into servitude, poverty, and con-\\ntempt. Unv/ortliy and corrupt men, without\\nthe sense of justice or honesty, the servants of\\ntheir intemperate passions, were commonly\\nexalted to the prelacy these i)lundered indif-\\nferently churches and monasteries, whatever\\nwas profane and whatever was sacred and\\noppressed the inferior ministers of religion\\nwith intolerable exactions. The dominion of\\nsimony was universal j benefices and cures\\nwere conferred only on those, who had means\\nto buy them while the poor and learned can-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0421.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "414\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ndidate was hated the more for that very learn-\\ning, which made him dangerous to corruption.\\nAnd not only were the dignities of the church\\npublicly bartered not only were relics and\\ncrosses and the sacred vessels commonly ex-\\nposed to sale but the very sacraments them-\\nselves, those especially of ordination and pen-\\nance, had their price in gold.\\nA political circumstance occuired at this\\nmoment which was favorable to the hopes of\\nunion. A truce for four years was signed\\nbetween the kings of England and France\\nthe most zealous supporters of the opposite\\nparties. At the same time, the University of\\nCologne, though it acknowledged Boniface,\\nand had probably profited by his patronage,\\nentered into correspondence with that of Paris\\nfor the extinction of the schism and lastly,\\nas if to place the result within the immediate\\nreach of the pacificators, Clement VII. was so\\nviolently* affected by the proceedings at Paris,\\nthat he was struck with apoplexy, and died.\\nAs soon as this intelligence reached Paris,\\nthe deputation from the university instantly\\npetitioned the king, that he would cause the\\ncardinals to suspend the election, until some\\ngeneral measures should be taken to ensure\\nthe union; also, that he would assemble his\\nprelates and nobles, and order processions and\\npublic prayers to the same end throughout\\nhis kingdom. Accordingly, a royal messen-\\nger was despatched to Avignon, to prevent the\\nmeeting of the College, and prepare it for a\\nspecial embassy and on the success of this\\nmission hung the hopes of Christendom. The\\nenvoy arrived at Avignon only ten days afler\\nthe decease of Clement but he found the\\ncardinals already in conclave Still, as the\\nelection was not yet made, he transmitted to\\nthem the letter of the king but the College,\\nsuspecting its contents, and determined at any\\nrisk to have a pope of their own creation, de-\\nferred the opening of the letter, till their actual\\nbusiness should be completed. They then\\nhastened to a decision and Peter of Luna,\\nCardinal of Arragon, was raised by their\\nunanimous voice to the divided throne.\\nElection of PeUr of Luna, Benedict XIII.\\nHowbeit, they previously took a precaution,\\nwhich was certainly necessary for their own\\nWhen the earnest and reasonable exhortations\\nof the University were pressed upon him when lie\\nwas assured that the evil had gone so far, that some\\nbegan almost to advocate a plurality of popes, and\\nthe appointment of one to every kingdom the in-\\nfatuated bigot only started from his seat in anger,\\nand declared that the letters were poisoned, and\\ntended to bring the Holy See into discredit.\\ncredit, though there were few, probably, who\\nexpected any real advantage from it. Before\\nthe election they drew up an act, by which\\nthey solemnly engaged to labor for the ex-\\ntinction of the schism, and to give every aid\\nto the future pope for that purpose. It was\\nmoreover specified, that if any one among\\nthemselves should be raised to the pontificate,\\nthis act should be equally binding upon him;\\nand that he should even be prepared to cede\\nhis dignity, if his cardinals should judge it\\nexpedient for the concord of the Church.\\nThey then took oaths on the altar to observe\\nthis engagement.\\nPeter of Luna had long been distinguished\\nfor ability and address; he had discharged\\nwith vigor the offices intrusted to him but\\nthere was also -an opinion respecting him,\\nwhich seems more than any other to have\\nprocured his elevation, and even at first to\\nhave reconciled all parties to it, this was,\\nthat he ardently desired the union of the\\nChurch. This zeal he had been forward,\\nwhile cardinal, to proclaim upon all occasions\\neven so far as to censure Clement for the\\nwant of it and many hoped that it would\\nburn with equal fervor under the pontifical\\nrobes. The University addressed to him con-\\ngratulations, which were seemingly sincere,\\nand Benedict XIII. (the name assumed by\\nhim) repaid them with the strongest protesta-\\ntions of good intention.\\nA grand council was then held at Paris, in\\nwhich the method of cession again received\\nthe approbation of the great majority and it\\nwas agi-eed, that an embassy should be sent\\nto Avignon to treat with the Pope. The king\\nadded his authority, to give weight to this\\nmeasin-e and the more certainly to secure\\nits success, he sent his brother and both his\\nuncles (the Dukes of Burgundy and Berri) to\\nconduct the negotiation. Benedict received\\nthem with respect and deference but when\\nthey opened the subject of their mission, and\\npressed the necessity of the cession, as the\\nonly road to concord, he found many reasons\\nto urge against that particular method, as in-\\ndeed against the other two, which had also\\noccurred to the university. In the place of\\nthem, he proposed a conference with his rival,\\nat which he affected to believe that matters\\nmight be accommodated. The ambassadors\\npersevered in their proposal and even the\\ncardinals, on their strong solicitation, de-\\nclared, with one exception, for the method\\nThe Cardinal Bishop of Pampeluna, a Spaniard\\nand compatriot of tlie Pope.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0422.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n415\\nof cession. Nevertheless Benedict, during\\nseveral weeks of repeated conferences and\\ndebates, inflexibly persisted in his refusal.\\nAt length the illustrious mission returned to\\nParis, without any other result than the dis-\\ncovery of Benedict s insincerity.\\nNotwithstanding this failure, the king ad-\\ndressed himself very warmly, to unite the dif-\\nferent courts and learned bodies of Europe in\\nfavor of the method, which still seemed to\\npromise the greatest hopes. Messengers tra-\\nversed the country in all directions, and every\\nstate and every city in Europe was agitated\\nby the same momentous question. The spec-\\nulations of the learned and the projects of the\\npowerful were equally engrossed by it and\\nit seemed as if the fate of all governments,\\nand the welfare of all subjects, depended on\\nits solution. At this time the University of\\nParis, which took the foremost part in these\\ndiscussions, and possessed much more in-\\nfluence than any other learned bod}^, openly\\nexpressed dissatisfaction with Benedict, and\\neven threw out some menaces of a general\\ncouncil, in case of his further contumacy.\\nBenedict watched these proceedings with\\nanxiety but the variety and discordance of\\nthe materials, which it was necessary to com-\\nbine for his destruction, gave him the confi-\\ndence to persist upon which the Doctors\\nof Paris advanced one degree towards more\\nefficient measures. And as Luna had unre-\\nservedly sworn to adopt the method of cession,\\nin case his cardinals should hereafter recom-\\nmend it, and as his cardinals had strongly re-\\ncommended it, and as he had then unequi-\\nvocally rejected it, little sympathy could be\\nexpected from any quarter with a prelate,\\nwhose selfish opposition to the interests of\\nreligion was made more detestable by an act\\nof deliberate perjuiy. The measure was, to\\ndraw up a strong exposition of Benedict s\\ngeneral delinquency, and of the particular\\ngrievances of the complainants, and to appeal\\nfrom his censures, whether past or future, to\\nthe future pope a step which very tem-\\nperately opened the path for more vigorous\\nproceedings.\\nConduct of Boniface. In the meantime,\\nthe courts which acknowledged the rival\\npope made great exertions to bring him to\\nthe arrangement which to them seemed so\\nreasonable, and to him so unjust and extrava-\\ngant. From Sicily to the extremities of Ger-\\nOn this occasion numbers of polemical tracts\\nand pamphlets were published on both sides, con-\\ntaining, as Fleury has observed, many words but few\\nreasons\\nmany assemblies were held and resolutions\\nadopted and the vows, and talents, and en-\\nergies of all men were directed to the same\\nobject consequently, deputations and em-\\nbassies were sent to Rome from all quarters.\\nBoniface at first was contented to reply, that\\nhe was the true and only Pope, and that uni-\\nversal obedience was due to him but pre-\\nsently, in the year 1398, when the emperor\\nat length interfered more directly, and press-\\ned the method of cession, he found it expedi-\\nent to dissemble and, by the advice of his\\ncardinals, he promised submission, provided\\n(a very safe proviso) that the Antipope of\\nAvignon should also resign his claims.* Yet,\\neven so guarded a concession alarmed the\\navaricious fears of the citizens of Rome.\\nThey trembled lest their bishop and his pro-\\ndigal court, and the train of his dependents,\\nand expectants, and sycophants, should again\\nbe seduced to some foreign residence. That\\nevent, too, at that moment, would have been\\npeculiarly afflicting, since in two years (in\\n1400) the second grand and general Jubilee\\nwas to take place and the inhabitants had\\nalready begun to make provision for the\\nseason of spoliation. Accordingly, a body\\nof the notables of the city waited upon the\\nPope, and professed towards him the most\\nsincere and unprecedented f affection they\\ndeclared that they would never desert bin\\nbut sustain, with their very lives and proper-\\nty, his just and holy cause. My children,\\nreplied Boniface, take courage I rest assured\\nthat I will continue to be pope and whatever\\nI may say, or however I may play off the\\nKing of France and the Emperor against\\neach other, I will never submit to their will.\\nSubtraction of obedience, While such was\\nthe disposition of the Roman competitor, dur-\\ning the July of the same year the Court and\\nUniversity of Paris at length percervrng that\\na mere contest of acts and declarations would\\nnever weary the Pontiff of Avignon, proceed-\\ned to a measure of greater efficacy one which\\nno Catholic nation had hitherto, on any occa-\\nsion, dared to adopt against any pope By\\nthe aid and advice of the princes and other\\nnobles, and ol* the Church of our kingdom,\\nas well clergy as people, we entirely withdraw\\nour obedience from Pope Benedict XIIL, as\\nSpondanus, ann. 1398, s. ii.\\nt Fleury, liv. xcix. s. 18. Boniface artfidly avail-\\ned himself of this unusual display of loyalty on die\\npart of his subjects to secure an extent of temporal\\nauthority over them, such as no former pope is said\\nto have possessed. See ^gidius Card. Viterb, apud\\nFa ri. Vit. Bonif. IX. s. xliii.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0423.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "416\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwell as from his adversary, whom indeed we\\nhave never acknowledged. And we ordain,\\nthat no one henceforward make any payment\\nto Pope Benedict, his collectors, or agents,\\nfrom the ecclesiastical revenues or emolu-\\nments. We also strictly prohibit all our sub-\\njects from offering to him any manner of\\nobedience. Such was the substance of tlie\\nroyal proclamation and aiTangements were\\nat the same time made to deprive the pope\\nof the presentation to all benefices, for as long\\na time as it should remain in force. This edict\\nwas received with such general respect and\\nsubmission, that the very domestics and chap-\\nlains of Benedict retired from their offices\\nand what was still more important, the cardi-\\nnals themselves withdrew in a body from his\\ncourt. But he, nothing moved by that una-\\nnimity, was the more forward on repeated\\noccasions to assert, that he was the true and\\ngenuine pope that he would remain so, in\\ndespite of king, duke, or count and that he\\nwas prepared to renounce his life, rather than\\nhis dignity.\\nRecourse was then had to the only method\\nwhich gave any just hope of success. A mil-\\nitary force was sent against Avignon and as\\nthe inhabitants of that city also declared their\\nadhesion to the king and the cardinals, noth-\\ning now remained in opposition to the roj^al\\nwill and the force of the nation, except the\\npontifical palace. But Benedict had secured\\nsome faithful mercenaries for its defence and\\nan eflTective blockade was thought sufficient\\nfor the objects of his enemies. Thus for the\\nspace of four years he continued a close pris-\\noner in his own residence, without any strength\\nto resist the means employed against him, or\\nany disposition to yield to them. But at length,\\nthe vigor of that powerful confederacy was\\ndissipated by the persevering intrigues of one\\nfeeble individual, and the variety of interests\\nand principles in the mass opposed to Bene-\\ndict led by slow degrees to a disunion, which\\npreserved him. The first, who betrayed his\\nparty, was a Norman officer, Robinet de\\nBraquemont, who, through the confidence\\nreposed in him, and his constant access to the\\npalace, found easy means of liberating the\\npope. It was on March 12, 1403, that the\\nsuccessor of St. Peter concealed his apostoli-\\ncal sanctity under the disguise of a menial\\nand, having thus eluded the penetration of his\\nguards, took refuge in a small town near\\nAvignon. As a pope was never wont to tra-\\nvel, unless preceded by the Holy Sacrament,\\nBenedict earned out with him a little box,\\ncontaining the consecrated element and even,\\nfor the literal observance of that custom, he\\nplaced the box upon his breast.\\nAs soon as he found himself in safety, he\\ncaused his beard, which he had nourished\\nduring the persecution of his captivity, to be\\nshaved off; and recovering with his freedom\\nthe consciousness of his dignity, he resumed\\nthe habits and authority of a pope. No soon-\\ner was the circumstance of his liberation made\\nknown, than several noble individuals render-\\ned to him the accustomed homage. Imme-\\ndiately the College of Cardinals passed over\\nto him and sought a reconciliation. The cit-\\nizens of Avignon eagerly tendered their oflfers\\nof service. Benedict forgave the truancy,\\nand accepted the repentance of all. At the\\nsame time, the party in France, which for\\nsome time had been opposed to the subtrac-\\ntion of obedience, and which had lately\\ngained strength, now boldly declared its ad-\\nhesion. The king was privately induced to\\njoin it and, notwithstanding the resistance\\nof the more consistent promoters of ecclesi-\\nastical concord, it prevailed. By an edict of\\nMay 30, an entire and unequivocal restitution\\nof obedience was enjoined thus after a par-\\ntial interruption of about five years, the tide\\nof papacy resumed for a season, even in\\nFrance itself, its prescribed and customary f\\ncourse.\\nGovernment of Boniface. The reason which\\nwas advanced by the king, to justify so com-\\nplete a change in his policy, was, that the ex-\\nample of France had not been followed by\\nother nations and that, while the pontiff of\\nIt is the word used by ecclesiastical writers\\nSubtractio, soustraction.\\nf The first proof of moderation and gratitude\\nwhich Benedict gave after the Act of Restitution\\nwas, to appoint afresh to certain benefices, which\\nhad been filled up during the subtraction. The king\\nthen sent an ambassy to pray him to confirm such\\nprovisions, as had been then made. He returned a\\ndirect refusal. On this, Charles published his com-\\nmands, that those who had been so appointed should,\\nat any rate and without any fees to the Pope, remain\\nin possession. This was conclusive.\\nIn 1399, King Richard expressly consulted the\\nUniversity of Oxford on the grand question of the\\nage. The answer of that body was very decided\\nag-ainst anj refusal of obedience to Boniface, because\\nhe was indeed the true Pope. On the same ground,\\nthey objected to the method of cession, and insisted\\nin preference on that of a General Council to be\\nconvoked of course by their own genuine Pope.\\nThus they assumed at once the point at issue if\\nBoniface had power to convoke a council of universal\\nauthority, Boniface was truly Pope and the schism\\nwas at an end.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0424.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n417\\nAvignon was confined to his palace walls, the\\nintruder at Rome was acquiring new strength\\nand confidence. We shall, therefore, now\\nrecur very briefly to the system of govern-\\nment which Boniface had adopted. It ap-\\npears to have been directed by one principle\\nonly to extract the largest possible sums\\nfrom the superstition of the people and the\\nambition of the clergy, and the folly and\\ncredulity of both. During the first seven\\nyears of his pontificate, his proceedings were\\nveiled by some show of decency, through a\\nreluctant respect which he paid to the virtues\\nof some of the ancient cardinals. But as\\nthese successively died, and were replaced by\\nothers of his own creation and character, he\\nbroke out into the undisguised practice of\\nsimony,* This was the most copious and\\nconstant source of his gains but when the\\nsimple and honest sale of benefices proved\\ninsufficient for his demands, he had recourse,\\nbesides, to direct acts of fraud and robbery.\\nIn the distribution of gi aces and expectatives,\\nthe poorest candidates were invariably placed\\nat the bottom of the list but this was not\\nsufficient even the promises, that had been\\nmade them, were frequendy cancelled in\\nfavor of some wealthier competitor, to whose\\nmore recent patent an earlier date was affixed,\\nwith a clause of preference. The fluctuating\\nhealth and approaching decease of an opu-\\nlent incmnbent were watched with impatient\\nanxiety, and appointed couriers hurried to\\nRome with the welcome intelhgence. Im-\\nmediately the benefice was in the market\\nand it not uncommonly happened, that the\\nsame was sold as vacant to several rivals,\\neven under the same date. The ravages of\\na frightful pestilence only contributed to fill\\nthe pontifical coffers: and a benefice was\\nsometimes sold in the course of a few weeks\\nto several successive candidates, of whom\\nnone survived to take possession. At length,\\nSee Theodoric of Niem, De Schisniat., lib. ii.,\\ncap. vii., viii., ix., x., xi., xii., c. This author, a\\nnative of Westphalia, was attached as Secretarj to\\nthe Roman Court during the whole of the Schism\\nand besides the History of this Event, in four books,\\n(the last of which is entitled Nemus Unionis) he\\ncomposed the Life of John XXHI. He exposed\\npontifical depravity with freedom, it may be with\\nrancor. Spondanus (ann. 1404, s. xvi.) especially\\nascribes his account of the simony of Boniface to an\\nulcer osus stomachus, and of course other Roman\\nCatholic writers are scandalized by his little reserve.\\nBut we doubt not, that his narrative is essentially\\ntrue. Spondanus excuses the rapacity of Boniface\\nby his necessities, and brings some authority for the\\nassertion, that he died poor.\\n53\\nin the year 1401, the pontiff proceeded so far,\\nas to cancel by a single act nearly all the\\ngraces, dispensations and expectatives which\\nhe had previously granted, and to declare\\nthem wholly void\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that he might enter afresh\\nand without any resti aints upon the task,\\nwhich seemed almost to be terminated, and\\nreap froni the same exhausted soil a second\\nharvest of shame and iniquity. By such\\nmethods Boniface enriched liimself, and\\nimpoverished his clergy and hoAvever we\\nmay abominate his rapacity, we have little\\ncause to feel any compassion for the suffer-\\ners who were possibly influenced by the\\nsame passion, and who were certainly in-\\nvolved in the same simoniacal scandal with\\nhimself\\nThe superstition of the laity was also taxed\\nto the utmost point of endurance the exces-\\nsive abuse of the Jubilee has been mentioned\\nas the favorite resource of Boniface, and the\\ncircumstances of the time combined to sharp-\\nen his appetite for that feast. The year 1400\\nwas that destined, according to the origmal\\ninstitution of Boniface VIII., for the celebra-\\ntion of the secular solemnity and it appears\\nthat, though the innovations of later popes\\nhad met with very general reverence, there\\nv/ere still several rigid devotees who, holding\\nthem in inferior estimation, looked forward\\nwith pious impatience to the approach of the\\nlegitimate festival. Neither was this impres-\\nsion confined to the nations in the obedience\\nof the Roman competitor the followers of\\nBenedict acknowledged by their respect for\\nthe apostolical city the authority of the See,\\nthough they rejected the usurper who occu-\\npied it and the French especially pressed in\\ngreat multitudes to obtain the plenary indul-\\ngence at Rome. Charles published an or-\\ndonnance to restrain the eraigi-ation of his\\nsubjects he saw with sorrow, not perhaps\\ntheir slavish superstition, but the exportation\\nof their wealth to a foreign and even hostile\\ntreasury. Still in many, the rehgious zeal\\nThe system of Annates, or the payment of a\\nyear s first fruits to the Apostolical Chamber, was\\nbrought to perfection by Boniface IX. It did not,\\nhowever, originate with him; Clement V. having\\nlearnt that some bishops in England exacted stich\\nclaims from their diocesan clergy, felt justified in\\ntransferring the right to the See of Rome. This\\ntook place in 1306; thirteen years afterwards, John\\nXXII., when he reserved for three years the first\\nfruits of all vacant benefices, excepted the bishoprics\\nand abbeys. Bonifice IX. extended the usurpation\\nto the prelacies, and made if perpetual. Fleurj^, 1.\\ncxix. s. xxvii. Spondanus, an-i. 1S39, s. ii.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0425.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "418\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\noverpowered the sense of civil duty, and these\\nproceeded on their pilgi-image. But several\\nwere intercepted and pillaged on their road\\nby partisans at enmity with the Pope and\\nthose, who escaped this danger, were exposed,\\non the termination of their journey, to the\\npestilence which was laying waste the holy\\ncity. Some perished miserably and others,\\nwhose resources were exhausted through\\ntheir devotion and theii- sufferings, when\\nthey applied for aid to the apostolical coffers,\\nwere dismissed with a cold and contemptuous\\nrefusal.\\nInnocent VIL succeeds Boniface. Four\\nyears afterwards Boniface died his cardinals\\nimmediately entered into conclave, and elect-\\ned a successor, nearly under the same con-\\nditions which had been accepted and violated\\nby Benedict. He assumed the name of In-\\nnocent VII. but the two years of his imbe-\\ncile government produced no other change,\\nthan the secession of Genoa and Pisa to the\\nobedience of his rival. Both parties expressed\\nequal desire for the extinction of the schism\\nboth were equally insincere and the attention\\nof the courts of Christendom and the feelings\\nof the pious friends of the Church, were in-\\nsulted by the verbose correspondence and re-\\ncriminations of two aged hypocrites. Inno-\\ncent died in 1406 and the Roman cardinals\\nthen seriously deliberated on the expediency\\nof deferring the new election, until some\\nmeasures could be taken in concert with the\\ncollege at Avignon.\\nElection of Angela Corrario^ or Ch-egory\\nXIL But their fears of an interested popu-\\nlace contended with their wisdom and their\\nvirtue they likewise dreaded the risks, which\\nthe temporal sovereignty of the See must in-\\ncur during the inten egnum their indecision\\nterminated in a half-measure. They bound\\nthemselves by oath, that whichsoever of them\\nshould be chosen, should hold himself in per-\\npetual readiness to resign, in case the concord\\nof the Church and the union of the two Col-\\nleges should require it and that he should\\nimmediately make public, that such was the\\ncondition of his election. This act having\\nbeen assented to with great solemnity, they\\nthrew their eyes upon a prelate, whose ad-\\nvanced age, whose holy reputation, whose\\nhabitual integrity, whose ardent love of the\\nChurch and regard for its best interests, placed\\nhim beyond all suspicion, almost beyond the\\npossibility, of perfidy. Angelo Corrario, a\\nVenetian, the titular patriarch of Constanti-\\nnople, was the character which they sought.\\nSeventy years of immaculate piety, by which\\nhe was endeared to the whole Church, were\\na pledge for the extinction of any selfish pas-\\nsions, which at any time might have lurked\\nin his bosom and the austerity of his devo-\\ntion, which emulated the holiness of the an-\\ncient pontiffs, guaranteed the strict obsen^ance\\nof his engagement. A ccordingly, on the in-\\nstant of his election, he eagerly ratified his\\ncovenant, and proclaimed his intention to\\nrestore union to the Church by any risk or\\nsacrifice. Should it be necessary to perform\\nthe journey on foot with his staff in his hand,\\nor to encounter the sea in the most wretched\\nbark, he vowed that he would still present\\nhimself at the place of conference. His de-\\nclarations were received with joy and confi-\\nThey sought not (.says Aretinus) for a man of\\nbusiness or address, but for one of honor and integ-\\nrity and at length they unanimously fixed their choice\\nupon Angelo Corrario, virum prisca severitate et\\neanctimonia reverendum.\\nThe short account of Leonardos Aretinus, the\\nattendant and faithful adherent of Angelo, should be\\ncited. Is conclavi egressus promissionem, votum,\\net juramentum, quae privatns fecerat, tunc in potes-\\ntate constitutus iterato novavit. Atque ita loquebatur\\nde Unione prime illo tempore, ut, si csetera deessent,\\npedibus et haculo se iturum ad eam conficiendara\\nasseveraret. Statimque adversario scripsit benigne\\nilium ad pacem invitans et abdicationem mutuam\\nofferens. Adversarius autem tantisdem ferme syl-\\nlabis ad eum rescripsit; eadem invitatio fuit, eadem-\\nque cohortatio Locus deinde necessarius visus est\\nin quo et Pontifices ipsi et collegia convenirent. Ad\\nhoc Savona pari consensu recepta est. Prosper^\\nhue usque et plane ex sententia. Deinde paulatim res\\nlabascere coepit et cuncta indies deteriora fieri. Vo-\\nluntas autem ilia Pontificis recta nequaquam satis\\nhabere firmitatis reperta est ad pontificatum deponen-\\ndum; cujus rei cidpam muiti in propinquos ejus re-\\nfer ebant, c. Erat in altero Pontifice non melior\\nsane mens, sed occulebat callidius malara voluntatera,\\net quia noster ftigiebat, ipse obviam ire videbatur.\\nSed cum de congressu eorum per internuntios agere-\\ntur, noster tanquam terrestre animal ad littus accedere,\\nille tanquam aquaticum a mari discedere recusabat\\nCum per hunc modum desideria Christianorum qui\\npacem unitatemque optabant in longum ducerentur,\\nnon tulerunt Cardinales nostri, sed deserto Pontifice\\nPisas abiere, c. Leonard Aretin. in Rer. Italicar.\\nHistoria. Ego (the historian presently continues)\\nPontificem secutus sum polius familiaritatis gratia,\\nquam quod ejus causarn probarem. Quanquam fuit\\nin Gregorio permagna vitse morumqiie honestas et\\nprisca quaedam, ut ita dixerim, bonitas, scriptura-\\nrum quoque scientiaet indagatiosubtiliset recta\\nDenique in cunctis ferme rebus mihi satisfaciebat,\\nprppterquam in Unionis negotio Id. loc. cit.\\nGibbon has referred to this passage in his 70th r;i)ap-\\nter.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0426.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n419\\ndence, and it was thought that the flock of\\nChrist had at length obtained a faithful shep-\\nherd.\\nAfter his restoration to liberty, the policy\\nof Benedict had entirely changed\u00e2\u0080\u0094 all his\\noriginal desire for the extinction of the schism\\nappeared to be revived he had made over-\\ntures to that eflect both to Boniface and In-\\nnocent and when the new Pope (Gregoiy\\nXI I.) addressed him on the subject, he re-\\nnewed his usual protestations. But they were\\nno longer able to deceive either the court or\\nthe doctors of Paris it was found that, how-\\never profuse in general professions, he inva-\\nriably evaded the cession, whenever it was\\nstrongly recommended to him and he was\\nnot the better loved for the frequent exactions\\nof tenths and annates, to which his necessi-\\nties even more than his avarice obliged him.\\nAt length it was arranged, at a meeting of\\ncertain deputies of both parties, that the long-\\npromised conference should be brought about\\nand the place selected for the purpose was\\nSavona. Some hopes were entertained fi om\\nthis project, and it was pressed with earnest-\\nness both at Rome and Avignon. The time\\nwas fixed for the Michaelmas of 1407 and\\nwhen it arrived, Benedict was found at the\\nappointed city, full of his customai^ declara-\\ntions. But where Atas Angelo Corrario, the\\nsworn advocate of concord, the model of an-\\ncient holiness Every solicitation, to observe\\nthe direct obligation of his oath, had been\\nurged upon him in vain. To the most over-\\npowering arguments he opposed the most\\ncontemptible pretexts. He was secretly de-\\ntermined to evade the conference and he did\\nfinally absent himself Then followed anoth-\\ner interchange of accusations and protesta-\\ntions, which had no other eflfect than to per-\\nsuade men, that an understanding secretly\\nsubsisted between the two Pretenders, and\\nthat they had conspired to cajole the world\\nand retain their offices by their common per-\\njury.*\\nWe shall not pursue the tedious details of\\ntheir elaborate duplicity nor is it important\\nto notice the multifarious correspondence\\nwhich perplexed the dispute, nor even closely\\nto trace the circumstances, which led to its\\nconclusion.f It is enough to mention the\\nleading facts. In the first place, in contempt\\nof one important clause of the oath taken\\nSpondanus, ann. 1408, s. v.\\nt The celebrated embassy sent from France both\\nto Rome and Avignon, just before the Council of Pisa,\\nis described by Gibbon, chap. Ixx.\\nX That both parties shall promise to make no\\nin conclave, Gregory created four new cardi\\nnals on which the others, in just indignation,\\ndeserted his court and retired to Pisa, where\\nthey fixed their residence. Presently after-\\nwards (in 1408) the King of France took\\nmeasures to seize the person of Benedict;\\nbut that accomplished politician, havmg con-\\nstantly retained a small fleet in his service on\\nthe plea of personal security, set sail on the\\nrumor of this danger, and, after a short cruise\\non the coast of Italy, found a safer refuge at\\nPerpignan in Spain, for the Spaniards con-\\ntinued to adliere to their countryman through\\nall his vicissitudes, and through all his perfi-\\ndy. At Perpignan he assembled his bishops,\\nand held his councils, and awaited the termi-\\nnation of the tempest.\\nThe Cardinals convoke the Council of Pisa.\\nBut his cardinals remained in France and\\nnow perceiving that they were abandoned by\\ntheir master, they turned their attention more\\nzealously than before to the extinction of the\\nschism. To that end, they negotiated in per-\\nfect sincerity with the rival college at Pisa\\nand the consequence was an immediate co-\\nalition. By this event, the first substantial\\nground towards the closing of the schism\\nwas gained. It was now clearly ascertained,\\nthat the voluntary cession of the pretenders,\\nunder any conceivable circumstances, was\\nhopeless. The latest proof of that truth was\\nthe strongest since Angelo di Corrario, the\\nmost unblemished of mankind, had chosen\\nto stain his gray hairs with deliberate perjuiy,\\nrather than resign the possession the very\\nshort possession of a disturbed and disputed\\ndignity. No resource henceforward remain-\\ned, except compulsion and the union of the\\ncolleges aflbrded the only prospect of that\\nresult. Some difficulties were still to be\\novercome, but the convocation of a General\\nCouncil promised to remove them. Accord-\\ningly the Council was summoned to assemble\\nat Pisa in the March of 1409.\\nThe Council of Pisa met under circum-\\nstances wholly different from any other simi-\\nlar assembly. In the division of churchmen\\nit represented the unity of the Church. Dis-\\nregarding the opposite pretensions to indi-\\nvidual legitimacy, it asserted the undivided\\nnew cardinals during the treaty of union. Gregory\\nprobably considered this part of the obligation as\\nconditional. And, as it is not likely that Benedict\\nshould have made any such promise, he might feel\\nthat the engagement was not binding upon himself.\\nHad he been more scrupulous, when the obligation\\nwas direct and unequivocal, we might have given hica\\nthe benefit of this supposition.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0427.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "420\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nauthority of the See and thus, since there\\nmight be many antipopes, but not possibly\\nmore than one pope, the object to which its\\nproceedings necessarily tended, was to reject\\nthe two actual claimants, and substitute one\\ntrue and catholic pontiff. It was summoned\\nby the cardinals, twenty-four of whom were\\npresent, and it was attended by a great num-\\nber of prelates,* as well as by the generals\\nof the Mendicant orders, and the deputies of\\nseveral universities. Ambassadors from the\\ncourts of Germany, France, England^ and\\nothers, were likewise present; though the\\nobject of the first was rather to question the\\nlegitimacy, than to sanction the deliberations,\\nof the council. The scruples of these en-\\nvoys gave rise to an important discussion,\\nwhich was occasionally renewed afterwards\\nand which, as far as the J3rinciples of the dis-\\nputants were concerned, divided the High\\nPapist party from the moderate Catholics.\\nIt was argued on the one side, from the lan-\\nguage of the canons and the unvarying prac-\\ntice of the Church, that a general Council\\ncould not legally assemble, unless by the au-\\nthority and express summons of the Pope,\\nwhereas the meeting at Pisa had received the\\nsanction of no pontiff. On the other hand,\\nit was maintained, that no pope did then in\\nfact exist that both pretenders, by their long-\\ncontinued perfidy and contumacy, had in-\\nvolved themselves in the guilt of schism and\\nheresy; f and that, under such circumstan-\\nces, if the necessities of the Church demand-\\ned it, the cardinals had full power to call a\\ncouncil.l Recollecting, as we do, the false\\nfoundation on which the claims of the pope\\nreally rested, we can scarcely pretend to doubt\\non which side the reason lay. But among\\nthe controversialists of that time, the spuri-\\nousness of the Decretals was still unknown,\\nand almost unsuspected and pretensions\\ndirectly derived from them were acknow-\\nledged with respectful acquiescence.\\nAlexander V. The Council then proceeded\\nto fulfil its object. The first step was, to\\nBesides the three patriarchs, 180 archbishops\\nand bishops, and about 300 abbots, were present in\\nperson or by representatives, and 282 doctors in the-\\nology. Spondunus, ann. 1409, s. ii.\\nt This last assertion does not appear, at first sight,\\nso obvious but the word heresy was now used in a\\nmuch more comprehensive sense, than in the early\\nchurch; perseverance in schism was at this time\\nsufficfent to constitute heresy.\\nX That there were cases, in which they possessed\\nthat right, does not appear to have been disputed\\nthat, for instance, of the insanity of a pope.\\nsummon the pretenders to appear in person\\nor by deputy, and on their non-appearance,\\nto pronounce them contumacious. The next,\\nto trace the proofs of their insincerity and\\ncollusion, and to expose their perjury. The\\nnext, to command the Christian world to\\nwithdraw its obedience from the one and\\nfrom the other. Then follov/ed the sentence\\nof condemnation and here we may pause\\nto remark, that the prelate, who pronounced\\nit, was the titidar Patriarch of Alexandria,\\nsupported on either hand by those of Anti-\\noch and Jerusalem. The two schismatics,\\nafter a long enumeration of their crimes,\\nwere cut off from the Church and the Holy\\nSee was declared vacant. Then the cardi-\\nnals, after binding themselves by oath to con-\\ntinue the Council after the election, for the\\ngeneral purposes of church reform, entered\\ninto conclave. They remained six days in\\ndeliberation and their choice fell upon the\\nCardinal of Milan, Peter of Candia, who took\\nthe name of Alexander V.\\nPeter, native of Candia, a Venetian subject,\\nhad risen from so low an origin, that he pro-\\nfessed to retain no recollection of his parent-\\nage a circumstance (he boasted) which gave\\nhim a great advantage over his predecessors,\\nsince it exempted him from all temptation to\\nnepotism. One day, as he was begging\\nalms, while yet extremely young, an Italian\\nmonk took compassion on him, and intro-\\nduced him into his convent. From Candia,\\nas he gave great promise of intellectual at-\\ntainment, he was carried into Italy and\\nthence, for the gradual completion of his\\nstudies, to the universities, first of Oxford,\\nand afterwards of Paris. There he acquired\\ngreat theological reputation, and retained\\nalong with it a mild, liberal, and convivial\\ndisposition. He was already advanced in\\nage when raised to the pontificate.\\nAfter a few more sessions, in which a com-\\nmission was appointed for the investigation\\nof ecclesiastical abuses, and some unimpor-\\ntant regulations enacted, the Council was ad-\\njourned for an interval of three years, till the\\nApril of 1412.\\nThe authority of the Council of Pisa was\\nrecognised by all the national churches of\\nEurope, excepting Arragon, Castille, Bavaria,\\nand Scotland and Rome itself, by placing\\nAlexander in the list of its genuine bishops,\\nhas offered it the same acknowledgment. Its\\nIt was the boast of his friends, that, from being\\na rich archbishop, he had become a poor cardinal j\\nand that the popedom had reduced him to beggary.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0428.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n421\\nproceedings were conducted without any\\nreproach of irregularity or dissension, and it\\ndispersed under the auspices of a legitimate\\npope. It remams to inquire, what was the\\neffect produced upon the antipopes by de-\\ncisions so soleinnly delivered. On the de-\\ntermination of an assembly, which expressed\\nthe power and united the vows of almost\\nevery nation of Europe, what course did the\\nrepudiated schismatics adopt Did they en-\\ndeavor to conciliate the party, which they\\nwere too weak to resist, and too infamous\\nlonger to cajole Did they resign those\\nclaims, by which they might still indeed dis-\\nturb the peace of Christendom, but which\\ncould scarcely promise any substantial dig-\\nnity to themselves No they clung to the\\nfragments of their fortunes with the same\\nattachment, which had bound them to pros-\\nperity and the more generally it was ad-\\nmitted, that both were pretenders and anti-\\npopes, the more violently each proclaimed\\nhimself to be the genuine pope. Benedict\\ncould still boast of the obedience of Spain\\nbut this was a narrow field to content the\\nambition of the successor of the Gregories\\nand the Innocents. But the reverses of his\\nrival were even more remarkable. He only\\nescaped captivity by traversing the ambush\\nof his enemies in the disguise of a merchant\\nwhile his chamberlain, who resembled him\\nin person, and had assumed liis robes, was\\ntaken in his place, and subjected to some se-\\nverity of treatment. Having in such guise\\nescaped to two galleys which awaited him,\\nand which conveyed him to Gaieta, he then\\nreclaimed his dignity, and imitated, with his\\nscanty train of courtiers, the pomp of the\\nimperial city. He was protected, indeed, by\\nLadislaus, and neither Germany nor Hungary\\nhad yet nominally withdrawn from his obedi-\\nence. But he was poor, and as he had no\\npatronage, he had no resources and his few\\nfollowers continued to adhere to him through\\nfear of the King of Naples, rather than from\\nany attachment either to his person, or his\\ncause.\\nAlexander V., the feebleness of whose cha-\\nracter made him liable to the influence of\\nany more vigorous spirit, fell almost entirely\\nunder tlie guidance of a Neapolitan, named\\nBaltazar Cossa, Legate at Bologna. This ex-\\ntraordinary person, by birth a nobleman, by\\nhabit and inclination a soldier, by profession\\na churchman, and in rank a cardinal, was one\\nof the boldest champions of the Council of\\nPisa. And when it appeared that the pos-\\nsession of Rome could only be recovered\\nfrom Ladislaus by military measures, Baltazar\\nundertook to conduct an expedition for that\\npui-pose. The Roman people acknowledged\\nthe authority of Alexander, and sent to him a\\ndeputation with the keys of the city. The\\nPope was then at Bologna. He received the\\nenvoys with magnificence he expressed his\\npleasure at their emancipation from the se-\\nductions of Angelo Corrario and in respect\\nto the desire, which they testified, to have\\ntheir Pope among them, and to receive the\\nJubilee, (for these vows were united in\\ntheir petition,) he appointed the year 1413\\nfor that solemnity. This cu cumstance is\\nworthy of thus much attention, as it shows\\nhow unblushingly the Romans at that time\\navowed the real motive of their attachment\\nto the Vicar of Christ and also, how basely\\na Pope, who could not plead either weakness\\nor poverty, pandered to their cupidity. But\\nAlexander V. was not destined to witness the\\nexecution of his decree, nor even to receive\\nthe venal applauses of his people. He died\\nat Bologna the year afler his election (May\\n3d, 1410,) and the cardinals, after a very short\\ndeliberation, appomted Baltazar Cossa in his\\nplace.\\nElevation of John XXIII. to the See.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The\\nworld was surprised at this election for\\nthough he possessed good natural talents,\\nand a rapid decision in matters of business\\nand other temporal concerns, Baltazar was\\nof a violent temper, and remarkable for the\\nlicentiousness of his morals his demeanor\\nand manners corresponded with his repu-\\ntation and the military air, which so little\\nbecame the habit of the cardinal, seemed\\nwholly to disqualify him for the chair of St.\\nPeter. On the other hand, his fearless cha-\\nracter gave promise of that vigor, which\\nwas now required for the restoration of the\\nChurch and it was hoped, that, if he did\\nnot awaken to the spiritual duties of his sta-\\ntion, he would at least consent to observe its\\ndecencies.\\nJohn XXIII. (Baltazar assumed that name)\\ndid not at first deceive either of those expec-\\ntations his manners were softened on his\\nelevation, and his morals ostensibly amended\\nand he framed his political arrangements so\\nwell, that the king of Naples declared in his\\nfavor. Then Gregoiy, for the second time\\nan exile, embarked his person and his suite in\\ntwo trading vessels, and sought almost the\\nonly spot in Europe which continued to obey\\nhim. Charles Malatesta opened to him the\\ngates of Rimini; and there, together with\\nFieury, 1. c- sec. xliii.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0429.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "422\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nhad space to deplore the passion or the weak-\\nness, through which he had exchanged a holy\\nreputation and dignified independence for\\nbanishment, insecurity, and infamy.\\nElevation of Sigismond to the Empire.\\nThe death of the emperor at this moment\\nopened an occasion to the Pope to recom-\\nmend Sigismond as successor and as Sigis-\\nmond was actually chosen, a friendly inter-\\ncourse was immediately established between\\nthe two parties. The still disturbed condition\\nof the Church, and the abuses which univer-\\nsally prevailed, demanded mdeed their cordial\\nand honest co-operation and in this at least\\nthey agreed, that a General Council was the\\nonly remaining remedy, and that no time\\nshould be lost in convoking it. On the dis-\\nsolution of that of Pisa, it had been arranged\\nthat another should be called after three years.\\nAccordingly, John had summoned the pre-\\nlates to Rome at the appointed time but so\\nfew presented themselves, that it was not\\njudged expedient to proceed to any important\\nenactments.\\nConvocation of the Council of Constance.\\nThe place, which was now selected for a\\nmore efficient meeting, was the city of Con-\\nstance, in Switzerland. Much depended on\\nthat selection. Much depended on the local\\ninfluence which might probably be exercised,\\nand which would certainly affect the deliber-\\nations of the body. Constance was under the\\ndu-ect control of Sigismond and it is well\\nknown that the Pope foresaw some of the\\nLeonardus Aretinus relates a curious anecdote\\non this subject, which throws light on the still dis-\\nputed character of John. The pontiff privately\\ncommunicated to me his design. The whole matter\\n(said he) depends on the place of the council, and I\\nwill not have it where the emperor is the stronger.\\nI shall therefore give to the legates, whom I send to\\ndecide this matter, credentials of full power and dis-\\ncretion for public appearance s sake, but I shall pri-\\nvately restrict them to certain specified places and\\nthen he mentioned those places. Afterwards, when\\nthe legates came to take leave, having dismissed all\\nexcepting myself, he secretly addressed tliem and\\nshowed of what weight the matter was, on which\\nihey were sent. Then, speaking kindly to them, he\\npraised their prudence and fidelity, and said that they\\nknew what ought to be done better than himself.\\nWhile he was thus talking and repeating those civil\\nthings to them, he was himself overpowered by a\\nfeeling of kindness, and in an instant changed the\\ndesign so long determined by him. I had meant, he\\nsaid, to give you a list of certain places, from which\\nlist you should on no account depart; but at this very\\ninstant I change my mind, and commit every thing to\\nconsequences of that arrangement, and con-\\nsented to it with extreme- reluctance. It is\\nknown too, that he felt a much stronger incli-\\nnation to march in arms for the recovery of\\nhis capital, which the death of Ladislaiis had\\nagain opened to him, than to conduct the\\npeaceful procession of his cardinals towards\\nthe appointed city. Nevertheless, his out-\\nward conduct betrayed no disposition to re-\\ncede, whatever may have been his private\\nwishes or his secret intrigues and having\\nfixed the first of November, 1414, for the\\nopening of the Council, he was present for\\nthe performance of his duties on that day.\\nThe situation of Constance in many par-\\nticulars justified the preference, which the\\nemperor had obtained for it. Its pleasant and\\nhealthful situation on the shores of an exten-\\nsive lake its central position with respect to\\nFrance, Germany and Italy and not least,\\nthe circumstance, that it was at that time the\\ngrand depot of all commercial intercourse\\nbetween the two last countries, made it fav-\\norable for the access and accommodation of\\na numerous and opulent assembly. As the\\ncouncil lasted for nearly four years, the num-\\nber of its members and their attendants must\\nhave greatly fluctuated but if it be true, that\\nat certain times not less than thirty thousand\\nhorses were maintained for its use, we may\\nconceive the splendor as well as the multitude\\nof the assemblage. It was divided into four\\nsections, following the grand national division\\nof Europe and all the members were ar-\\nranged under the banners of Italy, of France,\\nof Germany, or of England. Most of the\\nleading ecclesiasticsf of Europe were present;\\nbut the greater proportion of eminent laymen,\\nwho thronged to Constance, distinguished that\\nyour prudence. It is for you to think, what may be\\nsafe and what dangerous for me. And thus he tore\\nin pieces the paper, on which he had written the\\nnames of the places. The legates therefore going to\\nSigismond chose Constance a transalpine city and\\nsubject to the emperor. When John heard this, he\\nwas incredibly afflicted, and lamented his evil stars,\\nthat he had so lightly deviated from his former mind\\nand counsel, Leonard. Aretin., In Rerum Italic.\\nHistoria.\\nApprehensions being entertained about the means\\nof providing for so many quadrupeds, it was ordered,\\nthat the Pope should be limited to tvi-enty hoi-ses, the\\ncardinals and princes to ten each, the bishops to five,\\nand the abbots to four only. Raynald. ann. 1414, s.\\nxiii.\\nt Nine and twenty cardinals and three hundred\\nbishops and archbishops were present at the second\\nsession, on March 2, when the Pope made his abdj\\ncation.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0430.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n423\\ncouncil, more than any other circumstance,\\nfrom all that had preceded it.\\nIts professed objects were the extinction\\nof the schism and the Reformation of the\\nChurch. The persecutions of John Huss\\nand Jerome of Prague, which formed a part\\nof its labors, will be described and traced to\\ntheir true motives in a following chapter.\\nEven the subject of the Reformation must\\nfor the moment be deferred since we must\\nconfine our present attention to the thread\\nwhich we have pursued through so many\\nwindings, and trace the history of the Schism\\nto its conclusion. And to some indeed it\\nmight appear, and not without specious rea-\\nson, that the schism was virtually extinct\\nalready and that the feeble anti-popes of\\nPerpignan and of Rimini might have been\\nsafely left to waste their complaints and ana-\\nthemas unnoticed. And so it might possibly\\nhave proved. But, on the other hand, the\\npolitics of Europe were at that time so fluc-\\ntuating and faithless, that the slightest cir-\\ncumstance of national mterest, or even of\\npersonal caprice or jealousy, might at any\\nmoment have ti-ansferred the obedience of a\\nkingdom, and restored to Gregory or to Be-\\nnedict the adhesion of a powerful party. So\\nthat there seemed no positive security for the\\nconcord of the Church, until the two schis-\\nmatics should be deprived of the faintest\\nshadow of authority. Hence it was, that all\\nparties were chiefly anxious to attend to this\\nsubject, and to complete the work which had\\nbeen so far advanced at Pisa.\\nBut here, at the very outset, a difference\\narose of the most essential importance, as to\\nthe manner of attaining that end. It will be\\nobserved, that the present assembly approach-\\ned that question under circumstances dissimi-\\nlai- from those which guided the former. At\\nPisa, the impossibility of deciding between\\nthe two claimants having been admitted, nei-\\nther of them was recognised by the council.\\nThe fathers were indeed personally divided\\nin their obedience but as a single legislative\\nThe bare circumstance, that there were three\\ncompetitors for the chair after the council of Pisa,\\nand only two before it, has led many historians to\\nconsider that assembly as having increased the schism.\\nBut to us it seems otherwise. It reduced the anti-\\npopes to an insignificance, from which they never\\nrecovered, and it united the great body of Christen-\\ndom in the same views, and with a common principle.\\nIf it was not immediately successful, neither was the\\ncouncil of Constance perfectly so. But the proceed-\\nings of Pisa were the foundation of the re-union, and\\nit was by building on them, that the work was finally\\ncompleted.\\nbody they acknowledged neither Peter of\\nLuna nor Angelo Corrario. Thus their course\\nwas obvious to declare the See vacant, and\\nto proceed to a canonical election. But the\\ncouncil of Constance, being held in continu-\\nation of that of Pisa, being bound by its de-\\ncisions and resting on its validity, admitted\\nof necessity the rights of John XXIII. And\\nthus, whatsoever course its deliberations might\\ntake, it had to deal with a Pope of undisput-\\ned legitimacy. For though some feeble mur-\\nmurs would be raised at Rimini and Perpig-\\nnan, Constance at least was not the place\\nwhere they could find an echo.\\nUnder these circumstances the council met\\ntogether, and soon afterwards John caused\\nhis own proposition to be laid before it. It\\nwas simply this that the fathers should first\\nof all things confirm all the acts of the coun-\\ncil of Pisa that they should next deliberate\\non the best means of cariying them into ef-\\nfect and lastly enter upon their labors for\\nthe Reformation of the Church. In this pa-\\nper the pope merely called upon the fathers\\npublicly to declare, what they never for a mo-\\nment disputed, the legality of that council,\\nfrom which he derived his authority; and if\\nthat declaration were once made, he felt as-\\nsured, that there could be no other method\\nof proceeding against two denounced anti-\\npopes, than by arming the real pope with ad-\\nditional authority to crush them. It was very\\nnatural, that John should take this view of the\\nsubject mdeed, as far as the strict justice of\\nthe question v/as concerned, it was the cor-\\nrect view and assuredly the distinction be-\\ntween a pope and a schismatic was sufficient-\\nly broad, to be made ground for decided ac-\\ntion with an assembly of Roman Catholic\\necclesiastics.\\nNevertheless there were many, and some\\nof the most celebrated doctors of the age\\nwere among them, who considered the sub-\\nject in a widely different light. These loud-\\nly maintained, that as the council of Constance\\nwas a continuation of that of Pisa, it was\\nbound steadily to pursue the same object;\\nthat this object had been the extinction of the\\nschism, and that it was still so and that a\\nsolemn obligation rested on all the prelates\\npresent, even on the pope himself, to adopt\\nwhatsoever means should appear most effica-\\ncious for that purpose. It was immediately\\nobvious to what end this opinion tended that\\nthe method of cession, which had been at-\\ntempted with such imperfect success at Pisa,\\nwould be again brought forward as the only\\nhealing measm-e and that the true and re-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0431.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "424\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ncognised Pope would be called upon for the\\nsame humiliation, and probably subjected to\\nthe same compulsion, with two anathematiz-\\ned pretenders.\\nThe subject was warmly debated but with-\\nout any approach to a decision, because the\\nemperor was not yet anived and as much\\ncertainly depended on his views, so the atten-\\ntion and even the hopes of both parties were\\nearnestly fixed upon him. Sigismond pos-\\nsessed considerable talents and accomplish-\\nments he spoke several languages with flu-\\nency and even eloquence, and was the patron\\nof learning, in an age when it still needed\\npowerful protection. The dignity of his per-\\nsonal appearance has attracted the commen-\\ndations of history and if his moral char-\\nacter was not free from stain, and if his mil-\\nitary enterprises generally ended in disgrace,\\nhe has been abundantly honored for his zeal\\nin the service of the Church, and his exer-\\ntions against heresy and schism.\\nHis previous intercourse with John, and\\nthe obligations which he certainly owed to\\nhim, led many to believe, that he would throw\\nhis weight into the pontifical scale nor was\\nreason wanting to incline him to that side.\\nBut it proved otherwise. He probably re-\\nflected, that, should he determine unequivo-\\ncally to support and enforce the rights of John,\\nno other method remained to reduce the an-\\ntipopes, except violence the princes of Ar-\\nragon and Rimini would not otherwise re-\\nnounce their obedience. The disposition of\\nSigismond was known but matters had not\\nyet proceeded to any determination, when\\nlegates presented themselves both from Greg-\\nory and Benedict. The latter, indeed, merely\\ninsulted the council by the usual vague and\\nfaithless offers of conference and compro-\\nmise. But the former declared their autlior-\\nity to make a formal cession on behalf of ^heir\\nmaster, in case that both his rivals should ab-\\ndicate also. From that moment the exertions\\nof the great majority of the fathers were di-\\nrected to one object to accomplish by some\\nmeans or other the abdication of John.\\nNow, as they never affected on any occa-\\nsion to throw the slightest doubts on his le-\\ngitimacy, it became them to take their mea-\\nsures with deference and caution and when\\nLeonardus Aretinus (Rer. Italicar. Historia)\\nspeaks of him thus: Fuit proculdubio vir inclytus,\\npraeclara facie, corpore turn specioso,. turn robusto;\\nmagnitudine animi sive pace sive bello eximia; lib-\\neralitate vero tanta, ut hoc uninn illi vitio daretur,\\nquod largieudo et erogando sibi ipsi facultates detra-\\nheret ad negotia bcUaque obeuncla.\\nthey pressed upon him the general obligations\\nof his office, and argued, that he was bound,\\nas chief of the Church of Christ, willingly\\nto lay down, not his dignity only, but life it-\\nself, if the interests of that Church required\\nit, we shall not wonder, that the Pope was\\nunmoved by so indeterminate an appeal. But\\nthe council felt its strength; and tlie above\\nappeal was accompanied by the new and bold\\nproposition, that a General Council possessed\\nthe power, in a peculiar exigency, to compel\\nthe Pope to abdication. This assertion gave\\nrise to long and warm discussions the Italian\\nprelates maintained the papal cause, but with\\nless vigor and ability, than the circumstances\\nrequired, and even than the merits of the\\nquestion admitted. The superiority of learn-\\ning and genius was on the side of the French\\nand the powerful harangues of Pierre d Ailly\\nand the celebrated Gerson, Chancellor of the\\nUnivei-sity, added weight to a doubtful cause.\\nIt seemed clear that the party of John must\\nyield.\\nThe Council declares for the cession. In the\\nmeantime, the Archbishop of Mayence, the\\nPrimate of the German Church and Elector\\nof the empire, arrived with great pomp at\\nConstance, and immediately declared his ad-\\nherence to the cause of the Pope. Frederic\\nof Austria and the Duke of Burgundy were\\nlikewise enlisted on the same side. But Si-\\ngismond had now decidedly espoused the op-\\nposite principles and thus the French and\\nItalian, which first divided the Council, now\\nreally became the imperial and papal parties.\\nThis was the crisis of the contest; and the\\ngreat majority of three of the nations was\\nmanifestly on the side of the Emperor. Still,\\nbefore they proceeded to the question, it was\\nfeared that, as the Italian prelates were the\\nmost numerous and under the most direct in-\\nfluence, and would, probably, be unanimous\\nfor the Pope, they might be able to outvote\\nthe majorities of the other nations. It was,\\ntherefore, advanced as a fair proposal, and\\nfinally arranged, that each nation should sep-\\narately ascertain its own sense, and that then,\\non the general meeting, the majority of na-\\ntions, not the numerical majority of votes,\\nshould prevail. On the day appointed, they\\nmet together, and it then appeared that the\\ndecision in favor of the method of cession\\nwas unanimous to the astonishment of the\\nwhole council, the greater portion even of the\\nItalians themselves had adopted that opinion.\\nThe Pope abdicates. During the progress\\nof these delibera:ioi:s, there were some who\\njudged, from the customary tenacity of other", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0432.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "THE GRxiND SCillSM.\\n425\\nPopes, that still further measures might after-\\nwards be called for. And in that apprehen-\\nsion, a long list of personal charges against\\nJohn XXIIL, some of which involved the\\nmost abominable offences, was handed about\\namong the fathers and a copy came under\\nthe inspection of the Pope himself. John\\nthen saw the real nature of the temnest that\\nwas hanging over him, and immediately de-\\ntermined to avert it by timely submission.\\nHe expressed that Intention amidst the ac-\\nclamations of the whole assembly and after\\nsome unimportant disputes respecting the\\nformula of cession, he publicly pronounced\\n(on the 2d of March) his solemn and volun-\\ntary abdication.*\\nFlight of John XXIIL The cession of\\nJohn was, of course, conditional on that of\\nthe antipopes and as no difiiculties were\\nany longer offered by Gregory, the accom-\\nplisliment of the union rested wholly with\\nPeter of Luna. To this end a conference\\nwas proposed at Nice, between Sigismond\\nand the King of Arragon and as it seemed\\nthat Benedict was to be one of the parties,\\nJohn claimed his right to be also present on\\nthe occasion. This demand excited some\\nsuspicions of his sincerity-; and these were\\nconfirmed by a proposal, which he soon\\nafterwards made, to transfer the Council from\\nConstance to Nice. It was difficult, after\\nthe instances of pontifical duplicity which\\nhad disgraced the last forty years, to put trust\\nin the honesty of any Pope and the charac-\\nter of John was not such as to command\\nany peculiar confidence. Consequently, the\\nCouncil required of him a formal deed or\\nprocuration of cession and he, without hesi-\\ntation, refused it. Guards were then placed\\nabout the gates of the city but, on the urgent\\nremonstrance of the Pope, removed. How-\\nbeit, whether he had previously meditated an\\nescape from the power of the Council, as\\nThe formula finally agreed on was to the follow-\\ning effect: We, John XXIII.,for the repose of the\\npeople of Christ, profess, promise, vow, and swear,\\nbefore God, the Church, and this sacred Council, freely\\nand with our entire good will, to give peace to the\\nChurch by the method of a simple and pure cession\\nto be made by us the Sovereign Pontificate, and to\\naccomplish it effectually through the wisdom of the\\npresent Council, whensoever Peter of Luna and\\nAngelo Corrario shall sijiiilarly renounce, in person\\nor by their delegates, the Popedom to which they\\npretend. And we also promise to do the same thing,\\nhowsoever that may occur, whether by cession or by\\ndeath, or by any other way, so that it shall become\\npossible to unite the Church of God through our ces-\\nsion, and thus to extirpate the present schism.\\n54\\nsoon as it proved too great for him, or whether\\nhe was driven to that resolution (as may also\\nhave been) by the distrust and even harsh-\\nness with which he was treated it is certain\\nthat, on the morning of March 21, the Em-\\nperor and the Fathers learnt with dismay and\\nastonishment, that the Pope was no longer at\\nConstance. He had quitted the city, in the\\nnight, in a military disguise and, having in-\\nstantly embarked, had descended the Rhine\\nas far as Schaffhausen, a city of his pro-\\ntector, Frederic.\\nThe consternation of the Council was\\nsomewhat abated by a communication re-\\nceived from John on the following day, in\\nwhich he renewed his assurances of sin-\\ncerity, and justified his retreat from Con-\\nstance by the argument, that his personal\\nsecurity was necessary to give obligation to\\nthe promise of cession and hereupon he\\nwas joined by several Cardinals and other\\nprelates. But the great majority remained\\nbehind, in close co-operation with the Em-\\nperor and both they and he immediately\\nengaged in the most vigorous measures. For,\\non the one hand, Sigismond put in motion,\\nthe temporal forces of the Assembly, and di-\\nrected a powerful army against the States of\\nFrederic and on the other, the Fathers of\\nthe Council and the doctors of Paris, with\\nGerson at their head, advanced in mighty\\nspiritual array against the pontifical deserter.\\nAnd while the imperial soldiers approached\\nthe walls of Schaffhausen, the bulwarks of\\nPopery were assaulted from the pulpits of\\nConstance.\\nThe momentous question was now public-\\nly argued, whether a Council General of the\\nChurch did not possess an authority superior\\nto the Pope. The rights of the Council\\nwere advocated by the eloquence of Gerson,*\\nand asserted by the general consent of the\\nFathers of Constance. The opposite opinion\\nwas maintained by the seceders at Schaff-\\nhausen and these even ventured to assert,\\nthat the Council itself was virtually dissolved\\nby the absence of the Pope. It has generally\\nbeen the error of high churchmen to advance\\nthe loftiest pretensions at the most unseason-\\nable moments and instead of receding at a\\ncrisis of violence and danger, to rush with a\\nsort of effeminate rashness into perils, which\\nwould not otherwise have reached them. A\\ndecided breach now took place between the\\ntwo parties but after some vain replications\\nand negotiations, it became perfectly clear on\\nDe Auferibilitate Papse ab Ecciesia.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0433.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "426\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwhich side the real strength lay. The Court\\nof SchafFhausen daily diminished, and the\\nCouncil proceeded by vigorous acts to give\\nefficacy to the principle of its own superi-\\nority. Nevertheless, the Pope would not ac-\\nknowledge his defeat, but rather determined\\nto risk the experiment by a second flight\\nintending, as it would seem, to throw himself\\non the protection of the Duke of Burgundy,\\nand establish his residence at Avignon. He\\nhalted at Brisac, and a deputation from the\\nCouncil found him there he fixed the fol-\\nlowing morning to give them audience, but\\non the following morning John XXIII. was\\nno longer at Brisac. We shall not trace the\\nfruitless negotiations which followed: it is\\nsufficient to add, that during their progress\\nthe Duke of Austria prevailed upon the Pope\\nto take refuge at Fribourg, under his own\\nsacred protection for the Duke, being se-\\nverely pressed in his contest with the Em-\\nperor, and foreseeing his entire discomfiture,\\nwas desirous to possess the means of recon-\\nciliation. Having succeeded in this desire,\\nhe hastened to violate his vows, and to sacri-\\nfice his virtue and reputation, by surrendering\\nthe person of his guest. And thus, says\\nMaimbourg, the unfortunate Pope, who, dis-\\norderly and licentious as he was, failed not\\nto be an object of great compassion through\\nthe treachery practised against him by his\\nprotector, was betrayed and found himself\\na prisoner in the Castle of Fribourg, the\\nvery place where he had thought to find an\\nasylum.\\nThe Council then turned to the affiiir of his\\ndeposition, observing in this matter the same\\nforms which had been followed at Pisa in the\\nprocess against Gregory and Benedict. The\\nlist of accusations presented against John\\nXXIII. consisted of fifty articles but the\\nwhole weight of his offences might be com-\\nprised under five or six heads. He was\\ncharged with all the various modifications of\\nsimony with squandering and alienating the\\nproperty of the Church and with oppres-\\nsing the people by unjust acts and exorbitant\\nimposts. His escape from Constance, and his\\nsubsequent endeavors to elude the demands\\nof the Council, w^ere urged against him with\\nthe greater minuteness, as they were the most\\nrecent and the least pardonable of his offen-\\nces. Another class of charges related to his\\nofficial, another to his private delinquencies.\\nIt was asserted that, as Pope, he had disre-\\ngarded the divine offices, neglected to repeat\\nhis breviary, and rarely assisted at the cele-\\nbration of mass and that, even when he did\\nso, he recited the service rapidly and careless-\\nly, like a sportsman or a soldier.* It was\\nadded, that he had wholly disregarded the\\nfasts and abstinences of the Church. As to\\nthe scandals of his private life, they were\\ntraced with minute diligence, even from his\\nchildhood to his flight from Constance. In\\nhis earliest youth the intemperanceof his dis-\\nposition betrayed itself: his most innocent\\nyears were charged with falsehood, impu-\\ndence, disobedience to his parents, a tenden-\\ncy to every vice. His progress in life was a\\nprogress in iniquity. Murder by violence\\nand by poison, adultery, incest, the most\\nabominable impurities were imputed to him,\\nas unquestioned and notorious. Such is the\\nsubstance of the allegations recorded by Ro-\\nman Catholic writers against their sph itual\\nFather but it must not be forgotten, that, in\\nthe list formally presented to the Council and\\nto the Pope, these last charges were suppress-\\ned. This might be with a view to spare the\\nCatholic Church so monstrous a scandal or\\nthrough consideration to the conscience and\\ncharacter of the Cardinals, who had so lately\\nelected such a Pope but it might also be,\\nbecause they rested on slight foundations, and\\nproceeded from that popular license, which\\nso eagerly calumniates *the fallen fortunes of\\nthe great.\\nJohn XXIIL accused and deposed.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 It is not\\ndisputed, that the paper, which received the\\napprobation of the Council, contained many\\nheinous charges, expressed in very unequiv-\\nocal language, and confirmed by numerous\\ntestimonies. But the Pope, when it was pre-\\nsented to him for inspection and refutation,\\ncalmly replied, with the most submissive re-\\nspect for the Council, that he had little curi-\\nosity to read either the charges or the deposi-\\ntions but that of this the Fathers might rest\\nassured, that he should receive their decision,\\nwhatever it might be, with perfect deference\\nin the meantime, that his best defence was in\\ntheir justice. This was politic, for from the\\nmoment in which the Council determined\\nupon the method of cession, John very clear-\\nly perceived that the Pontificate had passed\\nfrom his hands. For a time, indeed, he pro-\\nbably hoped, through the support of the\\nDukes of Austria and Burgundy, to retain a\\npartial obedience and wear a divided mitre\\nbut no sooner did he become the prisoner of\\nthe Council, than even that hope abandoned\\nhim and his only remainmg object was to\\nsecure, in a private station, his personal fi-ee-\\nEt si aliquoties celebravit, hoc fuit currenter,\\nmore venatorum et armigerorum. Act. Concil. Const.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0434.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n427\\ndom and security. Accordingly, he addres-\\nsed a respectful and even pathetic letter to\\nSigismoud, in which he reminded him of ser-\\nvices formerly conferred, and supplicated in\\nreturn his fi-iendship, or at least his clemency.\\nThis appeal was written in a tone of deep\\nhumiliation, and with an affectation of attach-\\nment, which could scarcely be sincere. But\\nneither Emperor nor Council was softened\\nby this tardy display of obsequiousness. At\\na foil Session, held on the 29th of May, John\\nXXIII. was solemnly deposed from the Pon-\\ntificate. By the same sentence he was con-\\ndemned to imprisonment during the pleasure\\nof the Council, which reserved to itself the\\npower of imposing such other penalties as\\nshould, in due season, be declared.\\nThis sentence was communicated to John\\nin his confinement at Cell he perused it\\nwithout any emotion, and requested a short\\ninterval of solitude. After two hours, he or-\\ndered the deputies again into his presence\\nand then, after reading all the articles in suc-\\ncession, with a firm voice and unruffled man-\\nner, he declared to them that there was no\\nparticular, which did not receive his complete\\napprobation and that, as far as in him lay,\\nhe cordially confirmed and ratified the sen-\\ntence. To this assurance he added a volun-\\ntary vow, that he would never at any time\\nprotest against that sentence, nor make any\\nattempt to recover the Pontificate that, on\\nthe contrary, he renounced purely and sim-\\nply, and from the bottom of his heart, any\\nright which he ever had, or might still have,\\nto that dignity that, in proof of this, he had\\nalready removed from his chamber the pon-\\ntifical cross, and would throw off the pontifi-\\ncal garments as willingly, if he had any oth-\\ners to put on in their place that he wished\\nwith all his soul, that he had never been Pope\\nat all, since he had not enjoyed one single\\nhappy day since his exaltation and so far\\nwas he from wishing to be restored to that\\ndignity, that should any desire his re-election,\\nhe would never at any time consent to it. He\\nthen threw himself, with his former humility,\\non the mercy of the Council and the Emper-\\nor not, however, without reminding them,\\nthat he possessed legitimate means of defence,\\nof which he had not yet availed himself, but\\nto which he should certainly appeal, should\\nthey drive him, by more rigorous measures,\\nto further extremities.\\nThis conduct, which was not only politic,\\nbut generous, succeeded not in obtaining for\\nhim any mitigation of his sentence. He was\\nled away in close confinement, first to Heidel-\\nberg, and aflerwards to Manheim, where he\\nwas im.prisoned for three years. Neither did\\nit avail him any thing to have once possessed\\nthe friendship of Sigismond. Nay, so far\\nwas the severity of the sentence enforced,\\nthat he was deprived of the services of his\\nItalian attendants, and surrounded by Ger-\\nmans, with whom his ignorance of the lan-\\nguage permitted no other intercourse, than\\nby signs.* Such rigor, exercised against a\\nfallen Pope, awakened sympathy and swelled\\nthe ranks of his advocates and there were\\nmany who maintained, both then and afler-\\nwards, that his deposition was illegal and\\ncompulsory, since the charge of heresy, on\\nwhich alone a Pope could be canouically de-\\nposed, was not that, which occasioned the\\ndegradation of John XXIII. The Court of\\nFrance openly professed this opinion and\\nthe offence, which Charles VI. on that occa-\\nsion took at the exceeding zeal of the Uni-\\nversity, repressed the ardor and diminished\\nthe credit of that illustrious body.\\nIn the meantime, the Council advanced\\nonwards in the course which it had chosen.\\nIt had now assumed the despotic f control of\\nthe Church and in its first exercise of that\\npower, it published a declaration that the\\nCardinals could not proceed to a new elec-\\ntion without its consent. By its next deci-\\nsion the formalities attending the cession of\\nGregory were duly completed, and the old\\nman was permitted to resign that which no\\none acknowledged that he possessed. The\\nattention of the Council and the whole Cath-\\nolic world was then turned entirely towards\\nthe determination of Peter of Luna.\\nConduct of Benedict. His determination\\nPlatina and Nauclerus assert the severity with\\nwhich John was treated. Theodoric of Niem gives\\na different account, on the authority, as he says, of\\nwell-informed persons. There are differences, too,\\non some other particulars, which we have not thought\\nit necessary to specify. The historians who have\\nbeen principally consulted for the contents of this\\nchapter (besides the original authorities) ai-e Maim-\\nbourg, the Continuator of FleuryJ Lenfant (Hist, du\\nCone, de Constance,) Pagi (Breviar. Gest. Pontif.\\nRoman.,) and Spondanus.\\nf Hence it proceeded, papaliter, to interfere with\\nthe State also. Pi eviously to Sigismond s departure\\nfor Perpignan, through France, it published an edict\\nQuicunque, cujuscuuque status aut conditionis\\nexistat, etiamsi regalis euntes aut redeuntes\\nimpediverit, perturbaverit sententia excommunica-\\ntionis percellitur et ulterius omni honore et dignitate\\nipso facto est privatus. Act. Concil. Constan.,\\nSess. xvii. This sudden assumption of the power\\nof deposition astonished all sovereigns, but especially\\ninsulted the King of France,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0435.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "428\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwas simply this, to cling to the ruins of his\\nfortunes to clasp the name and shadow of\\nthe Pontificate to persevere in his preten-\\nsions and his perjury to the end of his life.\\nNevertheless, it was necessary to treat him\\nwith temper and deference, as long as he\\nwas supported even by a single Prince. The\\nmethod of conference was that which he still\\nproposed, and the Council now assented to\\nit and as the King of Arragon was prevent-\\ned by sickness from travelling to Nice, Sigis-\\nmond professed his willingness to undertake\\nin person the journey to Perpignan. It was\\nin vain, that Benedict exhausted the resources\\nof his ingenuity to retard, at least, if he could\\nnot impede, the advance of the Emperor: his\\nartifices were foiled by the firmness of a can-\\ndid mind resolutely bent on a noble object;\\nand on the 18th of September Sigismond ar-\\nrived, with a small number of attendants, at\\nthe place of conference.\\nAn extraordinary scene was then enacted.\\nFerdinand of Arragon sincerely desu ed the\\nextinction of the schism ambassadors from\\nthe courts of Castille and Navarre, and others\\nwho were present, united their vows for the\\nsame object. The Emperor pressed it with\\nall his talents and all his power Benedict\\nalone opposed himself to the unanimity of\\nChristendom. Whatever was most convin-\\ncing in argument or persuasive in rhetoric\\nwas repeatedly urged upon him by the Princes\\nand their deputies. If any pretext for his re-\\nsistance had hitherto been furnished by the\\npertinacity of his competitors, this, they main-\\ntained, was now removed by the cession and\\ndeposition of Gregory and John. The con-\\ndition, on which he had sworn to abdicate,\\nwas at length accomplished beyond dispute\\nand his honor, his conscience, his promises,\\nhis oaths unequivocally obliged him to fulfil\\nhis part. Henceforward the concord of Chris-\\ntendom depended wholly upon him. After\\neight-and-thirty years of schism, disorder,\\nand desolation, Benedict was the only re-\\nmaining obstacle to the union, repose, and\\nwelfare of the Christian world. The Church\\nherself, if she was indeed intrusted by the\\nAlmighty to his care and guidance, now\\nstretched forth her arms to him, from the\\nabyss of misery in which she was sunk, and\\nsadly supplicated, that he would raise her\\nfrom her degradation that he would volun-\\ntarily sacrifice that dignity, which he could\\nnot possibly retain much longer and that he\\nwould invest his few remaining years with\\nthe gratitude and blessings of mankind, rather\\ntliau adhere, amid universal detestation, to a\\nmere name, which an early death, followed\\nby eternal infamy, was now at hand to tear\\naway from him.\\nThese arguments, urged by the highest\\nsecular powers, were confirmed by other au-\\nthority, vs^hich may have given them addi-\\ntional value in the eyes of a churchman\\nand a Pope. There were two holy brothers\\nnamed Vincent and Boniface Ferrier,* who\\nhad hitherto faithfully adhered to the cause\\nof Benedict, and whose acknowledged piety\\nand supposed inspiration seemed to lend it\\nsome sort of sanctity. These venerable per-\\nsons now joined their friendly eloquence to\\nturn the heart of Benedict and they fortified\\ntheir appeal by declaring, that, as the reproach\\nof schism must henceforward rest on his\\nparty, they should be compelled, in case of\\nhis further opposition, to desert him.f\\nBenedict was not moved by any of these\\nconsiderations. Whether it was, that in the\\nconscientious belief that he was the true Pope,\\nhe considered it a religious, or (what might\\nbe equally sacred in his mind) an ecclesiasti-\\ncal duty, to preserve his office to the end of\\nhis life or whether (as is more probable,)\\nthe love of power grew with the progi-ess of\\nhis years, and the decay of his vigor, so as\\nfinally to close his heart against any repre-\\nsentations of reason or decency, he main-\\ntained his constant resolution inflexibly. As\\nhe had always been the legitimate, so was he\\nnow, forsooth, the only, Pontiff: the depo-\\nsition of both his adversaries confirmed him,\\nwithout competition, in the possession of the\\nSee. So that, if the schism were still per-\\nmitted to subsist (he continued,) the scandal\\nmust rest with the Council of Constance, not\\nwith him. For his own part, he was deter-\\nmined never to abandon the bark of St. Peter,\\nof which the helm had been confided to him\\nby God and the older he became, and the\\nnearer he approached to death and the judg-\\nThis same Vincent Ferrier is addressed by Ger-\\nson from Constance, as a patron of the sect of the\\nFlagellants, whom the chancellor earnestly exhorts\\nhim to abandon. Nevertheless he is designated as\\nTheologus et Orator toto orbe inclytus. The\\ndocuments are given by Von der Hardt, torn, iii.,\\npai-s vii.\\nt Theodoric of Niem mentions that Vincent Ferrier\\ndid then, in fact, take so decided a part against his\\nformer master, as to declare it a merit to persecute\\nor kill him. Quod sit vir pravus et fallax et fictus,\\ndecipiendo populum Dei, quodque juste persequendus\\nsit usque ad mortem ab omnibus Christianis, c.\\nVit. Johann. XXHI. p. 63. This holy zealot had\\nas little charity in his enmity, as discretion in his\\nfriendship.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0436.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n429\\nment, the stronger was his obligation to resist\\nthe tempest, and avert the anger of Heaven\\nby persevering in the cotirse assigned to him.\\nIn conclusion, he enforced the necessity of at\\nonce uniting all the faithful in universal obe-\\ndience to himself. Benedict was now in his\\nseventy-eighth year nevertheless, he argued\\nhis own cause before a public assembly for\\nseven entire hours, with such courage, fer-\\nvor, and impetuosity, as to leave it uncertain\\nwhether his extraordinary energy was de-\\nrived from ambition, or from fanaticism, or\\nfrom a strange combination of both.\\nThe result of this singular contest was not\\nyet perfectly manifest. On the one side was\\nthe secular and spiritual power of Europe, j\\nthe authority of kings, the prayers of the\\npeople, the consent of the Catholic Church i\\nreason, and justice, and every wise, and evei-y\\ngood principle, arrayed against the infatuated\\nobstinacy of one crafty, faithless, old man.\\nYet the thoughtful were still in some sus-\\npense, and many had greater fears from the\\ninveterate subtilty of Benedict, than hopes\\nfrom the nnion of so many Princes.\\nBut it proved otherwise the parties engaged\\nin the Conference had no personal interest in\\nfavor of that pretender and his perversity\\nwas so remote from reason, that it served\\nrather to cement the confederacy against him.\\nIt was resolved, however, to make one final\\nattempt at persuasion. But here Benedict,\\nperceiving the firmness of his adversaries,\\nand fearing their ultimate design, withdrew\\nhis person from their power, and quitted\\nPerpignan. He retired, after some hesitation,\\nto a place called Paniscola, a fortress situ-\\nated near Tortosa and the mouth of the Ebro,\\nan ancient possession of the House of Luna.\\nFour cardinals, and a small body of soldiers,\\nfollowed him.\\nBenedict deposed. Any hopes which he\\nmay have derived from this proceeding, be-\\nyond that of mere })ersonal security, were\\ndisappomted. The Assembly at Perpignan,\\nbeing now relieved from the constraint which\\nhis presence still occasioned to those, who\\nstill acknowledged him, immediately, and by\\na formal act, renounced its obedience. Not\\nlong afterwards, Scotland, which had taken\\nno part in these measures, but continued to\\nadhere without scruple to its first decision,\\nbeing now persuaded that Benedict was the\\nonly remaining obstacle to the general con-\\ncord, followed the example of the Conference.\\nAnd then, at length, the Council of Con-\\nstance felt itself empowered to inflict the final\\nOn July 26tli, 1417.\\nblow. The sentence of deposition was pro-\\nnounced against Peter of Luna, according to\\nthe prescribed forms and the bolt, which\\nhad fallen almost harmless from the Assem-\\nbly of Pisa, descended on this occasion with\\ngreater efficacy, because its object was already\\nvirtually deposed, through the secession of his\\nroyal adherents In the meantime, the\\naged Ecclesiastic, against whom the storm\\nwhich himself had raised was now in justice\\ndirected, was not moved to any act of con-\\ncession, or any show of humiliation. Twice\\ndeposed by two General Councils twice\\nanathematized by the great and almost unani-\\nmous consent of the Catholic Church\\ndeserted by the secular powers, who had so\\nlong countenanced his perfidy and protected\\nhis adversity abandoned by the most vener-\\nable, even among his spiritual followers and\\nconfined to a narrow and solitary residence\\nthe Pope of Paniscola still presei-ved the\\nmockery of a court, and presided in his empty\\ncouncil-hall. And thence, in the magnanim-\\nity of disappointment and despair, he launch-\\ned his daily anathema against Ferdinand of\\nArragon, and retorted, with ludicrous earnest-\\nness, the excommunications of the Christian\\nworld.\\nElection of Martin V. hy the Council, and\\ntermination of the schism. The Council of\\nConstance, having thus at length, through\\nthe perseverance of its Imperial Director, re-\\nmoved the three competitors whose disputes\\nhad rent the Church, proceeded to provide\\nfor its future integrity and, that no pretext\\nmight possibly be left for subsequent dissen-\\nsion, it was determined, for this occasion only,\\nto make an addition to the Elective Assem-\\nbly. The entire College of the united Car-\\ndinals consisted, at that time, of thirty mem-\\nbers; and to this body a second, consisting\\nof six ecclesiastics from each of the fvc\\nnations, was associated. It was further regu-\\nlated, that the consent of two-thirds both of\\nthe sacred college and of the deputies of each\\nnation should be required for the validity of\\nthe election, so many were the interests\\nwhich it was necessary to reconcile, so severe\\nwere the precautions required, to secure for\\nthe future Pontiflfthe undivided obedience of\\nEurope. Accordingly, on the 8th of Novem-\\nber, 1417, the electors entered into conclave,\\nand after a deliberation of three days, they\\nagreed in the choice of Otho Colonna (Martin\\nV.,) a noble and virtuous Roman.\\nAs soon as the fate of Benedict was decided, the\\nSpanish nation was added to the fom-, which had\\nhitherto constituted the Assembly.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0437.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "430\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nThe character of Martin pointed him out\\nas the man destined to repair the ruins of the\\nChurch. The announcement was received\\nwith enthusiastic expressions of dehght the\\nEmperor was the first to prostrate himself at\\nthe holy Prelate s feet, in a transport of rap-\\nture, which was shared, or affected, by the\\nvast assembly present. And it was not with-\\nout reasonable ground of confidence it was\\nnot without many motives for self-satisfaction,\\nand many just claims on the gratitude of that\\nage and that Church, that Sigismond and the\\nCouncil at length approached the termination\\nof their labors. To us, indeed, looking back\\nfrom our brighter elevation upon the means\\nof the disputants and the subject of the strife,\\nit will, perhaps, appear, that so powerful a\\ncombination of temporal and spiritual au-\\nthority might have accomphshed in a much\\nshorter space the destruction of a profligate\\nPope and two denounced pretenders that\\nthe force employed was disproportionate to\\nthe end that the methods were indirect and\\ndilatoiy, marked by too much ceremony and\\ntoo little vigor. But we should thus determine\\ninconsiderately, and without due regard to the\\nmaxims and prejudices of those days. When\\nwe reflect, that a century had scarcely yet\\nelapsed since Boniface VIII. was exulting in\\nthe plenitude of spiritual despotism that,\\neven to the end of the Avignon succession,\\nthe lofty attributes of Papacy remained, as\\nheretofore, unviolated and almost unquestion-\\ned; when we recollect, too, how slow and\\ndifficult are the triumphs of reason over pre-\\nscriptive absurdities, we shall rather admire\\nthe firmness exhibited at Constance, and the\\ncourage with which some Papal principles\\nwere overthrown, than censure that assembly\\nfor not having more hastily accomplished,\\nwhat it did at length accomplish effectually.\\nFate of the Pretenders. The Council con-\\ntinued its sessions for a few months after the\\nelection of Martin, and was then dismissed,\\nor rather adjourned, for the space of five\\nyears. Pavia was the place appointed for\\nthe next meeting; and the Pope proceeded\\ntowards Rome, to occupy and refit his shat-\\ntered vessel. Nevertheless, with whatever\\nsecurity he may have approached his See, he\\nmust sometimes have reflected, that there still\\nlived three men, who had enjoyed in their\\nturns the dignity which he now held, and\\nwho had clung to it with extreme pertinacity.\\nThese were forty-five in number; lasting, at va-\\nrious intervals, from November 16lhj 1414, to August\\nPth, 1418.\\nI It Was fair to presume that their ambition\\nwould not depart from- them, except with\\nlife and that any casual circumstance, which\\nmight offer to any one of them the means of\\nrecovering any portion of his power, would\\nfind him eager to embrace it. So long as\\nthey breathed, the concord of the Church\\ncould scarcely be deemed secure let us then\\nfollow their history to its termination. Gre-\\ngory did not long survive the act of his ces-\\nsion he lived long enough to emerge from\\nthe condition of dishonor and guilt, into\\nwhich his weakness had thrown him, and\\nlittle longer and if his last act had been less\\nobviously the effect of compulsion, we .might\\nhave admitted it as some atonement for his\\nprevious delmquency.\\nPeter of Luna continued for about six years\\nto proclaim his legitimacy, and exult in his\\nmartyrdom. Every day the walls of Panis-\\ncola were astonished by the repetition of his\\nanathemas but the bolts were innocuous\\nbut for the temporary depaiture of Alfonso\\nof Arragon from the principles of his prede-\\ncessor, they would scarcely have been heard\\nbeyond the fortress gates nor did they dis-\\nturb, in any degree, the repose of Christen-\\ndom. He died suddenly, in the year 1424,\\nin extreme old age but his vigor, which was\\nstill fresh and unabated, gave some color to\\nthe suspicion of poison, which attends his\\ndeath. It is at least certain, that, as soon as\\nhe perceived his final hour approaching, he\\ncommanded the attendance of his two Car-\\ndinals, the faithful remnant of his court, and\\naddressed them with his wonted intrepidity.\\nAnd then, even at this last crisis, when am-\\nbition and interest could not possibly sway\\nhim longer, he asserted with his parting\\nbreath, that he was the true and only Pope,\\nand that it was absolutely essential for the\\npurity of the Church to continue the succes-\\nsion. On this he adjured his two hearers,\\non pain of his pontifical malediction, to elect\\na st-iccessor. Having secured their obedience,\\nhe died and it is related in ecclesiastical re-\\ncords, that six years after wai ds his body was\\nfound entii e, and without symptom of decay\\nThe year is disputed. We follow Spondanns,\\nann. 1424, s. iii. The circumstance that he held, at\\nleast, the name of Pope for thirty years a space\\nlonger than any predecessor has been seriously urged\\nas an argument against his legitimacy. Noa vide-\\nbis dies Petri, the prophetic address to the succes-\\nsors of the apostle, had not been accomplished in the\\ncase of Luna, therefore he could not be a genuine\\nsuccessor.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0438.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "THE GRAND SCHISM.\\n431\\nand that, being then transported to Igluera, a\\ntown of Arragon, the property of his family,\\nit long continued, and perchance may still\\ncontinue, to resist the visitation of corruption.\\nHis character has not escaped equally\\ninviolate and the censures by which it is\\nperpetually assailed, cannot injustice be sup-\\npressed or softened. His talents were un-\\nquestionably vivid and active but they were\\nof a mean description, the mere machines\\nof intrigue and subtilty, the energies of a\\ncontemptible and contracted soul. He was\\neminent in sanctity, and the integrity of pri-\\nvate life. But what manner of integrity or\\nsanctity is that, which is found consistent\\nwith ambition, and selfishness, and perjury\\nwhich can wrap itself in duplicity at any call\\nof interest, and pursue a seeming expediency\\nthrough fraud, and faithlessness, and false-\\nhood But at least (it is said) Benedict was\\nsincere in believing, that he was the true Pope,\\nand that through his perseverance alone the\\nsuccession could be preserved uninterrupted.\\nWas he so sincere When he advo-\\ncated so warmly the necessity of mutual con-\\ncession, during the reign of his predecessor,\\nthen, at least, he was not persuaded, that the\\npurity of the Catholic Church was identical\\nwith obedience to the pretenders of Avignon.\\nHad he been so persuaded, he could not him-\\nself have accepted the pontificate as a con-\\nditional boon nor bound himself by oath to\\ncede, on specific terms, that trust, which af-\\nterwards he proclaimed it his religious duty\\nto maintain, under every circumstance. As-\\nsuredly, if his sincerity in this respect must\\nbe admitted, we must, at the same time, ac-\\nknowledge, that he was not impressed with\\nit till after his elevation and that it was then\\nso closely connected with his ambition, as to\\nmake it hnpossible for the historian, as it\\nmight be diffictdt even for himself, to dis-\\ntinguish between them.\\nThe two Cardinals obeyed the parting in-\\njunction of their master, and chose for his\\nsuccessor one Gilles Mugnos, who called him-\\nself Clement VIII. But, not long afterwards,\\nAlphonso finally withdrew his protection fi-om\\nhis creature Mugnos retired, without a strug-\\ngle, to his former obscurity and the succes-\\nsion of pretenders, which had been imposed\\nupon the Church by the Conclave at Anagni,\\nwas at length at an end.\\nOne other object of oui* curiosity still re-\\nmains, Baltazar Cossa, the President, the ad-\\nversary, and the victim of the Council of\\nConstance. Very soon after the dissolution\\nof that assembly, the Republic of Florence,\\nwhich had been unceasingly attached to the\\ncause, or at least to the person and sufiTer-\\nings, of the captive, earnestly solicited his\\nliberation from Martin V. and it appears\\nthat, presently afterwards, whether through\\nthe imprudence,* the policy, or the gene-\\nrosity of that Pope, Baltazar was restored to\\nliberty. He returned to Italy, and presented\\nhimself as a simple ecclesiastic among his\\nformer associates and dependants. His pop-\\nular qualities had secured him many ad-\\nherents, and their affection was not shaken\\nby his adversity. In some places he was\\nwelcomed with cordial salutations, but Parma\\nwas the principal scene of his triumph and\\ntemptation for there he found a powerful\\nparty prepai*ed to revive and support his ab-\\nrogated claims to the chau*. These warmly\\npressed him to resume his dignity, and their\\nsolicitations were seconded by several indi-\\nviduals who had tasted his former bounty,\\nor had hopes from his future gratitude all\\njoined in protesting against the violence which\\nhe had suffered at Constance, and conjured\\nhim once more to array himself in the pon-\\ntifical vestments, which were rightfully his\\nown. This was not all even in the calcu-\\nlations of success there seemed some ground\\nfor hope. The independent states of Italy\\nThe account of Leonardus Aretinus (in Reram\\nIlalic. Historia,) who had the means of knowing the\\ntruth, is not so favorable to the motives of either\\nparty, as that which we would more willingly adopt.\\nJohn, after his captivity and abdication, was im-\\nprisoned in Bavaria. But many had a scruple,\\nwhether his deposition and abdication, being forcible,\\nwas legitimate. And if that was doubtful, the legiti-\\nmacy of Martin also came into dispute. With this\\napprehension, and, at the same time, lest the Princes\\nof Germany, possessing this image (idokim) of a\\nPope, should some day take some advantage of it,\\nMartin engaged in measures for his redemption and\\nrestoration to Italy. Therefore, when on his libera-\\ntion he arrived in France, and then learnt the counsel\\nof Martin (which was to confine him for life at\\nMantua,) before he arrived at Mantua, he turned\\noff towards Genoa; and there being free, and his\\nown master, M liether induced by conscience, or by\\ndespair of success in any hostile enterprise, he volun-\\ntarily came to Florence, and throwing himself at the\\nfeet of Martin, recognised him as the true and only\\nPontiff. In adventu ejus tota civitas obviam profusa\\nmultis lacrimis et incredibili commiseratione respexit\\nhominem de tantae dignitatis fastigio in tantas calami-\\ntates prolapsum. Ipse quoque miserabili prope habitu\\nincedebat, c. The Florentines, on the other\\nhand, were not very fond of Pope Martin; and he is\\nrelated, by the same historian, to have been almost\\nchildishly affected by a song then popular among the\\nrabble, of which the burden was\\nPapa Martino non val un quattrino.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0439.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "432\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwould probably declare in !iis favor, and the\\nnumerous petty tyrants, who had usui-ped\\nthe patrimony of the Church, would assur-\\nedly unite against the acknowledged Pope.\\nThese circumstances were represented to\\nBaltazar, and he fully comprehended their\\nimportance. Some wrongs, too, some un-\\nnecessary hardships, he had unquestionably\\nendured at the hands of the emperor and\\ncouncil. Baltazar patiently listened to the\\nseductions of his friends and then, without\\nreturning them any answer, he suddenly took\\nhis resolution. He departed from the city\\nhastily, and without any attendants and pro-\\nceeded to Florence, where the Pope then\\nresided, in the garb of a fugitive and a sup-\\npliant. Immediately, without requiring any\\nformal security for his person, he sought for\\nMartin, and in the presence of a full assembly\\ncast himself humbly at his feet and while\\nhe recognised him with due reverence as the\\nlegitimate Vicar of Christ, he repeated his\\nsolemn ratification of the acts of the Council,\\nand of his own deposition.\\nMost of those, who witnessed this spectacle,\\nwere aflfected to tears for they beheld the\\nman, in whose presence all had once been\\nprostrate, now voluntarily humbling himself\\nbefore the throne, which he had so lately oc-\\ncupied, and before an individual, who had\\nhonored him, for nearly five years, as his lord\\nand pontiff. Martin V. shared the general\\nemotion and the reciprocal conduct of these\\ntwo prelates furnishes an instance of mag-\\nnanimous generosity, which too rarely illus-\\ntrates the annals of the Church. The Pope\\nresolved to exalt his predecessor as near to\\nhis former dignity, as was consistent with his\\nown supremacy. Baltazar Cossa was ap-\\npointed cardinal and dean of the Sacred Col-\\nlege in all public ceremonies, whether of\\nchapels, consistories, or other assemblies, Bal-\\ntazar was placed by the side of the Pontiff,\\non a loftier seat than any other ecclesiastic\\nhe was honored by the confidence of his\\nmaster, and he repaid it by undeviating\\nfidelity.\\nThat fidelity may, indeed, have cost him\\nno struggle and if we should believe his\\nformer declaration, that from the moment of\\nhis elevation to the chair he had never enjoy-\\ned one day of happiness, the most enviable\\nportion of his life may really have been that,\\nin which he w^as followed by general com-\\nmiseration. But whether he passed his re-\\nmaining days in successful conflict with a\\nbad and powerful passion, or whether (as\\nseems to ua more probable) he surveyed with\\nphilosophical disdain the dignity of which he\\nhad felt the cares, and had not valued the\\nvanities, ^in either case, he exhibited a vigor\\nand expanse of mind, which is rarely found\\nin man. It is true, that the usual\\nportraits of John XXIII. would not prepare\\nus to expect such virtue in him. But that\\nPope has been, in truth, too hardly treated\\nby historians. His enemies, in all ages, have\\nbeen the powerful party and the monstrous\\nimputations, which originated at Constance,\\nhave been too eagerly repeated both by Pro-\\ntestant and other writers. Baltazar Cossa\\nwas a mere soldier,* deeply stained, no\\ndoubt, with the loose immorality which then\\ncommonly attached to that profession, but\\nnot destitute of candid and manly resolution,\\nnor of those worldly principles, which make\\nmen honorable. It is entirely unquestion-\\nable, that he was never actuated, even in ap-\\npearance, by any sense of religion that he\\nwas wholly disquahfied even for the lowest\\nministry in God s Church but he lived in\\nan age in which the ecclesiastical and mili-\\ntary characters were still deemed consistent,\\nand in a Church, which had long permitted\\nthe most dissolute demeanor to its directors.\\nAs grand master of a military order, Baltazar\\nCossa might have descended to posterity with\\nuntarnished celebrity and even the apostoli-\\ncal chair, had he possessed it some fifty years\\nlater, would have pardoned, under the pro-\\ntection of his warlike enterprise, the pollution\\nand scandal of his vices.\\nNOTE ON THE WHITE PENITENTS AND OTHER\\nENTHUSIASTS.\\n(I.) Giovanni Villani (lib. xi. cap. xxiii.)\\nrelates, that in 1334 one Venturius of Ber-\\ngamo, a mendicant preacher, a man of no\\nHe is said to have exercised in his youth tba\\ntrade of a pirate. Dum simplex Clericus ac\\nin adolesceinia constitutus existeret, cum quibiisdam\\nfratribus suis piraticam in mari Neapolitano, ut fer-\\ntur, exercuit, c. To the habits thus acquired,\\nis attributed a peculiarity which followed him even to\\nthe Popedom, of devoting the night to business, and\\nthe day to sleep. Theod. of Niem, Vit. Johann.\\nXXni. His character is fairly discussed by Sis-\\nmondi (Rep. Ital. chap. Ixii.,) who truly remarks,\\nthat, had he been as abandoned as he is sometimes\\ndesci-ibed, he would scarcely have been twice raised\\nto the pontificate (for he was really chosen when\\nAlexander V, was made Pope,) nor retained so many\\nvaluable i\\\\ iends to the end of his life. Leonardus\\nAretinus describes him to have been Vir in tempo-\\nralibus quidera magnus; in spiritualibus vero nullus\\nomnino et ineptus. Rer. Italic, Historia,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0440.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "THE WHITE PENITENTS AND OTHER ENTHUSIASTS.\\n433\\neminence or family distinction, created a\\nstrong, though temporary, sensation in Lom-\\nbardy and Tuscany. The object of his preach-\\ning was to bring sinners to repentance and\\nso great was the success, and so visible were\\nthe fruits of his eloquence, that more than\\nten thousand Lombards, of whom many were\\nof the higher ranks, set out to pass the season\\nof Lent at Rome. They were clad in the\\nhal-it of St. Dominic they travelled in troops\\nof twenty-five or thirty, preceded by a cross\\nand their incessant cry was Peace and mercy.\\nDuring fifteen successive days, the time of\\ntheir passage through Florence, they were\\nentertained by that enlightened people with\\nrespect and charity and so great became the\\nrenown and influence of the preacher, that\\nthey came to th^ knowledge of the court of\\nAvignon, and awakened the jealousy of Pope\\nBenedict. Venturius was arrested, and sum-\\nmoned before the Inquisition on the charge\\nof heresy and though acquitted by that tri-\\nbunal, he was still retained in confinement\\nby papal authority. Such, says Villani,\\nare the rewards which holy persons receive\\nfrom the prelates of the Church unless, in-\\ndeed, the above was inflicted as a just chas-\\ntisement upon the overbearing ambition of\\nthat friar, though doubtless his intentions\\nwere excellent.\\n(IL) We read in Spondanus, that in the\\nyear 1374 there arose in Belgium a sect of\\nDancers, who paraded the streets, entered\\nhouses and churches half naked, crowned\\nwith garlands, dancing and singing, uttering\\nunknown names, falling senseless on the\\nground, and exhibiting other marks of de-\\nmoniacal agitation. Many were found to\\nimitate them and thus much (says the his-\\ntorian) appears certain, that this effect was\\nproduced thiough the visitation of an evil\\nspirit for they were healed by the charms\\nof the exorcists, and by the reading of St.\\nJohn s gospel, or of the expressions by which\\nChrist is recorded to have cast out devils, as\\nalso of the Apostle s Creed. The same writer\\nproceeds more reasonably to attribute their\\ndisease to the want of religious instruction.\\nBut it was needless to seek particular causes\\nfor the appearance of one of those distempers,\\nwhich have disfigured the best ages of the\\nChurch, at a time when the disorders of the\\necclesiastical government were so generally\\nfelt and confessed when the people were\\nbeginning to exercise in so many quarters a\\nfreedom of opinion, yet feebly moderated by\\nreason or knowledge; and when religion\\nwas the subject, to which the greater portion\\n55\\nof this irregular independence was direct-\\ned.\\n(IIL) We shall, therefore, content ourselves\\nwith mentioning one other eruption of en-\\nthusiasm, which was more violent, indeed,\\nand more celebrated, than the last, but ap-\\nparently even more transient. In the year\\n1399, when the Christian world was astound-\\ned by the triumphs of the Turks and the\\nTartars from without, and shocked by the\\nschism and the vices which it exposed and\\noccasioned within, a body of devotees de-\\nscended the Alps into Italy, and began to\\npreach Peace and Repentance. They were\\nentirely clothed in white, and carried crosses\\nor crucifixes, whence blood appeared to ex-\\nude like sweat. They were headed by a\\npriest, a foreigner, whom some affirm to\\nhave been a Spaniard, others a Provencal,\\nothers a Scotsman, and who affirmed himself\\nto be Elias the Prophet, recently returned\\nfrom Paradise. The awful announcement,\\nwhich he was commissioned to make, was\\nthe immediate destruction of the world by an\\nearthquake and his tale and his prophecy\\nwere eagerly received by a generation, edu-\\ncated in habits of religious credulity. Lom-\\nbardy was the scene of his first exhortations\\nhe traversed its cities and villages, followed\\nby multitudes, w^ho assumed at his bidding\\nthe cross, the raiment, and at least the show\\nof repentance. From Lombardy he proceed-\\ned to the Ligurian Alps, and entered Genoa\\nat the head of five thousand enthusiasts, na-\\ntives of an adjacent tov/n. They sang various\\nnew hymns in the form of litanies, and amoug\\nthem the celebrated Stahat Mater Dolorosa,\\nthe reputed composition of St. Gregory they\\npassed several days in that city preaching\\npeace, and then returned to their homes.\\nThe Genoese caught the contagion, and trans-\\nmitted it onwards to Lucca and Pisa. Those\\nof Lucca immediately proceeded, four thou-\\nsand in number, to Florence, and, after being\\nentertained by the public hospitality, depart-\\ned. Then the Florentines adopted that new\\nrehgion (as ecclesiastical writers designate it)\\nwith equal fervor and thus was it propa-\\ngated from one end of Italy to the other, till\\nits course was at length arrested by the sea.\\nThis pious frenzy was not confined to the\\nlower classes, nor to the laity, nor even to the\\ninferior orders of the clergy. Prelates and\\neven cardinals are recorded to have followed,\\nif they did not guide, the current and the\\nnumerous procession from Florence was con-\\nducted by the Archbishop. And if, indeed,\\nwe are to believa the wonderful effects which", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0441.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "434\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nare ascribed to the preaching of these fana-\\ntics, we shall scarcely censure the compliance\\nwhich countenanced, or at least which toler-\\nated them. All who joined in those pilgrim-\\nages made confession and testified sincere\\nrepentance. Every one pardoned his neigh-\\nbor, and dismissed the recollection of past\\noffences so that the work of charity was\\nmultiplied with zeal and emulation, and en-\\nmities, which no ordinary means could have\\nreconciled, were put asleep. It was a festiv-\\nity of general reconciliation. Ambuscades,\\nassassinations, and all other crimes were for\\nthe season suspended nor was any violence\\ncommitted nor any treason meditated, so long\\nas the religion of the White Penitents\\ncontinued in honor. But this was not long\\nthe imposture of the prophet was presently\\ndiscovered and exposed, and within a very\\nfew months from the time of its appearance,\\nthe order fell into disregard, and wholly dis-\\nappeared.*\\nCHAPTER XXIV.\\nt^ttempts of the Church at Self-Reformation.\\nGeneral clamor for Reformation with different objects\\nfirst appearance of a Reform party in the Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ex-\\nposure of Church abuses by individual Ecclesiastics-\\nPierre d Ailli Nicholas Clemangis John Gerson\\nGerman and English Reformers Zabarella the real\\nviews and objects of those Ecclesiastics how limited\\nposition, exertions, and disappointment of the Coun-\\ncil of Pisa good really effected by it Coimcil of Con-\\nstance language of Gerson The Committee of Reform\\n-^its labors^ the question as to the priority of the Re-\\nformation or of the election of the new Pope division\\nof the Council arguments on both sides\u00e2\u0080\u0094 calumnies\\nagainst the Germans death of the Bishop of Salisbury\\nAddress to the Emperor defection of two Cardinals\\nand of the English final effort of the Germans tri-\\numph of the Papal party and election of Martin V.\\nnecessary result of this the principles and motives of\\nthe Italian clergy The fortieth Session\u00e2\u0080\u0094 object of the\\nReformers the Eighteen Articles remarks other\\nprojects of the Committee respecting the Court of\\nRome their general character respecting the secular\\nClergy ecclesiastical jurisdiction the monastic es-\\ntablishments the real difference in principle between\\nthe two parties first proceedings of Martin V. fresh\\nremonstrances of the nations Sigismond s reply to the\\nFrench the Pope negotiates with the nations separate-\\nly\u00e2\u0080\u0094publishes in the 43d Session his Articles of Re-\\nformation and soon afterwards dissolves the Council\\nthe Concordats character of the Pope s Articles\\nAnnates\u00e2\u0080\u0094 exertions of the French\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the principle of the\\nsuperiority of a General Council to the Pope established\\nat Constance decree for the periodical convocation of\\nGeneral Councils\u00e2\u0080\u0094 assemblies of Pavia and Sienna\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe authors who have mentioned these enthusi-\\nasts, are Theodoric of Niein, an eye-witness, Poggio,\\nin his History of Florence, Sigonius, Platina, Mura-\\ntori.\\nmeeting of the Council of Basle death of Martin V\\ncrisis of the Church Accession of Eugenius IV.-^his\\ncharacter determines on opposition to the Council of\\nBasle the objects of that assembly Cardinal Julian\\nCesarini Contest between the Council and the Pope\\ntwo epistles of Cardinal Julian to the Pope citations\\nfrom them, on the corruption of the German clergy, on\\nthe popular discontent, on the transfer or prorogation\\nof the Council, on the danger to the temporalities of\\nthe Church, on Eugenius efforts to destroy the Council\\npolitical circumstances interrupt the dispute the\\nPope sanctions the Council, and they proceed to the\\nreformation of the Church Substance of the chief en-\\nactments on- tliat subject against concubinage, fees\\npaid at Rome on papal election, c. some subsequent\\ncanons Industry of the Pope s party in the Council\\nhis successful negotiations at Constantinople the quar-\\nrel renewed\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the Pope assembles the Council of Ferra-\\nra Secession of Cardinal Julian his example not\\nimitated Differences about the legitimacy of the Coun-\\ncil of Basle\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the Cardinal of Aries\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the eight proposi-\\ntions against Eugenius strong opposition in favor of\\nthe Pope he is deposed Amadeus, Duke of Savoy,\\n(Felix V.) appointed successor dissolution of the\\nCouncil Nicholas V. succeeds Eugenius, and Felix\\nabdicates Diet of Mayence The Council of Bourges\\nPragmatic Sanction\u00e2\u0080\u0094 its two fundamental principles\\ncharacter of its leading provisions its real perma-\\nnence The intended periodical meeting of General\\nCouncils its probable effects on the condition of the\\nChurch Ecclesiastical principles of the Councils of\\nConstance and Basle treatment of Huss and Jerome\\nof Prague Spiritual legislation of the Council of Basle\\nintolerance of those assemblies Discovery of the art\\nof printing.\\nThough Churchmen are usually slow to per-\\nceive the corruptions of their own system,\\nand unwisely dilatory and apprehensive in\\ncorrecting them, still the abuses of the Ro-\\nman Catholic Church were now become so\\nflagrant they had so commonly thrown off\\ndecency and shame they were so wholly\\nindefensible by reason or even by sophistry\\nand at the same time so oppressive and so\\nunpopular, that a cry for Reformation began\\nto be raised by the acknowledged friends, the\\nministers, and even the dignitaries of the\\ncommunion. We intend no reference at this\\nmoment to the murmurs of those discontented\\nspirits, who saw deeper into the iniquities of\\nthe system, and aimed their yet ineffectual\\nresistance at its root those faithful messen-\\ngers of the Gospel, who prepared the way\\nfor Luther and Cranmer, but whose warn-\\nings were lost upon a selfish and short-sighted\\nhierarchy. The exertions of Wickliffe and\\nHuss, the real reformers of the Church, will\\nbe noticed hereafter at present, we shall\\nconfine our attention to the endeavors, by\\nwhich the wiser and more virtuous among\\nher obedient children strove, through a con-\\nsiderable period, to remove her most repulsive\\ndeformities, and restore at least the semblance\\nof health and dignity. We shall observe\\nwith curiosity and advantage the particular\\nevils, to v. hich the zeal of those reformers", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0442.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n435\\nwas directed, and the perverse and narrow\\nand fatal policy which thwarted it. It is not\\nthat any effectual remedies could have been\\napplied by those hands nor any perfect ren-\\novation of then- Communion accomplished\\nby men, who were ignorant of the actual seat\\nand character of the disease. The restoration\\nof an Evangelical Church was not the object,\\nnor could it have been the result, of their ef-\\nforts 5 but the permanence of their own sys-\\ntem was the matter really at stake for it is\\nvery clear that the dominion of Rome would\\nhave been greatly strengthened by seasonable\\nself-correction and that an authority, so deep-\\nly fixed in the firmest prejudices of mankind,\\nmight have been preserved somewhat longer,\\nhad it been exercised with more discretion,\\nand modified according to the changing prin-\\nciples of the times.\\nIn our progress through the earlier annals\\nof the Church, the shadow of reformation is\\ncontinually before our eyes, and its name pre-\\nsents itself in ever}^ page not only in the re-\\ncords of the monastic establishments, which\\ncould not otherwise have been perpetuated,\\nthan by an unceasing process of regeneration,\\nbut also in the general regulations of Popes\\nand of Councils. The necessity of new enact-\\nments, the pressure of existing abuses, the\\nexcellence of the ancient disciphne were ad-\\nmitted in all ages, and the admission was\\nsometimes followed by salutary legislation.\\nIndeed, it is unquestionable, that those among\\nthe chiefs of the Church, who have best se-\\ncured the gratitude of their own communion,\\nas well as the commemoration of history,\\nhave deserved that distinction, not by a timid\\nacquiescence in the defects of the existing\\ninstitutions, but by a generous endeavor to\\ncorrect them so that the word at least was\\nfamiliar and respectable in the eyes of Pre-\\nlates and of Popes, and the principle might\\nbe avowed, under certain restrictions, with-\\nout any suspicion, or even insinuation, of\\nheresy.\\nGeneral Complaints against the abuses of the\\nChurch. The first occasion, however, on\\nwhich the advocates of reform can be said\\nto have appeared as a party in the Church,\\nwas the firet assembly for the extinction of\\nthe schism. Among the Fathers of Pisa a\\npowerful spirit of independence prevailed,\\nand the circumstances of the preceding cen-\\ntury had given it a direction and an object.\\nThere are, indeed, many earlier instances of\\nthe boldness of ecclesiastics in individually\\ndenouncing the imperfections of the Church,\\nand in synodically legislating for their remo-\\nval but it was not till the secession to Avig-^\\nnon had lowered the majesty of Rome and.\\nimpaired the resources of her PontiflTs it\\nwas not till the division which followed had\\nfilled the world with proofs of their weakness\\nand baseness, of their necessities, their vices,\\nand their extortions that a principle very\\nhostile to papal despotism established itself,\\nnot only among princes and enhghtened lay-\\nmen, but even among the Prelates of the\\nCatholic Church. Indeed, when we observe\\nthe language in which certain eminent eccle-\\nsiastical writers, during the conclusion of the\\n14th and the beginning of the following cen-\\ntury, have exposed and stigmatized ecclesi-\\nastical disorders, our wonder will rather be,\\nthat the system, which they so boldly de-\\nnounced, did not sink beneath the burden of\\nits own sinfuluess|^than that pei*sons, who\\nwere interested in its preservation should\\nhave combined to amend and restore it.\\nAmong these were men of the noblest char-\\nacter and most extended learning men of all\\nnations, and, during the schism, of all obe-\\ndiences at the same time, they were persons\\nattached to Popery and patronized by Popes.\\nAmong the French, Pierre d Ailli, Cardinal\\nof Cambrai, was a moderate, but earnest, ad-\\nvocate for reform in his treatise on that\\nsubject, written about 1410, he censured with\\ngreat severity the luxurious insolence of his\\nj own order and it was he who has retailed\\na proverb current in those days, that the\\ni Church had arrived at such a condition, as to\\nj deserve to be governed only by the repro-\\nbate. j0 Nicholas of Clemangls, a native of\\nChampagne, who had been secretary to Ben-\\nedict XIII., in an address to the Council of\\nConstance, ascribed the schism and desolation\\nof the Church to the frightful ungodliness of\\nits pastors. The earliest ministei-s of the\\nGospel were devout, humble, charitable, lib-\\neral, disinterested, and they despised the good\\nthings of this world. But as riches increas-\\ned, piety diminished luxury, ambition, and\\nDe difficultate Reformationis in Concilio Uni-\\nversali. It was addressed to Gerson, in reply to\\nthe Treatise of the latter on the same subject. His\\nmore celebrated work Avas that De Ecclesiastica\\nPotestate, in which he gave his views of the origin\\nof ecclesiastical, as well as of papal power, and of\\ntheir relation to each oilier. It may be found in the\\n6ih volume of Von der Hardt. He was born in\\nPicardy in 1350, and both Gerson and Clemangi s\\nwere his pupils. Bayle, Vie de Pierre d Ailly.\\nf Adeo ut jam horrendum quonindam proverblum\\nsit, ad hunc statum venisse Ecclesiam, ut non sit\\ndigna regi nisi per reprobos. The passage is cited\\nby Leufant, Hist. Cone. Const. j^ 1. vii. s, 1.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0443.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "436\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ninsolence took the place of religion, humility,\\nand charity poverty became a disgrace, and\\neconomy a vice avarice came to the aid and\\nsupport of ambition and the property of ec-\\nclesiastics being no longer sufficient for their\\ndesires, it grew into practice to seize that of\\nothers, to pillage, assault, and oppress the in-\\nferiors, and to plunder every one under every\\npretext. Such being the substance of his\\ngeneral censures, he did not hesitate more\\nparticularly to ascribe the first rank in vice\\nand scandal to the Popes. When they saw,\\nthat the revenues of Rome and the patrimo-\\nny of St. Peter were inadequate to their de-\\nsigns of aggrandizement, it became necessary\\nto discover new resources for the support of\\nthat project of universal monarchy. And\\nnothing could be conceived more lucrative,\\nthan to deprive metropolitans, bishops, and\\nother ordinaries, of the right of election to\\nbenefices, and to reserve the nomination and\\ncollation to themselves and these they never\\nconferred, except for large sums of money\\nwhich they often obtained in advance, by\\ngranting expectative gi aces to all sorts of per-\\n4 sons indiscriminately, or at least without any\\ndistinction in regard to capacity or morals.\\nSuch was, in truth, the origin of the Apostol-\\nic Chamher and the mysteries of that fiscal\\ninquisition had, no doubt, been intimately\\nrevealed to the secretary of Benedict XIII.\\nThe last whom we shall mention, and the\\nNot that his censures were confined to the ava-\\nrice and rapacity of the clergy; a considerable share\\nof them is directed to their incontinence fo^nstance,\\nQuid illud, obsecro, quale estl quod plensquc in\\nDiocesibus rectores parochiarum ex c^rio etcondncto\\ncum sitis PrcBlatis pretio passim et publice Concu-\\nbinas tenent Quod subditorum excessus et vitia,\\nomniaque officia, quee judiciis prseesse sunt solita,\\npublice venundantl Sed adhuc levia-haec sunt.\\nNor was he more merciful to the canons and monks\\nhe was even particularly severe on the insolence and\\nvanity of the latter, whom he considered as the Pha-\\nrisees of their age. Respecting the abominations com-\\nmitted in the nunneries, his expressions are strong\\nand exaggerated. Nam quid, obsecro, aliud sunt hoc\\ntempore puellarum monasteria, nisi qufedam, non dico\\nDei sanctuaria, sed Veneris execranda prnstibula.\\nBed lascivorum et impudicorum .Tuvenum ad libidines\\nexplendas receptacula. Ut idem hodie sit puellam\\nvelare, quod ad publice scortandum exporter e.^\\n(Nicol. de Clemangiis, de Ruina Ecclesite. cap.\\nxxxvi. Apud Von der Hardt, torn. i. Cone. Con-\\nEtan.) Gerson, also, in his sermon at Rheims, used\\nthese words: Et utinam nulla sint Monasteria mulie-\\nrum, quae facta sunt proslibula meretricum, et prohi-\\nbeat adhuc deteriora Deus. Ser. factus in Concil.\\nRemonsi. Op. Gers., vol. ii., p. 625. Edit. Paris.\\nSee Lenfant, Cone. Const,, 1. vii., c. 13.\\ngreatest among the reformers of France, was\\nthe Chancellor of the University of Paris,\\nJohn Gerson. In a sermon delivered before\\nthe Council of Rheims in 1408, that eloquent\\nDoctor exposed the vices of the clergy, with\\nthe same freedom which he afterwards em-\\nployed at Constance in defining the legitimate\\nhmits of Papal authority. From the expo-\\nsure of the evil he proceeded to investigate\\nits origin and as the general degeneracy of\\neveiy rank in the priesthood was commonly\\ntraced by the writers of that age to the licen-\\ntiousness of the Roman Court, so any effort\\nto purify the descending stream was reason-\\nably directed to its supposed source.\\nIf the most distinguished among the re-\\nforming party were natives of France, the\\nGermans engaged in greater numbers, and\\nwith greater consistency, in the same project.\\nThey appear, moreover, to have been the\\nearliest in the field; for we observe, that\\nHenry de Langenstein, of Hesse, a German,\\npublished in 1381 a vigorous treatise on the\\nUnion and Reformation of the Church. f\\nThe five last chapters of his work were em-\\nployed in depicting the universal profligacy\\nof the clergy. After denouncing the simo-\\nnies and other iniquities of the Popes, the\\nCardinals, and Prelates, he descended to ex-\\npose the concubinage of the priests and the\\ndebaucheries of the monks he represented\\n^the cathedrals as no better than dens of rob-\\nbers, and the monasteries as taverns and\\nbrothels.l From England the voice of re-\\nmonstrance proceeded with not less energy.\\nThe Golden Mirror of the Pope, his Court,\\nthe Prelates, and the rest of the Clergy,\\nwas composed during the pontificate of Bo-\\nniface IX., the most triumphant era of schism\\nIn 1410 he addressed to Pierre d Ailly his treat-\\nise De Modis Uniendi et Reform.andi Ecclesiam in\\nConcilio Universal!. His more celebrated work,\\nDe Simonia abolenda Constantiensis Concilii Ope,\\nwas written during the Council. Both may be found\\nin Von der Hardt, torn. i.\\nf Consilium Pacis de Unione ac Reformatione\\nEcclesije in Concilio Universal! quserenda. It oc-\\ncupies sixty columns in the beginning of Von der\\nHardt s second volume.\\nThis reformer seems also to have looked some-\\nwhat more deeply into the question for he beheld\\nwith dissatisfaction the great multitude of images,\\nwhich he held to be so many incentives to idolatry;\\nand he was offended by the multiplication of festivals,\\nand the frivolous nature of the controversies which\\ndivided the Church.\\nAureum Speculum Papge, ejus Curiae, Praelato-\\nrura, aliorumque Spiritualium. l^he work gained\\ngreat celebrity on the Continent.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0444.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n437\\nand simony and the Treatise of Richard\\nUllerston, an Oxford Doctor, is said to have\\nguided the views of the Bishop of Sahsbury,\\nwho effectually served the cause by his per-\\nsonal zeal, both at Pisa and Constance. The\\nItalians, as they were the only people who\\nprofited by pontifical corruption, so were they\\nmore commonly found to defend and uphold\\nit. But even among them were a few splen-\\ndid exceptions Pileus,* Archbishop of Ge-\\nnoa, and Zabarella,f Cardinal of Florence,\\nacknowledged and deplored the general un-\\nworthiness of the order to which they be-\\nlonged. Lastly, even the Spaniards them-\\nselves, the perverse adherents of Benedict\\nXIII., vented at Constance, in some satirical\\ncompositions, the indignation, which it was\\nHot yet politic to express openly.\\nWe have thus seen how generally it was\\nadmitted at that period, even by the friends\\nand ministers of the Church, that great abuses\\nexisted therein, that they demanded imme-\\ndiate and effectual correction, and that such\\ncould only be administered by removing the\\ncause of the evil. Let us examine then,\\nfor one moment, the view which they took\\nSee his Ingenua Pareane.sis ad Sigismuad.\\nImper. De Reformatione Ecclesiez in Cone. Const,\\nprosequenda, apud Von der Hardt, torn, i., part 15.\\nt There still^exists a long and elaborate Treatise,\\npublished by Zabarella, De Schisraate Iiinocenlii\\net Benedicti Pontificis, either before the meeting of\\nthe Council of Pisa, or during its earliest delibera-\\ntions.\\nX In the History of the Council of Constance,\\nby Theodoric Vrie, written at the time and dedicated\\nto Sigismond, the Church herself is made to speak\\nthe following lines, more remarkable for the bold\\ntruths which they contain, than for delicacy of ex-\\npression, or metrical correctness. (Lib. i. Metrum\\nSecundum.)\\nHeu Simon regnat; per munera quteque reguntur,\\nJudiciumque pium gaza nefanda vetat.\\nCuria Papalis fovet omnia scandala mimdi,\\nDelubra sacra facit perfiditate forum.\\nOrdo sacer, baptisma sacrum cum Chrismate Sancto\\nVenduntur, turpi conditione foro.\\nDives honoratur, pauper conteranitur, atque\\nQui dare plura valet munera gratus erat.\\nAurea quae quondam fuit, hinc argentea Papse\\nCuria procedit deteriore modo.\\nFerrea dehinc facta, dura cervice quievit\\nTempore non modico sed modo facta lutum.\\nPostque lutum quid deterius solet essel Recordor\\nStercus. Et in tali Curia tota sedet.\\nSemler,in Cap. ii. Secul. xv., De Publico Ecclesite\\nStatu, enumerates a great multitude of compositions\\nproduced by the discontented spirits of the 14th and\\n15th centuries. Several are given at length by Her-\\nman Von der Hai dt, Hist. Concil. Constant.\\nof their own imperfections. We\\nmay observe that the lamentations and cen-\\nsures, so abundantly poured forth by those\\nwriters, were confined almost wholly to one\\nsubject the degeneracy and corruption of\\nthe clergy. This, indeed, was acknowledged\\nto extend to the lowest rank from the very\\nhighest this was admitted to comprise every\\nform of sin and degradation but this, accord-\\ning to their notions, was tlie limit of the evil.\\nUnder this one head was comprehended (or\\nvery nearly so) the sum and substance of the\\necclesiastical derangement. The purity of\\nthe 57/5f em was seldom or never questioned;\\nthe perfect integrity and infallible wisdom of\\nthe Church, and the divine obligation to be-\\nlieve and obey, without thought or question,\\nall that it had enjoined or should enjoin, in\\npractice, or precep|, or ceremony, or disci-\\npline, was as strongly inculcated by tlse most\\neminent reformers, as by the most pei verse\\nupholders of the avowed abuses only, it was\\nmainlined by the former, that the men, who\\nadministered this heaven-descended system,\\nwere sunk in a depravity from which it was\\nnecessary to r\u00c2\u00bbise them, and that no measures\\ncould effect this benefit, which did not first\\nprovide for the re-organization of the highest\\nranks. After all, it was but the surface of\\nthe subject which they surveyed and thus\\nthe remedies proposed could not be other\\nthan ineffectual.\\nAt the same time it must be admitted, that\\nthose remedies were properly adapted to the\\nend which they were intended to attain. The\\ndemoralization of the inferior clergy was un-\\ndoubtedly occasioned, in a very great mea-\\nsure, by the non-residence, the avarice, and\\nthe venality of their more elevated brethren\\nand these views were communicated almost\\nnecessarily by the contagion of the Court of\\nRome. And since it was become the prac-\\ntice of that Court to attract all aspiring eccle-\\nsiastics by the undisguised sale of the most\\nhonorable dignities, its malignant influence\\nspread like a pestilence through the Church.\\nThose, therefore, who maintained that no\\nreform could have any effect unless it com-\\nmenced at the head, and whose first endeavors\\nwere turned to extirpate the scandals of the\\nVatican, pursued their own views with bold-\\nness and sagacity, and aimed well to uproot\\nthe evil which they saw only, their views\\nwere too narrow, and the evil lay deeper than\\nthey were able to discover, or than they dared\\nto avow.\\nThe Council of Pisa. One professed ob-\\nject of the Coimcil of Pisa was to reform", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0445.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "438\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe Cliuroh in its head and in its memhers\\nand man}^ of the fathers there assemhled were\\nearnest in that intention. We have seen, in-\\ndeed, to what insufficient hmits theii* project\\nwas eonfmed siill was it no inconsiderable\\ndesign in that age, nor unworthy of a bold\\nand generous character, especially in minis-\\nters and prelates of the Roman Church, to\\nrepress the licentiousness, and to moderate\\nthe power, of the successor of St. Peter. The\\nboldness of the enterprise may be measured\\nby its difficulty for, if it was little that the\\nreformers attempted, it was much more than\\nthey had the means of accomplishing. The\\nmoment, however, was exceedingly favora-\\nble and when, after the deposition of the\\ntwo pretenders, the See was vacant, and the\\nelection about to be made under the very\\neyes of the Council, an oath was imposed\\nupon the Cardinals, that he among them who\\nshould be raised to the Pontificate, should not\\ndissolve the Council, until after the reforma-\\ntion of the Church had been completed.^ The\\nchoice of the College, directed by the coun-\\nsels of Baltazar Cossa, fell upon Alexander V.\\nGerson presently preached before him, and\\ndid not omit to press the paramount duty of\\ncorrecting many abuses. A great number of\\nthe fathers held the same expectation. But\\nAlexander, v/ho was a Greek and a Pope,\\nhad no design to diminish his own profitable\\nprivileges, nor any scruple in evading his\\nsolemn obligation. In the 22d and 23d\\nSessions he published certain declarations,\\nthat out of regard for the necessities of the\\nChurches, he remitted all arrears due to the\\nApostolical Chamber that he resigned hence-\\nforward his claim on the property of deceased\\nPrelates, and the revenues of vacant bish-\\noprics that he would make no more trans-\\nfers of benefices, without previously hearing\\nthe parties concerned and that provincial\\ncouncils should be more frequently assembled\\nfor the salutary regulation of the Church.\\nThe consideration of any extensive plan of\\nreform he thought expedient to defer, until\\nthe next general Council but this was to be\\nassembled in three years.\\nWith these unsubstantial concessions and\\neven from these there was one dissentient\\nCardinal, the Prelates of Pisa were dismiss-\\ned and if they returned to their several Sees\\nwith the consciousness, that they had not\\nfully accomplished any one of the objects for\\nwhich they were convoked, yet were they\\nnot without consolation, nor were their labors\\nwithout fruit. They had not, indeed, healed\\nthe divisions of the Church they had not\\nrestrained the abuses of papal power they\\nhad not checked the proflFgacy of the Cardi-\\nnals they had not imposed any limit on the\\nspreading domination of simony. Neverthe-\\nless, they had fulfilled an important destiny\\nin the declining history of their Church they\\nhad proclaimed the supremacy of a general\\nCouncil, and deposed the tw^o disputants who\\ndivided the papacy they had freely censured\\nthe vices of the Apostolical See, and had de-\\nmanded its reformation they had secured the\\nearly convocation of another Council for the\\nremedy of their grievances and lastly, and\\nmost especially, they had opposed to pontifi-\\ncal despotism that independent constitutional\\nspirit, which was the safeguard of the ancient\\nChurch and which spreading from Pisa to\\nConstance, from Constance to Basle, and\\nstriking deeply, though latently, during the\\ntimes of iniquity which succeeded, at length\\nachieved, under happier auspices and in a\\nbolder spirit, its great and effectual triumph.\\nThe Council of Constance. A much more\\nnumerous congregation of prelates and ec-\\nclesiastics of eveiy rank, of ambassadors, of\\ndoctors of law, and other distinguished lay-\\nmen, constituted the august assembly of Con-\\nstance. The place was favorable to the hopes\\nof reform for the German soil was more\\nauspicious to that cause than the irreligious\\nand interested cities of Italy. \u00e2\u0080\u00a2Accordingly,\\nwe observe that its necessity was more loudly\\nproclaimed, and its principles defined widi\\ngreater boldness and exactitude.* Gerson once\\nmore led the assault against papal delinquen-\\ncy. He attacked the Decretals, the Clemen-\\ntines, and most of the constitutions of the\\nPopes he overthrew many of the preten-\\nsions thence derived, and he exposed, in a\\nstrain now familiar to his audience, their si-\\nmony, their avarice, and anti-Christian usur-\\npations.* All the bulls of John begin with\\na falsehood for, if he was truly the servant\\nof the servants of God, he would employ\\nhimself in rendering service to the faithful,\\nand assisting the poor, who are the members\\nNon Christi, sed mores gerunt Antichrist!;\\nand again, Non Jegimus Christum illi contiilisse\\npotestatcm beneficia, dignitjites, episcopatus, villas,\\nterras dispensandi ant distri]buendi, spd uec unquam\\nlegimus Petrum ha^c fecisse. Sed solum banc potes-\\ntatcm ci tribuit specialem, scriptam Matt, ccvi.,\\n(juam etiam miuimomundi episcopo concessit. Such\\nexpressions might be flattering to the dignity of the\\nsurrounding prelates. But he was an injudicious\\nfriend to the Roman Catholic Church, who appealed\\nto the Bible as the test of its purity. John Hus9, had\\nhe been present at this discourse, might have pressed\\nthat ar^unient souiewhat farther.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0446.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n439\\nof Christ Jesus. But so far is he from call-\\ning the poor about him, or persons distin-\\nguished for their learning or their virtue, that\\nhe surrounds himself with lords, and tyrants,\\nand soldiers. Let him, then, rather assume\\nthe title of Lord of Lords since he dares to\\nboast, that he possesses the same power which\\nChrist possessed in his divine and hum.an\\nnature.* It was well, indeed, for Gregory\\nthe Great to call himself the Servant of the\\nServants of God. He nourished the poor,\\nand was poor himself; he conferred benefices\\nonly on men of virtue and capacity he\\npreached the Gospel himself to his clergy\\nand his people he composed works to con-\\nfirm believers in their faith he held a rein\\nover the luxury of the Roman people, and\\nrescued them by his prayer to God fi-om a\\npernicious pestilence. Accustomed\\nto the bitterness of such taunts, the Pope and\\nhis luxurious court may have been insensible\\nto their shamefulness, or even questioned\\ntheir justice but, among the mitred multi-\\nQuia prcesumit dicere esse tantam snam potes-\\ntatem, quantam Chrislus habuit, secundum quod Deus\\net secundum quod homo. Opera Gersoni, Apud\\nLenfant, Hist. Cone. Const. 1. vii. s. xiv. The same\\ndoctor, in his sermon, De Signis Ruinae Ecclesise,\\nmentions eight such indications: (1.) Rebellio et\\ninobedientia; (2.) Inverecundia; (3.) Immodeiata\\ninaequalltas, qua alius et ssepe dignior esurit; alius\\net frequenter indignior prae multitudine et magnitu-\\ndine beneficiorum ebrius est; (4.) Fastus et superbia\\nprselatorum et aliorum ecclesiasticorum tantus fastus\\nin Dei Ecclesia, proecipue in temporibus Lstis, non\\ntam multos movet ad reverentiam quam multos ad\\nindignationem et plures invitat ad pi-aedam, qui sc\\nreputarent fortasse Deo sacrificiura ofifcrre, si possent\\nquosdara divites ecclesiasticos spoliare; (5.) Siguum\\nsumitur ex tyrannide prsesidentiura tales sunt pasto-\\nres qui non pascunt gregem Domini sed semetipsos\\n(6.) Conturbatio principum et commotio populorum;\\n(7.) Recusatio correctionis in principibus ecclesiae;\\n(8.) Novitas opinionum. Moderno quidem tempore\\nunusquisque interpretari et tralvsre non veretur sacram\\nscripturam, jura, sarictorumque patrum instituta ad\\nlibitum su\u00c2\u00a3e voluntatis, prout amor, odium, invidia,\\nspes promotionis, aut vindicta eum inclinat\\nPrseter hsec sunt alia signa, videlicet recessus justilise,\\ndistinctio studiorum, praelatio puerorum, et ignoran-\\ntium et pravorum, et hcec erit destvuctio Latinorum.\\nPlura alia sunt descripta in Prophetis de dejectione\\nsacerdotalis honoris, ex quibus et prsedictis, sapiens\\npotest concludere ruinam temporalium de propinquo\\nimminere. A multis annis non fuerunt tot malevoli,\\ntanti corde rebelles et animoaccensi contra ecclesiam\\neicut his diebus. Quos in longum compescere nequa-\\nquam valebimus, nisi signis virtutum manifestis ad\\nbenevolenliam eos inclinaverimus. Gersoni Opera,\\nvol. i. p. 199, Ed. Paris, 1606. This sermon was\\npreached before the Council of Constance.\\ntudes who were present, some were doubtless\\nawakened by the eloquence of Gerson to a\\nbetter sense of their faith, their duties, and\\ntheir obedience.\\nThe College of Reform. The Council had\\nnot been many months in existence before it\\nentered seriously into this department of its\\nduties; and a Committee of Reform {College\\nReformatoire) was appointed to examine into\\nparticular abuses, and prepare a general pro-\\nject for the approbation of the whole assem-\\nbly. This College, named on the 15th of\\nJune, 1415, was composed of nineteen per-\\nsons, viz. four deputies from each of the four\\nnations, and three Cardinals. The deputies\\nwere chosen indifferently from bishops, doc-\\ntors in theology, and doctors in law. There\\nhad been some previous contest, whether or\\nnot the Cardinals should be at all admitted\\nas members of this body since it was now\\nwell understood by all parties, that the ques-\\ntion of a general reform practically resolved\\nitself into a reform of the Court of Rome:\\nnot only because any other measures would\\nhave been wholly useless, unless attended by\\nthat, but also because the whole opposition\\nto the removal of abuses proceeded from that\\nquarter. Of the three interested parties who\\nwere at length admitted into the committee,\\nPierre d Ailli, the Cardinal of Cambrai, was\\none.\\nThe College appears to have held its first\\ndeliberations on the 20th of August; and the\\nsubject to which they were directed was the\\ntranslation of bishops. Other important mat-\\nters were discussed by it during the autumn\\nfollowing but whether it was paralyzed by\\nthe pontifical intrigues, or whether some of\\nits members were deficient in zeal, its exer-\\ntions did not keep pace with the eagerness of\\nthe reformers without. The German Nation\\npublished, about the end of the year, a re-\\nmonstrance against the tediousness of its pro-\\nceedings the pulpits of Constance resounded\\nwith expressions of exhortation and reproof;\\nand elegies, and squibs, and satires were cir-\\nculated to the same effect in the social, and\\neven in the public, meetings of the fathei S.\\nDivisions, ending in the election of Martin\\nV. The labors of the committee were con-\\ntinued through the whole of 1416 till late in\\nthe succeeding year and by that time, as we\\nshall see presently, they had produced many\\nwise and salutary resolutions. But in the\\ncourse of 1417 a new subject of controversy\\narose, which deeply affected the success of\\nthose measures. As soon as the See, through\\nthe cession or deposition of its three claimants.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0447.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "440\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwas declared vacant, a very important ques-\\ntion was moved whether it were not wise\\nto defer the new election, until after the work\\nof reformation should have been accomplish-\\ned. Whatever was honest and intelligent and\\ndispassionate in the party of the reformers\\nmaintained the necessity of that expedient.\\nThey knev*^ the ambitious and selfish spirit of\\npapacy they knew how the elevation to the\\napostolical chair could blight the best prin-\\nciples, and contract the noblest heart; they\\nknew that disinterested integrity in that situ-\\nation was beyond the magnanimity of man.\\nThey determined not to create with their\\nown hands a destroyer of their own works.\\nThe nations, which took this side in the dis-\\npute, were the Germans and the English, and\\nthey were supported with the utmost sincerity\\nand firmness by the Emperor. The Car-\\ndinals conducted the opposite party with\\nequal constancy and greater craft they were\\nwarmly supported by the Italians the Span-\\niards, who on the deposition of Luna had\\nbeen admitted to the deliberations, were on\\nthe same side and even the French, hitherto\\nthe most enlightened advocates of reform,\\nfor the most part, threw themselves into the\\nranks of its opponents. The contest con-\\ntinued during the whole summer numerous\\nharangues were delivered, and much violence\\nand much sophistry was wasted on both sides.\\nOn the one hand, the universal deformity and\\nprostitution of the Church v/ere exhibited and\\nexaggerated in the most furious invectives\\non the other, it was argued that the Church\\nwithout the Pope was a headless trunk, v/hich\\nwas indeed the most frightful of all deformi-\\nties and that it became, in consequence, the\\nfirst duty of every reformer to supply that\\ndeficiency (such was the nonsense seriously\\npropounded by the friends of coiTuption) and\\nthus restore the spiritual body to its integrity.\\nThis was indeed the last ground of hope\\nwhich remained to the cardinals and it was\\nreally firm and tenable, because the majority\\nof the nations had declared in their favor.\\nThey contested it with every weapon, and\\nwith the uncompromising, unscrupulous ac-\\ntivity of men, whose personal interests were\\nconcerned in the result. On one occasion\\nthey presented a memorial to Sigismond, in\\nwhich they urged, on the plea of their ma-\\njority, their right to proceed to immediate\\nelection at the same time they affected to\\nrepel, with some loftiness, the imperial inter-\\nThis sudden change is ascribed to their national\\njealousy of the English, the victors of Agincourt,\\nference in matters strictly ecclesiastical. On\\nanother, they published an offensive libel up-\\non the Germans, in which they accused that\\nnation of a disposition to favor the opinions\\nof the Hussites to defer the election of a\\nPope, in order to reform, without his co-\\noperation, his office and his court, savored\\nstrongly (so the cardinals argued) of the anti-\\npapal perversion of those heretics The\\nstigma of heresy a weapon which the de-\\nfenders of ecclesiastical abuses have managed\\nwith great address in every age of the Church\\n-exasperated those honest and orthodox\\nChristians, and they repelled it with great,\\nand (as they thought) virtuous indignation.\\nAbout the same time Robert Hallam, Bishop\\nof Salisbury, died. He was among the stout-\\nest of the Reformers of Constance, and had\\nexercised very considerable influence, not\\nonly over the councils of his compatriots, but\\nover the mind of the Emperor himself.\\nOn the 9th of September, five days after\\nhis decease, an assembly was held on the\\nsame subject and the result was a remon-\\nstrance, in the name of the cardinals, to Sigis-\\nmond, on the extreme danger impending over\\nthe Church from any delay in the election of\\na Pope. It is remarkable, that the language\\nof this document expressed a sense of the\\nnecessity of reform, and great readiness to\\nundertake it but it was urged, that the ques-\\ntion ought to be deferred, until a head had\\nbeen given to the Church. But the En:iperor\\nrose ere the Address was finished, and indig-\\nnantly quitted the Assembly. Howbeit, the\\ncardinals pei*sisted, without any fear or com-\\npromise two days afterwards, a second f\\nmemorial, more explicit and decided than\\nthe former, was presented and read and so\\nfirm was the attitude of that party, that tlie\\nonly two members of the sacred college, who\\nhad hitherto supported the opposite opinions,\\nnow joined their colleagues. A still more\\nimportant defection immediately followed\\nthis; the English also passed over to the\\npapal party.\\nFrom the moment that the decision of the\\nmajority of the Council was contravened by\\nSigismond, it was very easy to persuade even\\nthe most honest reformers, that the dignity\\nand authority of the whole assembly was at\\nstake, and that it was the duty of all parties\\nto combine, in order to repel the presumptu-\\nVon der Hardt calls him C jssar sfidus Achates.\\nf They may both be found in the first volume of\\nVon der Hardt s Hist. Cons. Constat. Prsefat. in part.\\nXX, p, 916 et seq,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0448.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n441\\nous interference of the Emperor and many-\\nwere probably influenced in their change by\\nthat motive. But the Germans still maintain-\\ned then former resolution and though many\\nof them also may have been guided by con-\\nsiderations (of nationality, or loyalty) foreign\\nto the original question of refoi m, a fresh\\nmemorial, which they immediately presented\\nto the Council, pressed very forcibly the real\\nargument on which the contest now turned.\\nIn this paper they maintained, with great\\nboldness and reason, that the General Coun-\\ncil stood in the place of the Church and com-\\npletely represented it that the schism had\\narisen from the general corruption of that\\nbody, and that such eoiTuption could only be\\nremedied during the vacancy of the See that\\nif a Pope were once elected however virtu-\\nous and upright the individual exalted might\\nbe, however proved and old in integrity and\\npiety he would speedily be stained by the\\nvices which infected the Chair, and debased\\nthe ecclesiastics surrounding it that he\\nwould grope in the darkness and solitude of\\nhis own honesty, till his private excellence\\nv.ould give way before the overwhelming\\ndepravities of a system, which no man could\\npossibly administer, and be virtuous, while,\\non the other hand, a substantial reform, pre-\\nviously effected, would shelter him from the\\npressure of unjust and wicked solicitations.\\nThe wisdom and truth contained in these\\npositions inflamed still further the perversity\\nof the cardinals and what they could not\\nhope to effect by reason, or even by menace,\\nthey prepared to accomplish by more certain\\nmeans. Among the German prelates there\\nwere two, who possessed, more completelj^\\nthan their brethren, the confidence both of\\nthe Emperor and the Nation the Arch-\\nbishop of Riga and the Bishop of Coire.\\nEach of these respectable persons had private\\nreasons (which were not concealed from the\\ncardinals) for being discontented with his\\nown See. A negotiation was opened. To\\nthe former they promised the bishopric of\\nLiege, which he coveted; to the latter, the\\narchbishopric of Riga both were converted.\\nTheir compatriots followed them and the\\ntumults, which Had shaken the Council for\\nso many months, were appeased by the trans-\\nlation of two venal prelates.\\nThe Emperor, thus deserted by the entu e\\nChurch, still offered an ineffectual show of\\nresistance and at length, to throw at least\\nsome dignity over his defeat, he stipulated as\\nVon der Hardt, torn. iv. p. 1426.\\n56\\nthe conditions of his consent, that the Pope\\nshould enter, without any delay, even before\\nhis coronation, upon the work of refomi\\nthat he should conduct it in concert with the\\nCouncil and that he should not depart from\\nConstance, until his task was accomplished.\\nThe cardinals, with their coadjutors,* soon\\nafterwards assembled in conclave, and on the\\n11th of November following, Martin V., an\\nItalian and a Roman, was raised to the pon-\\ntifical throne.\\nThe historian cannot fail to perceive, what\\nwas indeed obvious at the time to the most\\nintelligent men of both parties, that the battle\\nof reform had in fact been fought on other\\nground, and that the field, for which so many\\nefforts had been made, and were still to be\\nmade, was already lost. Some nominal im-\\nprovements might yet, perhaps, be extorted\\nfrom the reluctant pontiff\u00e2\u0080\u0094 some trifling abu-\\nses he might be brought to sacrifice, in order\\nto save and perpetuate the rest with some\\nunmeaning shadow he might consent to amuse\\nand delude the w^orld\u00e2\u0080\u0094 but the hope of any\\nsubstantial measure of renovation was gone.\\nNotwithstanding the strong sense of the\\nChurch s degradation and danger, Avith which\\nso many of the fathers were deeply penetrat-\\ned notwithstanding the security and even\\napplause, with which their complaints and\\ninvectives were uttered and heard notwith-\\nstanding the learning, the virtue, and the\\npowerful talents which were united in the\\nsame cause, it was no difificult matter for a\\nsmall body of very crafty ecclesiastical poli-\\nticians, closely bound together by common\\nand personal interests, and wholly unscrupu-\\nlous as to means, to neutralize the exertions\\nof a much more numerous party, which,\\nthough earnestly bent on one general purpose,\\nmight be divided as to a thousand particulars.\\nFor a space of nearly three years numberless\\ncauses of discord, personal, professional, na-\\ntional, might spring up, while the watchful\\ncardinals were ever at hand to encourage and\\nmature them. Every change of circumstance\\npresented a new field of action and in so\\nharassing and protracted a contest, superior\\ndiscipline, and a keener sense of interest,\\nmight finally supplant or wear away the ad-\\nverse majority.\\nThe Italian Clergy. Moreover, the College\\ncould always count, with perfect confidence,\\non the zeal and fidelity of its Italian allies.\\nThe whole multitude of the Transalpine\\nclergy conspired, with scarcely an individual\\nSee the preceding chapter, page 4?7", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0449.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "442\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nexception, in opposition to reform. Yet this\\ncombination did not, probably, arise, either\\nbecause they were very rich, or very power-\\nful, or very generally demoralized. Inriches,\\nthe bishops and abbots of Italy could bear no\\ncomparison with the lordly hierarchy of Ger-\\nmany or England partly, because their dis-\\nproportionate numbers diminished the share\\nof each in the common fund, and partly, be-\\ncause the private devotion of ancient days\\nhad there been less munificent than among\\nthe younger and ruder proselytes of the north.\\nIn power, and popular influence, they were\\nprecluded from any extravagant progress by\\nthe wider diffusion of intelligence, and the\\nfree and daring spirit of the prevalent repub-\\nlicanism. In truth, among the Italian people,\\nthe last sparks of religious fervor were at this\\ntime nearly extinct and whatever attachment\\nthey still retained for their Church was with-\\nout enthusiasm, and not uncommonly without\\nfaith. The venerable family of Saints, once\\nso fruitful in every province, was now rarely\\nand languidly propagated. The din of po-\\nlemical controversy, the surest indication of\\ntheological zeal, was seldom heard and even\\nheresy itself, which was building its inde-\\nstmctible temples in the north and west of\\nEurope, gave little occupation or solicitude to\\nthe Churchmen of Italy. Many of the causes\\nwhich tend generally to swell sacerdotal au-\\nthority (we are not now speaking of the pe-\\nculiar dominion of the Pope) had ceased to\\noperate in that country. In morality, the Ital-\\nian clergy were upon the whole less dissolute\\nthan those to the North of the Alps and for\\nthat reason they were less deeply impressed\\nwith the necessity of reform. To this praise\\nthe Court of Rome did, indeed, present an\\ninfamous exception. But the pontifical pal-\\nace may seem to have attracted to its own\\nprecincts most of the noxious vapors, which\\nelse would have spread more general infec-\\ntion and the prelates of Italy found their\\nprofit in the very vices of Rome. Besides,\\nthey had been so long habituated to consider\\nthe authority of that See as national property,\\nand shared with such selfish exultation the\\ngloi*y of its foreign triumphs and the sense\\nof its imposing majesty, that they rallied round\\nit with ardor, on the first rumor of hostility.\\nThey saw that some of its dearest prerogatives\\nwere threatened they saw that some of its\\nmost profitable usurpations were assailed:\\nbut they did not see the friendliness of the\\ndesign ^they did not perceive that an increase\\nof vigor and stability would assuredly follow\\nthe immediate sacrifice: they snatched at\\nthe short-sighted policyof the moment, and,\\nby defending the abuses of their Church, en-\\nsured its downfal.\\nScheme of Reformation. On the 30th of\\nOctober, in the interval between the triumph\\nof the cardinals and the election of the Pope,\\nthe fortieth, one of the most important ses-\\nsions of the Council, took place. Then was\\nmade a veiy seasonable effort, on the part of\\nthe reformers, to impose some specific obli-\\ngation upon the future Pope and on this oc-\\ncasion the scheme, which the Committee of\\nReform had been so long engaged in prepar-\\ning, was formally approved, and recommend-\\ned to the immediate adoption of the pontifi\\nand Council for the majority were still sin-\\ncere in their intentions, though they had blind-\\nly cast away the means of effecting them.\\nTo do justice to this subject, we must shordy\\nmention the heads of this project; since it\\nmay be considered as embracing the utmost\\nextent of change which it was thought expe-\\ndient, or found possible, under any circum-\\nstances to introduce. The Articles, to which\\nthe future reformation was to be directed,\\nwere eighteen (1) The number, the quali-\\nty, and the nation of the cardinals (2) The\\nReservations of the Holy See (3) Annates\\n(4) Collations of benefices and expectative\\ngraces (5) What causes ought to be treated\\nin the Court of Rome (6) Appeals to the\\nsame Court; (7) The offices of the Chancery\\nand Penitentiary; (8) Exemptions granted,\\nand unions made, during the schism (9)\\nCommendams (10) The confirmation of elec-\\ntions (11) Intermediates, t. e. revenues dur-\\ning vacancy (12) Alienation of the property\\nof the Roman and other Churches (13) In\\nwhat cases a Pope may be corrected and de-\\nposed, and by what means (14) The exlir\\npation of Simony (15) Dispensations (16)\\nProvision for the Pope and the Cardinals\\n(17) Indulgences; (18) Tenths. To these it\\nshould be added, that, in the session preced-\\ning, a Decree had passed to regulate, and se-\\ncure, as far as possible, the periodical meeting\\nof General Councils.\\nIn the resolutions, which the Committee\\npublished respecting the above Articles, a sort\\nof principle is discernible, of throwing aside\\nthe new canon law, and reviving in its place\\nthe more discreet and venerable institutions\\nof more ancient days. Thus they resolved,\\nthat the Popes should judge no important\\ncause without the counsel of his Cardinals\\nand even, in some instances, without the ap", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0450.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n443\\nprobation of a General Council. And again,\\nthat there were certain cases in which a Pope\\nrnight be judged and deposed decisions\\nwholly at variance with the canons of the\\nVatican, which committed to the Pope alone\\nall judgment of major causes, and gave au-\\nthority to Bulls, originating with himself;\\nand which also laid it down, that a Pope\\ncould not be judged or deposed on any other\\ncharge, than that of heresy.\\nRegarding the Pope. The Committee of\\nReform also prohibited the Popes from reserv-\\ning the spoils of the bishops, the revenues\\nof vacant benefices, and the procurations^ or\\nprovisions made for bishops during their visi-\\ntations. It imposed some restraint on plu-\\ni-alities and dispensations. The Pope was\\nforbidden to permit the same person to hold\\nmore tiiaii one bishopric or abbey at the same\\ntime, unless with the consent of the sacred\\ncollege, and for important reasons though\\neven this restriction appears to have been\\nliable to exceptions, in countries especially\\nwhere the benefices were poor.f Another\\nresolution enforced the residence of the high-\\ner clergy, on pain of deprivation in case of\\nsix months of absence, unless with special\\npermission from the Pope. Another forbade\\nthe Pope to impose tenths on his clergy,\\nwithout the consent of a General Council.\\nAnother revoked, with some trifling excep-\\ntions, all the exemptions which had been\\ngranted during the schism. The abuse of\\nexemptions had, indeed, proceeded so far as\\nto awaken the conscience even of the Pope\\nhimself, who subsequently ratified this Ar-\\nticle.\\nThe popes had usurped the power of trans-\\nOn the subject of reservations, Lenfant remarks,\\nthat Mental Reservations of benefices were not yet\\nintroduced. These differed from others in that they\\nwere not published. If a benefice was vacant, and\\neither the ordinary had conferred it, or any one went\\nto Rome to obtain it, the datary would answer, that\\nthe Pope had made a mental reservation to present it\\nto whom he thought proper.\\nt In Apulia, for example, and in some parts of\\nSpain, the reformers allowed the Pope to give dis-\\npensation for four benefices. In England, on the\\nother hand, they would not permit it, on any account,\\nto be granted for more than two. Clemangis asserts\\n(De Corrupto Ecclesiae Statu, cap. xi.) that there\\nwere at that time ecclesiastics who held as many as\\nfive hundred ample benefices. And the same writer\\nfurther aflirms, that the monks of his day were at the\\nsame time monks, canons, regular, secular that, un-\\nder the same habit, they possessed the rights, offices,\\nand benefices of ail orders and of all professions.\\nLenf. Hist. Couc, Const., 1. vii. s. xxxii.\\nlating from see to see, without consulting\\nthe inclination of the prelates affected by the\\nchange. These forcible translations were pro-\\nhibited by the committee but it does not ap-\\npear that Martin V. consented even to so slight\\nan encroachment upon his despotism. It had\\nalso been a custom, probably established by\\nInnocent III., for the Popes to reserve to the\\nHoly See the power of giving absolution for\\ncertain offences (called reserved cases,) which\\nwere thought to be placed above episcopal\\ncognizance. The pretext for this innovation\\nwas, to invest those crimes with additional\\nterrors, and to repel men from their commis-\\nsion by the difficnlty of obtaining absolution.\\nThe common effect was this; that many,\\nunable or indisposed to undertake so long a\\npilgrimage, disregarded entirely both confes-\\nsion and penance while others, whose easiei\\ncircumstances permitted the journey, poured\\nforth their penitential gold with great profu-\\nsion into the apostolical coffers. This subject\\nwas for some time debated in the committee\\nbut it was at length unanimously decided,\\nthat the established usage should remain.\\nThe Court of Rome. As those, here men-\\ntioned, composed the most important restric-\\ntions, which it was designed to impose upon\\nthe Pope s authority, so the meditated reform\\nof his cardinals and his court would have in-\\ntroduced changes still less considerable. Four\\nresolutions were passed resi)ecting the num-\\nber of the sacred college, and the qualifica-\\ntions necessary for admission as also, that\\nevery new nomination should receive the\\napprobation of the majority of the college-\\nOthers were enacted for the better administra-\\ntion of the apostolical chancery and chamber,\\nrespecting proton otaries and participants the\\nauditors, or judges della rota (the parliament\\nof the Pope scriptors of the penitentiary\\nabbreviators of Bulls clerks of the chamber;\\ncorrectors of the apostolical letters auditores\\ncontradictariorum, and auditors of the cham-\\nber acoluthes, subdeacons, chaplains, refer-\\nendaries, penitentiaries, and registrars not\\nfor the abolition of any of those offices,* or\\nof others which might have been added to\\nthe list, but only for their more judicious re-\\ngulation. Thus we observe, that it did not\\nthen enter into the views of any party to di-\\nminish the state and dignity of the see, nor to\\ncurtail any of the consequence which it might\\nThe only office, as far as we can observe, which\\nthe reformers abolished, was the Auditorship of the\\nChamber of Avignon, which, since the return of the\\nPopes to Rome, had become au obvious sinecure,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0451.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "444\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nderive from those circumstances; but that\\nthe Reformers of those days v/ould have been\\nwell satisfied in that matter, had the Pope\\nconsented to part with the most obvious and\\nsuperficial abuses.\\nThe Secular Clergy. The resolutions of\\nthe committee respecting the secular clergy,\\nwhile they proclaimed the general corruption,\\nwere more especially levelled against two\\ncrimes, the same which, from the days of\\nGregory VII., had been the constant mark\\nfor the shafl;s of Reform simony and concu-\\nbinage. The enactments which were made,\\nparticularly against the former of these oflTen-\\nces, were reasonable and salutary. But there\\ncould be little prospect of their execution, so\\nlong as the court of Rome was left in posses-\\nsion of so much pomp and splendor, without\\nany fixed and sufficient funds for its support.\\nEven had it been possible by a single act of\\nthe council, at once to extirpate simony from\\nthe Church, Rome was the hot-bed where it\\nwould of necessity have sprung up again, and\\nthence spread its pestiferous branches over\\nthe whole surface of Christendom. Other\\necclesiastical abuses were likewise assailed.\\nIt had frequently happened,* to the great\\nscandal of the people, that bishops held\\nsees, and incumbents parisiies, without hav-\\ning taken priest s orders. The College of\\nReform had already regulated, that the pope\\nshould grant no dispensation to bishops, on\\nthis point, for longer than one year it ex-\\ntended the same limit to the inferior clergy.\\nAnother, and very important task it also un-\\ndertook, to draw the limits which were\\nhereafter to divide civil from ecclesiastical\\njurisdiction, and to specify the causes which\\nappertained to either. The want of some\\ndefinite arrangement on this subject had, for\\nsome time, disturbed the course of justice,\\nand led to perpetual broils between the clergy\\nand the laity. Nevertheless, as it was through\\nthat very indistinctness, that the former had\\nbeen enabled to push their claims so far, it\\nmight be uncertain whether its removal,\\nthough finally advantageous to both parties,\\nwould be very popular among them. Several\\nuseful regulations were likewise devised for\\nthe purification of the various religious bodies,\\nand especially of the Mendicants. It seems,\\nindeed, to have been generally admitted by\\nthe leading reformers, that in the universal\\ndegeneracy of the Church, the most conspicu-\\nous instances of profligacy and profaneness\\nwere exhibited by the monastic establish-\\nnients.\\nLenfant, Hist. Cone Const., liv. vii., s. 46.\\nSuch are the outlines of the project by\\nwhich the reformers of Constance proposed\\nto restrain the abuses of papacy, and to re-\\nstore, correct, and consolidate the Catholic\\nChurch. And here we should again remark,\\nthat the authors of that project were them-\\nselves zealous, and even bigoted churchmen.\\nRespecting the divine authority, the power,\\nthe infallibility f of the Church, they profess-\\ned opinions as lofty, as the loftiest notions of\\ntheir adversaries. Still the space which di-\\nvided the two parties was broad and clear,\\nand it was included in one question In what\\ndoes this infallible Church consist In what\\nis it fully and faithfully represented Does a\\ncouncil-general, without the Pope, possess\\nthe mighty attributes in question? Or a\\ncouncil-general with the Pope or the Pope\\nwithout a council-general The last opinion,\\nthe extreme of high papacy, had not perhaps\\nvery many advocates; at least the second\\nwas that on which the Italians took their\\nstand, as being the more tenable the first\\nwas the rallying principle of the reformers,\\nwho may be designated the low papists. It\\ncannot be too carefully impressed, that the\\nmighty struggles at Constance respected, in\\nas far as principles were concerned, not the\\ncharacter of the Church, on which all were\\nagi-eed, but the extent to which the Pope\\npossessed the attributes of the Church. And\\nthis distinction being rightly understood, we\\nshall find no difficulty in accounting when\\nwe shall arrive at that subject for the seem-\\ning inconsistency, with which the council of\\nConstance deposed a legitimate Pope with one\\nhand, while it consigned the heretics, Huss and\\nJerome, to barbarous execution with the other.\\nThe Reformation eluded by Martin V. We\\nhave observed, that at the Fortieth Session\\neighteen articles, which were the heads of\\nthe resolutions of the committee, were sub-\\nmitted, by the approbation of the council, to\\nthe future Pope, and that Martin V. was\\nelected a few days afterwards. Again, on the\\nvery day following his coronation, the na-\\ntions assembled and pressed the observance\\nThe above account is founded on four authentic\\ndocuments published by M. Von der Hardt, from the\\nMSS. of the library of Vienna, and recognised by\\nLenfant as containing all the resolutions of the\\ncommittee of reform. Hist. Cone. Constan., liv.\\nvii., s. xxvii. See Von der Hardt, torn, i., partes\\nX. xi. xii. Collegii Reformatorum Constant,\\nstatuta, sive Geminum Reforraatorii Constant. Pro-\\ntocollum, c. c.\\nf It is only necessary to refer to the writings of\\nleading reformers, Gerson, Pierre d Ailli, c., and\\nthe acts of the councils both of Constaace and Basle", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0452.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n445\\nof his obligation. The Pope appears to have\\npromised with great facility but at the same\\ntime he appointed six cardinals to co-operate\\nwith the deputies of the nations in revis-\\ning their former labors. Divisions presently\\narose the cardinals vi^ere indefatigable in\\ncreating difficulties so that the patience of\\nthe Germans being once more wearied, they\\naddressed (about the end of 1417) a fresh\\nmemorial to the new committee. The sub-\\njects urged on this occasion principally re-\\ngarded resei-vatioDS, appointment to bene-\\nfices, expectative graces, and other papal\\nusurpations, and abuses of the Church pa-\\ntronage. Very soon afterwards, the French\\nremonstrated with equal warmth against the\\nprocrastinations of the committee, and even\\np;-esented a petition to Sigismond, in which\\nthey exhorted him to employ his powerful\\ninfluence with the Pope. But Sigismond\\nhad not forgotten their late opposition, nor\\nwas he unmindful of the fatal wound, which\\nthey had inflicted on the cause. He dismissed\\ntheir deputies without honor and while he\\nbade them reflect, how steadily they had\\nthwarted his wish to accomplish the reforma-\\ntion before the Pope should be elected, he\\nrecommended them, now that they had ob-\\ntained their Pope, to apply to Mm for their\\nreform. At the same time, the Spaniards\\nraised a clamor against simony and other\\nabuses, and went so far as to throw out some\\nmenaces against the Pontiff himself; indeed\\nsome of them were suspected of still harbor-\\ning a secret attachment towards their per-\\nverse compatriot, the Pope of Paniscola.\\nMartin was somewhat moved by this show\\nof unanimity and thinking to gain better\\nterms by dividing his adversaries, he con-\\ntrived to open a separate negotiation with\\neach nation, on the plea that he could thus\\nmore intimately consult their several interests.\\nThe scheme succeeded and as all parties\\nwere wearied alike with dispute and delay,\\nmatters were now hurried to a conclusion.\\nOn the 21st of March, 1418, the Pope, no\\nlonger disguising his eagerness to dissolve\\nthe council, held the 43d session, and publish-\\ned his own articles of reformation and they\\nshould be recorded for their very insignifi-\\ncance. The first revoked with a large field\\nfor exceptions such exemptions as had been\\ngranted during the schism the second com-\\nmanded a fresh examination of such unions\\nof benefices as had taken place during the\\nsame period. The third prohibited the ap-\\npropriation of the revenues of vacant benefi-\\nces tq the apostolical chamber. The fourth\\nwas a general edict against simony. The\\nfifth respected papal dispensations to hold\\nbenefices without being in orders. The\\nsixth forbade the imposition of tenths and\\nother taxes on ecclesiastics, unless for some\\ngi eat advantage to the Church, and with the\\nconsent of the cardinals and local prelates.\\nThe seventh regulated the dress of ecclesias-\\ntics, according to the modesty of the ancient\\nlaws and the last, and the most shameless\\nof all, declared that, by the above articles,\\nand by the concordats granted to the nations,\\nthe Pope had satisfied the demands of the\\nCommittee of reform, as expressed in the\\nfortieth session of the council, and discharg-\\ned his own obligations.\\nDissolution of the Council. The Concor-\\ndats were as delusive as the articles;* and\\nMaitin, conscious of this, had not yet made\\nthem public but continued to pre^s the\\nimmediate dissolution of the council. It\\nwas in vain objected, that many matters of\\ngreat importance still remained unsettled it\\nwas replied, that the patrimony of the Holy\\nSee was in the hands of depredators that\\nRome itself was exposed to the scourges of\\nfamine and pestilence, of foreign and intestine\\nwar that it was the paramount duty of him,\\nwhom the whole world now acknowledged\\nas the successor of St. Peter, to place himself\\non the throne of the apostle. Accordingly,\\non the 22d of April, the council assembled\\nfor the forty-fifth and last session and the\\nBull which released the fathers from their\\nunsuccessful labors, showered upon them\\nand their domestics a profusion of indulgen-\\nces, as if to complete, by an additional mock-\\nery, the insult with which their hopes had\\nbeen destroyed.f On the 2d of May the\\nThat granted to the Germans conlaiiied twelve\\narticles, which are enumerated by Semler, Secul. xv.,\\ncap. ii., p. 38. Since they did not go to the effectual\\nremoval of any grand abuse, it is unnecessary to cite\\nthem here.\\nf As this memorable Bull happens to be short, it\\nwill be well to record it. We Martin, Bishop, ser-\\nvant of the servants of God, ad perpetuam rei memo.-\\nriam, by the requisition of the holy council, do hereby\\ndismiss and declare it terminated, giving to every one\\nliberty to rieturn home. Besides, by the authority of\\nGod the omnipotent, and of his blessed apostles, St.\\nPeter and St. Paul, and by our own, we accord to\\nall the members of the council plenary absolution\\nfrom all their sins, semel in vita; so that each\\namong them may obtain this absolution in form, with-\\nin two months after the gift shall be made known to\\nhim. We also give them the same privilege in arti-\\nculo mortis; and we extend it to servants as well aa\\ntheir masters, on condition that, after the day of no-\\ntification, both the one and the other shall fast every", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0453.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "446\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nconcordats were published and that which\\nwas granted to the French was immediately\\nrejected by them, as contrary to the liberties\\nof the Galilean Church. But the object of\\nMartin was already accomplished the Coun-\\ncil of Constance had ceased to exist; and in\\ndefiance of the urgent remonstrances of the\\nemperor, the pontiff turned his footsteps\\ntowards Italy. He turned towards the soil,\\nwhere papacy was national and indigenous,\\nand where, amidst all the turbulence of con-\\ntending cities and factions, the spiritual des-\\npotism of the Vicar of Christ had never yet\\nbeen contested.\\nDisputes on Annates. ^We should here\\nobserve that, while very lofty language was\\nemployed at Constance on both sides respect-\\ning the principle on which the government\\nof the Church rested; while some maintained\\nthat it was a pure monarchy, others that it\\nwas a monarchy tempered by a mixture of\\nthe aristocratical and even republican char-\\nacter; other disputes were less publicly,\\nthough not less passionately, agitated between\\nthose parties, respecting much more vulgar\\nconsiderations. The reader cannot fail to\\nhave remarked, that of the concessions made\\nby Martin, those which were not absolutely\\nnugatory regarded the temporalities of the\\nChurch, and the power of the Pope to levy\\ncontributions upon the clergy. The reform-\\ning prelates had pressed these from the\\nbeginning among other grievances; but it\\nproved at last, that the subject, on which\\nthose pecuniary discussions had chiefly turn-\\ned, was entirely unnoticed in the Pope s\\ndecree. The exaction of Annates, or the\\nfirst year s income of vacant benefices, seems\\nto have been that, among all the resoiu ces\\nof tlie apostolical chancery, which was most\\nprofitable to the receivers, and most unpop-\\nular among all other ecclesiastics. The claim\\nwas of a very modern date it could not\\nbe traced higher than Clement V. and it\\nFriday during one year, for the absolution for life,\\nand another yearfor the absolution in articulo mortis;\\nunless there be some legitimate hinderance, in which\\ncase they shall perform other pious works. And after\\nthe second year, they shall be held to fast every Fri-\\nday during life, or to do other works of piety, on\\npain of incurring the indignation of the omnipotent\\nGod, and of his blessed apostles St. Peter and St.\\nPaul. Such were the consolations which were offer-\\ned to the most enlightened bt)dy which had ever yet\\nassembled in the name of the Church, in return for\\ntheir disappointed expectations, by the very man\\nwhom they had raised to power, and whose first use\\nof it was to betray them.. They demanded a substan-\\ntial reform, and he paid the debt in indulgences.\\nscarcely assumed the shape of a right till tne\\npontificate of Boniface IX. The French\\nnation urged the abolition of this tax with\\nespecial zeal from the very opening of the\\ncouncil and the ambassador of Charles VI.\\nwas instructed at all events to carry this\\nmeasure. The fathers, in a general assem-\\nbly, even passed a resolution to that effect\\nbut the cardinals still exclaimed and remon-\\nstrated, and protested and, as their last\\nresource, they ventured to appeal from the\\ncouncil to the future Pope. The French\\nreplied to this appeal with much spirit and\\nreason and had the reformation preceded\\nthe election, there can be no doubt that the\\nimposition would have been removed. But\\nthe cardinals finally prevailed, and the odious\\nexaction, under some slight and indefinite\\nrestrictions, was re-established/\\nBut though the reforming party, which\\nreally constituted the great majority of the\\nCouncil, was finally defrauded of all the\\nsubstance of its project, and dismissed with\\na very thin veil to cover its defeat, yet the\\nrecollection of one great triumph might\\nsupply substantial ground of consolation.\\nThe superiority of a General Council to the\\nPope was unequivocally decreed at Constance.\\nThe prelates of Pisa had done little more\\nthan overthrow two claimants to the See,\\nneither of whom was universally acknow-\\nledged, or rightfully established. But the\\nlegitimacy of John XXIII. was never ques-\\ntioned even by his bitterest enemies and\\nMartin, whose succession to the dignity was\\nonly legal through the legality of the previous\\ndeposition and of the power exercised by the\\ndeposing Council, was the least qualified of\\nall men to discredit either the act or the\\nauthority so that, whatsoever struggles and\\nprotestations may afterwards have been made\\nby individual Popes, the general principle\\nwas immutably established in the Chiu ch.f\\nDecree for the decennial meeting of General\\nCouncils. The fathers of Constance also\\ncarried home with them another source of\\nThe substance of the paper is given by the Con-\\ntinuator of Fleury, 1. civ., s. Ixxiv. Some curious\\nparticulars of the dispute between the French and\\nthe Cardinals on the subject of Annates may be found\\nin Von der Hardt, torn, i., pars xiii.\\nt It is well known that Transalpine divines dispute\\n.the principle even to this moment; but they have no\\nground to stand upon. If they admit the legitimacy\\nof the Council of Constance, they must receive that\\ndecision if not, they impugn the succession of their\\nPopes ever since that Council for they all flow un-\\ninterruptedly from Martin V. No sophistry can lib-\\nerate them from this dilemma.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0454.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n447\\ncomfort and hope. In the thirty-ninth ses-\\nsion, held on the 9th of October, 1417, it\\nwas enacted, as a perpetual law of the\\nChurch, that general councils should be held\\non every tenth year from the termination of\\nthe preceding; in such places as the Pope,\\nwith the consent of the Council sitting,\\nshould appoint. But in the first instance, as\\nthe actual exigencies of the Church did not\\nseem to allow even that short interval,\\nanother Council was to be assembled in five\\nyears from the dissolution of that of Con-\\nstance, and a third in seven years afl:er the\\nsecond. In obedience to this constitution,\\nMartin V twice attempted to collect an\\nobsequious assembly in Italy but his sum-\\nmons were disregarded by the foreign pre-\\nlates, to whom neither Pavia nor Sienna\\noflTered any prospect of independence. The\\nscanty synods were hastily dissolved, and\\nthe only act which is recorded of the latter\\nwas to grant as ample indulgences to those,\\nwho should contribute gold for the extinction\\nof the Bohemian heretics, as to those, who\\nshould serve the crusade in person. Basle,\\nat length, was appointed for the meeting\\nof the real representatives of the Church,\\nand they crowded thither in great multitudes\\nduring the spring and summer of 1431.\\nCouncil of Basle. In the meantime, on\\nthe 19th of the preceding February, Mai*-\\ntin V. died. His long pontificate had been\\nprincipally devoted to two objects, the re-\\ncovery of the States of the Church and the\\namassing of wealth and he had succeeded\\nin both. As to the former, he had restored\\nthe interests of the See nearly to the condition\\nin which they stood before the schism. As\\nto the latter, he destined the treasures, which\\nhe collected, rather for the aggrandizement\\nof his own family, than for the benefit of the\\nCatholic Church, or even of the Pontifical\\nGovernment. At the same time, it is admitted\\nthat he possessed considerable talents, and a\\nvigorous and consistent character and he has\\nescaped the imputation of any great vice, ex-\\ncepting avarice. At this crisis, the character\\nof the successor to the chair was of conse-\\nquence almost incalculable to the Church.\\nThe Council of Basle was irrevocably sum-\\nmoned and its principles, its policy, and its\\npower could easily be foreseen from the ex-\\nperience of Constance. What policy, then,\\nwas the new Pope to pursue Was he\\nopenly to oppose, or craftily to elude, or\\ngenerously to co-operate, in the work of\\nreformation The durability of the Roman\\nCatholic Church depended on the answer.\\nElection and Character of Eugenius IV.\\nThe Cardinals were not, indeed, disturbed by\\nsuch distant considerations; and the views,\\nwith which most of them entered the con-\\nclave, extended not beyond their private in-\\ntrigues or immediate interests. Being unable\\nat once to agree, they proceeded to the scru-\\ntiny and their secret arrangements being not\\nyet satisfactorily concluded, they continued to\\nthrow away their votes upon the names which\\nheld the lowest consideration, and were the\\nlast in the chance of success. And thus it\\nhappened, that, at the conclusion of one of\\nthese scrutinies, to the astonishment and dis-\\nmay of the whole college, one Gabriel Con-\\ndolmieri, the least and most insignificant\\nmember of the sacred body, was found in\\npossession of two-thirds of the suffrages.*\\nThere was no space to repent or retract\\nthe election was already valid, and the bark\\nof St. Peter was thus consigned, in the most\\nanxious moment of its destiny, to the hand of\\nEugenius IV.\\nHad that PontiflT been as deeply impressed\\nwith his own incapacity as the rest of the\\nChristian world, he might occasionally have\\nfollowed the counsel of wiser men but, on\\nthe contrary, he was the most presumptuous,\\nas he was the most ignorant, of mankind.f\\nThe rigorous habits of a monastic life had\\nequally contracted his principles, and blinded\\nhis judgment so that he perpetually mistook\\nprecipitation for decision, and then thought\\nto redeem his rashness by his obstinacy.\\nWithout talents or any steady policy, through\\nthe very restlessness of his character, he ex-\\nercised an influence which was everywhere\\nfelt, and everywhere felt for evi].| And if it\\nIt is thus that Sismondi describes the elevation\\nof Eugenius, without any question as to the credi-\\nbility of his authorities. But we are bound to add,\\nthat several Ecclesiastical Historians, of various\\nages, whom we have consulted on this subject, are\\nsilent as to the circumstance mentioned in the text.\\nSismondi (chap. 66.) cites Andreae Billii Histor.\\nMediolan. 1. ix. p. 143.\\nf He was remarkable for a downcast look. Vultn\\nalioqui decoro et venerabili, nunqnam oculos in pub-\\nlico attollebat, ut a parente meo, qui eum sequebatur,\\naccepi. Volaterra, lib. xxii., p. 815, ap. Bayle.\\nX Contemporary Italian historians exert all (he\\ntalents of partisanship in his favor. But Sismondi,\\nwho has estimated with less prejudice his political, as\\nwell as his ecclesiastical character, speaks of him\\nvery differently. Dans les revolutions violentes ou\\non le voit sans cesse engage, en guerre avec son clerge,\\navec ses sujets, avec ses bienfaitcurs, il manque pres-\\nque toujours en meme temps et de la bonne foi, et de\\nla politique. II y a peu de tyrans a qui on peut re-\\nprocher plus d actes de perfidie et de cruaute; il y a", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0455.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "448\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwere just to select from the long list of pon-\\ntifical delinquents one name, to which the\\ndownfal of the Church should more partic-\\nularly be ascribed, we should not greatly err\\nin attaching that stigma to Eugenius.\\nThe unexpected accident of his elevation\\ninflated still further an inconstant mind.\\nSome success which he gained in a struggle\\nwith the Colonna family for the treasures of\\nhis predecessors, filled him with unbounded\\nconfidence and it was in such a mood that\\nhe plunged into hostilities with the Council\\nof Basle. His first endeavors were directed\\nto crush it, ere it came into operation or even\\nexistence but finding that hopeless, and con-\\nvinced that an assembly so solemnly convok-\\ned, and so earnestly desired, must meet or\\nseem to meet, he determined to neutralize\\nits character by changing its place. Accord-\\ningly, he notified to the President, towards\\nthe end of the year, that by his own full\\npower he had transferred it to Bologna, in\\nItaly.\\nJulian Cesarini, Cardinal of St. Angela.\\nThe President was the Cardinal Julian Cesa-\\nrini, a man whose eminent talents qualified\\nhim for that oflSce, in which he was placed\\nby Martin, and confirmed by Eugenius, and\\nwho may have deserved the reputation which\\nhe has received from Bossuet, of being the\\ngreatest character of his age. At any rate,\\nhe was, on this occasion, more mindful of his\\nduties to the Church, than of his obligations\\nto his master, and respectfully refused obedi-\\nence to the pontifical mandate.\\nThree purposes were specified, for which\\nllie Council of Basle was convoked:* (1.)\\nThe reunion of the Latin and Greek church-\\nes (2.) The reform of the Church in its head\\nand members (3.) The reconciliation of the\\nHussites. We shall confine our account, for\\nthe present, to the second of these, and re-\\nsume the thread wliich was broken at Con-\\nstance: in so doing, it will be our misfortune\\nagain to observe the one party furiously con-\\ntending against its own lasting interests, and\\nrepelling the friendly hand which would have\\npurified and saved a foul and falling system\\nand the other party, thwarted by perpetual\\npeu de monarques iinbecilles, qui aient donne plus de\\npreuves d incapacite el d inconsequeuce. Republ.\\nItal., cap. Ixx.\\nConcilium hoc congregatum est propter extir-\\npandas liaereses, faciendum pacera, reformandum mo-\\nres. Epist. (2) J-uliani Card, ad Eugen. IV. Julian\\nplaces first that which seems to have been in his mind\\nthe most important object: the third, the reformation,\\nhe regarded rather as the means of restoring the unity\\nof the Church.\\nimpediments, insults, artifices, so as to con-\\nfine its exertions to unworthy objects, and not\\neflfectually to accomplish even those. The\\nformer, consisting for the most part of Italians,\\nwere the myrmidons of absolute papacy;\\nwhile the latter comprehended almost all that\\nwas enlightened and generous and virtuous\\namong the clergy of the rest of Europe.\\nContention hetweenthe Council and the Pope.\\nThough many of the prelates had been\\nlong assembled, the first public session was\\nnot held until the 14th of December, 1431 j\\nand from that time forwards, for the space of\\ntwo entire years, the energies and patience of\\nthe fathers were wearied, and their passions\\nexcited, and their attention wholly diverted\\nfrom the great .object of their meeting, by\\nuninterrupted contentions with Eugenius.\\nThey had come together from all. parts of\\nEurope, and their numbers were swelled by\\nthe addition of many of the inferior clergy\\nthey aiTived, deploring the debasement, and\\neager for the regeneration, of their Church\\nthey were confident, too, in their power, and\\nit was to this power that they chiefly trusted\\nto repress the excesses of papacy yet, when\\nthey would have advanced with ardor to\\nrealize these hopes, they found themselves\\nengaged in a tedious and irritating contest\\nfor their own independence. In the course\\nof this contest they pubhshed and republished\\nthose decrees of Constance, which proclaim-\\ned the superior prerogatives of the Council.\\nThey reiterated the authorized assertions,\\nthat a Council General represents the Cliurch,\\nand is the Church that, as such, it derives\\nits attributes immediately from Jesus Christ\\nthat, as such, it is impeccable that it is thus\\npossessed of infallibility a boon which had\\nbeen denied, not only to Popes who had\\nerred in matters of faith, but to the angels f\\nthemselves, for they had sinned that on these\\naccounts the Pope was subject to the Council\\nin all things regarding (1) faith, (2) the extir-\\npation of schism, and (3) the reformation of\\nthe Church that he was only the ministerial I\\nhead of the Church, inferior in eminence to\\nThe method in which that very large body pro-\\nceeded through its deliberations was both generally\\njudicious, and particularly calculated to neutralize the\\nmajority of Italian deputies. It is given at length by\\nthe Contin. of Fleury, liv. cvi., 6.\\nf The synodal response of the Council may be\\nfound in substance in the Continuator of Fleury, lib.\\ncvi., 14. The original is in Labbe s Hist. Concil.\\nX This is urged by ^Eneas Sylvius, Comment, de\\nGestis Basil. Concil., lib. i., p. 16. The same writer\\nalso argues that the Pope is more propei ly the Vicar\\nof the Church than the Vicar of Christ.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0456.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n449\\nthat mystical body;* and consequently (for\\nthis was the point to which the whole tend-\\ned,) that he possessed no power over the\\nCouncil, either to dissolve or transfer it. But\\nall these, and all similar assertions, fell with-\\nout any effect upon the mind of a pontiff,\\nwho was in real monastic sincerity persuaded,\\nthat there existed in the Church no other\\nlegitimate authority whatsoever, excepting\\nhis own. It was in vain to appeal to ancient\\ncanons against modern usurpations, where\\nignorance had conspired with interest to over-\\nthrow reason and justice. It was in vain, that\\nall the learning and genius and eloquence of\\nthe Church were arrayed on the same side\\ntheir weapons were unfelt or unheeded by a\\nstupid and selfish bigotry.\\nCardinal Jiilian Cesarini. During this\\ncontroversy (if such it may be called) Cardi-\\nnal Julian boldly maintained the principles\\nof the Council and the cause of the Catholic\\nChurch. His mind was naturally capacious\\ndeep and assiduous study, which so com-\\nmonly contracts a feeble understanding, had\\nenlarged and enlightened his and a mission,\\nwhich he had personally undertaken for the\\nconciliation of the Bohemians, had brought\\nbefore his eyes the causes, the obstinacy and\\nthe contagiousness of spii-itual rebellion. He\\nwas one of the few Italians, who had pene-\\ntrated the truth, so long manifest to the nor-\\nthern prelates, that a thorough reformation in\\ndiscipline was necessary for the presei-vation\\nof the Church. We cannot so well illustrate\\nthe condition of affairs at that period, as by\\nciting some passages from the two celebrated\\nepistles which he addressed from Basle to\\nEugenius. f One great motive with me to\\nThis last position, together with some of the\\nothers, was proved by arguments derived (1) from\\nreason, (2) from experience, (3) from authority, in\\nthe synodal response addi-essed to Eugenius, at the\\nsecond session. The argument from authority chiefly\\nrested on the text from the 18th chapter of St. Mat-\\nthew If thy brother shall trespass against thee, and\\nwill not hear thee, and shall neglect to hear the wit-\\nnesses, tell it unto the Church but if he neglect to\\nhear the Church, let him be unto thee as a heathen\\nman and a publican. Verily I say unto you, whatso-\\never ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven,\\nand whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed\\nin heaven. Still the question remained, what\\nconstituted the Church\\nt The first Epistle begins in these words Multa\\nme cogunt libere et intrepide loqui ad Sanctitatem\\nvestram; periculum videlicet eversionis fidei ac status\\necclesiastici, et subtractionis obedientige a Sede Apos-\\ntolica in iis partibus; denigratio quoque famas ejus-\\ndem Sanctitatis. Cogit et me charitas qua erga V.\\nS. aflicior et qua niihi affici scio. Ita enim opus est\\n57\\njoin this Council was the deformity and dis-\\nsoluteness of the German clergy, on account\\nof which the laity are immoderately irritated\\nagainst the ecclesiastical state: so much so,\\nas to make it matter of serious apprehension\\nwhether, if they be not reformed, the people\\nwill not rush, after the example of the Hus-\\nsites, upon the whole clergy, as they publicly\\nmenace to do. Pyloreover, this deformity\\ngives great audacity to the Bohemians, and\\ngreat colormg to the eiTors of those, who are\\nloudest in their invectives against the base-\\nness of the clergy: on which account, had\\na general Council not been convoked at this\\nplace, it had been necessary to collect a\\nprovincial synod for the reform of the Ger-\\nman clergy since, in truth, if that clergy be\\nnot corrected, even though the heresy of Bo-\\nhemia should be extinguished, others would\\nrise up in its place. If you should\\ndissolve this Council, what will the whole\\nworld say, when it shall learn the act Will\\nit not decide, that the clergy is incorrigible,\\nand desirous for ever to grovel in the filth of\\nits own deformity .5 Many councils liave\\nbeen celebrated in our days, from which no\\nreform has proceeded the nations are expect-\\ning that some fruit should come from this.\\nBut if it is dissolved, all will exclaim that v/e\\nlaugh at God and man. As no hope of our\\ncorrection will any longer be left, the laity\\nwill rush, like Hussites, upon us. This design\\nis already publicly rumored. The mmds of\\nmen are pregnant they are already beginnmg\\nto vomit the poison intended for our destruc-\\ntion. They will suppose that they are offer-\\ning a sacrifice to God, when they shall mur-\\nut, intellecto discrimine, cautius rebus agendis postea\\nconsulatur. The following sentiment is worthy of\\nthe best ages of Christianity: Et si dicat S. V.\\nHabuimus guerram (bellum); ego respondebo, quod\\netiam si guerrte adhuc durarent, etiam si essetis certi\\nperdere Romam, et totum patrimoniura ecclesia?, po-\\ntius subveniendum est fidei et animabus, pro quibus\\nDominus noster Jesus Christus mortuus est, quam\\narcibus et moeniis civitatum. Carior est Christo\\nuna anima quam non solum temporale ecclesiee patri-\\nmonium, sed etiam coelum et terra. Again,\\nPro Deo, non permittat sibi V. S. talia persuaderi,\\nquia timeo dissidium in ecclesia Dei. Vereor ne\\nadvenerit tempus, de quo dicit Apostolus, quod oportet\\nprimum ut fiat discessio. The fears of the Cardinal\\nv/ere obviously directed not to a second schismj a\\nmere orthodox division of the Church, but to the ab-\\nsolute revolt of its children. But its destiny was not\\nyet accomplished; one more century of turbulent,\\ncontested, and flagitious domination was yet required\\nto fill the cup. But if the overflow did not take place\\nat the time, it at least proceeded from the country,\\nindicated by Julian.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0457.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "450\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nder or despoil the clergy. Sunk in general\\nestimation into the depth of evil, these last\\nwill become odious to God and the world\\nand the very moderate respect wliich is now\\nfelt for them will entirely perish. This Coun-\\ncil is still some little restraint upon secular\\nmen but as soon as they shall find their last\\nhope fail them, they will let loose the reins of\\npublic persecution. Should the Coun-\\ncil be dissolved, the people of Germany, see-\\ning themselves not only deserted but deluded\\nby the Church, will join with the heretics,\\nand hate us even more than they. Alas how\\nfrightful will be the confusion how certain\\nthe termination I Already I behold the\\naxe laid at the root. The tree is bending to\\nits fall, and can resist no longer. And cer-\\ntainly, though it could stand of itself, we our-\\nselves should precipitate it to earth. Again,\\nshould a prorogation be proposed and a trans-\\nfer of place, to the end that in the presence\\nof your holiness gi*eater blessings may be\\naccomplished, no man living will believe it.\\nWe have been deluded (they say) in the\\nCouncil of Sienna; so it is again in this;\\nlegates have been sent out, bulls have been\\nissued nevertheless, a change in the place is\\nnow sought, and a delay in the time. What\\nbetter hope will there be then Most bless-\\ned Father, believe me, the scandals which I\\nhave mentioned will not be removed by this\\ndelay. Let us ask the heretics, whether they\\nwill delay for a year and a half the dissem-\\nination of their virulence Let us ask those,\\nwho are scandalized at the deformity of the\\nclergy, if they will for so long delay their\\nindignation Not a day passes in which\\nsome heresy does not sprout forth not a day\\nin which they do not seduce or oppress some\\nCatholics they do not lose the smallest mo-\\nment of time. There is not a day, in which\\nnew scandals do not arise from the depravity\\nof the Clergy yet all measures for their\\nremedy are procrastinated Let us do what\\ncan be done now. Let the rest be reserved\\nfor this year and a half For I have great\\nfears that, before the end of the year and a\\nhalf, unless means be taken to prevent it, the\\ngreater part of the clergy of Germany will be\\nin desolation. It is certain, that, if the word\\nshould be once spread through Germany that\\nthe council is dissolved, the whole body of\\nthe clergy would be consigned to plunder.\\nBut I hear that some are apprehensive lest\\nthe temporalities should be taken away from\\nthe Church by this council. A strange no-\\ntion! Though, if this council did not consist\\nof ecclesiastics, there tnight be some question\\non the subject. But where shall we find the\\necclesiastic, who would consent to such a\\nproject not only from its injustice, but fi-ora\\nthe loss the body would sustain from k. And\\nwhere the layman there are none, or next\\nto none And if some princes should hap-\\nly send their ambassadors, they will send,\\nfor the most part, ecclesiastics, who would\\nin nowise consent. Even the few laymen,\\nwho will be present, will not be admitted to\\nvote on matters strictly ecclesiastical and I\\nscarcely think that there will be, upon the\\nwhole, ten secular lords present, and perhaps\\nnot half so many. But if we dismiss the\\ncouncil, the laity will then come and take\\nour temporalities indeed. When God wish-\\nes to inflict any misfortune upon any people,\\nhe first so disposes, that their dangers shall\\nnot be perceived nor understood. And such\\nis now the condition of ecclesiastics they are\\nnot blind, but worse than blind they see the\\nflame before them, and rush headlong into it.\\nWithin these few last days I have received\\nintelligence, which should tend still further\\nto divert you from dissolving the council.\\nThe prelates of France have assembled at\\nBourges, and, after long and scrupulous in-\\nvestigation, have decided that this council is\\nnot only legitimate, but must also of necessi-\\nty be celebrated both in this place and at this\\ntime; and so the French clergy is about to\\njoin it. The reasons which have moved\\nthem to this were sent at the same time, and\\nhave been forwarded to your holiness. Why\\nthen do you longer delay You have striven\\nwith all your power, by messages, letters, and\\nvarious other expedients, to keep the clergy\\naway you have struggled with your whole\\nforce utterly to destroy this council. Never-\\ntheless, as you see, it swells and increases\\nday by day, and the more severe the prohibi-\\ntion, the more ardent is the opposite impulse.\\nTell me now is not this to resist the will of\\nGod Why do you provoke the Church to\\nindignation Why do you irritate the Chris-\\ntian people? Condescend, I implore you, so\\nto act, as to secure for yourself the love and\\ngood will, and not the hatred, of mankind.\\nThe eloquent expressions of reason and\\ntruth were wasted upon the sordid soul of\\nEugenius. He persisted in measures of op-\\nposition they were met by a process of cita-\\ntion on the part of the council and this was\\nretorted by a Bull of dissolution both were\\nequally ineffectual. At length, on the 12th\\nof July, 1433, the fathers proceeded one step\\nfarther they suspended the pontiff from his\\ndignity, and prohibited all Christians from", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0458.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n451\\npaying him obedience. Eugenius, in the\\nplenitude of his own power, annulled their\\ndecree and this noisy but innocuous alter-\\ncation might have continued for some time\\nlonger, without any advantage or any honor\\nto either party, had not some accidental cir-\\ncumstances inteiTupted it. The political\\nenterprises of the Pope had not been more\\nhappily conducted, than his ecclesiastical\\nmeasures. During the winter of 1433 he was\\nthreatened by a complication of disasters.\\nThe Colonna attacked him at home the Duke\\nof Milan assailed him from abroad his sub-\\njects were universally discontented, and their\\nmenaces resounded in his capital while Sig-\\nismond had declared loudly in favor of the\\ncouncil, and had even countenanced it by his\\npresence. Under these circumstances, Eu-\\ngenius suddenly lowered his pretensions, and\\nwithdrew his opposition. The offensive Bulls\\nwere revoked and under the plea of co-ope-\\nrating with the council, and with the design\\nof embarrassing it, he sent two legates to Basle\\nto represent his authority.\\nThis hollow reconciliation took place early\\nin 1434 and as the difficulties of the Pope\\nmcreased during the following spring, so fai-\\nas to oblige him to fly from his capital and\\ntake refuge at Florence, the fathers were at\\nlength enabled to turn with some reviving\\nhopes to the subject of reformation.\\nArticles of Reformation. Nineteen ses-\\nsions, during four invaluable years, had\\nalready been consumed without any benefit\\neither to the Pope, the council, or the Church.\\nIn the twentieth, which did not meet until\\nJanuary 23, 1435, some edicts were at length\\npublished for the repression of ecclesiastical\\nabuses; and during the fourteen months\\nwhich followed, other canons were enacted\\nto the same end. Their substance may be\\nexpressed in very few lines. (1.) Severe pen-\\nalties were proclaimed against concubinary\\nclergy, including all who, having suspicious\\nwomen in their service, had disregarded the\\ncommand of the Superior to dismiss them.\\nWe should, perhaps, mention that, in the nine-\\nteenth session, the council renewed the ancient de-\\ncrees about the conversion and excommunication of\\nJews, and the necessary distinction in their dress and\\nresidence and also on the establishment of oriental\\nprofessorships in the various Universities the last,\\nin confirmation of a lifeless canon of the council of\\nVienne. Previously, too in the twelfth session a\\ngeneral decree had been promulgated, with a view to\\nrestore episcopal elections to their original form, and\\nto deprive the Pope of reservations but it was so\\ngeneral, that little practical effect could be expected\\nfrom it.\\n(2.) It was prohibited (in the name of the\\nHoly Spirit) to pay any fees in the court of\\nRome, or elsewhere, for confirmation of elec-\\ntions, for admissions, postulations, or presen-\\ntations for provision, collation, disposition,\\nc. c. by laymen for institution, installa-\\ntion, or investiture, in cathedral or metropo-\\nlitan churches or monasteries, in dignities,-\\nbenefices, or other ecclesiastical offices; for\\nholy orders, for benedictions, or concessions\\nof the pallium for Bulls, for the seal, for\\ncommon annates, servitia minuta, first-fruits,\\ndeports;* or on any other color or pretext.\\nThe exaction, payment or promise, of such fees\\nvt^ere forbidden under the penalties of simony.\\nAnd even (it was enacted,) even, which may\\nGod prohibit, if the Roman pontiff himselfj\\nwho is bound more than any other to observe\\nthe holy canons, should throw scandal on the\\nChurch by violating, in any way, this decree,\\nhe shall be brought to trial before a general\\ncouncil. This passed in the twenty-first ses-\\nsion (June 9, 1435 and it is curious to ob-\\nserve the desperate exertions, with which the\\nPope and his legates and inferior myrmidons\\nput every resource of craft and intrigue into\\naction, in order to prevent, to annul, or to\\nneutralize this measure. But they were de-\\n(1.) The deport was the }^ar s income of vacant\\ncures paid to the Pope or bishop. It was a tax in-\\nstituted by the Popes of Avignon, under the pretext\\nof holy wars. (2.) The grace expectative was the\\nPope s assurance of presentation to a particular bene-\\nfice, when it should become vacant. This right ori-\\nginated in simple recommendation afterwards it\\nchanged into command. To the first letters, called\\nmonitory, letters preceptory were added; and when\\nit was necessary, letters executory were also addressed\\nto some papal commissioners, whose duty it became\\nto compel the ordinary to present, on pain of excom-\\nmunication. This procedure gradually gained ground\\nfrom the twelfth age. (3.) The reservation was a\\ndeclaration, by which the Pope pretended to appoint\\nto a benefice, when it should become vacant, with\\nprohibition to the chapter to elect, or the ordinary to\\ncollate. From special, the Popes proceeded to gene^\\nral, reservations from general to universal at least\\nJohn XXII. resei ved, by a single edict, all the cathe-\\ndrals in Christendom. This usurpation was attacked\\nwith success both at Pisa, Constance, and Basle;\\nand the rights, which the French Church acquired in\\nthat matter at Basle, passed into the Pragmatic Sanc-\\ntion, and thence, with some modification, into the\\nConcordat. The council of Trent abolished reserva-\\ntions entirely. The practice is traced as high as\\nInnocent III. Both the second and third of these\\nwere contrary to the canons of the third Lateran\\ncouncil, held by Alexander III. in 1179, which pub-\\nlished a general prohibition against all dispositions\\nof benefices previous to vacancy. Fleury, Institut\\nan Droit Eccles., p. ii., ch. xv.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0459.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "452\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nfeated by the firmness of the majority of the\\ncouncil in a good cause: and if many more such\\ntriumphs had been obtained by the same party;\\nif many more such restrictions on the worst ex-\\ncesses of Rome had been imposed and enforc-\\ned, her supremacy over the Calhohc Church\\nhad not so speedily passed away from her.\\n(3.) The twenty-third session (March 25,\\n1436) regulated the election of the Pope, and\\nconfirmed the decree of the thirty-ninth ses-\\nsion of Constance, which had prescribed a\\nformula of faith, to be approved on oath, on\\nthe day of election. The oath was to be re-\\nnewed every year on the anniversary of the\\nelection. It proceeded to moderate the nepo-\\ntism of the pontiffs, so far, at least, as to\\nconfine their secular favors, the dukedoms,\\nmarquisates, captaincies, governorships, and\\nother offices which were at their disposal as\\ntemporal monarchs to the second degree\\nof relationship. New laws were also publish-\\ned for the better constitution of the Sacred\\nCollege, which differed in very trifling, if in\\nany, respects, from the enactments of Con-\\nstance on the same subject. The legislation\\nof Basle also descended to some less impor-\\ntant subjects it consulted the delicacy of\\ntimorous consciences by specifying the\\ndegree of obedience due to general sentences\\nof excommunication it restrained the pun-\\nishment of interdicts to the offences of the\\ncity or its government: any sins of an indi-\\nvidual citizen were held insufiicient to pro-\\nvoke that indiscriminate chastisement. It\\nprohibited appeals, while the causes were yet\\npending it condemned the spectacles, which\\ntook place in the churches on particular fes-\\ntivals it promulgated decrees for the greater\\nsolemnity of the divine ofiices, and for the\\nmore decorous dress and deportment of the\\nofficiating ministers.\\nSuch is the substance of the enactments of\\nthe council of Basle for the reform of the\\nChurch. It is true that, at a much later pe-\\nriod of its continuance, it published, in the\\nthirty-first session (January 24, 1438,) two\\ndecrees the one for the limitation of appeals\\nto Rome, the other to revoke and prohibit\\nexpectative graces, and subject the provisions\\nof the Pope to certain specified restrictions\\nbut these, even had they been very funda-\\nmental improvements, were passed at a period\\nwhen the legitimacy of the council itself was\\nmuch disputed and probably they never ac-\\nquired general authority. Those which we\\nhave above enumerated may be considered\\nas comprising all that the assembled fathers\\nreally accomplished, din-ing deliberations\\nwhich continued, at least nominally, through\\nthe space of nearly twelve years.\\nConduct of the Pope s Legates. The two\\nlegates, to whom the pontifical interests had\\nbeen intrusted by Eugenius, followed with\\nabundant zeal and capacity their private in-\\nstructions. No device, which seemed calcu-\\nlated to thwart the progress of reform, had\\nbeen neglected by them. Every objection\\nhad been magnified into a difficulty, every\\ndifficulty had been swelled into an insur-\\nmountable impediment. The meanest soph-\\nistry had been confronted with the boldest\\nreason artifice, fraud, seduction had been\\narrayed against upright purposes and gener-\\nous principles;* delays had been created,\\nfalsehoods propagated, subterfuges invented,\\nand all that minute machinery set in motion,\\nwhich is at all times employed in the defence\\nof corrupt systems, by those who find their\\nprofit in the corruption, f To the honor of\\nthe reformers of Basle be it recorded, that the\\nintrigues which were eternally in operation\\nto divide or to degrade them, were inefficient\\nthe firmness of those respectable ecclesias-\\ntics,| their intelligence and their honesty re-\\nScitis vosmetipsi quoties hae vobis dilationes\\nnocuerint, quotiesque paucorurn mora dierum longis-\\nsimuin traxit spatium; qui jam octavum annum in\\ndilatlonibus agitis, semper dilationes ex diJationibus\\nvidistis emergere. Cardinalis Arelatensis, ap.\\n^n. Sylv. Gest. Basil. Concil.\\nt Quis est qui existimet Romanum pontificem ad\\nsui emendationem concilium conjugare Nempe ut\\npeccant homines, sic etiam impune peccar evolunt.\\niEneas Sylv. de Gest. Basil. Cone, 1. i., p. 20.\\nThe expressions of ^neas Sylvius almost rise\\ninto eloquence. Ubinam gentium talis patrum est\\nchorus, ubi tantum scientia? lumen, ubi px-udentia, ubi\\nbonitas est, quae noraen patrum sequare virtutibus\\nqueatl Oh integerrimam fraternitatem oh verum\\norbis terrarum Senatum! Quam pulchra, quam sua-\\nvis, quam devota res fuit, hie celebrantes episcopos,\\nillic orantes abbates, alibi vero doctores divinas le-\\ngentes historias audire! et unum ad lumen can-\\ndelcc scribentem cernere, alium vero grande aliquid\\nraeditantem intueri. Illic cum exeuntem cella\\naut Christianum aut alium quempiam ex antiquioribus\\nvidisses, non alium certe videre putasses, quam vel\\nmagnum Antonium, vel Paulum simplicem; et ilium\\nsane Hilarioni, ilium Paphnutio, ilium Amoni aequi-\\nparasses. Plus autem hoc in loco quam in Antoniana\\nsolitudine reperisses, siquidem Hieronymo etiam et\\nAugustino obviasses, quorum litlerae in conclavi fue-\\nrunt, in eremo non fuerunt. Custodiebatur inter dom-\\ninos magna charitas, inter famulos bona dilectio, inter\\nutrosque optimum siientium, c. c. De Gestis\\nBasil. Concil., lib. ii., pag. 57. It should be men-\\ntioned that this description is not general, but relates\\nonly to the fathers who constituted the conclave for\\nthe election of tlie nevi Pope\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the elite of the council.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0460.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION,\\n453\\nfleeted upon the Catholic Church a splendid\\ngleam of glory in the moment of her danger\\nand tribulation and their perseverance might\\nstill have wrought some great advantage, had\\nnot a new cu cumstance arisen to foil it.\\nFinal breach between the Pope and the Coun-\\ncil. The conciliation of the Greek Church\\nwas one of the avowed objects of the council\\nand as deputies were expected from the east\\nto confer on that subject, their convenience\\nand inclinations as to the place of conference\\nrequired some attention both (it was justly\\nsaid) would be best consulted by substituting\\nfor Basle some city in Italy. It was m vain\\nthat the council then proposed Avignon, or\\nSavoy the Pope would listen to no such\\ncompromise, but pressed the superior advan-\\ntages of an ItaUan city. At the same time,\\nboth parties had opened negotiations at Con-\\nstantinople and the contests, which had been\\nenacted at Basle, were repeated, with a dif-\\nferent result, before the patriarch and the\\nemperor. In that refined court, the superior\\ntactics of the papal party prevailed and in\\nthe intestine commotions of the hierarchy of\\nthe west, the oriental autocrat listened more\\npartially to the monarch, than to the senate,\\nof the Church. Besides, while his emissa-\\nries were thus advancing his views abroad,\\nthe Pope s domestic embarrassments had\\ngradually diminished, and with them his fears\\nand his prudence. Thus elated, he deter-\\nmined again to engage with the council in\\nopen warfare. Accordingly we observe, that,\\nabout the twenty-third and twenty-fourth\\nsessions, his legates assumed a higher tone\\nthan formerly on the other hand, the coun-\\ncil breathed nothing but indignation and de-\\nfiance and thus, after a short and feverish\\nsuspension, the former quarrels were renew-\\ned, and not even the semblance of concord\\nwas ever aftei-wards restored.\\nThe second contest began nearly where\\nthe first had ended. The Pope manoeuvred\\nto transfer the council to Italy. The council\\ncited the Pope to Basle July 31, 1437,) to\\nanswer for his vexatious opposition to the\\nreform of the Church. And the Pope, in\\nthat plenitude of power to which he had\\nnever formally abandoned his pretensions,\\ndeclared the council transferred to Ferrara.\\nIn the 28th session Oct. 1, 1437,) Eugenius\\nwas convicted of contumacy; and on the\\n10th of the January following, he celebrated,\\nin defiance of the sentence, the first session\\nof the council of Ferrara. On that occasion\\nhe solemnly annulled every future act of the\\nassembly at Basle, excepting only such, as\\nshould have reference to the ti*oubles of\\nBohemia.\\nDesertion of Cardinal Julian. On the eve\\nof the opening of the Council of Ferrara,\\nCardinal Julian, whose fidelity to the body\\nover which he presided, and earnestness in\\nthe discharge of that office, had never been\\nquestioned, suddenly departed from Basle,\\nand passed over to the party of the Pope.\\nThe defection of so considerable a person, at\\nso dangerous a crisis, might naturally have\\nshaken the firmness of the fathers and we\\ncan also readily believe, that, after Cesarini\\nhad taken his resolution, he exerted his great\\ntalents to induce as many as he could influ-\\nence, to follow him. It remains, however, as\\na memorable fact, that, among the numerous\\nprelates assembled at Basle, four only were\\npersuaded to imitate the example of their\\npresident nor does it appear that, even after\\nthe arrival of the Greeks in Italy, any one\\nbishop, or doctor, or dignified ecclesiastic,\\ndeserted the cause in which he had first en^\\ngaged. The sovereigns of Europe remained\\nequally firm, and the king of France even\\nprohibited his subjects from joining the as-\\nsembly at Ferrara.\\nQuestions on the legitimacy of the Council.\\nIt is almost needless to say, that the legiti-\\nmacy of the Council of Basle has been a\\nsubject of dispute among Roman Catholic\\nwriters, and that they have differed, accord-\\ning to the diversity of their opinions on the\\nextent and nature of papal supremacy. It\\nhas been commonly designated the Acepha-\\nlous Council and some have maintained that\\nits authority expired as early as the tenth\\nsession but even Bellarmine allows, that ita\\ndecrees were binding on the Church, until it\\ncommenced its deliberations respecting the\\ndeposition of the Pope. This last is the\\nmore general opinion even among the Trans-\\nalpine divines of whom none have been\\nfound so rash and inconsistent, as to dispute\\nits canonical convocation and origin. If it\\nbe admitted, then, thus generally, that, during\\nthose few sessions, which it devoted to the\\nreforjn of the Church, it was a true and in-\\nfallible Council, the controversy, respecting\\nthe sessions which followed, can have little\\nimportance in the eyes of the historian\\nsince they were consumed in an obstinate\\ncontest with a perverse pontiff, without pro-\\nducing any lasting alteration either in the\\nprinciples or administration of the govern-\\nment of the Church.\\nDeposition of Eugenius. We shall not\\npursue that contest into any detail. The", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0461.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "454\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nCardinal Archbishop of Aries, who was\\nborn in France near the borders of Savoy,\\nwas elected, no unworthy successor to the\\nChair of Cesarini.* Eugenius was presently\\nsuperseded from all jurisdiction; but it\\nwas not until the middle of April, 1439, that\\nthe Council published its celebrated Eight\\nPropositions against that pontiff, as a meas-\\nure preparatory to his deposition. On this\\noccasion great dissensions arose the prelates\\nof Spain combined almost unanimously with\\nthe Italian party and the opposition was\\npowerfully conducted by the Archbishop of\\nPalermo (Panormus or Panormitanus,) f who\\nhad recently made the sacrifice of his private\\nVir omnium constantissimus et ad guberna-\\ntionem Generalium Conciliorum natus. JEn.\\nSylv. Comment, de Gestis Basil. Concil., lib. i. p.\\n25. Tiiis particular commendation 13 explained by\\nsubsequent expressions. We shall select two of a\\nvery different character. (1) The Cardinal, on an\\nimportant occasion, fearing to be left in a minority,\\nout-manoeuvred the opposition, and prorogued the\\nCouncil. His friends were delighted Alii quidern\\neum, alii vestimentorum fimbrias, deosculabantur,\\nsecutique ipsum plurimi, prudentiam ejus magnopere\\ncommendabant, qui, licet origine esset Gallicus, Italos\\ntamen hac die .summa homines astutia, superasset.\\nIbid. p. 37, (2) A violent pestilence broke out at\\nBasle, and swept away some distinguished members\\nof the Council. Every one supplicated the Cardinal\\nto retire into the country; all his domestics, all his\\nfriends, joined with one voice in the same entreaty\\nQuid agis, epectate Pater! fuge hunc saltern lunse\\ndefectum, salva tuum caput, quo salvo salvamur\\nomnes; quo etiam pereunte omnes perimus. Quod\\nsi te pestis opprimat, ad quern confugiemusl quis nos\\nregel quis ductor hujus fidelis exercitus erit*? Jam\\ntuam Cameram irrepsit virus, jam Secretarius tuus,\\njamque Cubicularius tuus mortem obiit. Considera\\ndiscrimen, salva teipsum et nos Sed neque\\nilium preces neque domestieorum ftmera flectere po-\\ntuerunt, volentem potius cum vita? periculo salvare\\nconcilium, quam cum periculo concilii salvare vitam.\\nSciebat enim, quoniam, se reccdente, pauci re-\\nmansissent, facileque committi fraus in ejus q,bsen-\\ntia potuisset. Ibid. lib. ii. p. 48. The ntian, who\\nunited more than Italian subtlerty with the courage\\nand self-devotion here discovered, was undoubtedly\\nborn to rule his fellow creatures.\\nt His speech is reported in the Commentaries of\\nthe then admirable advocate for the independence of\\nthe Church, iEneas Sylvius. His work is chiefly\\nemployed on those Acts of the Council, which more\\nimmediately preceded the election of Feljx V. Pan-\\normitanus urged, among other things, that the Pope s\\nerror in dissolving the Council was not a heresy;\\nsince, though the superiority of the General Council\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was a truth, it was not an article of faith so that\\nthe Council had not sufficient ground for deposing\\nEugenius. This seemed unpardonable sophistry to\\njiEneas Sylvius\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to Pope Pius II. it probably ap-\\npeared a very feeble defeoce of papal rights.\\nprinciples to the will of his sovereign. His\\ntalents and his eloquence were admired by\\nall his sophistry influenced the weak or the\\nwavering and when the Fathers next assem-\\nbled for the resumption of the debate, the\\nbenches of the prelates were almost deserted\\nof the multitudes collected at Basle, scarce-\\nly twenty mitred heads could be numbered\\nin that congregation.* The Cardinal of Aries\\nwas prepared for this defection and he had\\ndevised a remedy, suited no less to the char-\\nacter of the declining days of Papacy, than\\nof its most prosperous. He commanded the\\nrelics of all the Saints in the city to be\\nbrought from their sanctuaries, to be carried\\nby the priests to the place of assembly, and\\ndeposited by their hands in the vacant seats\\nof the bishops. At this spectacle, says\\n^neas Sylvius,) and on the invocation of\\nthe Holy Spirit, the multitudes present were\\nmoved by an extraordinary impulse of de-\\nvotion, which overflowed in tears. And\\nthroughout the whole Church there was a\\nsoft and affectionate bewailing of pious men,\\nwho implored in soitow the divine assistance,\\nand deeply supplicated the Omnipotent God\\nto give aid to the Church, whose children\\nthey were. The Session (the thirty-third)\\nwas then peacefully dissolved; but in that\\nwhich followed (June 25th, 1439) the con-\\ntested measure was carried and, after eight\\nyears of open, or disguised hostility, Euge-\\nnius IV. was at length deposed.\\nThe Council of Basle was composed, besides nu-\\nmerous prelates and abbots, of a great multitude of\\ninferior clergy, who appear to have formed the ma-\\njority and we observe, from the narrative of ^neas\\nSylvius, that, during the violent debates which pre-\\nceded the deposition of Eugenius, the prelates were\\nfor the most part on the side of Panormitanus, that is\\nof the Pope, and the inferior orders on tlie other. In\\nthe session (the thirty-third) described in the text,\\nNullus Arragoneqsium praelatorum interfuit, nullus-\\nque omnino ex tota Hispania. Ex Italia soli Gros^\\nsitanus Episcopuset Abbas de Dona. Doctores autem\\net cieteri inferiores magno in numero Arragonenses\\nfuerunt, et omnes fere, qui aderant, ex Italia Hispan-\\niaque (nee enim inferiores, sicut Preclati, princi-\\npem timuerunt.) Maximaque tunc Arragoiiensium\\net Cathelanorum virtus in inferioribus emicuit^\\nqui sese minime necessitati ecclesise denegarunt.*\\nSi enim episcopi baud multi erant, plena tamen\\nomnia fuerunt subsellia procuratoribus episcoporum,\\narchidiacoqis, praepositis, prioribus, presbyteris et\\ndivini et humani juris doctoribus, quos aut qua-\\ndringentos aut certe plures esse dijudicavi, c. This\\nrepublican constitution of the Council must, indeed,\\nhave rendered it peculiarly obnoxious to the prejudi-.\\nces of a monastic Pope. Comment, iEn, Sylvij,\\nii. p. 43.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0462.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n455\\nElection of Felix V. and Dissolution of the\\nCouncil. On the 5th of November following,\\nAmadeus, duke of Savoy, was elected to the\\nSee thus vacated, and assumed the name of\\nFelix V. But as Eugenius retained, with-\\nout any defection, the obedience of Italy and\\nsome other countries, the success of the anti-\\npapal party had no other effect, than to create\\na second schism. Among the sovereigns of\\nEurope, the most powerful, though ill affect-\\ned to Eugenius, were far from approving the\\nviolent proceedings of the Council and the\\nGerman, as well as the French Court, be-\\ncame more distant and guarded in its inter-\\ncourse with the fathers of Basle while the\\ninferior princes appear to have recognised or\\nrejected the ope Pope or the other, as suited\\nthe seeming policy of the moment. And\\nthis confusion continued with little interrup-\\ntion until May, 1443, when the Council cele-\\nbrated its forty-fifth and last Session. It\\nthen dissolved itself or rather transferred\\nits (nominal) sittings to Lyons or Lausanne\\nwhile the rival assembly, which was still\\nlingering at Florence, withdrew, by a simul-\\ntaneous secession, to Rome.\\nJVicholas V. Cession of Felix. Felix V.\\nmaintained his scanty Couit, and the faint\\nshow of pontifical majesty, at Lausanne and\\nthough the sovereigns both of France and\\nGermany made some exertions to remove\\nthe schism, it continued until the death of\\nEugenius in 1447. Nicholas V.- succeeded\\nand the more general recognition, which he\\nreceived from the Courts of Europe, as well\\nas his more popular reputation, induced\\nFelix, whose ambition was destitute of self-\\nishness, as his character was moderate and\\nvirtuous, to negotiate respecting the cession\\nof his dignity. Certain conditions were ac-\\ncordingly proposed and accepted, and in the\\nyear 1449, the creature of the Council of\\nBasle for ever resigned his claims on the\\nChair of St. Peter. The happy escape from\\nthis second peril, which menaced the unity\\nof the Church, filled the people with univer-\\nsal joy the errors of the Hussites and the\\nscandals of the clergy were for the moment\\nforgotten and everywhere, after the fashion\\nof the times, a commemorative verse was\\nchanted,\\nFulsit lux mundo; cessit Feiix Nicolao-\\nThough the general measures of reform-\\nation, published by the Council of Basle,\\nwere very inadequate to the necessities of\\nthe Church, even in the eyes of an orthodox\\nreformer, yet by conciu-rence with some na-\\ntional assemblies held in Germany, and espe-\\ncially in France, they became instrumental\\nin improving the ecclesiastical government\\nand discipline in both those countries.\\nDiet of Mayence. In Germany, s project,\\nwhich had been prepared at Nuremburg, in\\n1438, having failed to obtain the approbation\\neither of the Council or the Pope, a Diet\\nwas opened at JMayence in the March of\\nthe year following. The deputies from Basle,\\nand some emissaries of Eugenius were pre-\\nsent and the Assembly, after some delibera-\\ntion, received all the general decrees of the\\nCouncil.* We do not learn, however, that\\nany means were taken to give them efiicacy,\\nor to establish them as the permanent and\\nliving code of the German Church. At any\\nrate, its independence was soon afterwards\\nbetrayed by Frederic III. and in the nego-\\ntiations between the empire and the Holy\\nSee, which were conducted by his secretary,\\niEneas Sylvius, that accomplished politician\\nwas less faithfiil to the interests which he\\nthus represented, than to those over which\\nhe was destined hereafter to preside. The\\nconcordats, arranged at Aschaffenburg in\\n1448, resigned most of the advantages which\\nthe Germans had derived from the proceed-\\nings at Basle, and left the papal rights neai-ly\\nin the situation in which they had been\\nplaced by Martin V^\\nCouncil of Bourges. The French were at\\nthe same time conducting their national ex-\\nertions with greater method and decision,\\nand with a much better prospect of per-\\nmanent effect. The first meeting of their\\nprelates at Bourges was contemporary with\\nthat of the Council of Basle. Some useful\\nresolutions were then passed. But the Grand\\nAssembly, which fixed the liberties of the\\nGallican Church, was held in the same city\\nin the year 1438. It was convoked by\\nCharles VII., who presided in person it was\\nthronged by his most illustrious subjects,\\nsecular as well as ecclesiastic and it was\\nattended by the authorized legates both of\\nEugenius and the Council. The result of\\ntheir deliberations was the celebrated Prag-\\nThe Diet of Mayence withheld its sanction from\\nthose decrees, which were directly levelled against\\nEugenius.\\nt The Annates^ the great bone of contention, were\\nretained in substance by the Pope. Instead of the\\narbitrary reservation of benefices, he obtained the\\npositive right of collation during six alternate months\\nof every year. Episcopal elections were restored to\\nthe chapters the Pope only nominating in case of\\ntranslation, or of a person, canonically disqualified,\\nbeing presented for confirmation. See Hallam, Mid*\\ndie Ages, chap. vii.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0463.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "456\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nmatic Sanction,* the great bulwark of the\\nnational Church, against the usurpations of\\nRome that to which the French divines\\nafterwards clung with so much resolution\\nand tenacity, even after it had been betrayed\\nto the enemy by an interested rnonarch.\\nThe Galilean Liberties, while they embrac-\\ned a number of particular provisions, were\\nfounded on two grand principles (1) That\\nthe Pope has no authority in the kingdom of\\nFrance over any thing concerning temporals.\\n(2) That, though the Pope is acknowledged\\nas sovereign lord in spirituals, his power even\\nin these is restricted and controlled by the\\ncanons and regulations of the ancient Coun-\\ncils of the Church,f received in this kingdom.\\nThe Pragmatic Sanction. The Articles\\nconstituting the Pragmatic Sanction were\\nchiefly founded on the Decrees of the twen-\\ntieth, twenty-first, and twenty^third Sessions\\nof the Council of Basle. Some of these\\nwere, indeed, modified, with a view to accom-\\nmodate them to the peculiar circumstances\\nof the country, not (as was expressly declar-\\ned) from any disrespect to the authority of\\nthat Assembly. But the greater part were\\nat once adopted into the Church of France,\\nand ardently embraced by the clergy and the\\nnation. Yet can it scarcely be necessary to\\nremind the reader, that most of the abuses\\nthus removed concerned no more vital ques-\\ntion, than the patronage of the Church that\\nthe object of most of those vaunted resolu-\\ntions was only to relieve the clergy (and, to\\na certain extent, the people of France) from\\nthe contributions, which, under a thousand\\nnames and pretexts, were exacted by the\\nApostolical Chancery that the avarice of the\\nHoly See was the most unpopular among its\\nPragmatic sanction was a general term for ail\\nimportant ordinances of Church or State those, per-\\nhaps, more properly, which were enacted in public\\nassemblies, with the counsel of eminent jm-isconsults,\\nor Pragmatici.\\nf La premiere est. Que les Papes ne peuvent rien\\ncommander ni ordonner, soit en general soit en par-\\nticulier, de ce qui concerne les choses teraporelles es\\npays et terres de I obeyssance et souverainete du Roy\\nTres-Chrestien et s ils y commandent ou statuent\\nquelque chose, les sujets du Roy, encores qu ils fus-\\nsent clercs, ne sont tenus pour obeyr pour ce regard,\\nLa seconde, Qu encores que le Pape soit reconnu\\npour suzerain es choses spirituelles toutesfois en\\nFrance la puissance absolue et infinie n a point de\\nlieu, mais est retenue et bornee par les canons et\\nregies des anciens conciks de I Eglise receus en ce\\nroyaume. Et in hoc maximd consistit Libertas Ec-\\nciesise GallicanGe. See Commentaire sur le Traits\\ndes Lib. de I Eglise Gall, de Pierre Pithov. Paris,\\n1652.\\nvices and that mere pecuniaiy motives were\\nat the bottom of more than half the grievao*\\nces, which alienated its children from it.\\nWe shall not here relate the exertions which\\nwere made by Pius II. to subvert the prin-\\nciples, of which, as ^neas Sylvius, be had\\nbeen the warmest advocate, and to overthrow\\nthe liberties, which his own hand had plant-\\ned. The nominal repeal of the Pragmatic\\nSanction by Louis XI. was never ratified by\\nhis subjects, nor effected in defiance of their\\ndissent and the articles which were enacted\\nat Bourges continued for the most part in\\nforce until the reign of Francis I. The con-\\nsequence was, that the French people, being\\nin a great degree sheltered from the extor-\\ntions of Rome, wer^ less disposed to question\\nher general rights, and to rebel against her\\nspiritual prerogatives. The most sordid and\\ndisgusting particulars of her system were not\\nso commonly presented to their view. A\\nsmaller contribution, indeed, flowed into her\\ntreasuries, and her emissaries were more\\nsparingly scattered in that country but her\\nname was less odious, as her vices were less\\nobtrusive. And while in Germany, the re-\\nestablishment of the Papal despotism, with\\nall its train of annates, reservations, and in-\\ndulgences, produced, by an inevitable neces-\\nsit}^, the violent revolt and final independence\\nof the oppressed, so the Catholics of France\\nsubmitted with less reluctance to her mitigat-\\ned sway,\\nThe most important decree promulgated at\\nConstance was, perhaps, that which fixed the\\nperiodical meeting of general councils for it\\nwas in vain to have established the supre-\\nmacy of those assemblies, unless continual\\nopportunities were afforded them for its ex-\\nercise. The spirit of Rome was invanable,\\nand in perpetual action it could not be coun^\\nteracted and restrained, unless by frequent\\ncollision with the restraining body. The wis-\\nest resolutions, unless enforced by the con-;\\nThe Pragmatic Sanction consisted of twenty-\\nthree articles, several of which regarded the police\\nof cathedral churches, the celebration of the divine\\noffices, and other matters not connected with papal\\nprerogatives. There are also some few which are so\\nconnected, which have yet no reference to patronage\\nthey respect the periodical assembly, and the supe-\\nrior authority, of General Councils, and the number\\nof the Sacred College. But elections, reservations,\\ncollections, expectative graces, and annates formed\\nafter all the burden of the grievances and to those\\nwe may fairly add appeals to the Court of Rome,\\nwhicli were now become only an additional method\\nof raising money. See Histoire de I Orig. de I4\\nPragra. S{Vnct.,. c, par Pierre Pithov.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0464.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTS AT SELF-REFORMATION.\\n457\\netant protection of the power which created\\nthem, would be neutralized or crushed in the\\npontifical grasp. The justice of this appre-\\nhension was proved by the fate of the very\\ndecree, of which we are now speaking. It\\nwas perseveringly eluded by the Popes who\\nfollowed, and with so much success, that no\\nother general council was convoked before\\nthe end of the century. After the separation\\nof the fathers of Basle, the repose and pre-\\nrogatives of the pontiffs were never seriously\\ndistiu-bed, until the destined season at length\\narrived, in which they were invaded by a\\nharsher voice and a far ruder hand.\\nIt has been made a question among eccle-\\nsiastical writers, whether the decennial meet-\\nings of those bodies, as decreed at Constance,\\nwould have conferred benefit or the contraiy,\\non the Roman Catholic Church. It is argued\\non the one hand, that they presented the only\\ncheck upon the excesses of the Roman court,\\nwhich were hurrying the Church to its de-\\nstruction; that in the progressive light and\\nmformation of the age, an absolute spiritual\\ndespotism could not possibly endure much\\nlonger, and that the monarchy of the Church\\ncould only hope for stability through an infu-\\nsion of the popular principle since even the\\nclergy themselves were no longer well affected\\ntowards an unlimited government that many\\nabuses in morals and discipline, which were\\ncontinually growing up, were most effectually\\ncorrected by the authority of councils.\\nOn the other hand, it is disputed whether\\nthe benefits derived from the three assem-\\nblies, which had taken place, were, in fact,\\nso very substantial Whether they were at\\nall proportionate to the weighty machinery,\\nwhich was moved to produce them Wheth-\\ner the non-residence of so many prelates and\\nother clergy, during such long periods, was\\njiot a new evil of immense importance?\\nWhether those divisions and passionate con-\\ntests among spiritual ministers, which seemed\\nthe necessary fruit of general councils, did\\nnot cast as many scandals on the church, as\\nthose which were removed? Whether the\\nimmediate danger of a positive schism, which\\nhad actually been occasioned by the proceed-\\nings at Basle, did not at least counterbalance\\nthose remote perils, which timely remedies\\nmight, or might not, perhaps, have averted\\nTo a Protestant impartially comparing\\nthese considerations, it is, in the first place,\\npbvious, that a cordial co-operation between\\nan enlightened Pope and a body of intelligent\\necclesiastics, for the single purpose of correct-\\ning abuses in government and discipline, and\\n58\\notherwise modifying the system by season-\\nable alterations, would have afforded the best\\nhuman probability of preserving the papal\\nsupremacy undisputed, and deferring the\\nhour of a more perfect reformation. But, on\\nthe other hand, it is equally manifest, that, as\\nthe court of Rome was at that time constitut-\\ned, so generous a co-operation, so provident\\na sacrifice of instant profit for future security,\\ncould not possibly have formed the policy of\\nthe Vatican. Those, who have long been in\\npossession of usurped prerogatives, have sel-\\ndom the courage, when the moment of retri-\\nbution approaches, to concede a part, though\\nthey should thereby save the rest they cling\\npertinaciously to their meanest acquisitions,\\nuntil the hand of the reformer is at length\\nprovoked to resume the whole. It was thus\\nwith the Bishops of Rome educated in a\\nprofligate court, and in the narrowest princi-\\nples, they commonly obtained their elevation\\nby intrigue or bribery. The pontifical digni-\\nty was itself beset by seductions, sufficient to\\ncorrupt the most generous mind. So that it\\nwas vain to look to Rome for any other policy,\\nthan the most contracted and the most selfish.\\nIf these conclusions be true, the periodical\\nmeetings of general councils would have\\nonly introduced periodical convulsions and\\nschisms. And, although some partial benefits\\nwould no doubt have proceeded from their\\ndeliberations, they would scarcely have pro-\\nlonged the duration of a system, of which\\nunity was a necessary characteristic. The\\nmanner of its destruction might, indeed, have\\nbeen different it might have been torn in\\npieces by intestine discord, instead of sinking\\nbefore the impulse from without. But its\\ndoom was uTevocably sealed and the seeds\\nof dissolution were too amply sown in the\\nvery vitals of the papal Church, to admit of\\nany effectual reformation.\\nGeneral Principles of the Councils of Con-\\nstance and Basle. Again however justly\\nwe may applaud the reforming projects of\\nthe fathers of Constance and Basle, as indi-\\ncating some consciousness of shame or of\\ndanger, some foresight, at least, if not some\\nvirtue, yet it is certain that their general\\nprinciples were in no respect more moderate\\nthan those of the Vatican. We have already\\nobserved how the former of those Councils,\\nafter investing itself with all the spiritual\\nattributes and authority of the Church, im-\\nmediately overstepped the boundaiy,* and\\nIf the fathers of Constance offended the King of\\nFrance by the orders which they issued respecting the\\nsafe conduct of Sigismond ia bis journey to Spain;", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0465.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "458\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ndrew, like the Popes whom it superseded,\\nthe temporal sword. But we have still to\\ndescribe the most ai-bitrary and iniquitous\\nact of the same assembly. The Holy Fathers,\\nbe it recollected, had met for the reformation\\nof their Church. The word was perpetually\\non their lips, and they denounced, with un-\\nsparing vehemence, some of the corruptions\\nof their own system. In the midst of them\\nwere two men of learning, genius, integrity,\\npiety, who had intrusted their personal safety\\nto the faith of the council, John Huss and Je-\\nrome of Prague and these too were reform-\\ners. But it happened that they had taken a\\ndifferent view of the condition and exigencies\\nof the Church and while the boldest projects\\nof the wisest among the orthodox were con-\\nfined to matters of patronage, discipline, cere-\\nmony, the hand of the Bohemians had probed\\na deeper wound: they disputed, if not the\\ndoctrinal purity,* at least the spiritual omnip-\\notence of the Church. Those daring inno-\\nvators had crossed the line which separated\\nreformation from heresy and they had their\\nrecompense. In the clamor which was raised\\nagainst them, all parties joined as with one\\nvoice: divided on all other questions, con-\\ntending about all other principles, the grand\\nuniversal assembly was united, from Gerson\\nhimself down to the meanest Italian papal\\nminion, in common detestation of the heresy,\\nin implacable rage against its authors. Those\\nvenerable martyrs were imprisoned, arraigned,\\ncondemned and then by the command, and\\nin the presence of the majestic senate of the\\nChurch, the deposer of Popes, the uprooter\\nof corruption, the reformer of Christ s holy\\nCommunion they were deliberately con-\\nsigned to the flames. Is there any act record-\\ned in the blood-stained annals of the Popes\\nmore foul and merciless than that 7\\nMore than this. The guilt of the murder\\nwas enhanced by perfidy; and for the pur-\\npose of justifying this last offence for the\\nformer, being founded on the established\\nChurch principles, required no apology they\\nadded to those principles another, not less\\nflagitious than any of those already recog-\\nnised that neither faith nor promise, by\\nnatural, divine, or human law, was to be\\nobserved to the prejudice of the Catholic\\nreligion. f Let us here recollect that this\\nBO did those of Basle irritate the princes of Germany\\nby an assumption of temporal authority; and this\\nwas their great mistake.\\nSee the following Chapter.\\nt Cum tamen dictus Johannes Huss, fidera ortho-\\ndoxaio pertinaciter impugnans, se ab omni conductu\\nmaxim did not proceed from the caprice of\\nan arbitrary individual, and a Pope, for so\\nit would scarcely have claimed our serious\\nnotice but from the considerate resolution\\nof a very numerous assembly, which embod-\\nied almost all the learning, wisdom, and mod-\\neration of the Roman Catholic Church.\\nGeneral councils, claiming to act under\\nthe immediate influence of the Holy Spirit,\\nwere consequently infallible, as well as im-\\npeccable. We shall, therefore, mention one\\nor two of the subjects to which their unerring\\njudgment was directed. In the July of 1434,\\nthe council of Basle confirmed a Bull, previ-\\nously published by Eugenius IV., respecting\\nthe veneration due to the sacrament of the\\nEucharist, and the indulgences granted at\\nthe feast of the holy sacrament with an order\\nfor its universal observance in the Church.\\nThe thirty-sixth session Sept. 17, 1439 of\\nthe same assembly was occupied in drawing\\nup a decree in favor of the immaculate con-\\nception of the Holy Virgin.* This article of\\nfaith was solemnly enjoined to all good Cath-\\nolics and an universal festival was instituted\\nin its honor, according to the custom of the\\nRoman Chui ch. Two years aflerwards, at\\ntheir forty-third meeting, the same fathera\\nconfirmed, after a very long deliberation, the\\nfeast of the visitation of the Holy Virgin.\\nThey enacted that it should be celebrated\\nthroughout the whole Church by all the faith-\\nful and they accorded to those, who should\\nassist at matins, at the processions, at the\\nsermon, at mass, at the first and at the second\\nvespers, a hundred days of indulgences for\\neach of those offices. At the same time,\\nwhile they were thus extending the reign of\\nsuperstition over their obedient children, they\\net privilegio reddiderit alienum, nee aliqua sibi fides\\naut promissio de jure naturali, divino vel humane,\\nfuerit in prejudicium Catholicse fidei observanda:\\nideirco dicta sancta synodus declarat, c. The\\nwords are cited by Hallam (Middle Ages, chap, vii.),\\nwithout suspicion. We find it asserted, however, by\\nRoman Catholics, that they exist in no MS. except\\nthat in the Imperial Library at Vienna; and that\\neven there the formal signatures, attached to the other\\narticles, are not subscribed to this; hence they infer\\nits spuriousness. We should remark that Von der\\nHardt has published it (torn, iv., p. 521,) without\\nany expression of doubt.\\nThat is, that the holy Virgin was preserved in\\nher conception from the stain of original sin. We\\nobserve that bachelors in theology, and others in the\\nUniversity of Paris, were compelled to subscribe, on\\noath, to their belief in this doctrine. In Spain it is\\nconsidered an essential part of the Catholic faith at\\nthis moment.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0466.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "THE HUSSITES.\\n459\\nwere contesting the double communion with\\nthe Bohemian rebels, and refusing every con-\\ncession to reason and to scripture, excepting\\nsuch as was extorted from them by force.\\nSome individuals must certainly have existed\\namong them, who had penetrated the imvard\\ndepravity of their system and saw the totter-\\ning ground on which it stood; but they be-\\nJieved, no doubt, that things would continue\\nto be, as they had been they were blind to\\nthe slow but irresistible progress of inquiry\\nand knowledge.\\nFrom the days of St. Bernard to those\\nof Bossuet the extirpation of heresy formed\\na part or an object f of every scheme of\\nChurch reform proposed by churchmen.\\nThe principle of toleration was unknown in\\nthe ecclesiastical policy it may have guided\\nthe private practice of many enlightened in-\\ndividuals, but it was never inscribed in the\\ncode of the Church. Those very councils,\\nfrom whose generous professions and pop-\\nular constitution a wiser legislation might\\nhave been expected, did but exclude it more\\nfiercely, and banish it more hopelessly. But,\\nin return for their adherence to the favorite\\nvice of the Church, did they amend any\\nmaxim of its government? Did they uproot\\nany unscriptural tenet, any superstitious be-\\nlief, any profitable imposture, any senseless\\nceremony, or degrading practice Did they\\nwash away any spiritual stain from the sanc-\\ntuary, now that the light from abroad was\\nbreaking in upon it On the contrary, they\\nnot only persevered in maintaining every\\nabsurdity which had been transmitted to\\nThe concession of the council respecting the\\ndouble communion amounted, at last, only to this,\\nthat whether the sacrament was administered in one\\nkind or in both, it was still useful to communicants\\nfor there could be no doubt that Christ was entire in\\neither element; and that the custom of communica-\\nting the laity in one kind, introduced with reason by\\nthe Church and holy fathers, long observed and ap-\\nproved by theologians and canonists, should pass for\\na law, neither to be censured nor altered without the\\nauthority of the Church. This decree was publish-\\ned in 1437, in the thirtieth session.\\nt For instance, at Constance it formed a part of\\nthe scheme of the reformers. To repress simony,\\nand prosecute Jerome of Prague, were joint subjects\\nof the same remonstrances. To restore the unity of\\nthe Church was to reform the Church. But at Basle\\nthe reformation in discipline was chiefly recommen-\\nded as the means of extirpating heresy. (See the\\npassages above cited from Cardinal Julian s two\\nletters.) But it never occurred to either council to\\nconsider, whether the heretics might not possibly be\\nright; or, being wrong, whether they might not safe-\\nly be tolerated.\\nthem, but showed a preposterous anxiety to\\nincrease the number. It is perfectly true\\nthat, in mere matters of discipline, they were\\nfearless innovators, and that they assailed\\nwith ardor the more palpable iniquities of\\nthe Vatican. But this was the extent of\\ntheir daring this was the limit, as they\\nthought, of safe and legitimate reform all\\nbeyond it was inviolable ground. Thus it\\nwas, that to question the sanctity of their\\nspiritual corruptions wels deemed profane\\nand heretical and their eyes were wilfully\\nclosed against the unalterable truth, that the\\nChurch of Christ cannot permanently stand\\non any other foundation, than the gospel of\\nChrist.\\nIn the meantime, while the fathers of\\nBasle, who saw some part of their danger,\\nwere ineffectually contending with an infat-\\nuated pontiff, who was blind to the whole,\\nthe art of printing was discovered and the\\nstar of universal knowledge, the future arbiter\\nof Churches and of Empires, arose unheeded\\nfrom the restless bosom of Germany.\\nCHAPTER XXV.\\nHistory of the Hussites.\\n1.) General fidelity of England to the Roman See\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The\\nbeginnings of Wiclif, and the hostility he encountered\\nTo what extent his opposition to Rome was popular\\nHis death at Lutterworth, and the exhumation of his\\nremains in pursuance of a decree of the Council of\\nConstance His opinions on several important points\\nHe was calumniated by the high churchmen His\\ntranslation of the Bible.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (TI.) The writings of Wiclif\\nintroduced into Bohemia Origin and qualities of John\\nHuss His sermons in the Chapel of Bethlehem Di-\\nvision in the University of Prague Secession of the\\nGermans, in hostility against Huss He incurs the dis-\\npleasure of the Archbishop of Prague of John XXIII.\\nis summoned before the Council of Constance His\\nattachment to the character of Wiclif Opinions as-\\ncribed to the Vaudois and Hussites by ^neas Sylvius\\nmany of them disclaimed by Huss Notion respecting\\ntithes The restoration of the cup to the laity de-\\nmanded not by Huss, but by Jacobellus of Misnia The\\nprinciple of persecution advocated by Gerson Huss\\nproceeds to Constance The safe conduct of the Em-\\nperor The motives of Huss\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Assurances of protection\\nnevertheless Huss is placed in confinement and\\neight articles alleged against him Condemnation of\\nWiclif\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A public trial granted to Huss The insults\\nand calumnies to which he is exposed Three articles\\nto which he adhered Principles of the Council Huss\\nrefuses to retract Declaration of Sigismond Various\\nsolicitations and trials to which Huss is subject during\\nhis imprisonment Overture made to him by Sigismond\\nInterview between Huss and John of Chlum\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The\\nsentence passed on Huss\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The process of his degrada-\\ntion and execution Two principal causes of his des-\\ntruction.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (HI.) Jerome of Prague appears before the\\nCouncil\u00e2\u0080\u0094 His retractation\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Subsequent avowal of his\\nopinions\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and execution\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Observatioos.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (IV.) Mov\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00ab", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0467.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "460\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nments occasioned in Bohemia by these executions\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe name of Thaborite assumed by the Insurgents\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe triumphs of Zisca Massacre of the Adamites\\nThe Bohemian Deputies proceed to the Council of\\nBasle The four articles proposed by them and the\\nconsequent ineffectual debate The scene of negotia-\\ntion then removed to Prague Various parties there\\nDefeat and massacre of the Thaborites\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A compact\\nconcluded between Sigismond and the Separatists\\nReal principles of Rome The Pope refuses to confirm\\nthe compact, and the dissensions continue under Pius\\nII. and Paul IL\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Many of the opinions of the Hussites\\nperpetuated by the Bohemian Brothers, who became\\ncelebrated in the next century.\\nI. The Roman See had been long accus-\\ntomed to consider the English as the most\\nobedient and exemplary among its subjects\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nan equivocal merit, which it rewarded by\\nmore oppressive extortions and more con-\\ntemptuous insult. It is true, that our kings\\nand statesmen had made at various times\\nsome vigorous exertions to mitigate the\\nPapal dominion but the Popes were enabled\\nto thwart or elude their efforts by the fidelity\\nof the clergy and the people.* Nor was it\\nonly the praise of ecclesiastical obsequious-\\nness that our Catholic ancestoi-s deserved of\\nthe Holy See that of immaculate doctrinal\\npurity was ascribed to them with equal jus-\\ntice. They received with reverence every\\ninnovation in their belief, every demand on\\ntheir credulity, which proceeded from the\\nunerring oracles of the Church but they\\nfaithfully discouraged any new opinions orig-\\ninating in any other quarter. The conti-\\nnental heresies of the twelfth and thirteenth\\ncenturies had not been allowed to defile their\\nsanctuary still less had it been profaned by\\nany weeds of indigenous growth. The land,\\nin which Wiclif was already preparing his\\nImmortal weapons for the contest, was that,\\non which the pontifical regards were fixed\\nwith the deepest complacency and most\\nunsuspecting confidence.\\nWiclif. John of Wiclif f was born in\\nYorkshire about the year 1324. He was\\neducated at Oxford and the great proficien\\ncy, which he made in the learning of the\\nThe statutes of provisors and prcBmunire, en-\\nacted in 1350, anticipated most of the articles of the\\nPragmatic Sanction of France, since tlie first res\\ntrained the usurpation of Church patronage by the\\nPope, and the second protected the temporal rights\\nof the Crown but neither of them was observed, and\\nthe Pope continued to fill the Sees with foreign pre-\\nlates.\\nf t We do not profess, in the present history, to\\ntreat in any detail the ecclesiastical affairs of Eng-\\nland; and in the following short account of Wiclif\\nthere is little which may not be found much more\\nfully and eloquently expressed in Professor Le Bas\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Life of Wiclif-\\nschools, did not prevent him from acquiring\\nand desei*ving the title of the Evangelic, or\\nGospel, Doctor. His earlier life was distin-\\nguished by a bold attack on the corruptions\\nof the clergy, and by great zeal in the contest\\nwith the Mendicants, which, in 1360, dis-\\nturbed the university and the Church. He\\nwas raised to the theological chair in 1372\\nhe had previously defended the cause of the\\nCrown against the Pope, respecting the pay-\\nment of the tribute imposed by Innocent III.,\\nand he was known to harbor many anti-papal\\nopinions: but he was not yet committed in\\ndirect opposition to Rome. Soon afberwards\\nhe formed part of an embassy to Avignon,\\ninstructed to represent and remove the griev-\\nances of the Anglican Church. It was not\\ntill his return from that mission, when his\\nlanguage was heated by Ion g^ treasured indig-\\nnation, or by the near spectacle of pontifical\\nimpurity, that the reformer first incun-ed the\\ndispleasure of the English hierarchy. He\\nwas cited before a convocation, held at St.\\nPaul s in 1377; and it seems probable, that\\nhe owed his preservation to the powerful\\nprotection of John Duke of Lancaster. At\\nthe same time the Vatican thundered; and\\nthe heresy of Wiclif was compared to that\\nof Marsilius of Padua and others, who had\\nbeen sheltered against the oppression of John\\nXXII. by the imperial patronage. But the\\nPapal Bull was so little regarded at Oxford,*\\nthat it was even made a question, whether it\\nshould not be ignominiously rejected; and\\nwhen the offender was subsequently sum-\\nmoned to Lambeth, he was dismissed with a\\nsimple injunction to abstain from diffusing\\nhis opinions. Howbeit, the Pope and his\\nmyrmidons continued eager and constant in\\nthe pursuit and there are many who believe,\\nthat it was the timely circumstance of the\\nschism, which alone defrauded persecution\\nof its intended victim.\\nOn the other hand, the ardor of Wiclif f\\nwas still further inflamed by the appearance\\nof this new deformity when he saw the\\nhead of Antichrist cloven in twain, and the\\ntwo parts made to fight against each other.\\nDiu in pendulo hserebant, utrum papalera Bul-\\n1am deberent cum honore suscipere, vel omnino cum\\ndedecore refutare. Walsingham.\\nt One of the latest labors of his life was another\\nattack on the delinquencies of the clergy, which he\\ndescribed under thirty -three heads in the tract How\\nthe office of curates is ordained of God, Tiie more\\nprofound sense of those delinquencies which he had\\nderived from inveterate habits and principles of piety,\\ngave an ardor to the expressions of his advancing\\nage which surpassed that of his youthful enthusiasm", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0468.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "THE HUSSITES.\\n461\\nHe even proceeded so far, as to exhort the\\nprinces of Europe to seize that signal oppor-\\ntunity of extinguishing the evil entirely. But\\nin their eyes it did not perhaps appear to be\\nan evil at all at least it was still so deeply\\nrooted in the prejudices of the people, that its\\nextu pation, even had they thought it desir-\\nable, had not yet been practicable. It v^as\\nthe misfortune of Wiclif, as it was his great-\\nest glory, that he anticipated, by almost two\\ncenturies, the principles of a more enlightened\\ngeneration and scattered his holy lessons on\\na soil, nor yet prepared to give them perfect\\nlife and maturity.\\nAs long as Wiclif confined, or nearly con-\\nfined, his vehement reprehensions to the de-\\nlinquencies of the clergy, or the anti-Chris-\\ntian spirit of the Court of Rome so long he\\nobtained many and powerful disciples, and\\ncould count on their attachment and fidelity.\\nBut no sooner did he rise from that manifest\\nand intelligible ground of dissent, and ad-\\nvance into the region of doctrinal disputation,\\nthan the enthusiasm and number of his fol-\\nlowers declined, and even John of Lancaster\\nstrongly enjoined him to desist. In 1381 -2\\nhe opened his Sacramentary Controversy\\nsome considerable tumults followed he was\\ncited in consequence before the Convention\\nat Oxford, and banished from that city. He\\nretired to his rectory at Lutterworth and\\nafter two more years diligently employed in\\nthe offices of piety, he died there in peaceful\\nand honorable security security which was\\nalike honorable to his own character, to the\\nfirmness of his illustrious protectors, and to\\nthe moderation of the English prelacy. His\\nopinions were never extinguished and his\\nname continued so formidable to the cham-\\npions of the Church, that, afl;er an interval\\nof thirty years after all personal malice and\\njealousy had long passed away the Council\\nof Reformers at Constance published that\\nmemorable edict, by which the body and\\nbones of Wiclif were to be taken from the\\ngi-ound, and thrown far away from the burial\\nof any Church. The decree met with\\na tardy obedience after the space of thir-\\nteen years, the remains were disinterred and\\nburnt, and the ashes cast into the adjoining\\nbrook. The brook (says Fuller, in words\\nwhich should be engraven on every heart)\\ndid convey his ashes into Avon Avon\\ninto Severn; Severn into the narrow seas;\\nthey into the main ocean. And thus the\\nashes of Wiclif are the emblem of his doc-\\ntrine, which now is dispersed all the world\\nover.\\nOpinions of Wiclif. His doctrine was\\nformed, with an entire disregard of all spir-\\nitual authority, on the foundation of Scrip-\\nture alone for the Scripture alone (as he\\nsaid) is truth. Various innovations of the\\nRoman Church were opposed by him with\\nvarious degrees of confidence. Respecting\\nimages and the invocation of the saints he\\nwrote at no great length, but with resonable-\\nness and moderation. He rejected tran sub-\\nstantiation, according to the sense of the\\nChurch but he admitted a sort of real pre-\\nsence, without affecting to determme the\\nmanner. His notion concerning purgatory\\nseems to have gone farther from the belief in\\nwhich he was educated, as he gradually ad-\\nvanced in knowledge but he never entirely\\nthrew off his original impressions. At last,\\nindeed, he might appear to have considered\\nit as a place of sleep but his expressions\\nare vague and betray the ignorance, which he\\nwas not careful to conceal, either from others\\nor from himself. On other matters he ex-\\npressed much bolder opinions. He rejected\\nauricular confession he held pai dons and\\nindulgences to be nothing but a subtle mer-\\nchandise of an ti- Christian clerks, whereby\\nthey magnified their own fictitious power;\\nand instead of causing men to dread sin, en-\\ncouraged them to wallow therein like hogs.\\nExcommunication and interdicts were repu-\\ndiated with equal disdain. He reprobated the\\ncompulsory celibacy of the clergy and the\\nimposition of monastic vows; and visited\\nwith the austerity of a Puritan, not only the\\nvain and fantastic ceremonies of the Church,\\nbut even the devout use of holy psalmody.\\nIn the granting of absolution he treated the\\noffice of the priest as strictly ministerial and\\ndeclaratory and he hastily pronounced con-\\nfirmation to be a mere ecclesiastical inven-\\ntion, for the purpose of unduly elevatmg the\\nepiscopal dignity. He appears not to have\\ndisputed, that the Pope was the highest spii*-\\nitual authority in the Church but he reject-\\ned with equal scorn his ghostly infallibility\\nand his secular supremacy and his abhor-\\nrence of the court of anti-Christ was so\\nstrong, as to be a continual incentive to the\\nbitterest censure. According to the original\\ninstitution he considered bishops and priests\\nas the same order and he ascribed (through\\na defect in historical knowledge) the distinc-\\ntion, which afterwards divided them, to the\\nimperial supremacy. He objected to the\\npossession of any fixed property by the cler-\\ngy, and maintained that the ecclesiastical\\nendowments were, in tiieir origin, eleemoey-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0469.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "462\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nnary, and that they remained at the disposal\\nof the secular government.*\\nSuch were the opinions which Wiclif pro-\\nmulgated in the theological chair, and in the\\nfourteenth century. His reputation and his\\ndignity raised him far above contempt but\\nat the same time they imbittered the malig-\\nnity of his enemies. Yet, monstrous as many\\nof his real tenets must have appeared in that\\nage, recourse was had to the usual expedient\\nof charging him with absurd inferences and\\nnotions f wholly at variance with any that he\\nprofessed as if the churchmen of those days\\nhad some secret consciousness of the weak-\\nness of their cause, and despaired to make\\nthe enemies of their system generally detes-\\ntable, unless they could also stigmatize them\\nas foes to the acknowledged principles of re-\\nligion, of morality, and of reason. We are\\nnot surprised by such calumnies neither is\\nit strange that the dissemination of his actual\\ndoctrines (for they were diligently dissemi-\\nnated by emissaries J employed by him for\\nthat purpose) was followed by some tumults\\nand disorders. The first open struggles of\\nreason against prescription and prejudice its\\nfirst appeals to the sense and virtue of man-\\nkind against particular interests and estab-\\nlished absurdities, are seldom unattended by\\npopular heats and commotions and the won-\\nder in this case rather is, that the prematurity\\nof the Reformation did not occasion the mar-\\ntyrdom of the reformer.\\nFor many of Wiclif s opinions were too ad-\\nvanced and ripe for the bleak season in which\\nhe lived. They were calculated, indeed, for\\nthe consideration of all virtuous and disin-\\nterested men and they were sure to create in\\nsucceeding generations a disposition towards\\nbetter principles of belief and practice; but\\nthey could look for no general reception\\namong those, to whom they were first ad-\\nIt is observed that, with these opinions, Wiclif\\nheM the Divinity Professorship at Oxford, a Preben-\\ndal Stall, and the Rectory of Lutterworth. He thought\\nit excusable, no doubt, to conform to the system which\\nhe found established, and his enemies at the time\\nthought it no crime in him that he did so; yet he\\nwould have stood higher with posterity, had he dis-\\ndained the plausible excuse, and placed the unequivo-\\ncal seal of private disinterestedness and generosity\\nupon his public principles.\\nf They are to be found in great numbers, chiefly\\namong the articles of impeachment, levelled against\\nhis name and memory, and published by Popes and\\nCouncils. One error ascribed to him is, that he\\nrepresented God as subject to the devil.\\n:j: Men whom he called his poor priests. See\\nchap. X. of Le Bas Life of Wiclif.\\ndressed. Therefore was it wisely determined\\nby that admirable Christian, when he sent\\nthem forth into a prejudiced and ignorant\\nworld, to promulgate along with them the sa-\\ncred volume on which they professed to stand.\\nHis translation and circulation of the Bible\\nwas that among his labors, which secured the\\nefficacy, as it was itself the crown, of all the\\nothers. This was the life of the system which\\nhe destined to be imperishable this the trea-\\nsure which he bequeathed to future and to\\nbetter ages, for their immortal inheritance.\\nJohn of Huss4 II. The queen of Richard\\nII. was a Bohemian princess and on the\\ndeath of her husband, she returned, with a\\ntrain of attendants, to her native land. It is\\ncommonly believed, that these persons intro-\\nduced a precious^ but a dearly preserved,\\npossession among their countrymen the\\nworks of Wiclif Others suppose this pre-\\nsent to have been made by an Englishman\\nwho had ti-avelled to Prague; others by a\\nBohemian who had studied at Oxford. All\\nmay possibly have contributed but in re-\\nspect to the more important fact, there seems\\nto be no dispute, that the writings of Wiclif\\nkindled the first sparks of the Bohemian her-\\nesies. During the latter days of that venerable\\nteacher, a youth was growing up in an ob-\\nscure village of Bohemia, who was destined\\nto bear, in his turn, the torch of truth, and to\\ntransmit it with a martyr s hand to a long\\nsuccession of disciples and he was worthy\\nof the heavenly oflnice. John of Huss, or\\nHussinetz, was very early distinguished by\\nthe foi-ce and acuteness of his understanding,\\nthe modesty and gravity of his demeanor,\\nthe rude and irreproachable austerity of his\\nlife. A thoughtful and attenuated counte-\\nnance, a tall and somewhat emaciated form,\\nan uncommon mildness and affability of man-\\nner added to the authority of his virtues and\\nthe persuasiveness of his eloquence. The\\nUniversity of Prague, at that time extremely\\nflourishing, presented a field for the expan-\\nsion of his great qualities in the year 1401\\nhe was appointed president, or dean, of the\\nphilosophical faculty, and was elevated, eight\\nyears afterwards, to the rectorship of the\\nUniversity.\\nThe Church divided with the academy his\\ntalents and his reputation. In the year 1400\\nThe effect was felt even in the next generation,\\nand the high churchmen began to tremble. By a\\ndecree published by the Convocation at St. Paul s in\\n1408, it was prohibited either to compose or consult\\nany private translation of the Scriptures, on the pen-\\nalties attached to heresy.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0470.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "THE HUSSITES.\\n463\\nhe was made confessor to Sophia of Bavaria,\\nthe Queen of Bohemia; and in 1405 he had\\nobtained general celebrity by many eloquent\\nsermons delivered in the vulgar tongue in his\\nchapel* at Prague. In those fervent ad-\\ndresses to the people, who composed his au-\\ndience, he frequently inveighed against the\\ncorruption of the court of Rome, her indul-\\ngences, her crusades, her extortions, and all\\nthe multitude of her iniquities and his har-\\nangues were received with impassioned ac-\\nclamation. Nevertheless, his name was not\\nyet tainted by any charge of heresy and as\\nlate as the July of 1408, Subinco, (or Suinco,)\\nArchbishop of Prague, declared in a public\\nsynod, that the kingdom, over which his spir-\\nitual guardianship extended, was free from\\nthe stain of any religious error. But about\\nthis time the University of Prague was dis-\\nturbed by a violent dissension. The Grerman\\nstudents, who formed the majority, and to\\nwhom a greater share in the government, the\\ndignities, and emoluments of the institution\\nhad been allotted by the original statutes, f\\nwere vigorously assailed by the native Bohe-\\nmians who claimed, as a national right, that,\\naccording to the example of Paris, those en-\\nviable prerogatives should be transfeiTed to\\nthemselves. Huss engaged with zeal in tlie\\ncause of his countiymen. The king decid-\\ned in favor of his own subjects, and he was\\nconsidered to have been chiefly influenced\\nto that resolution by Huss. Many German\\ndoctors resigned their oflices and retired\\nfrom the kingdom; and they carried with\\nthem, whithersoever they went, deep rancor\\nagainst the author of theu* defeat and seces-\\nsion.\\nAgain, about the same time, probably in\\nthe beginning of 1409, Huss was extremely\\nzealous in bringing over his country from the\\ncause of Gregory XH. in whose obedience\\nit persisted, to that of the cardinals assembled\\nat Pisa; and this laudable forwai dness ap-\\npears to have been the first oflfence, which\\nawakened the displeasure of the archbishop.\\nAt least it is manifest, that this was the period\\nat which the indignation of that prelate first\\nbroke out and in the December of the same\\nyear, the Pope himself (Alexander V.) issued\\nsome prohibitory decree against Huss and his\\nfollowers.\\nThe existence and cu cumstances of the\\ngreat schism, and the obvious evils produced\\nby it, had long been a popular theme of cen-\\nsure for the Bohemian reformer. And afi;er\\nits extinction, John XXHL furnished him,\\nin 1411, with fresh matter for reprehension.\\nThat pontiff sent forth his emissaries to\\npreach a crusade against Ladislaus, King of\\nNaples, and to accord the usual indulgences.\\nThe minds of many had been previously in-\\nflamed against this mockery of the cross of\\nChrist by the preaching of Huss and so it\\nproved, that, on three several occasions, the\\npontifical missionaries were interrupted by\\nviolent exclamations in the midst of their\\nharangues. Three offenders were according-\\nly seized by the order of the senate, and pri-\\nvately executed but the blood which flowed\\nfrom the prison into the street betrayed their\\nfate. The people rose; and having gained\\npossession of their bodies, carried them in\\nprocession to the various churches, chanting\\nholy anthems. They then buried them in the\\nchapel of Bethlehem, with the aromatic offer-\\nings usually deposited on the tombs of mar-\\ntyrs. Other commotions followed the cler-\\ngy f of Bohemia conspired very generally\\nagainst the principles of the reformer and\\nCalled the Chapel of Bethlehem. An opulent\\ncitizen of Prague had built and endowed it for the\\nmaintenance of two preachers, qui festis profestisque\\ndiebus verbum Dei Bohemico sermone plebibus in-\\nsinuarent. iEn. Sylv., Hist. Bohem., cap. xxxv.\\nt The University, founded in 1347, by the Empe-\\nror Charles IV., was composed of four nations, Bo-\\nhemia, Bavaria, Saxony, and Poland; and as the\\nthree last (even the last) were chiefly Germans, and\\nhad three votes, in four, three-fourths of the profes-\\nsors, doctors, c., were Germans. On the other\\nhand, in the economy of the University of Paris\\n(where the division was also quadripartite) the na-\\ntives had three voices. The declaration of King\\nVVenceslas in favor of his subjects was made on Oct.\\n13, 1409.\\nSubinco, Archbishop of Prague, is characterized\\nby Mairabourg as a man who feared nothing when\\nthe service of God and the interests of the church\\nwere at stake. Such a compliment, from the pen\\nof Maimbourg, is at least suspicious.\\nt If we are to believe ^neas Sylvius (Historia\\nBohemica, cap. xxxv,) the clergy, in the first in-\\nstance, were favorable to Huss; and the reason,\\nwhich he malignantly gives for that fact, seems to\\nprove at least his own conviction of its truth. Se-\\nquebantur Johannem clerici fere omnes, aere alieno\\ngravati, sceleribus et seditionibus insignes, qui rerum\\nnovitate evadere poenas arbitrabantur. His et non-\\nnulli doctrina celebres juncti erant; qui cum in eccle-\\nsia consequi dignitatem non potuissent, iniquo anirao\\nferebant sacerdotia majorum censuum his committi,\\nqui, quamvis nobilitate praeirent, scientia tamen vide-\\nbantur inferiores. The probability seems to be, that\\nHuss may have won, in the beginning of his preach-\\ning, the partial support of the secular clergy by the\\nbitterness with which he inveighed against monastic\\nabuses but that they deserted him, as soon as they\\nsaw his views more perfectly developed.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0471.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "464\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nJohn XXIII. cited him, but without effect,\\nbefore the tribunal of the Vatican. In fact,\\nBO great was the agitation which these dis-\\nputes had now excited, that when the Council\\nof Constance assembled presently afterwards,\\nit issued an immediate summons for the ap-\\npearance of Huss. With whatsoever disre-\\ngard that ecclesiastic may have treated the\\nmandate of the Pope, he proved, without\\nhesitation, his allegiance to the council. He\\nknew the hostility and the faithlessness of the\\ncourt of Rome but in the august represen-\\ntation of the Church, in the full congregation\\nof holy prelates assembled for the reformation\\nof abuses, and the redressing of wrongs, he\\nmight find some foundation for confidence,\\nand some hope of justice.\\nOpinions imputed to Huss. It is proper\\nnow to examine, what was the nature of those\\nspiritual offences which excited such atten-\\ntion throughout Christendom, and such terror\\namong the directors of the Church. In the\\nfirst place, the Bohemian innovator was ac-\\ncused of disseminating the mortal venom\\nwhich he had imbibed from England. His\\ndevotion to the faith and memory of Wiclif,\\nfor it was for some years concealed, became at\\nlength too deep and ardent for dissimulation\\nand it is even related, that in his discourses\\nfrom the pulpit of Bethlehem, he was wont\\nto address his earnest vow to Heaven, that,\\nwdienever he should be removed from this\\nlife, he might be admitted to the same regions\\nwhere the soul of Wiclif resided since he\\ndoubted not, that he was a good and holy\\nman, and worthy of a habitation in heaven.*\\nIt is certain, that on the first movement\\nagainst Huss, the archbishop collected all the\\nbooks of Wiclif, to the number of two hun-\\ndred volumes, embossed and decorated with\\nprecious ornaments,! and caused them to be\\npublicly burnt. The same element, which\\nconsumed the writings of Wiclif, was destin-\\ned to prey upon the body of his disciple and\\nit came like a signal, that his vow had been\\nregistered above, and that his master awaited\\nhis coming at the gates of Paradise.\\nQui, cum se libenter audiri animadverteret,\\nmulta de libris Viclefi in medium attulit, asserens in\\nits omnem veritatem contineri adjiciensque crebro\\nintei- prsedicandum, se, postquam ex luce migraret,\\nea loca proficisci cupere, ad quae Viclefi anima perve-\\nnisset; quem virum fulsse bonum, sanctum, coeloque\\ndignum non dubitaret. JEn. Sylv., Hist. Boh.,\\n1. XXXV.\\nf Quorum major pars argenteis atque inauralis\\njBbulis et pretiosis integumentis ornabatur. Harps-\\nfield, ap. Contin. Fleury. ^Eneas Sylvius mentions\\nthe same fact nearly in the same words.\\nIt was another general charge against Huss,\\nthat he was infected with the leprosy of the\\nVaudois and that it may be seen how many\\ngross offences were thought to be contained\\nin this single accusation, we shall here follow\\nthe enumeration of iEneas Sylvius only\\npremising that many opinions are there as-\\ncribed to Huss, which, in his examinations\\nbefore the council, he expressly disavowed.\\nThe most important among them were these\\nthat the Pope is on a level with other\\nbishops that all priests are equal except in\\nregard to personal merit that souls, on quit-\\nting their bodies, are immediately condemned\\nto eternal punishment, or exalted to everlast-\\ning happiness that the fire of purgatory has\\nno existence that prayers for the dead are\\na vain device, the invention of sacerdotal\\navarice; that the images of God and the\\nsaints should be destroyed; that the ordei-s\\nof the mendicants were invented by evil\\nspirits that the clergy ought to be poor, sub-\\nsisting on eleemosynary contributions that it\\nis free to all men to preach the word of God\\nthat any one guilty of mortal sin is thereby\\ndisqualified for any dignity secular or ecclesi-\\nastical that confirmation and extreme unc-\\ntion are not among the holy rites of the\\nChurch that auricular confession is unprofit-\\nable, since confession to God is sufficient for\\npardon; that the use of cemeteries is without\\nreasonable foundation, and inculcated for the\\nsake of profit; that the world itself is the\\ntemple of the omnipotent God and that\\nthose only derogate from his Majesty, who\\nbuild churches, monasteries, or oratories;\\nthat the sacerdotal vestments, the ornaments\\nof the altars, the cups and other sacred uten-\\nsils, are of no more than vulgar estimation\\nthat the suffrages of the saints who reign with\\nChrist in heaven are unprofitable, and vainly\\ninvoked that there is no holyday excepting\\nSunday that the festivals of the saints should\\nby no means be observed and that the fasts\\nestablished by the Church are equally desti-\\ntute of divine authority.\\nTo these opinions, which he is accused of\\nhaving habitually propounded in his- chapel\\nof Bethlehem, and of which he disclaimed\\nm.any of the most important, he appears in\\ntruth to have subsequently added another, by\\nno means calculated to conciliate the clergy.\\nDuring a period of suspension from his\\npreachings at Prague, he retired to his native\\nvillage, and addressed to large rustic congre-\\ngations the popular doctrine, that tithes are\\nstrictly eleemosynary, and that it is free for\\nthe owner of the land to withhold or to pay", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0472.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "THE HUSSITES.\\n465\\nthem, according to the measure of his charity, j\\nBut the subject, on which the greatest heats\\nwere afterwards excited, and in which, in-\\ndeed, the other points of difference were for\\nthe most part forgotten, was the distribution\\nof the sacramental cup to the laity. And this\\ninnovation upon the modern practice of the\\nChurch is not, as it singularly happens, as-\\ncribed to Hass; though it origmated in the\\nsame country, and at the same time. A cele-\\nbrated preacher of the day, named Jacobellus,\\nwhose learning and piety are alike unques-\\ntioned,* first promulgated the tenet, that the\\ncommunion in both kinds was necessary for\\nsalvation and as the opinion was shown to\\nrest not only on the authority of Scripture,\\nbut also on the practice of the ancient Church,\\nthe heretics embraced it with immoderate\\nexultation, as evincing either the ignorance,\\nor the wickedness, of the Roman S.ee.\\nWeneeslas, the King of Bohemia, regarded\\nthe rise of these principles with a careless\\nand, as some assert, a stupid indifference\\nhis queen protected the person, if she did\\nnot profess the principles, of her confessor\\nand thus the secular sword slept peacefully\\nthroughout these disputes, though it was\\nloudly evoked by the zeal of the archbishop,\\nand though Gerson f himself raised his voice\\nto awaken it.\\nPer id teinpus popuium prsedicando instruebat\\nJacobellus Misnensis, literarum doctrina et morura\\npi-gestantia juxta clauus. ^n. Sylv., loc. cit,\\nt Sufficient extracts from Gerson s Letter to the\\narchbishop are given by CochlBeus, Historife Hussita-\\nruin, lib. i,, p, 21, (ed. Mogunt, 1549,) and as it is\\ncurious to observe in what language the great Church\\nReformer of his day justified the principle of persecu-\\ntion, we shall cite some passages from it, only premis-\\ning that, very nearly at the same moment, the Pope,\\nJohn XXIII., was inditing an epistle to Weneeslas\\nto the same purport. Inveniuntur adhuc hgereses\\nextirpatse ab agro ecclesiastico diversis viis, veluti\\nfalce multiplici. Inveniuntur quidem primitus extir-\\npatas falce vel acuto sarculo miraculorum, attestan-\\ntium divinitus Catholicse verltati, et hoc tempore\\napostolorum. Inveniuntur extirpata? postmodura per\\nfalcem disputationis argumentativae per doctores.\\nSunt extirpalae deinde per falcem sacrorum Concillo-\\nrum, faventibus imperatoribus, quum disputatio doc-\\ntrinalis particulariura doctorum inefficax videbatur.\\nTandem accessit, velut in desperata peste, securis\\nbrachii secularis, excidens heereses cum auctoribus\\nsuis et in ignem mittens. Providens hac tanta\\nseveritate et misericordi, ut sic dicatur, crudeli-\\ntate ne sermo talium, veluti cancer, serpat in perni-\\nciem tam propriam quam alienam. Et ante mullo\\ntempore non sinere peccatoribus ex sententia agere,\\nsed statim ultiones adhibere magni heneficii est\\nindicium.^ After showing that none of the ancient\\nuaethods of extirpation were applicable to the exist-\\n59\\nThe safe-conduct of Huss. It has been\\nmatter of surprise to many writers, that Huss,\\nwith the consciousness that he had taught\\nmany of the above tenets, and with the know-\\nledge how detestable they were held by the\\nchurchmen, should have advanced so readily\\nfrom a position of comparative security, and\\nplaced himself at once in the power of his\\nenemies. It v/as not that he was ignorant of\\nhis danger, A letter, which he addressed to\\na friend immediately before his departure for\\nConstance, contains passages almost prcphetic\\nof his imminent fate. He had the precaution,\\nhowever, to obtain an act of safe-conduct*\\ning heresy, he thus proceeds: Superest igitur, si\\nde pi-aemissorum nihil prosit, quod ad radicem in-\\nfructuosag, immo maledictjs, arboris ponatur\\nsecuris brachii secul aris. Quale vos brachiuni\\ninvocare viis omnibus convenit, et expedit ad salu-\\ntem omnium vobis creditorum. The doctrines\\nattributed to Huss were condemned by the Univer-\\nsity of Paris, and the act was published with the sig-\\nnature of Gerson, as chancellor: it contains the fol-\\nlowing passage: For though there appears among\\nthe opinions of these heretics some zeal against the\\nvices of the prelates, which in truth are very great\\nand manifest, yet it is a zeal not sufficiently enlight-\\nened. A discreet zeal tolerates and deplores the sins\\nwhich it finds in the house of God, when it cannot\\nwholly remove them. It would be impossible to\\ncorrect vice by vice, and error by error; as the devil\\nis not expelled by Beelzebub, but by the spirit of\\nGod, whose will it is that the correction of abuses be\\nundertaken with great prudence and regard to cir-\\ncumstances of time and place. This, loo, is lan-\\nguage which might very well have proceeded from\\nthe court of John XXIII.\\nThe following are given as the words of this\\nfrequently controverted safe-conduct: Honora-\\nbilem magistrum Johannem Huss, S. T, Baccalaure-\\num, etc., de regno Boemiae, in Concilium Generale\\ntranseuntem vobis omnibus et vestrum cuilibet\\npleno recommandamus affectu, desiderantes, quatemis\\nipsum, cum ad vos pervenerit, grate suscipere\\nomnique prorsus impedimento remoto transire, stare,\\nmorari et redire libere permittatis, sibique et suis.*\\n(Act. Public, apud Bzovium, ann. 141 4., sect. 17.)\\nIt is not at all obvious that the Council was bound\\nby tliis safe conduct the less so, as the professed\\nobject of Huss s journey was to clear himself of her-\\nesy in the presence and judgment of the Council: but\\nthe Emperor was certainly so bound; and that which\\nhe committed, and which the Council persuaded him\\nto commit, was direct, unqualified treachery. It was\\nmanifestly the duty of Sigismond to receive Huss from\\nthe hands of the Council, and restore iiim to his na-\\ntive country; then the affair might have been takefi\\nup de nouo, Avithout any reflection on the faith of any\\nparty. The best illustrations of the rights of this\\nquestion are such facts, as prove the light in which\\nit was viewed by succeeding generations.. Thus we\\nobserve, that before the assembling of the first Diet\\nof Worms (1521,) the Elector of Saxony privately", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0473.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "466\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nfrom the Emperor, which was understood to\\nbe a pledge for his personal safety during the\\nwhole period of his absence from Bohemia.\\nBut that admirable Christian was unques-\\ntionably impelled by motives too deep for the\\ncalculation of ordinary minds. He felt an\\nintense conviction of the truth of his doctrines,\\nand he was resolved, should need be, to lay\\ndown his life for them. That conviction,\\nattended by that resolution, gave a confidence\\nto his character, which, while it left him\\nwithout fear, might at the same time animate\\nhim with the highest hopes. He was filled\\nwith that deliberate enthusiasm, which some-\\ntimes raises the soul of man above that which\\nwe call wisdom and which, while it provokes\\nthe sneer of ordinary beings, has produced\\nthose lofty deeds of disinterestedness and self-\\ndevotion, which redeem human nature.\\nDoubtless Huss was so influenced, when\\nhe published, both before his departure fi om\\nBohemia and during his journey, repeated\\nchallenges to all his adversaries to appear at\\nConstance, and meet him in the presence of\\nthe Pope and the Council If any shall there\\nconvict me of any error, of any doctrine con-\\ntrary to the Christian faith, I refuse not (he\\nproclaimed) to undergo the last penalties of\\nheresy. These expressions betoken confi-\\ndence in his own principles and in the integ-\\nrity of the Council. He had yet to discover,\\nthat his controversy was not with candid\\nopponents, contesting his avowed opinions,\\nbefore an impartial tribunal calumny and\\nsecret malice, and ecclesiastical bigotry, were\\nmore dangerous enemies and his fate was\\nseemingly irrevocable, from the moment in\\nrequired of the Emperor Charles V., a formal renun-\\nciation of the Decree of Constance that no faith\\nbe kept with heretics. On the same occasion, we\\nfind that great pains were again taken by the Cath-\\nolics to induce the Emperor to violate his safe-con-\\nduct to Luther; on which Louis, Elector Palatine,\\nis recorded to have said That all Germany would\\nnot stain itself with the shame of public perfidy to\\noblige a few ecclesiastics; and Charles himself to\\nhave uttered that celebrated apophthegm That if\\ngood faith were banished from the rest of the world,\\nit should find refuge in the breast of kings. See\\nBeausobre s Hist. Reform, liv. iii.\\nSignifico toti Boemise et omnibus natjonibus,\\nrae velle sisti primo quoque tempore coram Concilio\\nConstantiensi, in celeberrimo loco, preesidente Papa,\\netc. Eo conferat pedem quisquis suspicionem\\nde me habuerit, quod aliena a Christ! fide docuerim\\nvel defenderim. Item doceat ibi, adstante Papa, me\\nullo unquam tempore erroneam et falsam doctrinam\\ntenuisse. Si rae de errore aliquo convicerit, etc.\\nnon recusabo quascunque haeretici poenas ferre.\\nHuss. Bohemic, apud Bzovium, ad ann. 1414.\\nwhich he placed his life in the power of that\\nCatholic assembly.\\nHuss is placed under confinement by the\\nCouncil. He was attended by some Bohemi-\\nan noblemen, and he received the strongest\\nassurances of protection from John XXHI.\\nThough John Huss (said that Pope) should\\nmurder my own brother, I would use the\\nwhole of my power to preserve him from\\nevery injury, during all the time of his resi-\\ndence at Constance Nevertheless,\\nwithin a month from his arrival, after having\\nprofessed before a meeting of the Council his\\nreadiness to repel every charge, he was plac-\\ned under a surveillance which was immediate-\\nly changed to strict confinement. It should\\nnot be forgotten, that this first violation of the\\nsafe-conduct was peculiarly the act of the\\nCouncil. Sigismond, who was not present,\\nstrongly remonstrated against it; and the\\nPope (from whatever motive) f disclaimed all\\nshare in the proceedings.\\nAccused. This advantage was instantly\\npursued by his enemies, of whom the most\\nardent were found among his countiymen\\nand accordingly eighty articles of accusation\\nwere prepared, and presented to John XXHI.\\nWhen a copy of them was delivered to the\\naccused, where he lay sick in prison, he re-\\nquested that an advocate might be granted\\nhim to defend his cause but that was refused,\\non the plea of a general prohibition by the\\ncanon law to undertake the defence of any\\none suspected of heresy. And then, instead\\nLenfant. Hist. Cone. Constant. lib. i. xxviiK\\nfThe cardinals were the agents in this affair; and\\nJohn does not appear to have been present at that\\ncongregation. But we should not forget, that when\\nSigismond wrote to command the immediate ]iberatio\u00c2\u00bb\\nof Huss, on the strength of his own safe-conduct, the\\nPope opposed the execution of the order. Lenfant.\\nCone. Constant. 1. i. 50.\\n:j: It seems almost unnecessary to enumerate these\\ncharges, they were as follows: (1) That commu-\\nnion in both kinds is necessary for salvation; (2)\\nthat the bread remains bread after the consecration;\\n(3) that ministers in a state of mortal sin cannot\\nadminister the sacraments; and that any one in a\\nstate of grace can do so; (4) that the Church does\\nnot mean the Pope nor the clergy that it cannot\\npossess temporal goods, and that the secular powers\\ncan rightfully take them away; (5) that Constantine\\nand other princes erred when they endowed the Church\\n(6) that all priests are equal in authority; so that\\nordinations and privileges reserved to the Popes and\\nbishops are the pure effect of their ambition; (7)\\nthat the Church loses the power of the keys, when\\nthe Pope, cardinals, and the rest of the clergy are\\nin mortal sin; (8) that excommunications may bo\\ndisregarded v.ith safety.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0474.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "THE HUSSITES.\\n467\\nof striving to obviate the various intrigues\\nwhich were employed for his destruction, he\\ndevoted the tedious leisure of his imprison-\\nment, and the resources of a mind superior to\\nordinary agitations, to the composition of va-\\nrious moral and religious treatises.\\nThe next step in the process against him\\nwas the condemnation of the doctrines and\\nmemory of Wiclif. It was in the eighth\\nsession, held on the 4th of May, 1415, that a\\nlist of forty-five articles was drawn up, which\\nembodied ail (and more than all) the errors\\nof that reformer that it received the solemn\\ncensure of the fathers and that the vengeance\\nof that orthodox body pursued the spiritual\\noffender even beyond the grave. It is a sin-\\ngular circumstance, and serves well to illus-\\ntrate the position in which the Council then\\nstood, as an assembly of reformation, that in\\nthe very sermon which opened that session,\\nand which introduced the opinions of Wiclif\\nto universal abhorrence, the Pope and his\\nCourt were treated with equal severity, and\\nrebuked in language f which would have been\\nheld blasphemous had it proceeded from the\\nlips of a heretic.\\nIt was an object of great importance with\\nthe Council, bent, as it certainly was, on the\\ndestruction of Huss, and conscious, as it pro-\\nbably was, of the weakness of its own cause,\\nto avoid the scandal of a public disputation.\\nAccordingly, Huss was continually persecut-\\ned by private interrogatories, frequently ac-\\ncompanied by intimidation and insult; and\\ndepositions against his orthodoxy were col-\\nlected with great diligence and great facility,\\nsince every kind of information was admitted\\nagainst a suspected heretic. On the other\\nhand, he vehemently remonstrated against\\nthis inquisitorial secrecy, and demanded for\\nhis defence an audience of the whole Council.\\nHis Bohemian friends pressed the same point\\nwith equal earnestness. But in vain would\\nthey have solicited from that body this most\\nobvious act of justice, if the emperor had not\\nalso been impressed with its propriety, and\\ninsisted with great firmness, that the trial\\nshould be public.\\nOn marriage on the Decalogue on the love\\nand knowledge of God on penitence on the three\\nenemies of man on the Lord s Supper and others.\\nt The Bishop of Toulon preached the sermon\\niibi puram dixit veritatem de Papa et cardinalibus.\\nBenedicatur anima Domini Episcopi, de Papa\\ndixit, Maledicatur caro swa; et alibi vere\\nita mentitur, sicut si dicerem, Deus non est unus et\\ntrinus. The passage is found in a MS. of Vienna,\\nand is cited Vjy Lenfant. Cone. Const, lib. ii.\\n59.\\nTried. Consequently the fathers assem-\\nbled very early in June for that purpose. The\\nfirst charge was read. The defendant was\\ncalled upon for his reply. But when he ap-\\npealed in his justification to the authority of\\nthe Scriptures, and the venerable testimony\\nof the fathers, his voice was drowned in a\\ntumult of contempt and derision. He was\\nsilent and it was interpreted as guilt. Again\\nhe spoke again he was answered by dis-\\ndainful jests and insults and the assembly at\\nlength separated without any serious deter-\\nmination. The second audience was fixed\\nfor the 7th of June.; and that greater decency\\nmight be preserved, the Emperor was re-\\nquested to be present on that occasion. It i3\\ncarefully recorded bj historians, and not, per-\\nhaps, without some sense of superstitious\\nawe, that the day, on which the fate of that\\nrighteous man was in fact decided, was sig-\\nnalized by a total eclipse of the sun total, as\\nwas observed, at Prague, though not quite so\\nat Constance. But the fathers were not mov-\\ned by that phenomenon to any principle of\\njustice, or any feeling of mercy. The vari-\\nous charges, already prepared, were pressed\\nupon the culprit, less clamorously, indeed,\\nbut not less eagerly than before. His accu-\\nsers were numerous and voluble, and armed\\nwith the most minute subtleties of the schools.\\nMany among them were English and these\\nurged their arguments as warmly, as if they\\nhad thought to redeem the land of Wiclif by\\nthe persecution of Huss, and to wash away\\nthe stains, which one heretic had cast upon\\nthem, in the blood of another.\\nNumerous depositions were likewise pro-\\nduced and read, alleging errors, which he had\\nadvanced in his writings or in his sermons,\\nor even in his private convei sations. Alone,\\nand unsupported, save by two or three faith-\\nful Bohemians, and worn and enfeebled by\\nconfinement and disease, he presented a spirit\\nwhich did not bend beneath this oppression.\\nThe opinions imputed to him related chiefly\\nto the Eucharist, and the condemned propo-\\nsitions of Wiclif. There were some which\\nhe entirely disavow ed others which he ad-\\nmitted under certain modifications; others\\nwhich he professed his readiness and his\\nability to maintain. Among the first was the\\ncharge respecting transubstantiation. On\\nwhich subject he repeatedly and unequivo-\\ncally asserted his entire concurrence in the\\ndoctrine of the Church. Among the last, the\\npositions (they were ascribed to Wiclif) to\\nwhich he clung with the greatest pertinacity,\\nappear to have been three. (1.) That Pope", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0475.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "468\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nSylvester and the Emperor Constantine did\\nevil to the Church when they enriched it.\\n(2.) That, if any ecclesiastic, whether Pope,\\nprelate, or priest, be in a state of mortal sin,\\nhe is disqualified for the administration of the\\nsacraments. (3.) That tithes are not dues,\\nbut merely eleemosynary. In defence of\\nthese, and perhaps some other opinions, the\\nfew arguments, which he was permitted to\\nadvance, were temperate, if not reasonable\\nand scriptural at least they proved his up-\\nrightness and the integrity of his heart but\\nthey were received, as before, with reiterated\\nshouts of derision. The question, indeed,\\nwas not, whether the opinions of Huss were\\nfounded in truth, or otherwise: that conside-\\nration seems not to have influenced any one\\nmind in the whole assembly, excepting his\\nown the question really to be decided the\\nonly question with which the council affected\\nany concern, was, whether they were the\\ndoctrine of the Church. Whatsoever had\\nonce been pronounced by that infallible body\\nwas law, and the alternative was obedience\\nor death.\\nOn the following day Huss was admitted\\nto the mockery of another and final audience\\nand on this occasion he v/as chiefly pressed\\non twenty-six articles, derived (fairly or un-\\nfdu ly) from his Book of the Church. A\\nscene similar to the preceding was terminat-\\ned, on the part of the judges, by urgent solic-\\nitations to the accused to retract his errors.\\nThis act of submission was advised by several\\nof the fathers; it was strongly recommended\\nby the Emperor but Huss was unmoved.\\nAs to the opinions imputed to me, which I\\nhave never held, those I cannot retract as to\\nthose which I do indeed profess, I am ready\\nto retract them, when 1 shall be better in-\\nstructed by the Council. The province\\nof the Council was not to instruct, but to de-\\ncide to command obedience to its decision,\\nor to enforce the penalty.\\nCondemned. If Huss had hitherto nour-\\nished any reasonable hope of safety, it was\\nplaced in the moderation of the Emperor\\nbut at this conjuncture, even that prospect was\\nremoved. For, towards the conclusion of\\nthe session, Sigisniond delivered his unqual-\\nified opinion, that among the errors of\\nHuss, which had been in part proved, and in\\npart confessed, there was not one which did\\nnot deserve the penal flames; to which was\\nadded, that the temporal sword ought in-\\nstantly to be drawn for the chastisement of\\nhis disciples, to the end that the branches of\\nthe tree might perish together with its root.\\nHuss was again conducted to his prison,\\nand thither was still pursued by fresh solic-\\nitations on his constancy; and that, which\\nhad stood firm before public menace and\\ninsult, might have yielded to private impor-\\ntunity, to bodily infirmity, to friendship, to\\nsolitude. First of all, an official formula of\\nretractation, was sent to him by the Council\\nit was express as to his abjuration of all\\nthe errors which had been proved against\\nhim, and as to his unconditional submission\\nto the Council but it was free from any\\nharsh or oflfensive expressions. Huss calmly\\npersisted in his resolution. He was prepar-\\ned to aflTord an example in himself of that\\nenduring patience, which he had so firequent-\\nly preached to others, and which he relied\\nupon the grace of God to grant him. Many\\nindividuals, of various characters, but alike\\nanxious to save him from the last infliction,\\nvisited his prison, and pressed him with a\\nvariety of motives and arguments but they\\nwere all blunted by the rectitude of his con-\\nscience and the singleness of his purpose.\\nOne of his bitterest enemies, named Paletz,*\\nwas among the number; but, though his\\ncounsels had been successful in degrading\\nthe person of the reformer, they failed when\\nthey would have seduced him to infamy.\\nNumerous deputations were sent by the\\nCouncil, to which he always replied with the\\nsame modesty and firmness, equally removed\\nfrom an obstinate perseverance in acknow-\\nledged error, and a base retractation of that\\nvs^hich he thought truth. About the same\\ntime it was resolved to commit his books to\\nthe flames, as if to warn him by that prelude\\nof the approaching catastrophe. But in a\\nletter which he wrote to some friend on the\\noccasion, he remarked, that that was no\\nground for despondency, since the Books of\\nJeremiah had suflTered the same indignity;\\nbut the Jews had not thus evaded the ca-\\nlamities, with which the prophet had me-\\nnaced them.\\nNotwithstanding his public and recent de-\\nIt was supposed that the spiritual influence of a\\nconfessor might possibly be sufficient to lead him to\\nretract; and Huss requested that the same Paletz\\nmight be the person so commissioned partly to prove,\\nthat he could pardon his worst enemy; partly to\\nshow, how willing he was to confide the inmost\\nsecrets of his heart, even to one who might be dispo-\\nsed to proclaim them most loudly. The Council did\\nnot think proper to accede to this generous request.\\nIt sent a monk to him, who gave him the same coun-\\nsel as the others, and absolved him, without any\\npenitential imposition. See Lenfant s Hist. Cone.\\nConst-, liv. iij. xxxv.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0476.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "THE HUSSITES.\\n469\\nclaration, the Emperor appears, even to the\\nvery conclusion of this iniquitous affair, to\\nhave entertained some lingering scruples res-\\npecting his safe-conduct. These had been\\nsilenced, it is true, by the sophistry of the\\ndoctors; and he had even been taught to\\nbelieve, that his protection could not lawfully\\nbe extended to a man suspected of heresy,;\\nthat monstrous charge supereeded the ordi-\\nnary economy of government, and dispensed\\nwith the imperious obligations of moral duty\\nHowbeit, notwithstanding the spiritual au-\\nthority on which this principle was advanced,\\nSigismoud would have greatly preferred some\\nreasonable compromise to that violent termi-\\nnation, which was now near at hand. Ac-\\ncordingly, when he saw the fruitlessness of\\nevery other attempt to bend the spirit of\\nHuss, he resolved himself to make one final\\neffort for the same purpose. On the 5th of\\nJuly, on the eve of the day destined for his\\nexecution, the prisoner was visited by an im-\\nperial deputation, commissioned to inquire,\\nwhether he would abjure those articles of\\nwhich he acknowledged him\u00c2\u00a7elf guilty?\\nAnd in regard to those which he disavowed,\\nwhether he would swear that he held there-\\non the doctrine of the Church One objec-\\ntion, to which Huss had throughout attached\\ngreat importance, was removed by this pro-\\nposal the obligation to retract that which he\\nhad never maintained. But the grand, the\\ninsurmountable difficulty still remained to\\nabjure against conviction that which he did\\nactually profess. Upon the whole, he saw\\nno reason for any change, and returned to\\nthe Emperor the same sort of answer with\\nwhich he had met all preceding solicitations.\\nIt remained for him still to encounter one\\nother trial if, indeed, v/e can so designate\\nthe upright counsel of a faithful and virtuous\\nfriend for such was the circumstance, which\\ncompleted and crowned the history of his\\nimprisonment and it should be everywhere\\nrecorded, for the honor of human nature. A\\nBohemian nobleman, named John of Chlum,\\nhad attended Huss, whose disciple he was,\\nthrough all his perils and persecutions, and\\nhad exerted, throughout the whole affair,\\nevery method that he could learn or devise\\nto save him. At length, when every hope\\nwas lost, and he was about to separate from\\nthe martyr for the last time, he addressed\\nhim in these terms My dear master, I am\\nunlettered, and consequently unfit to counsel\\none so enlightened as you. Nevertheless, if\\nyou are secretly conscious of any one of\\nthose errors, which have been publicly im-\\nputed to you, I do entreat you not to feel any\\nshame in retracting it but if, on the contrary,\\nyou are convinced of your innocence, I am so\\nfar from advising you to say anything against\\nyour conscience, that I exhort you rather to\\nendure every form of torture, than to re-\\nnounce anything which you hold to be true.\\nJohn Huss replied with tears, that God was\\nhis witness, how ready he had ever been, and\\nstill was, to retract on oath, and with his\\nwhole heart, from the moment he should be\\nconvicted of any error by evidence from Holy\\nScripture.^^ In the whole history of the\\nsufferings and the fortitude of Huss, there is\\nnot one discoverable touch of pride or stub-\\nbornness the records of his heroism are not\\ninfected b) a single stain of mere philosophy;\\nhe was firm, indeed, but he was humble also\\nhe expected death, and he feared it, too he\\nneither sought the Martyr s crown, nor af-\\nfected the ambition of the Stoic his princi-\\nples of action were drawn from the same\\nsource as the ai-ticles of his belief; he was a\\npure and perfect Christian, and he thought it\\nno merit to be so.\\nSentenced. There was a long interval be-\\ntween his imprisonment and his audience,\\nand again a tedious month intervened be-\\ntween his audience and execution. This\\nperiod was passed in preparation to meet his\\nfate, not in struggles to avoid it. God, in\\nhis wisdom, has reasons for thus prolonging\\nmy life. He wishes to give me time to weep\\nfor my sins, and to console myself in this\\nprotracted trial by the hope of their remis-\\nsion. He has granted me this interval, that,\\nthrough meditation on the sufferings of Christ\\nJesus, I may become better qualified to sup-\\nport my own. f The time of those sufferings\\nat length arrived. On the morning of July 6,\\n1415, he was conducted before the CounciJ,\\nthen holding its fifteenth session and after\\nvarious articles of accusation had been read,\\na sentence was passed to the following effect,\\nThat for several years John Huss has\\nseduced and scandalized the people by the\\ndissemination of many doctrines manifestly\\nHuss, on the eve of his execution, wrote to the\\nSenate of Prague to the following effect: Be well\\nassured that I have not retracted or abjured one single\\narticle. The Council urged me to declare the false-\\nhood of every article drawn from my books but I\\nrefused, unless their falsehood could be demonstrated\\nfrom Scripture. So do I now declare, that I detest\\nevery meaning which may be proved false in those\\narticles, and I submit in that respect to the correction\\nof our Saviour Jesus Christ, who knows the sincerity\\nof my heart. See Contin. of Fleury, 1. ciii, Ixxviii.\\nI Opera Job. Huss., episL 14, apud Lenfant.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0477.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "470\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nheretical, and condemned by the Church,\\nespecially those of John Wiclif. That he\\nhas obsiinately trampled upon the keys of\\nthe Church and the ecclesiastical censures.\\nThat he has appealed to Jesus Christ as\\nsovereign judge, to the contempt of the ordi-\\nnary judges of the Church and that such an\\nappeal was injurious, scandalous, and made\\nin derision of ecclesiastical authority.* That\\nhe has persisted to the last in his errors, and\\neven maintained them in full Council. It\\nis therefore ordained that he be publicly\\ndeposed and degraded from holy orders, as\\nan obstmate and incorrigible heretic The\\nprelates appointed then proceeded to the of-\\nfice of degradation. He was stripped, one by\\none, of his sacerdotal vestments the holy\\ncup, which had been purposely placed in his\\nhands, was taken from them; his hair was\\ncut in such a manner as to lose every mark\\nof the priestly character; and a crown of\\npaper was placed on his head, marked with\\nhideous figures of demons, and that still more\\nfrightful superscription, Heresiarch. The pre-\\nlates then piously devoted his soul to the\\ninfernal devils ;f he was pronounced to be\\ncut off from the ecclesiastical body, and\\nbeing released from the grasp of the Church,\\nhe was consigned, as a layman, to the ven-\\ngeance of the secular arm. It was in the\\nchai acter of advocate and defender of the j\\nChurch, that the Emperor took charge of\\nthe culprit, and commanded his immediate\\nexecution.\\nExecuted. The last, which was not per-\\nhaps the bitterest, of his sufferings was en-\\ndured with equal constancy and in the same\\nblessed spirit. On his way to the stake he re-\\npeated pious prayers and penitential psalms\\nand when the order was given to kindle the\\nflames, he only uttered these words Lord\\nJesus, I endure with humility this cruel\\ndeath for thy sake and I pray thee to pardon\\nall my enemies. The ministers executed\\ntheir office the martyr continued in uninter-\\nrupted devotion and it was not long before a\\nrising volume of fire and smoke extinguished\\nProbably, in the long list of Huss s imputed her-\\nesies there Avas no single article which inflamed the\\nCouncil against him nearly so violently as this appeal.\\nTiie point which, above all others, that assembly was\\ninterested to establish, was its own omnipotence and\\ninfallibility its agency under the immediate opera-\\ntion of the Holy Spirit in fact, its divine power.\\nConsequently, an appeal to any superior, even though\\nit were Christ himself, was derogatory to the heaven-\\nly attributes, with which the Council had clothed\\nitself.\\nt Aniiiiam tuam devovemus iufernis Diabolia.\\nat the same time his voice and his life.\\nHis ashes were carefully collected and cast\\ninto the lake. But the miserable precaution\\nwas without any efifect since his disciples\\ntore up the earth from the spot of his martyr-\\ndom, and adored it with the same reverence\\nand moistened it with those same tears,\\nwhich would otherwise have sanctified his\\nsepulchre.\\nThe points of difference strictly doctrinal\\nbetween Huss and his persecutors were, after\\nall, neither numerous nor important since\\nwe are bound in this inquiry to give credit\\nto the solemn disavowals of the accused,\\nrather than to the malignant imputations of\\nhis accusers. Lenfant, in his accurate his-\\ntory of this affair, has investigated very\\nminutely the real extent of the offences of\\nHuss, and reduced them under two heads.\\n(1.) He unquestionably refused to subscribe\\nto any general condemnation of the articles\\nof Wiclif. There were many particulars on\\nwhich he dissented from that reformer, but\\nin several others he professed the same no-\\ntions and among these last were disparage-\\nment of the Pope and the Roman Church,\\nand opposition to tithes, indulgences, and\\necclesiastical censures. (2.) It was also made\\na dangerous charge against him, that the\\nspirit of ecclesiastical insubordination, which\\nhad already appeared in Bohemia, was prin-\\ncipally occasioned by his preaching.\\nSuch was the burden of his offence. And\\nthough all the leading authors and orators of\\nthe time were as imsparing as Huss himself,\\nin their denunciations of papal and ecclesi-\\nastical enormities, even from the pulpits of\\nConstance though it was even usual with\\nthem to ascribe to these abuses the heresies\\nof the day still the independent exertions of\\na Bohemian preacher in the same cause were\\nstigmatized by them as indiscreet and im-\\nmoderate zeal because the principles, from\\nwhich that zeal proceeded, were not in ac-\\ncordance with their own hierarchical preten-\\nsions; because tlie Bible, and not the Church,\\nwas the source from which it flowed.\\nAnd as to the disaffection of the Bohemians,\\nif the Council really hoped to repress it by the\\nperfidious execution of the most pious and\\npopular of their teachers, the events, which\\npresently followed, were a lesson of bloody\\nand indelible instruction both to those who in-\\ndulged that error, and to their latest posterity.\\nIII. Jerome of Prague. In less than a\\nyear from the execution of Huss, the same\\nHist. Cone. Const, lib. iii. 52, 60.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0478.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "THE HUSSITES.\\n471\\nscene of injustice and baibarity was acted a\\nsecond time, though with some variety of\\ncircumstances, iu the same polluted theatre.\\nJerome, master iu theology in the university\\nof Prague, and a layman, was the disciple of\\nJohn Huss. Huss (says yEneas Sylvius) was\\nsuperior in age and authority; but Jerome\\nwas held more excellent in learning and\\neloquence. While the former presided in\\nthe chair, the latter delivered his lectures in\\nthe schools; and the same opinions were\\ntaught with equal zeal and effect by the one\\nand by the other. In the troubles, which had\\nbeen excited through those opinions, Jerome\\nhad had, perhaps, the greater share; there\\nwas at least no favorable feature to distinguish\\nhis offence from that of his master. Accor-\\ndingly he was summoned to Constance soon\\nafter the meeting of the Council and he\\nappeared there on the 4th of April, 1415, not\\nunprepared for the treatment which awaited\\nhim. It should be observed, that he also\\nobtained a safe-conduct from the Emperor\\nbut that in his case the conditional clause,\\nsalva semper justitia, was inserted wliereas\\nthat of Huss contained no such provision.\\nAt his first audience (on May 23rd) he\\nexliibited great firmness but at the second,\\nwhich took place only thirteen days afler the\\nexecution of Huss, it was expected that the\\nimpression made by that frightful example\\nwould render him more tractable. And so\\nassuredly it proved for on his third exam-\\nination (on September 11th) he submitted,\\nafter suffering much insult and intimidation,\\nto make a formal and solemn retractation.\\nHe anathematized all heresies, and especial-\\nly that of Wiclif and Huss with which he\\nhad been previously infected (infamatus)\\nhe denounced the various articles which\\nexpressed it, as blasphemous, eiToneous, scan-\\ndalous, offensive to pious eai-s, rash, and se-\\nditious and professed his absolute adhesion\\nto all the tenets of the Roman Church.\\nIt was admitted that, in this mournful ex-\\nhibition of human inconstancy, he had satis-\\nfied eveiy demand which was made upon his\\nweakness, both in substance and in form;\\nnevertheless be was still retained in confine-\\nment. After a short space, his enemies\\npressed forward with new charges against\\nhim. They found many eager listeners\\namong the members of the Council and\\nGei-son* himself again took up the pen of\\nHe composed at this time (in October, 1415) his\\ntreatise De Protestatione et Revocatione in Negotio\\nFidei, ad eluendam Haereseos notam. He sought to\\nbigotr}^ and again sought to dip it in blood.\\nMattel s continued thus until the 23rd of May,\\n1416, when a final and public audience was\\ngi-anted to his repeated entreaties. On this\\noccasion he recalled, with sorrow and shame,\\nhis former retractation, and openly attributed\\nthe unworthy act to its real and only motive\\nthe fear of a painful death.\\nHis execviion. His bitterest foes desu ed no\\nfurther proof against him and only seven\\ndays were allowed to elapse before he was\\ncondemned, and executed on the same spot\\nwhich had been hallowed by the sufferings\\nof his master. The courage, which had\\nabandoned him in the anticipation of the\\nflames, returned with redoubled force as he\\napproached them. The executioner would\\nhave kindled the fagots behind his back\\nPlace the fire before me, he exclaimed if\\nI had dreaded it, I could have escaped it.\\nSuch (says Poggio the Florentine) was the\\nend of a man incredibly excellent. I was an\\neye-witness to that catastrophe, and beheld\\nevery act. I know not whether it was obsti-\\nnacy or incredulity which moved him; but\\nhis death was like that of some one of the\\nphilosophers of antiquity. Mutius Scaevola\\nplaced his hand in the flame, and Socrates\\ndrank the poison with less firmness and spon-\\ntaneousness, than Jerome presented his body\\nto the torture of the fire.\\nWhatsoever may have been the respective\\nexcellence, in their living or in their martyr-\\ndom, of those two venerable heralds of the\\nReformation, the conduct of the Council\\nwas not at all less iniquitous in respect to its\\ncast suspicion on such retractations; and this was the\\nfirst step towards the execution of Jerome- The\\nComposition may be found in Von der Hardt, torn,\\niii. p. iv.\\nIn a letter addressed to Leonardus Aretinus, of\\nwhich the whole is valuable, as describing the entire\\ntransaction, and painting the character of Jerome.\\nIt is cited by Beausobre, Histoire de la Reformation,\\nlib. ii. by Von der Hardt, torn. iii. pars iii.; and\\nother writers. There was, indeed, a little more of\\nphilosophical parade, and a little less of the genuine\\nChristian spirit in the death of Jerome than in that\\nof his master. yEneas Sylvius, however, whose\\neye was not likely to perceive this distinction, or to\\nvalue it when perceived, includes botli in the same\\nsentence of admiration. Pertulerunt ambo constant!\\nanimo necem et quasi ad epulas invitati ad incendiura\\nproperarunt, nullam emittentes vocem, quje miseri\\nanimi posset facere indicium. Ubi ardere cceperunt,\\nhymnura cecinerunt, quem vix flamma et fragor ignis\\nintercipere potuit. Nemo Philosophorura tarn forti\\nanimo mortem pertulisse traditur, quam isti incen-\\ndium. Hist. Bohem. cap. xxxvi.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0479.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "472\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ninstance the violationof the safe-conduct dis-\\nplayed imblushing perfidy, the contempt of\\nthe retractation was at least as shameless in\\nthe other. The first crime was followed by\\nno remorse it seems rather to have led to\\nthe more calm and deliberate perpetration\\nof the second. The principle by which the\\ndeeds were justified was never, for an instant,\\nquestioned in either case. And we should,\\nat the same time, bear in mind (for it is a\\nconsideration deserving repeated notice,) that\\nthis was not a principle exclusively papal no\\npeculiar emanation from the apostolical chair\\nor the Court of Rome it was a principle\\nstrictly ecclesiastical, animating the Council\\nas the representative of the Church, and in-\\nflaming the individual bosom of the church-\\nmen who composed it. It was embraced by\\nthe French and English, as warmly as by the\\nItalians themselves nor was it pressed to any\\ngreater extremity by the champions of eccle-\\nsiastical corruption, than by the men who\\ncalled themselves its reformers.\\nIV. Tlie condition of Bohemia is describ-\\ned to have been singularly flourishing at that\\nmoment. There was no other region* more\\nabundant in useful productions, or in which\\nthe people were blessed with gi eater com-\\nforts none more distinguished for the splen-\\ndor of its churches and monasteries, and the\\nwealth of its clergy. Unhappily, that body\\nhad used with little moderation the advantages\\nenjoyed by it and its excesses had for many\\nyears excited the murmurs of the laity. This\\ndisaffection had even shown itself in occa-\\nsional outrages; but no systematic hostility\\nhad yet been arrayed either against the per-\\nsons or the property of the sacred order.\\nHowbeit, no sooner were the proceedings\\nof the Council made known throughout the\\ncountry, tlian the people gave indications of\\na ferocious spirit; the nobles f likewise ad-\\n*Cochlaeus (lib. i. p. 314) cites some verses Con-\\nradi Celtis primi apud Genrianos Poetae Laureati,\\nin praise of the city of Prague:\\nVisa non est Urbs meliore coelo\\nExplicat septem haec spatiosa coJles,\\nAmbitu murorum imitata niagnge\\nMoenia Romte.\\nf They had previously addressed several remon-\\nstrances to the Emperor on the subject of Huss s\\nimprisonment, representing that thei e was no person,\\ngreat or small, who did not see the violation of his\\nsafe-conduct with indignation. Their letter to the\\nCouncil immediately followed the execution of Huss,\\nand was dated September 2. The great considered\\ndressed a bold remonstrance to the :fether3j\\nand as their rising opposition was met by new\\nedicts of condemnation, which still farmer\\ninflamed it and as Martin V. at length pub-\\nlished a Bull f of Crusade against the contu-\\nmacious heretics, every hope of reconciliation\\nwas removed, and the difference was fairly\\ncommitted to the decision of the sword.\\nInsuiTection of the. Bohemians. ^It was one\\nof the earliest and most innocent acts of in-\\nsubordination to spread three hundred tables\\nin the open air, for the public celebration of\\nthe communion in both kinds.J And as the\\nsense of some one specific grievance is ne-\\ncessary for the union of a large multitude in\\nrevolt against any established power, so it\\nwas wise in the Bohemian insurgents to\\nselect one among their spiritual wrongs, as\\nthe principal motive of resistance, and to se-\\nlect that which would be most intelligible to\\nthe act as an affront to the kingdom of Bohemia; the\\npopulace exclaimed against the fathers, as persecutors\\nand executioners, and assembling in the chapel of\\nBethlehem, decreed to the victim the honors of mar-\\ntyrdom. It is related, that Jerome of Prague was\\nprematurely associated with his master in this popular\\ncanonization and it is remarkable that this crown\\nwas conferred upon him within a few days from that,\\non which he made his retractation.\\nAmong tlie edicts published at Constance against\\nthe Hussites, there was one, in 1418, which prohibit-\\ned the singing of songs in derision of the Catholic\\nChurch.\\nf The Bull published by Martin in 1421 contained\\na prohibition to keep faith with heretics, as distinct-\\nly conveyed as words can express it, Quod si tu\\naliquo mode inductus defensionem eorum suscipere\\npromisisti scito te dare, fidem. kareticis, violatori-\\nbus Fidei Sanctge, non potuisse, et idcirco peccare\\nmortaliter, si servahis; quia fideli ad infidelem non\\npotest esse ulla communio. It is addressed to Alex-\\nander, Duke of Lithuania, and published by Coch-\\nIseusf-a prejudiced Catholic. Lib. v. p. 212.\\n:j: After all, it appears nearly certain, that Huss\\nwas not the autlior of the restoration of the cup.\\nLenfant follows the account of iEneas Sylvius, and\\nargues that he was not. The retrenchment of the\\ncup appears to that author to be a necessary conse-\\nquence of the doctrine of transubstantiation, which\\nHuss seems to have professed to the last. The\\nCatholics of Constance, and even Gerson himself,\\n(for he published a very elaborate and artificial trea-\\ntise on the subject,) appear to have been more per-\\nplexed in the defence of this, than of any other of\\ntheir abuses. Antiquity, of course, is the great ob-\\nject of appeal and yet the antiquity of this prac-\\ntice could scarcely reach two centuries (Lenfant, liv.\\niii., \u00c2\u00a7xxxi.); and it certainly never acquired the\\nforce of a law till the contrary was declared to be\\nheresy, in the 10th Session of the Council (May 14,\\n1415.)", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0480.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "THE HUSSITES,\\n473\\nthe lowest classes. Again, the distinction of\\na name was useful in rousing enthusiasm, and\\npreserving the show of concord. And so\\nthis chosen people stigmatized the surrounding\\nnations as Idumseans or Moabites, as Amale-\\nkites or Philistines; themselves were the\\nwell-beloved and elect of God Thabor was\\nthe mount on which they pitched their tents,\\nand Thaborite the appellation which they\\nadopted. The first effects of their indigna-\\ntion were directed against the monks and\\nclergy. These were plundered and even\\nmassacred without pity and without remorse.\\nThe sacred buildings were overthrown, the\\nsanctuaries profaned, the altars stained with\\nblood and all those abominations were un-\\nsparingly committed, which commonly attend\\na premature resistance to inveterate oppres-\\nsion.\\nTheir triumphs. Sigismond conducted the\\narmies of the Church Zisca led the rebels\\nagainst them and the name of Zisca is sig-\\nnalized by several triumphs over the imperial\\ncrusaders, which evinced not only his great\\nmilitary genius and resolution, but the deep\\nreligious enthusiasm and devotion of his fol-\\nlowers. Atrocities were perpetrated by both\\nparties, as if in emulation of each other, and\\nof the heroes of former holy wars and so\\nkeen was the thii*st for blood, that the Hus-\\nsites indulged it in the massacre of a sect of\\nbrother-heretics. A number of unfortunate\\nenthusiasts, usually designated Adamites, were\\ncollected in an insular spot, in the neigh-\\nborhood of Zisca s encampment. They are\\naccused by various writers of the habit of\\nnudity, and of many scandalous crimes and\\nin this matter it is probable that they have\\nbeen much calumniated. It may be, as Mos-\\nheim is disposed to think, that they were in-\\nfected with some of the absurdities of mys-\\nticism or, as Beausobre learnedly argues,\\nthat their difference from the Catholics was\\nconfined to the use of the cup. It is beyond\\ndispute, that they did not maintain all the\\nopinions of the Thaborites and it would\\nseem that some fatal quarrels had taken place\\nbetween individuals of the two sects. Zisca\\nThis very ingenious writer, in his dissertation\\non the Adamites, addressed in two books to M.\\nLenfant, and published together with the History\\nof the Council of Constance by the latter, certainly\\nclears the Adamites from the worst charges that have\\nbeen brought against them, which he shows to have\\nbeen Catholic calumnies. Still the question, why\\nZisca destroyed them, is scarcely answered satisfac-\\ntorily.\\n60\\nsuiTounded and destroyed them without any\\ndiscrimination or mercy but lest we should\\non this account consider him as having sur-\\npassed the wickedness of his Catholic adver-\\nsaries, we may remark, that by this very act\\nhe has incurred the deliberate praise of their\\nhistorians,* and redeemed in their eyes some\\nportion of the guilt of his apostasy.\\nDivisions. Zisca died in 1424, and divis-\\nions immediately ensued among his followers.\\nTwo other factions, the Orebites and the Or-\\nphans, distracted the Bohemian reformers\\nbut they united on occasions of common\\ndanger. In 1431 they repelled another for-\\nmidable crusade, which was conducted by\\nthe celebrated cardinal of St. Angelo and in\\nthis affair the rout was so complete, that the\\nPope s Bull, as well as the hat, cross, and bell\\nof the cardinal, fell into the hands of the vic-\\ntors, f In the meantime, a more moderate\\nparty arose and acquired influence among\\nthe Hussites its hopes were turned to a pa-\\ncific accommodation with the Church and\\nwith that view it was an-anged, that the Bo-\\nhemians should send deputies to treat with\\nthe Council of Basle. Accordingly some of\\nthe most renowned among their military and\\necclesiastical directors appeared at that city\\non the day appointed. The fame of their\\nfierce exploits made them objects of deep and\\nfearful curiosity with that peaceful assembly\\nthey were treated with respect, for they had\\nearned it by their sword; and no violation of\\ntheir safe-conduct, or other breach of faith,\\nwas on this occasion meditated.\\nEmbassy to Basle.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 They were introduced,\\non February 16, 1433, to a general meeting\\nof the fathers, and immediately proposed the\\nconditions of reconciliation, which were four\\nin number. I (1.) The use of the cup in the\\nadministration of the sacrament. (2.) The\\nfree preaching of the word of God. (3.) The\\nabolition of the endowments of the clergy.\\n(4.) Thepunishment of heinous transgressions\\nand mortal sins. A separate debate was then\\nopened upon each of these articles; and John\\nof Rokysan, the most conspicuous among the\\nSee Cochteus, lib. v., p. 218.\\nt See Lenfant, Guerre des Hussites, 1. xvi. s.\\nV. c.\\nt According to Cochljeus (lib. v., p. 205,) these\\nwere first agreed upon in a general assembly Baro-\\nnum terrse Bohemise et Moraviae, et dominorum in-\\nclytae urbis Pragensis, militarium,clientum, civitatum\\net communitatum, A. D. 1421. This will account\\nfor the moderation of the demands contained in\\nthem.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0481.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "474\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nHussite divines, commenced by a defence of\\nthe double communion, which lasted for three\\nentire mornings. He was afterwards answer-\\ned by John of Ragusa, an ingenious Domini-\\ncan, who so far surpassed the prolixity of his\\nopponent, as to occupy eight mornings in the\\ndelivery of his arguments six others were\\nthen consumed by the reply of Rokysan. The\\nother subjects were contested with scarcely\\nless tediousness and when the debate had\\nthus continued for nearly two months, and\\nwhen it was found that, so far from any pro-\\ngress having been made towards accommoda-\\ntion, the obstinacy of both parties was only\\nconfirmed and inflamed, the Duke of Bavaria,\\nthe secular protector of the council, sought\\nfor other expedients to bring them to terms.\\nBut in this attempt he failed likewise j and\\nafter the Catholics had advanced some coun-\\nter propositions, which were rejected by the\\nHussites, the conference terminated, and the\\ndeputies returned to recount to their compa-\\ntriots the failure of their mission.\\nThe Ccdixtines, But the Catholics, being\\nnow better informed as to the variety and\\nnature of the dissensions which divided their\\nopponents, thought to profit by that circum-\\nstance, if they should carry the controversy\\ninto the hostile territories a solemn embas-\\nsy was accordingly appointed to proceed to\\nPrague. Negotiations were again opened\\nand again the Catholics essayed the arts of\\npersuasion in vain. They then introduced\\nsuch amendments into the four articles as\\neffectually destroyed their force, or altered\\ntheir meaning but these were firmly re-\\njected by the larger and more determined\\nportion of the separatists. There existed,\\nhowever, among these last, a more moder-\\nate and very influential party, which was\\nstrongly disposed to waive all other sub-\\njects of complaint, provided the double com-\\nmunion were fairly conceded by the Church.\\nThese were called Calixtinesf from the\\nIt is observed tliat John of Ragusa gave great\\noffence to his opponents by the frequent use of the\\nword heresy, as applied to their opinions. With\\nthem it was still a question whether it was not the\\nChurch which was in heresy; with the Dominican,\\nthe Church was infallible. With them it was error\\nto differ from the Scripture; with John, to differ\\nfrom the Church. Thus the term, taken in a differ-\\nent sense, was as obnoxious in their eyes as in those\\nof the Dominican.\\nt Cochlaeus (lib. v., p. 192) mentions early dif-\\nferences between the Magistri Pragenses and the\\nThaborites. The former were the more moderate\\nDissenters; the Church Hussites and Jacobellus Mis-\\nchalice to which their demands were confin\\ned and they were distinguished from the\\nThaborites, who constituted the more violent\\nfaction and the sum of whose grievances\\nwas by no means comprehended in the four\\narticles, though they might consent in their\\npublic deliberations to suppress the rest.\\nAmong the Calixtins were several of the\\nsubstantial citizens and leading members of\\nthe aristocracy and of such too the Catholic\\nparty was chiefly composed. As these, next\\nafter the clergy, were the principal sufferers\\nby the continuance of anarchy and the devas-\\ntations of war, they entered without much dif-\\nficulty into the designs of the council. And\\nsince it was now obvious, that no reconciliation\\nwas to be expected from discussion, it was de-\\ntermined to make another appeal to the sword.\\nRenewal of War. A civil war was imme-\\ndiately kindled throughout the country (in\\n1434 the party of the council was directed\\nwith ability by a distinguished Bohemian,\\nnamed Maynard his schemes were at first\\nadvanced by dissensions which raged be-\\ntween the Thaborites and the Orphans and\\nhe afterwards conducted matters with so\\nmuch address, that he engaged them when\\nunited, and entirely overthrew them. On\\nthis occasion it so happened, that the most\\nhardened and desperate among the insurgents\\nfell alive into the power of the conquerors\\nand as they were numerous, and objects, even\\nin their captivity, of fearful apprehension,\\nMaynard resolved to use artifice for their de-\\nstruction. Among the prisoners there were\\nalso several, who were innocent of any pre-\\nvious campaigns against the Church, and\\nwho were neither hateful as rebels, nor dan-\\ngerous as soldiers. These it was the design\\nof the Catholics to spare and the better to\\ndistinguish them from the veterans of Zisca,\\nthey caused it to be proclaimed, that the gov-\\nernment intended to confer honors and pen-\\nsions on the more experienced warriors, the\\nheroes of so many fields. These were ac-\\ncordingly invited to separate themselves fi-om\\ntheir less deserving companions, and to with-\\nnensis, Rokysan, and other distinguished reformers,\\nbelonged to them. But the Thaborites, who were\\nthe Puritans, and also the soldiers of the party, had\\nZisca with them, and the two Procopiuses both\\neminent warriors so that they were for some time\\nthe stronger faction.\\nTot pingit calices Bohemorum Terra per urbes,\\nUt credas Bacchi numina sola coli\\nis a contemporary distich. It should be observed,\\nthat every other picture was an object of aversion,\\nat least to the more rigid reformers.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0482.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "THE HUSSITES.\\n475\\ndraw to some adjacent buildings, where\\nmore abundant entertainment and a worthier\\nresidence were prepared for them. They\\nbelieved these promises and then it came\\nto pass (says ^neas* Sylvius,) that many\\nthousands of the Thaborites and Orphans en-\\ntered the barns assigned to them they were\\nmen blackened, and inured and indurated\\nagainst sun and wind hideous and horrible\\nof aspect; who had lived in the smoke of\\ncamps with eagle eyes, locks uncombed,\\nlong beards, lofty stature, shaggy limbs, and\\nskin so hardened and callous as to seem\\nproof, like mail, against hostile weapons. The\\ngates were immediately closed upon them\\nfire was applied to the buildings and by\\ntheir combustion, that ignominious band, the\\ndregs and draff of the human race, at length\\nmade atonement in the flames, for the crimes\\nwhich it had perpetrated, to the religion\\nwhich it had insulted. Among the crimes\\nwith which the Thaborites are reproached,\\nwas there any more foul than that, by which\\nthey perished or can any deeper insult be\\ncast on the religion of Christ, than to offer\\nup human holocausts in his peaceful name\\nIn the balance of religious atrocities the mass\\nof guilt must rest at last with those, who es-\\ntablished the practice of violence, and conse-\\ncrated the principles of Antichrist.\\nCompact of Iglau. But the adversaries of\\nRome were not thus wholly extirpated un-\\nder the spiritual direction of Rokysan, they\\nwere still so considerable, that Sigismond did\\nnot disdain to negotiate with them. The\\nresult was, that a concordat or compact was\\nconcluded at Iglau in the year 1436, by\\nwhich the Bohemians conceded almost all\\ntheir claims; but in return, the use of the\\ncup was conceded to them, not as an essen-\\ntial practice, but only through the indulgence\\nof the Church.f Some arrangement was\\nlikewise made respecting the ecclesiastical\\nproperty, which had been despoiled by the\\nrebels. This affair was conducted with the\\ncountenance of the Council. The first result\\nwas favorable and the contest with Rome\\nmight then, perhaps, have ceased the Bohe-\\nmians, fatigued with tumult and bloodshed.\\nmight have returned to the obedience of the\\nChurch, contented with one almost nominal\\nconcession, if the chiefs of the hierarchy\\ncould have endured any independence of\\nthought or action, any shadow of emancipa-\\ntion from their immitigable despotism. For\\nthis was, in fact, the spirit which guided the\\nCouncils of Rome it was not the attachment\\nto any particular tenet or ceremony, which\\nmoved her to so much rancor but it was\\nher general hatred of intellectual freedom,\\nand the just apprehensions with which she\\nsaw it directed to the affairs of the Church.\\nIn September, 1436, Sigismond made his\\nentry into Prague, amid congratulations al-\\nmost universal and the calamities which\\nhad desolated the country for two-and-twenty\\nyears appeared to be at an end.* But the\\nPope refused his assent to the concordat he\\nrefused to confirm the appointment of Roky-\\nsan to the See of Prague, though the Empe-\\nror had promised it; and though all the\\nfactions of the people were united in desiring\\nit. Wherever the guilt of the previous dis-\\nsensions may have rested, henceforward we\\nneed not hesitate to impute it wholly to the\\nVatican. Legates and mendicant emissaries f\\ncontinued to visit the country, and contend\\nwith the divines, and tamper with the people.\\nEven Pius II., whose personal intercourse\\nHist. Bohem., cap. li., ad finem.\\nf The Council of Basle, in its thirtieth session,\\npublished its Decree on the Eucharist, in which are\\nthese words: Sive autem sub una specie sive du-\\nplici quis communicet, secundum ordinationem seu\\nobservationem Ecclesiee, proficit digne communicant-\\nibus ad salutem. Cochlteus, lib. viii. p. 308. Com-\\nmunicants might be saved according to either method,\\nBO long- aa that method was sanctioned by the Church.\\nThe appointment of a double administrator of\\nthe Sacrament in every Church, one for the Catholic,\\nthe other for the Separatist, was of somewhat later\\ndale. Lenfant places it in 1441, and mentions that\\ngreat good proceeded from it.\\nf The most celebrated among these papal mission-\\naries was John Capistano, a Franciscan, who had\\ngained great distinction in a spiritual campaign\\nagainst the Fratricelli in the Campagna di Roma\\nand March of Ancona, and had condemned thirty-\\nsix of them to the flames. He is described by\\nCochlseus (lib. x. ad finem) as a little emaciated old\\nman, full of fire and enthusiasm, and indefatigable in\\nthe service of the Church, The year of his exertions\\nin Bohemia was 1451. Such emissaries were in those\\ndays among the most useful tools of the Roman hie-\\nrarchy.\\nX It was in 1451 that ^neas Sylvius made his\\ncelebrated visit to Bohemia, as imperial envoy. His\\nmission was merely political; but it deserves our\\nnotice from tiie very interesting description which he\\nhas drawn of the manners of the Thaborites, among\\nwhom he found an asylum when in some danger from\\nbandits: It was a spectacle worthy of attention.\\nThey were a rustic and disorderly crew, yet desirous\\nto appear civilized. It was cold and rainy. Some\\nof them were destitute of all covering except their\\nshirts; some wore tunics of skin; some had no sad-\\ndle, others no reins, others no spurs. One had a\\nboot on his leg, another none. One wag deprived of", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0483.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "476\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nwith the sectarians had not softened his ec-\\nclesiastical indignation at their disobedience,\\nexhibited in his negotiations with Pogebrac,*\\nthe king, an intolerant and resentful spirit.\\nAnd at length Paul II., his successor, once\\nmore found means to hght up a long and\\ndeadly war in the infected country. It was\\nconsidered, no doubt, as a stigma upon the\\nChurch, which all occasions and instruments\\nwere proper to efface, that a single sect should\\nanywhere exist, which dared to differ from\\nthe faith or practice of Rome on a single\\narticle, and which maintained its difference\\nwith inpunity.\\nTJie Bohemian brothers. It was in 1466\\nthat Paul II. excommunicated and deposed\\nPogebrac, and transferred the kingdom to\\nthe son of Huniades. In that object he was\\nnot successful but during the discords of\\nalmost thirty years which followed, the\\noffensive names of Thaborite, Orphan, and\\neven Hussite, gradually disappeared, and the\\nopen resistance to the Catholic predominance\\nbecame fainter and fainter. But the princi-\\na.n eye, another of a hand; and to use the expression\\nof Virgil, it was unsightly to behold\\npopulataque tetnpora raptis\\nAuribus et truncos inhonesto vulnere nares.\\nThere was no regularity in their march, no constraint\\nin their conversation they received us in a barbarous\\ntind rustic manner. Nevertheless, they offered us\\nhospitable presents of fish, wine and beer. On the\\nouter gate of the city were two shields; on one of\\nthem was a representation of an angel holding a cup:\\nas it were to exhort the people to this communion in\\nwine, on the other Zisca was painted an old man,\\nblind of both eyes whom the Thaboriles followed,\\nnot only after he had lost one eye, but when he became\\na perfectly blind leader. Nor was there any incon-\\nsistency in the, etc (See his 130th Letter.) In\\nthe meantime these wild and unseemly sectarians\\nnourished in their rude abodes opinions, which were\\nthe glory of the following age, but which were indeed\\npernicious to themselves. Exactly seven years after\\nthe visit of JEneas Sylvius, the King of Bohemia,\\nPogebrac, willing to bring them to more moderate\\nsentiments of reform, summoned a General Council\\nof Hussites, who condemned some of their tenets;\\nand then, on their refusal to abjure them, the King\\nassaulted Thabor, and destroyed them (as it is relat-\\ned) with such scrupulous exactness, that not one was\\nleft alive.\\nPogebrac was a moderate reformer, a Calixtine;\\nhe was extremely anxious to be subject to the Church,\\non the condition only, that it would leave him the\\ncup: he had been brought up, as he said, in that prac-\\ntice, and would never resign it. His persecution of\\npies were so far from having expired in this\\nconflict, that they came forth from it in\\ngreater purity, and with a show of vigor\\nand consistency, which did not at first disdn-\\nguish them. Early in the ensuing century,\\nabout the year 1504, a body of sectarians,\\nunder the name of the United Brethren of\\nBohemia, begins to attract the historian s\\nnotice. Beausobre affirms, that this associ-\\nation was originally formed m the year 1467\\nthat it separated itself at that time from the\\nCatholics and Calixtines, and instituted a\\nnew ministry that it made ai)plication to the\\nVaudois, in order to receive through them\\nthe true apostolical ordination and that Ste-\\nphen, a bishop of that persuasion, did actually\\nordain Matthew^ the first bishop of the Uni-\\nted Brethren. It is unquestionable, that\\nthose among the Thaborites, and the other\\nmore determined dissenters, who had escaped\\nthe perils of so many disasters, continued\\nwith uncompromising constancy to feed and\\nmature the tenets for which they had suf-\\nfered and that many of the leading articles\\nof the Reformation were anticipated and\\npreserved by the Bohemian Brothers. It is\\nalso true, that the evangelical principles of\\ntheir faith were not unmixed with some\\nerroneous notions but it is no less certain,\\nthat when Luther was engaged in the accom-\\nplishment of his mission, he was welcomed\\nby a numerous body of hereditary reformers,\\nwho rejected, and whose ancestors had reject-\\ned, the sacrifice of the mass, purgatory, tran-\\nsubstantiation, prayers for the dead, the\\nadoration of images and who confirmed\\ntheir spiritual emancipation by renouncing\\nthe authority of the Pope.f\\nthe Thaborites sufficiently proves how far he was\\nfrom any anti-ecclesiastical tendency. Yet he seems\\nto have been as much hated at Rome, as if he had\\ngone to the full extent of opposition, and he was\\ncertainly much less feared. The Pope had still a\\npowerful party among the aristocracy of Bohemia.\\nDissertation sur les Adamites. Part I.\\nt Bossuel (in the eleventh chapter of his Variations)\\nconsumes his ingenuity in endeavoring to show that\\nthe Bohemian Brethren were descended from the\\nCalixtines, not from the Thaborites, and had thus\\nonly one point of doctrinal difference with Rome.\\nBut, at the same time, he admits their disobedience\\nVoila comme ils sont disciples de Jean Huss.\\nMorceau rompu d un morceau, schisme separe d un\\nschisme Hussites divises des Hussites et qui n en\\navoient presque retenu, que la desobeissance et la\\nrupture avec I Eglise Romaine.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0484.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "THE GREEK CHURCH.\\n477\\nCHAPTER XXVI.\\nHistory of the Greek Church after its Separation\\nfrom the Latin.\\nOrigin, progress, and sufferings of the Paulicians They\\nare transplanted to Thrace, and the opinions gain some\\nprevalence there Their differences from the Manich-\\naens\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and from the Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Six specific errors charg-\\ned against them by the latter\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Examined Points of\\nresemblance between the Paulicians and the Hussites\\nMysticism at no time extinct in the East and generally\\ninstrumental to piety Introduction of the mystical\\nbooks into the West Opinions of the Echites or Mes-\\nsalians Those of the Hesychasts or Quietists\u00e2\u0080\u0094 who\\nare accused before a Council, and acquitted The\\nmixed character of the heresy of the Bogomiles Con-\\ntroversy respecting the God of Mahomet terminated by\\na compromise Points of distinction between the two\\nChurches Imperial supremacy constant in the East\\nAbsence of feudal institutions Superior civilization of\\nthe Greeks They never received the False Decretals,\\nnor suffered from their consequences Passionate re-\\nverence for antiquity Animosity against the Latins\\nHopes from foundation of the Latin kingdom of Jerusa-\\nlem Its real consequences Establishment of a Latin\\nChurch in the East Influence of the military orders\\nLegates a latere Latin conquest of Constantinople\\nconfirmed by Innocent III. A Latin Church planted\\nand endowed at Constantinople Tithes Dissensions\\nof the Latin Ecclesiastics Increasing animosity be-\\ntween the Greeks and Latins Secession of the Greek\\nhierarchy to Nice Mission from Rome to Nice Sub-\\nectand heat of the controversy, and increased rancor\\nJohn of Parma subsequently sent by Innocent IV.\\nExtinction of the Latin empire The Church does not\\nstill withdraw its claims Subsequent negotiations\\nbetween the Emperor and the Pope Confession of\\nClement IV. Conduct of the Oriental Clergy Am-\\nbassadors from the East to the Second Council of\\nLyons Concession of the Emperor presently disavow-\\ned by the Clergy and People Subsequent attempts at\\nreconciliation Arrival of the Emperor and Patriarch\\nat Ferrara First proceedings of the Council Private\\ndeliberations by Members of the two churches The\\nfour grand Subjects of Division The Dispute on Purgji-\\ntory Doctrine of the Latins of the Greeks First\\nSession of the Council Grand disputations on the\\nProcession The Council adjourned to Florence, and\\nthe same Discussions repeated there Suggestions of\\ncompromise by the Emperor, to which the Greeks\\nfinally assent The Common Confession of Faith A\\nTreaty, by which the Pope engages to furnish Supplies\\nto the Emperor\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Union is then ratified\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The man-\\nner in which the other differences, as the Azyms,\\nPurgatory, and the Pope s Primacy, are arranged\\nDifficulty as to the last How far the subject of Tran-\\nsubstantiation was treated at Florence. On the fate of\\nCardinal Julian Return of the Greeks Their angry\\nreception Honors paid to Mark of Ephesus Insubor-\\ndination of three Patriarchs Russia also declares\\nagainst the Union\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Critical situation of the Emperor\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe opposite Party gains ground\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The prophetic ad-\\ndress of Nicholas V. to the Emperor Constantine Per-\\nversity and Fanaticism of the Greek Clergy They\\nopen Negotiations with the Bohemians Tumult at\\nConstantinople against the Emperor and the Pope s\\nLegate\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Fall of Constantinople JVote. On the Arme-\\nnians\u00e2\u0080\u0094and Maronites.\\nWhile the jealousies, which had so long\\ndisturbed the ecclesiastical concord of the\\neast and west, were ripened into open schism\\nby the mutual violence of Nicholas and Pho-\\ntius,* the Eastern Church was in the crisis\\nof a dangerous contest with a domestic foe.\\nA sect of heretics named Paulicians had\\narisen in the seventh century, and gained\\ngreat prevalence in the Asiatic provinces,\\nespecially Armenia. It was in vain that\\nthey were assailed by imperial edicts and\\npenal inflictions. Constans, Justinian IL,\\nand even Leo the Isaurian successively chas-\\ntised their errors or their contumacy but\\nthey resisted with inflexible fortitude, until\\nat length Nicephorus, in the beginning of the\\nninth century, relented from the system of\\nhis predecessors, and restored the factious\\ndissenters to their civil privileges, and re-\\nligious liberty.\\nDuring this transient suspension of their\\nsufferings, they gained strength to endure\\nothers, more protracted and far more violent.\\nThe oppressive edicts were renewed by\\nMichael Curopalates, and redoubled by Leo\\nthe Armenian as if that resolute Iconoclast\\nwished to make amends to bigotry, for his\\nzeal in the internal purification of the Church,\\nby his rancor against its sectarian seceders.\\nThe struggles, the victories, and the misfor-\\ntunes of that persecuted race are eloquently\\nunfolded in the pages of Gibbon we shall\\nnot transfer the narrative to this history, for\\nit belongs not to our purpose to trace the de-\\ntails even of religious warfare. It may suf-\\nfice to say, that the sword, which was re-\\nsumed by the enemy of the Images, was\\nmost fiercely wielded by their most ardent\\npatroness and that, during the fourteen years\\nof the reign of Theodora, about 100,000\\nPaulicians are believed to have perished by\\nvarious methods of destruction. The conflict\\nlasted till nearly the end of the century and,\\nat length, the survivors either sought for ref-\\nuge under the government of the Saracens,\\nor were transplanted by the conqueror into\\nthe yet uncontaminated provinces of Bulgaria\\nand Thrace. But not thus were the doctrines\\nsilenced, or the spirit extinguished. The\\nfierce exiles carried with them into their new\\nhabitations the sectarian and proselytizing\\nzeal; and the errors of the East soon took\\nroot and flourished in a ruder soil. During\\nthe tenth and eleventh centuries the Pauli-\\ncians of Thrace were sufficiently numerous\\nto be objects of suspicion, if not of fear and\\nin the latter we find it recorded, that Alexius\\nComnenus did not disdain to employ the\\ntalents and learning, with which he adorned\\nthe purple, in personal controversy with the\\nWe refer the reader to the 12th chapter of thia\\nHistoi-y.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0485.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "478\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nheretical doctors. Many are related to have\\nyielded to the force of the imperial eloquence\\nmany also resigned their opinions on the\\nmilder compulsion of rewards and dignities\\nbut those who, being unmoved by either in-\\nfluence, pertinaciously persisted in error and\\ndisloyalty, were corrected by the moderate\\nexercise of despotic authority.*\\nAfter this period we find little mention of\\nthe Pauhcian sect in the annals of the Ori-\\nental Church. But we should remark that\\nArmenia, the province of its biith, was never\\nafterwards cordially reconciled to the See of\\nConstantinople and that, though it no longer\\nfostered that particular heresy, it continued\\nto nourish some seeds of disaffection, which\\nfrequently recommended it in later ages to\\nthe interested affection of the Vatican.f\\nOpinions of the Paulicians. It is generally\\nmuch easier to describe the fortunes of a\\nsuffering sect than to ascertain the offence for\\nwhich they suffered. The resistance of the\\nPaulicians, their bravery, theii* cruelty, their\\noverthrow, are circumstances of unquestion-\\nable assurance the particulars of their opin-\\nions are disputed. By their enemies, they\\nwere at once designated as Manichaeans it\\nwas the name most obnoxious to the Eastern\\nas well as the Western Communion yet, if\\nwe may credit contemporary testimony,! they\\nThey were removed to Constantinople, and plac-\\ned in a sort of honorable exile in the immediate\\nprecincts of the imperial palace. Anna Comnena\\n(Alexiad, b. xiv.) describes with filial ardor her\\nfather s zeal and patience in converting these Mani-\\ncheans. Toig i.uv onXoig rovg ^aq^uqovg iriy.a,\\nroig 8e loyoig i;(\u00c2\u00a3iQovro rovg aiTi sovg. wontQ\\nSt tore y.ara Twv Mavi/aiiav i^ojTcliOTo, arcoaro-\\nXixijV avrl Grqary]Yiy.yig avaSn^autvog orycoviav y.ai\\nsyoiys TOVTov ToioxaiSixaxov av ccTr6 JTo?.ov bvou-\\nacaifii ccTto TCiJUitag ovv (\u00e2\u0096\u00a0UXQ ^^i-^V? \u00c2\u00abw\u00c2\u00ab? 1^\\nxal sOTtiqag, ioriv ov xai SevrtQag xai rgiriig\\ntpv^ax^g rijg vvxrbg usru7T\u00c2\u00a3U7tousvog avrovg, c.\\nc.\\nt See the Note at the end of this chapter.\\ni lidem sunt (says Petrus Siculus, page 764) nee\\nquicquam divertunt h. Manichaeis PauUiciani, qui hasce\\nrecens a se procusas hrereses prioribus assuerunt, et\\nex sempiterno exitii barathro effoderunt: qui,tametsi\\nse a ManichcBorum impuritatibus alienos dictitant,\\nsunt tamen dogmatum ipsorum vigilantissimi custodes,\\nc. Historia de Manichaeis; a Latin translation\\nof which is published in the Maxima Bibliotheca\\nPatrum Veterum; torn, xvi., ann. 860 900. The\\nexpressions of Photius are Mr^Ssig 8 biiad^w qitrig\\neXtQug ^JLuOryji^ia slvai, naq^ y,v iSoltwOsv 6 -dsou-\\naxo? Muv7]g, rijV TvaQacpvuSa Tavrrjv ri^v dvaoe^cov\\nSsQY tov doyauTtxiv f.iia yti^ ton y.al ij avri^, c.\\n(^Ji) ,Y7}0ig, c., published in the Bibliotheca Cois-\\nliana (Paris, 1715) page 349.\\nearnestly disclaimed tlie imputation. The\\ntruth is, that they are only known, like so\\nmany other sects, through the representations\\nof their adversaries.* These have been in-\\nvestigated by Mosheimf with his usual care\\nand impartiality, and the result of his inquiry\\nmay be received with as much confidence\\nas is consistent with the nature of the evi-\\ndence.\\nThe m.ost obvious difference between the\\nPaulicians and Manichaeans related to the\\necclesiastical profession and discipline. The\\nformer rejected the government by bishops,\\npriests, and deacons to which the Mani-\\nchaeans adhered,) and admitted no order or\\nindividuals set apart by exclusive consecra-\\ntion for spiritual, offices. Neither did the au-\\nthority of councils or synods enter into their\\nsystem of religious polity. They had, indeed\\ncertain doctors, called Synecdemi^ or Notarii _\\nbut these were not distinguished by any pe-\\nculiar dignities or privileges, either from each\\nother or from the body of the people. The\\nonly singularity attending their appointment\\nwas, that they changed, on that occasion,\\ntheir lay for scriptural names. They received\\nall the books of the New Testament, except\\nthe two Epistles of St. Peter and the copies\\nof the Gospel in use among them were the\\nsame with those authorised by the Church,\\nand free from the numerous interpolations\\nimputed to the Manichaeans.\\nThe peculiarities already mentioned may\\nappear alone sufficient to have excited the\\nanimosity of the established clergy of the\\nEast but these were by no means the only\\noffences objected to the Paulicians by the\\nChurch writers. These last, without pro-\\nfessing to give a perfect delineation of the\\nmonstrous system of the Heretics, are con-\\ntented to charge them with six detestable\\nerrors: 1. That they denied that either the\\nvisible world or the human body was the\\nproduction of the Supreme Being and dis-\\ntinguished their Creator from the most High\\nGod who dwells in the heavens. 2. That\\nthey treated contemptuously the Virgin Mary.\\n3. That they disparaged the nature and insti-\\nThe books from which our best accounts of the\\nPaulicians are derived, are Photius (Ji/jYtjoig tmv\\nvioipuiT(x}v 3lavixccivjv yara^XaOTi iOBajg) and Petrus\\nSiculus (Historia de Manichaeis). By the account\\nof Petrus Siculus we learn, that, in the year 870, un-\\nder the reign of Basilus the Macedonian, he was sent\\nas ambassador to the Paulicians at Tibrica, to treat\\nwith them concerning the exchange of prisoners, and\\nthat he lived among them for nine months.\\nt Cent. ix. p. 2. chap. v.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0486.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "THE GREEK CHURCH.\\n479\\ntution of the Lord s Supper. 4. That they\\nloaded the cross of Christ with contempt and\\nreproach. 5. That they rejected, after the\\nexample of the greatest part of the Gnostics,\\nthe books of the Old Testament, and looked\\nupon the writers of the Sacred History as\\ninspired by the Creator of the world, not by\\nthe Supreme God. 6. That they excluded\\nPresbyters and Elders from all part in the\\nadministration of the Church.f\\nWe are, of course, bound to receive these\\narticles with suspicion, as the allegations of\\nan enemy. Still they had, unquestionably,\\nsome foundation. The first and fifth are\\nsufficient to prove that the Paulicians main-\\ntained some opinions resembling those of\\nMa es. It seems, indeed, most probable that\\nthey were descended from some one of the\\nancient Gnostic sects, which, though diver-\\nsified in many particular, all professed one\\ncommon characteristic. Again, whether or\\nnot they believed the eternity of matter is\\nquestionable but it was seemingly their opin-\\nion that matter was the seat and source of\\nall evil and that, when endued with life and\\nmotion, it had produced an active principle,\\nwhich was the cause of vice and misery.\\nRespecting the thii d charge, it appears that, in\\ntheir passion for the allegorical interpretation\\nof Scripture, they attached merely a figurative\\nsense to the bread and wine administered\\nby Christ at the last supper, understanding\\nthereby a spiritual food and nourishment\\nfor the soul. The second and fourth evince\\ntheir freedom from some of the popular su-\\nperstitions of the Greeks adoration of the\\nVirgin, and reverence for the fancied relics\\nof the Cross and this, again, had alone been\\ncrime sufficient to arm against them, in the\\nThe words of Petrus Siculus are Quod divinam\\net tremendam corporis et sangviinis Domini nostri\\nconversionem negent, aliaque dehoc mysterio doceant\\nA Domino nempe non panem et vinum in coena dis-\\ncipulis propinatura, sed figurate symbola tanttim et\\nverba, tanqiiam panem et vinum, data. In the arti-\\ncle following Quod formam et vim venerandae et\\nvivificae crucis non solum non agnoscant, sed infinitis\\netiam contumeliis onerent. The six articles thus\\nstated by Petrus Siculus are given by Photius in the\\nsame order, and with no very important alteration or\\naddition: only, the patriarch increases the list by the\\ncharge of the most abandoned obscenity and pro-\\nfligacy.\\nt The Sicilian elsewhere admits that the Paulicians\\nprofessed the principal Catholic doctrines; but aliter\\nore, aliter corde. These mental heresies, so gra-\\ntuitously imputed v^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2here every outward proof is want-\\ning, are the most wicked invention of ecclesiastical\\nrancor.\\neighth and ninth centuries, the intemperate\\nzealots of the Oriental Church. Add to this,\\nthat they held the images of the Saints in no\\nreverence, and recommended to every class\\nof the people the assiduous study of the sa-\\ncred volume not suppressing their indigna-\\ntion against the Greeks, who closed the\\nsources of divine knowledge against all, ex-\\ncept the priests*. These various subjects\\nof difference duly considered, we shall not\\nwonder that the Paulicians became the vic-\\ntims of the most deadly persecution which\\never disgraced the Eastern Church. And\\nsince they were, in some manner, the reform-\\ners of then- time, and as their zeal was in-\\ndiscriminately directed as well against the\\nsacerdotal order as against the corruptions\\nintroduced or supported by it, the Schisma-\\ntics of Armenia resembled, both in their prin\\nciples and their excesses, the Bohemians of\\nthe fifteenth age. The resemblance was in-\\ncreased by the violent means which were in\\nboth cases adopted to crush them, and which\\nwere resisted with the same ferocious he-\\nroism by both. Nor were their concluding\\ndestinies very different for, though the sect\\nof the Paulicians was at length expatriated,\\nand finally extinguished or forgotten in the\\nBulgarian deserts, the Christians of Ar-\\nmenia never afterwards returned with any\\nfidelity to the communion from which they\\nhad been so violently dissevered.\\nMysticism prevalent in the East. Amidst\\nthe metaphysical disputes which agitated the\\nGreeks in the sixth and seventh centuries,\\nthat strong disposition to mysticism, which is\\npeculiarly congenial with the oriental char-\\nA considerable proportion of the work of Petrus\\nSiculus is consumed in describing the process, by\\nwhich the mind of Sergius or Constantine, the foun-\\nder of the sect, was corrupted by the seductions of a\\nManichaean woman. The following is an important\\nspecimen of the dialogue (page 761): Audio, Domine\\nSergi, te literarum scientia et erudiiioue preestantem\\nesse, et bonum prseterea virum usquequaque. Die\\nergo mihi, cur non legis sacra Evangelial Qui-\\nbus ille ita respondit. Nobis profanis ista legere\\nnon licet, sed sacerdotibus duntaxat. At ilia\\nNon est ita ut putas nee enim personarum acceptio\\nest apud Deum. Omnes siquidera homines vult salvos\\nfieri Dominus et ad agni tionem veritalis venire. At\\nsacerdotes vestri, quoniam Dei verbum adulterant et\\nraysteria occulunt, quae in Evangeliis continentur,\\nidcirco, vobis audientibus omnia non legunt quae\\nscripta sunt, c. It is related that Constantine re-\\nceived from a deacon, in return for some acts of hos-\\npitality, the present of the New Testament. Thus it\\nappears that, before the middle of the seventh century,\\nthe Eastern clergy had effectually shut up the sources\\nof sacred knowledge.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0487.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "480\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nacter, gave frequent proofs of its activity,\\nthough it never became the predominant\\nspirit. It was principally cherished in the\\nmonastic establishments and when free from\\nthe strange notions into which it not uncom-\\nmonly seduced irregular minds, it gave birth,\\nwithout any doubt, to much genuine and ar-\\ndent piety. But in the course of ecclesiasti-\\ncal history, through a painful necessity per-\\npetually imposed upon its writer, it is by the\\nexcesses of piety rather than its natural and\\nordinary fruits, fey the abuses of religion\\nrather than its daily and individual uses and\\nblessings, that attention is fixed and curiosity\\nexcited. In the civil and political records\\nof nations the exploits of patriotism and the\\ndeeds which throw dignity on human nature,\\nare proclaimed and celebrated, because they\\nwere performed in the public fields of re-\\nnown, with kings and nations for their wit-\\nnesses. But in a religious society the purest\\ncharacters are commonly those, which shun\\ncelebrity and court oblivion. The noblest\\npatriots in the kingdom of Christ are men\\nwho serve their Heavenly Master in holiness\\nand in peace. They have their eternal re-\\ncompense but it is rare that they rise into\\nworldly notice, or throw theu modest lustre\\non the historic page.\\nOn this account it is, that, while the absur-\\ndities of mysticism are commonly known and\\nderided, the good effect which it has had, in\\nturning the mind to spiritual resolves and\\namending the heart of multitudes imbued with\\nitj is generally overlooked. We cannot now\\nrecall the names, or publish the pious acts or\\naspirations, which have been concealed or\\nforgotten yet may we approach, in a spirit\\nof benevolence, the follies which have been\\nso carefully recorded and while we pursue\\nwith unsparing denunciation the crimes of\\necclesiastical hypocrites the ambition, the\\nfrauds, the avarice, the bigotry of a secular\\nhierarchy we may pass with haste and com-\\npassion over the errors and extravagances\\nof piety.\\nEuchites or Messcdians. Mosheim* as-\\ncribes the introduction of the mystical theol-\\nogy into the Western Church to a copy of the\\npretended works of Dionysius the Areopa-\\ngite, sent by the Emperor Michael Balbus to\\nLewis the Meek. Whether this be true or\\nnot, it was certainly in the East that those\\nopinions were most prevalent, not in earlier\\nonly, but also in later ages. It is particularly\\nCent. ix. p. 2, chap. iii. The works of Diony-\\nsius, though long received as genuine, are a palpable\\nforgery, probably of llie fifth century.\\nrecorded, that, in the twelfth century, nu-\\nmerous fanatics disturbed the unity and re-\\npose of the Oriental Church by errors pro-\\nceeding from those principles. It is said that\\nthey rejected every form of external worship,\\nall the ceremonies, and even the sacraments\\nof the Church that they placed the whole\\nessence of religion in internal prayer and\\nmaintained that in the breast of every mortal\\nan evil genius presided, against which no\\nforce nor expedient was availing, except unre-\\nmitted prayer and supplication. One Lycop-\\netrus is believed to have founded this sect,\\nand to have been succeeded by a disciple\\nnamed Tychicus; and their followers were\\npresently known throughout the East by the\\ndenomination of Euchites, or Messalians,*\\nMen of Prayer. The term was considered\\nignominious and it presently came generally\\ninto use to designate all who were adverse to\\nthe persons of the clergy, or the system of\\nthe Church. The Churchmen of the West\\nwere at the same period beginning to employ\\nthe terms Waldenses and Albigenses with the\\nsame latitude and for the same purpose;\\nand as,, in the one instance, we are well as-\\nsured that many holy individuals were in-\\nvolved in the indiscriminate scandal, so also\\nmay the seeds of a purer worship have lurked\\nin the barren bosom of the Messalian heresy.\\nHesychasts, or Quietists. Two centuries\\nafterwards, the eye of Barlaam, an inquisitive\\necclesiastic, sharpened by much intercourse\\nwith the hierarchy of the West, detected, in\\nthe monasteries of Mount Athos, a very sin-\\ngular form of fanaticism. A sect of persons\\nwas their discovered, who belieVed that,\\nthrough a process of intense contemplation,\\nthey had attained the condition of perfect and\\nheavenly repose. The method of their con-\\ntemplation is conveyed in the following in-\\nstructions, handed down to them, as it would\\nseem, from the eleventh century :f Being\\nalone in thy cell, close the door, and seat\\nthyself in the corner. Raise thy spirit above\\nall vain and transient things repose thy beard\\non thy breast, and turn thine eyes with thy\\nwhole power of meditation upon thy navel.\\nRetain thy breath, and search in thine entrails\\nfor the place of thy heart, wherein all the\\nThis was, in fact, only the revival of an ancient\\nheresy, condemned, under the same name and proba-\\nbly for the same errors, by the Council of Aniioch,\\nheld towards the end of the fourth age. See Fleury,\\n1. xix. s. 25, 26, and 1. xcv. s. 9.\\nt It is found in a spiritual treatise of Simon, abbot\\nof the monastery of Xerocerka, at Constantinople,\\nand is cited by Fleury, 1. xcv. s. 9.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0488.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "THE GREEK CHURCH.\\n481\\npowers of the soul reside. At first thou wilt\\nencounter thick darkness but by persevering\\nnight and day thou wilt find a marvellous and\\nuninterrupted joy for as soon as thy spirit\\nshall have discovered the place of thy heart,\\nit will perceive itself luminous and full of\\ndiscernment. When interrogated respecting\\nthe nature of this light, they replied that it\\nwas the glory of God the same which sur-\\nrounded Christ during the transfiguration.\\nThese enthusiasts were originally called\\nHesychasts, or, in Latin, Quietists they after-\\nwards obtained the name of Ouipa/.oipvxoi, or\\nUmbilicani, men whose souls are in their\\nnavels. They were also known by that of\\nThaborites, from theii- belief respecting the\\nnature of their divine light.\\nIt might seem beneath the dignity of\\nhistory to waste a thought or a sigh on such\\npure fanaticism. Yet such was it not con-\\nsidered in the age in which it rose but it\\noccupied, on the contrary, the solemn con-\\nsideration of courts and councils. Barlaam\\nofficiously denounced the heresy to the Pa-\\ntriarch of Constantinople. The Metropolitan\\nwas astounded, and instantly summoned the\\nHesychasts into his presence. As they argued\\nwith confidence, a Council was thought ne-\\ncessary to decide so grave a controversy but\\nthe Emperor Andronicus hesitated to convoke\\nit, and strongly recommended to both parties\\nsilence and reconciliation. Hovvbeit, the po-\\nlemics persisted the Emperor yielded and\\nthe Council was assembled.* The Archbish-\\nop of Thessalonica, Gregory Palamas, advo-\\ncated the cause of the Thaborites and^ what\\nmight astonish even those most familiar with\\nthe triumphs of religious extravagance, he\\nsucceeded. Nay, so signal was his success,\\nthat the accuser thought it expedient to retire\\nfix)m the country and return to Italy.\\nThe controversy was soon afterwards renew-\\ned, and became the occasion of other councils,\\nwhich agreed without exception in the con-\\ndemnation of the Barlaamites. But the ques-\\ntion had now assumed a more general form\\nthe Quietism of the Monks of Mount Athos\\nwas no longer the subject of dispute it\\nascended to the mysterious inquiry, whether\\nthe eternal light with which God was encir-\\ncled, which might be called his energy or\\noperation, and which was manifested to the\\ndisciples on Mount Thabor, was distinct from\\nhis nature and essence, or identified with it f\\nIt was held on June 11, 1341, and the Emperor\\npresided in person, together with the Patriarch and\\nmany of the nobility of the empire.\\nt See Mosheira, Cent. xiv. p. 2, ch. v.\\n61\\nThe former was the opinion of the pious\\nArchbishop Palamas. It grew gradually to\\nbe considered as the more reasonable tenet,\\nand finally took its place, after a series of\\nsolemn deliberations, among the dogmas of\\nthe Oriental Church.\\nBogomiles. We must notice one or two\\nother disputes, of greater notoriety than im-\\nportance, which occasioned some transient\\nagitation in the East. A monk named Ba-\\nsilius was burnt in the Hippodrome during\\nthe reign of Alexius Comnenus for opinions\\nwhich he refused, on repeated solicitation, to\\nrenounce.* They are known to us only fi*om\\nhis enemies. He is said to have maintained\\nthat the world and all its inhabitants were\\nthe creation of an evil and degraded demon,\\nso that the body was no better than the prison\\nhouse of the immortal spirit: wherefore, it\\nbecame man to enervate and subject it by\\nfasting, prayer, and contemplation, and there-\\nby to redeem the soul from its degrading\\ncai)tivity. This Heresiarch had many fol-\\nlowers, who were called Bogomiles as it is\\nsaid, from a Mysian word signifying the in-\\nvocation of divine mercy. These sectarians\\nalso denied, with the Phantastics, the reality\\nof the body of Christ while, with the Gnos-\\ntics, they rejected the law of Moses. Upon\\nthe whole, it would seem that theii* creed\\nwas formed by an infusion of mysticism into\\nthe leading Paulician tenets a combination\\nwhich it was natural to expect in an age,\\nwhen the latter were still in some repute,\\nand in a Church, wherein the former never\\nwholly lost its influence, f\\nAbout the same time, the same Alexius\\nComnenus was compelled to apply to the\\nexigencies of the state some of the figures\\nwhich adorned the churches. Leo, Bishop\\nof Chalcedon, loudly exclaimed against the\\nsacrilege, asserting that the images were en-\\ndued with some portion of inhererd sanctity.\\nO 8e TTQog anaoav riuwQiav xui aTCsU7,v\\ny.afacpQoriiriiibg y.arscfairsTo. ovrs ya\u00c2\u00a7 to nvQ\\nxurtuuku^e ri^v OiSjjquv avrov ipv/i^r, ovrs at rod\\njlvroy.Qucroqog Jiqog avrov diaTZOfiTiiuol diccij.rjrv }eig\\nxariSi?.^av. The people demanded the execution\\nof all his followers, but the Emperor was contented\\nwith a single victim. See the Alexiad. book xx-\\nt Anna Comnena s expression is, rb rwv Boyou Utot\\nSoyua, ix MaoaaliavMV y.ai Mavixai^ f ovyy.i iuB\\nrov. That orthodox princess vituperates in very\\nstrong language tlie persons, the practices, and the\\nopinions of the Bogomiles, and relates how the here-\\nsiarch was one night stoned by demons while reposing\\nin his cell. She also particularizes an error respect-\\ning the Eucharist but is not otherwise very specific\\nin her charges^", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0489.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "452\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nThe monks re-echoed the charge, and a coun-\\ncil was in consequence assembled at Constan-\\ntinople. It decided that images had only a\\nrelative worship [a;(STiy.cog nQooy.wovufv ov\\nkaTQsvrixMg ruq tixovac) and that it was offer-\\ned not to the substance of the matter^ but to\\nthe form and features, of which they bear the\\nimpression that the representatives of Christ,\\nwhether in painting or sculpture, did not\\npartake of the nature of Christ, though en-\\nriched by a certain communication of divine\\ngi ace and lastly, that invocations were to be\\naddressed to the saints only as servants of\\nChrist in their relation to their master. This\\nmoderate exposition of the doctrine did not,\\nhowever, satisfy the Bishops, who persisted\\niu their lofty notions, until the secular au-\\nthority interposed to repress them.*\\nThe God of Mahomet, The curious learn-\\ning of Manuel Comnenus gave birth, in the\\ntwelfth century, to several frivolous disputes.\\nThere is, however, one which deserves some\\nnotice, as well fi-om the singularity of its\\nsubject as from the spirit in which it was\\nconducted and concluded. The catechisms\\nof the Greek Church contained a standing\\nanathema against the God of Mahomet.\\nThrough the imperfect comprehension of an\\nArabic word, the Greeks represented that\\nBeing as solid and spherical,] and consequent-\\nly not an object of spiritual adoration. As\\nthis anathema tended to add irritation to the\\nsubsisting animosity, and offended especially\\nsuch. Mahometans as had embraced, or were\\ndisposed to embrace, the Christian faith, the\\nEmperor ordered it to be erased from the pub-\\nlic ritual. The doctors and dignitaries were\\nscandahzed at the rashness of the innovation\\nthey entered eagerly into the most abstruse\\ninquiries respecting the nature of the Deity\\nthey condemned the imperial decree, and the\\npurple itself was an insufficient shelter against\\nthe imputation of heresy, t But an imperial\\nheretic will never be destitute of supporters\\nand the contest was carried on with the ac-\\ncustomed vehemence and rancor. In this,\\nas in most other controversies, a moderate\\nMosh,, c. xi., p. 2, cb. iii^\\nOXoOcpaiQog. Tlie Arabic word, wbicb bears\\ntbat signification^ aJso signifies eternaL\\nHildebrand himself, in an earlier age, bad made\\nhimself, liable to the same imputation. In a letter to\\nthe King of Morocco, expressing thanks for the liber-\\nation of sonm Christian captives, he expressed his\\nconviction that the King had been moved thereto by\\nthe spirit of God; and that both he and the infidel\\nworshipped the same God, though the modes of their\\nadoration and faith were different. This is mention-\\ned by Mills in Ills History of tbe Crusades.\\nparty interposed and proffered a project of\\nconciliation but in this, unlike the usual\\nfortune of theological conflicts, the moderate\\nparty prevailed. A council was assembled\\nand, after an angiy and protracted struggle,\\nthe Bishops at length consented to the fol-\\nlowing compromise That the anathema\\nshould keep its place in the ritual, but that\\nits object should be changed from the God\\nof Mahomet to Mahomet himself. On these\\nconditions the fathers retired, authorized to\\ndenounce the impostor, but compelled to\\nspare the Deity.\\nEssential distinctions between the two\\nChurches. In resuming, after so long an\\ninterval, the history of the Oriental Church,\\nit becomes necessary to recur to some of the\\nleading principles of its constitution, and to\\nnotice the material feature by which it was\\nearly distinguished^ as it is still distinguished,\\nfrom its Roman rival. And as we have\\nbefore traced the connexion of those cammu-\\nnions until the beginning of the schism, and\\nas we now propose shortly to describe the\\nprincipal attempts which were made to reu-\\nnite them, it is proper to observe the different\\nground on which they stood, that we may\\ntruly estimate the difficulty of those attempts\\nfor, though the matters of doctrinal dispute\\nmay be reduced to a few articles, and though\\nthe differences on discipline and government\\nmight seem to be virtually absorbed in one\\nthe supremacy of the Pope nevertheless,\\nthe numerous diversities which subsisted in\\nall the principles, as well as the economy, of\\nthe two establishments, threw impediments\\nin the way of reconciliation, which, though\\nnot always in sight, were ever in active ope-\\nration.\\nIn the first place, we may mention the\\nfirm, uninterrupted maintenance of the im-\\nperial supremacy. While the pontiffs of the\\nWest were first securing their emancipation,\\nand then asserting their pre-eminence over\\nevery secular authority, the Greek ecclesias-\\ntics were the subjects of the civil magistrate\\nthey were translated, deposed, or even exe-\\ncuted, at his undisputed control and what-\\never wealth or influence they may have\\nobtained, they were never able to withdraw\\nthemselves from the temporal yoke, nor to\\nestablish, like their Latin brethren, a distinct\\nand independent republic* Hence it results\\nthat the individuals who composed the higher\\norder of the clergy, were essentially different\\nin the two communions different in their\\npersonal habits, in their private views, in\\nSee Gibbon, chap. liii.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0490.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "THE GREEK CHURCH.\\n483\\ntheir public estimation of the sacerdotal cha-\\nracter, and the true polity of the Church.\\nHow much more widely was this distinc-\\ntion extended by the absence in the East of\\nall feudal institutions, and of the character\\nwhich they so deeply impressed upon every\\norder, and almost every individual, living\\nunder them! That patrimonial jurisdiction\\nby which public justice became private pro-\\nperty the secular pomp and appendages of\\nbaronial state and, above all, the practice\\nof military achievement, were circumstances\\nunknown to the hierarchy of the East. They\\nviewed with astonishment the temporal great-\\nness of the apostolical successors they con-\\ndemned it with justice and seeming sincerity\\nand the envy, which may have mingled with\\nthat condemnation, rendered it the more se-\\nvere and malevolent.\\nNotwithstanding the literary degeneracy\\nand languor of the Greeks, their supei-stitious\\nreverence for the ancient models, the sei-vility\\nwith which they copied without daring to\\nemulate though it be true that in the revo-\\nlution of ten centuries not a single discovery\\nwas made to exalt the dignity or promote\\nthe happiness of mankind, not a single idea\\nadded to the speculative systems of antiquity\\nyet was it something in those baiTcn ages,\\nto admire, to copy, to praise, even to possess\\nthe noblest monuments of human genius.\\nAnd, though they lay fruidess in the hands\\nof their possessors, and unproductive of any\\noriginal effort or bold imitation, yet were\\nthey not without effect in diffusing light and\\ninformation, and in raising the people, by\\nwhich they were cultivated however imper-\\nfectly, far above the prostrate barbarism of\\nthe West.* Nor was it only that the educa-\\nThe eleventh age, for instance, produced, be-\\nsides Alexius Comnenus, and others of less renown,\\nCerularius, Cedrenus, and the illustrator of Aristotle,\\nMichel Psellus. Among the literary names of the\\ntwelfth (and thirty-six are enumerated by Dupin as\\ncommendables for their knowledge of theology, canon\\nlaw, and history) are Cinnamus, Glycas, Zonaras,\\nNicephorus, Dionysius the geographer, and the cele-\\nbrated commentator Eustathius, Bishop of Thessalo-\\nnica. The industry of the Greeks seems ever to be\\nmost keenly excited by controversy; and this age\\nwas enlivened, not only by some warm disputes with\\nthe Latins, but also by a contest between the systems\\nof Plato and Aristotle. During the greater part of\\ntlie thirteenth age the Latins were in possession of\\nConstantinople; but in the fourteenth, the names of\\nNicephorus Gregoras, Manuel Chrysoloras, Niceph-\\norus Callistus, are boasted by the Greeks and the\\nworks of St. Thomas Aquinas, and other scholastic\\nwriters, were translated and studied. Yet Plato had\\nstill his followers.\\ntion of the clergy embraced more subjects of\\nuseful instruction, but also, that education\\nwas not wholly confined to the clergy, but\\nextended generally to the higher classes in\\nsociety. It was the same with theological as\\nwith profane literature. It was an object of\\nvery general interest and inquiry; and the\\nindustry to pursue it was kept alive among a\\ndisputatious race, by the occasional appear-\\nance of domestic heresy, and by the long-pro-\\ntracted controversies with the rival Church.\\nA superiority in literary discrimination will\\naccount for the circumstance that the forgery\\ncalled the false decretals was at once re-\\njected by the Eastern Church. There were,\\nindeed, other sufficient reasons to prevent a\\ncode, which conferred supremacy almost un-\\nlimited on the Roman Bishop, from being\\nacknowledged either by the Court or the\\nChurch of Constantinople but it is also pro-\\nbable that the penetration of the Greeks at\\nonce detected the clumsy imposture.\\nThe mention of the Decretals recalls the\\nconsideration of the Papal pohty, founded m\\na great measure upon them. We have ob-\\nserved, that, after their promulgation, a sys-\\ntem of government and a form of discipline\\nunknown to earlier ages grew up, and con-\\ntinued, as it grew, to deviate farther and far-\\nther from the original canons and practices.\\nWe have traced the gradual usurpations of\\nthe See of Rome, and the changes introduced\\nby pontifical ambition into the very heart\\nand vitals of the Catholic Church. That\\npowerful agency had no existence in the\\nEast; before it began to operate with any\\ngreat success, the separation of the Churches\\nwas so decidedly pronounced, and their ani-\\nmosity so strongly marked, that the introduc-\\ntion of a change into the one would have\\nbeen reason almost sufficient for rejecting it\\nin the other.\\nIt was not, indeed, that the Patriarchs of\\nConstantinople were exempt from the ruling\\npassion of their Roman brethren, nor that\\nthey failed to profit by any favorable occasion\\nto extend their authority and curtail the in-\\ndependence of their clergy. But such occa-\\nsions were rare, because they could only arise\\nthrough the co-operation or connivance of\\nthe civil authorities; and what the caprice of\\none despot had bestowed, might be as easily\\ntaken away by the opposite caprice of anoth-\\ner. In the meantime, there was one steady\\nand unvarying principle, on which the eccle-\\nsiastical policy of the East was conducted\\nan inviolable reverence for antiquity. It was\\nby this standard that the excellence of every", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0491.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "4t$4\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ninstitution was measured. The canons of\\nthe Seven General Councils, the precepts of\\nthe early fathers, the practice of the primitive\\nChurch these were the unalterable rules and\\nmodels for the guidance and government of\\nthe Church. It was not so with the worldly\\nhierarchy of Rome. They presently learned\\nto subject antiquity to the more flexible laws\\nof expediency. When it countenanced the\\npurpose of the moment, they bowed to its\\nvenerable name. But whenever its voice was\\nunequivocally raised in opposition to their\\nschemes, then was it readily discovered, that\\nall truth and excellence were not communi-\\ncated in the beginning; but that something\\nwas reserved for more seasonable revelation,\\nor mere human discovery. On the other\\nhand, the Greeks were the bigots of antiquity\\ntheir worship was blind, and therefore both\\nconsistent and passionate. Hence it happened,\\nthat the least important among the modera\\nopinions or practices of their rivals disgust-\\ned them at least as deeply as the most essen-\\ntial; and that, while they rejected the change,\\nthey detested the innovator. They were as\\nintolerant in their feelings towards the Latins,\\nas were the Latins towards their own here-\\ntics and so general were those feelings and\\nso carefully nourished by the clergy, and so\\ncontinually rekindled by the continuance of\\nschism and controversy, that if a sincere re-\\nconciliation, founded on compromise, could\\npossibly have been effected by the directors\\nof the two Churches, it was scarcely probable\\nthat it would be accepted by the inferior\\nclergy and people of Greece.\\nLatin King-dam of Jerusalem. The founda-\\ntion of the kingdom of Jerusalem at the end\\nof the eleventh century gave to the Latins a\\nsubstantial footmg in the East, and seemed to\\nopen the gates of concord. In a close alli-\\nance against the common enemy of the Chris-\\ntian name, there was hope that the less per-\\nceptible differences among Christians would\\naltogether vanish and be forgotten. The har-\\nmony of so many sects and tongues united in\\nadoration of the same Saviour, at his birth-\\nplace and round his tomb, might have afford-\\ned a spectacle of charity and a prospect of\\npeace. If any circumstance of place or as-\\nsociation, any reverence of sacred monu-\\nments, any brotherhood in holy enterprise,\\neould have quenched the fire of sectarian\\nanimosities, we might have expected that\\nblessing from the occupation of Palestine and\\nThe Latin practice of Tonsure (^y.ovqzvua) may\\nbe particularly mentioned, as exciting the indignation\\naind disdain, of a bearded priesthood\\nthe redemption of the Sepulchre of Christ\\nWhat was really the result The very cir-\\ncumstances, which should have produced re-\\nligious unanimity, seem to have had no other\\neffect than to multiply the causes of discord,\\nto exasperate its nature, and to aggravate its\\nshame.\\nThe first act of the conquerors was to es-\\ntablish, throughout the narrow extent of their\\nnew kingdom, a numerous body of Latin\\nclergy. A Latin Patriarch was appointed at\\nJerusalem, a second at Antioch and episco-\\npal sees were multiplied under the jurisdic-\\ntion of both. Of the native population, those\\nwho followed the Christia n faith were indis-\\nsolubly attached to a different rite, and the\\nauthority of the Latin Prelates was confined\\nto a precarious host of crusaders and colonists.\\nNevertheless, their first care was to place on\\na solid foundation the temporalities of their\\nChurches and since the feudal institutions\\nwere those on which the civil government of\\nGodefroy was formed, so the bishops sought\\nto attach to their sees cities, and fortresses,\\nand baronies, according to the preposteroiTS\\npractice of the West. Then arose the cus-\\ntomary dissensions between the spiritual and\\nsecular authorities, on the extent of their pre-\\nrogatives and the limits of their jurisdiction:\\nand they were inflamed in Palestine, even\\nbeyond their usual violence, by the peculiar\\nposition and character of the Military Orders;\\nfor these were endowed with various priv-\\nileges by the Roman See, and were not dis-\\nposed to concede them. Thence proceeded\\nperpetual appeals to Rome, with all their train\\nof pernicious consequences legates a latere\\nwere profusely poured into the Holy City\\nand by then- ignorance, their obstinacy, their\\naiTOgance, and their avarice, precipitated the\\ndownfal of the kingdom.\\nIt was dissolved after the battle of Tiberias,\\nin 1187; and whatsoever contempt of their\\nSee Fleury s Sixth Discourse on Ecclesiastical\\nHistory. According to the spirit of the Gospel\\n(says that writer) the Latin clergy should have at-\\ntended principally to the instruction and correction\\nof the crusaders, to form, as it were, a new Christi-\\nanity, approaching as nearly as possible to the purity\\nof the early ages, and capable of attracting, by its\\ngood example, the surrounding infidels. Next they\\nshould have engaged in the reconciliation of heretics\\nand schismatics, and the conversion of the infidels\\nthemselves it was the only method of making the\\ncrusade useful. But our Latin clergy was not suf-\\nficiently well-informed to have views so pure and\\nexalted as it was on this side of the sea, such was\\nit in Palestine, or even more ignorant and more cor-\\nrupted.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0492.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "THE GREEK CHURCH.\\n485\\nLatin brethren. the clergy of the East may\\nhave pi eviously and perhaps iguorantly en-\\ntertained, it was not diminished by the nearer\\ninspection of their character, which was af-\\nforded by the conquest of Palestine. Thus\\nit proved, that the advances towards concilia-\\ntion, which were made during this century\\nby the Emperors of the Coranenus family,\\nled to no good result. Negotiations were\\nopened but the demands of the Vatican were\\npositive, and they amounted to nothing less\\nthan spu itual submission. Perhaps the Em-\\nperors, who had discovered the secret of their\\nown political weakness, and began to tremble\\nat the temporal influence of the Vatican,\\nmight have consented even to that condition.\\nBut the Prelates of the East, who were sway-\\ned by different views and interests, indignant-\\nly rejected it; and the failure of the attempt\\nonly increased the asperity of both parties.\\nOf Constantinople. The reign of the La-\\ntins in Palestine was concluded in less than\\nninety years their dominion in Constantino-\\nple had a still shorter duration yet its effects\\non the ecclesiastical relations of the East and\\nthe West were more direct and permanent,\\nwithout being in any respect more beneficial.\\nThe capital of the East was stormed by the\\ncrusaders in the year 1204. Innocent IIL\\nwas at that time Pope; and in the fii*st in-\\nstance he strongly reprobated the treacherous\\nachievement: but the conquerors were ac-\\nquainted with a sure expedient to soften his\\ndispleasure. Already did Alexis, when raised\\nto the purple which he so soon foi-feited, greet\\nthe Pontiff with promises of spiritual obe-\\ndience for himself and for his Church \u00c2\u00bbiid\\nInnocent, in rejoinder, gave him divinc^ assur-\\nance of prosperity should he reserve his\\nfaith,* and of speedy reverse sl^uld he violate\\nit. It was also one of t- ^e first acts of the\\nLatin conquerors to tender the same submis-\\nsion to the Pontic to proffer the same prom-\\nises, and like^fise to solicit, with all humility,\\nhis confii-mation of the conquest. Innocent\\nprofe-ssed some emban-assment at this appli-\\ncation; the perversion of the legitimate object\\nof the crusaders was too scandalous their\\nexcesses in the spoliation of the city too no-\\ntorious their motives too obvious the of-\\nfence too recent. Accordingly the Pontiff\\nThe express condition prescribed by Innocent to\\nAlexis was, that he should engage the Patriarch to\\nfiend a solemn deputation to Rome, for the purpose\\nof recognising the supremacy of the Roman Church,\\npromising obedience to the Pope, and soliciting the\\nPallium, as necessary for the lawful exercise of his\\npatriarchal functions.\\nexpressed his disapprobation both of tlie en-\\nterprise itself and the 6u*cumstances attending\\nit; and particularly condemned that sacri-\\nlegious violence which had exasperated the\\nGreeks, and turned them away from obedi-\\nence to the Apostolic See. Nevertheless,\\nsince the deed was pei-petrated, he thought it\\nexpedient, after mature deliberation, not only\\nwith his cardinals, but with all his influential\\nclergy^ not to withhold from it his sanction\\nbecause, forsooth, the designs of Providence\\nwere inscrutable; and it might be, that, in\\nchastising the long-endured iniquities of the\\nGreeks, a just God had employed the arms\\nof the Latins as the instruments of a holy re-\\ngeneration, f\\nIn the year following, the Pope applied\\nhimself more directly to reap the fruits of\\nthis unprincipled adventure. He excited the\\nzeal of all the faithful for the defence of the\\nnew eiijpire. He wrote a circular letter to the\\nleading prelates of France, exhorting them to\\npreach the indulgence for its defence, and at\\nthe same time observing, that Providence had\\ntransferred the sceptre from the proud, super-\\nstitious, and rebellious Greeks, to the humble\\nCatholic and obedient Latins, to the end that\\nhis holy Church might be consoled by the\\nreunion of the schismatics.\\nEstablishment of the LaCm Church.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 In the\\nmeantime not a moment was lost in estab-\\nlishing the Lati\u00c2\u00ab Communion at Constanti-\\nnople in ijia*oducing the Latin Liturgy in\\nencour?v?i o eminent ecclesiastics to emi-\\ngraJ^.:^ to the East, and firmly to plant in the\\nchurches and schools of Constantinople the\\ndoctrines, the discipline, the polity, and the\\nleai-ning of the West. That the nature of\\nthat encouragement was not wholly spirimal\\nthat an establishment founded by Innocent\\nIII. held out no inconsiderable temporal al-\\nlurements is a circumstance which will\\nUt jam merito Latinos abhorreant plus quam\\ncanes. Epistle to the Marquis of Montserrat.\\nt See the Epistle of Innocent to the Marquis of\\nMontserrat, published by Raynaldus, ad. ann. 1205.\\nDivinum enim videtur fuisse judicium, ut qui tamdiu\\nmisericorditer tolerati,et toties non solum ab aliis sed\\netiara a nobis studiose commoniti noluerum redire ad\\nEccleeias universitatem, nee uUum terrae sanctae sub-\\nsidium impertiri, per eos, qui ad utrumque pariter\\nintendebant, omitterent locum et gentem, quatenus\\nperditis male malis terra bona bonis Agricolis loca-\\nretur, qui fructum reddant tempore opportuno, c.^\\nX The following are the Pope s expressions, ad-\\ndressed to the Archbishop of Rheims and his suf-\\nfragans Exhortamur, quatenus tam clericos quam\\nlaicos efiicaciter inducatis ut ad eapessendas spirit-\\nuales pariter et temporales divitias ad prsefatuna", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0493.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "486\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nexcite no surprise in us; though it did not,\\nperhaps, increase the respect or affection of\\nthe Greeks towards their new instructers. A\\nconcordat was signed in 1206 by the Latin\\nPatriarch on the one hand, and the regent,\\nbarons, knights, and people on the other, by\\nwhich a fifteenth portion of all domains with-\\nout the walls, of all cities, castles, villages; of\\ncorn-fields, vineyards, forests, meadows and\\nother immoveables, was at once bestowed\\nupon the Latin Church. At the same time,\\nall the monasteries, even within the walls,\\nappear to have been transferred to the ascen-\\ndant establishment.* By another article it\\nwas regulated, that tithe should also be paid\\nby all Latins and if (it was added) in pro-\\ncess of time it should be found practicable to\\npersuade the Greeks also to contribute their\\ntithe, the laity shall offer them no impedi-\\nment. We should here recollect, that this\\nmethod of remunerating the clergy, .so long\\nfamiliar to the people of the West, had never\\nbeen sanctioned by any law, or grown into any\\ngeneral use, in the Oriental Church.\\nDissensions. If one of the earliest exhibi-\\ntions presented by the Roman Catholic cler-\\ngy to the schismatics of the East was that of\\ntheir avarice another as early, as violent, and\\nalmost as revolung, was that of their dissen-\\nsion. Before the storming of the city by the\\nFrench and Venetians, o sort of convention\\nhad been made between thoa^, two nations, to\\nthis effect that, if the empire sli^uld be vest-\\ned in a Frenchman, the Church sv^ould be\\nunder Venetian superintendence. Aci^rd-\\ningly the first patriarch, Thomas Morosini,\\nwas a native of Venice and he immediately\\ntook measures so to fill the chapter of the\\nPatriarchal Cathedral, as to secure a compa-\\ntriot for his successor. Innocent vehemently\\nremonstrated against this design. He sent\\nhis legates to Constantinople; and as they\\nacted in opposition to the resident head of\\nthe Church, the Schismatics were edified by\\nwitnessing the jealous disputes of two inde-\\npendent authorities. But it was on the death\\nof Morosini (in 1211) that the struggle really\\ncommenced. The Venetian Canons entered\\nImperatorem accedant, qui singulos vult et potest,\\nsecundum status suos, c. augere divitiis et honori-\\nbus ampliare.\\nIt should be mentioned that the French and\\nVenetians had entered into a convention, by which,\\nafter making a decent provision for the Oriental\\nclergy, they proposed to divide between themselves\\nthe rest of the Church property. But Innocent look\\nunder his own protection tlie property even of a rival\\nChurch, and immediately annulled the convention.\\nthe Church of St. Sophia, with arms in their\\nhands, and proceeded to the choice of a Ven-\\netian successor. Other ecclesiastics of other\\nnations, who also claimed their share in the\\nelection, nominated three other candidates,\\nand the matter was referred to Rome. The\\nPope commanded them to meet and delibe-\\nrate in common, and the result was a second\\ndisagreement. The dispute was conducted\\nwith the customary violence and as it lasted\\nfor about three years, during which space the\\nhighest office in the Church remained vacant,\\nit furnished the schismatic spectators with\\nanother equivocal proof of the superior ex-\\ncellence of the Roman polity. In the mean-\\ntime the sectarian antipathy continued to be\\nso strongly manifested on their part, that\\nthere were many of their clergy who, before\\nthey celebrated the Communion, caused those\\naltars to be washed, which had been polluted\\nby the ceremony of the Latins and who\\nlikewise insisted on re-baptizing all who had\\nreceived that sacrament from Latin hands.\\nThese proofs of insubordination are men-\\ntioned with censure in one of the canons of\\nthe Fourth Lateran Church.\\nWhile the Roman hierarchy was endeavor-\\ning to fix and extend its conquest along the\\nwestern shores of the Bosphorus, the genuine\\npastors of the oriental Church, the legitimate\\nguardians of its apostolical purity, were as-\\nsembled in honorable exile at Nice. They\\nbad witnessed the shame, the pillage, and the\\ndesolation of the metropolis of their faith\\nthey had seen their churches despoiled, and\\ntheir altars violated the holy images trampled\\nur^er foot, the relics of departed saints scat-\\ntered ji the dust, the sacred utensils desecrat-\\ned, and thq sanctuary of St. Sophia profaned\\nand plundered by lawless and Latin hands.\\nSuch assuredly v^as not the season for any\\ndreams of reconciliation. But after the lapse\\nof one generation, when ibese bitter recollec-\\ntions were not quite so recbv\\\\t, an accident\\noccurred which opened the way to a serious\\nnegotiation between the churches if we\\nshould not rather say, the courts of Nice and\\nRome. Five Franciscan missionaries, in the\\ndischarge of their perilous duties among the\\ninfidels, were seized by the Turks, and on\\ntheir liberation, dismissed to Nice. They\\nwere humanely received by the patriarch\\nGerman us, who was edified by their poverty\\nand their zeal and, in the communications\\nof a friendly intercourse, the division of the\\ntwo churches was mentioned and deplored\\nby both parties. The emperor (John Vata-\\nces) had strong political reasons for desiring", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0494.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "THE GREEK CHURCH.\\n487\\nan accommodation and with his consent the\\npatriarch addressed some amicable overtures,\\nthough not unmixed with untimely reproach,*\\nboth to the Pope and the cardinals.\\nLatin Mission to Nice. This took place in\\n1232, during the reign of Gregory IX. and\\nin the year following the pontiff sent four\\nmendicants, (two Dominicans, and two Fran-\\nciscans) to conduct the negotiations in the\\neast. They presented themselves at Nice\\nbefore the emperor and the patriarch, in the\\nJanuary of 1234; and a series of conferences\\nthen commenced, which did not finally ter-\\nminate, though occasionally interrupted, till\\nthe middle of May. It were needless to unfold\\nthe particulars of this controversy, though\\nthey are not destitute of interest and instruc-\\ntion to the theological reader nor shall we\\npursue the intricate manoeuvres of the dis-\\nputants, though the most practised polemic\\nmight possibly peruse them with profit. It is\\nsufficient to mention, that the dispute turned\\nentirely on two points, the procession of the\\nHoly Spirit and the use of leavened or un-\\nleavened bread in the Eucharist. The Greeks\\nurged the ancient doctrine and practice the\\nLatins, without conceding their claims to the\\nauthority of early writers, rested the weight\\nTo go to the bottom of the question (said the\\npatriarch) many powerful and noble persons would\\nobey you, if they did not fear your oppression, and\\nthe wanton extortions and undue services which you\\nexact from your subjects. Hence proceed cruel wars,\\nthe depopulation of cities, the closing of the churches,\\nthe cessation of the divine offices, every thing short\\nof martyrdom, and some things not far short of that.\\nFor there is now imminent danger that the tyrannical\\ntribunal will be unclosed, and torments and blood-\\nshed, and the crown of martyrdom proposed to us.\\nIs this the lesson which St. Peter teaches, when he\\ninstructs the shepherd to conduct his flock without\\nconstraint or dominationl In his letter to the car-\\ndinals he wrote with equal bitterness, Permit me\\nto speak the truth to you. Our division has arisen\\nfrom the tyrannical oppi-ession which you exercise,\\nand the exactions of the Roman Church, which,\\nfrom being a mother, has become a step-mother, and\\ntramples upon others in proportion as they humble\\nthemselves before her. We are scandalized to see\\nyou exclusively attached to the good things of this\\nworld; heaping up from all quarters gold and silver,\\nand making kingdoms your tributaries. That such\\nreproaches, however just, should have broken forth\\nin letters expressly conciliatory, might well have led\\nthose, to whom they were addressed, to despair of the\\nsuccess of the negotiation. The original epistles are\\ngiven by Matthew Paris, Histor. Major, ann. 1237;\\nwhose remark it is that the animosity of the Greek\\nQiurch was occasioned by the acts, more than tlie\\nopinions, of its rival. See also Raynaldus, ann,\\n1232-3.\\nof their defence on scripture. The debates\\nwere broken off, and renewed the same ar-\\nguments and assertions were repelled and\\nreiterated; and the ardor of the opposition\\nincreased, as the contest was prolonged.\\nAt length the emperor, who was less heated\\nby the theological zeal, and more sincere, as\\nhe was more interested, in his desu*e for\\nreconciliation, personally proposed to the en-\\nvoys a compromise. As in political, (said\\nthis simple mediator) so be it in theological,\\nnegotiations. When princes differ respecting\\na city or a province, each party relaxes some-\\nwhat of his pretensions for the attainment of\\npeace. Our differences in this matter are\\ntwo,* and if you sincerely wish for concord,\\nconcede one of them. We will approve and\\nrevere your holy sacrament; abandon to us\\nyour creed; say the creed as we say it, effac-\\ning the offensive addition. They replied\\nLet us tell you that the Pope and the Roman\\nChurch will not abandon one iota of its faith,\\nor of any thing contained in its creed. But\\nthe following proposal we may consent to\\nmake to you. You must firmly believe and\\nteach others, that the body of our Lord may\\nbe consecrated with unleavened as well as\\nleavened bread and you must burn all the\\nbooks which your churchmen have written to\\nthe contrary. And in respect to the Holy\\nSpirit, you must believe that it proceeds from\\nthe Son as well as from the Father, and teach\\nthe people so but the Pope will not oblige\\nyou to insert the article in your creed only\\nall books which have been written against it\\nshall be burnt. On hearing this final decla-\\nratioji, the emperor resigned himself to des-\\npair f but in his prelates it excited only feel-\\nWe should observe, that throughout this dispute.,\\nit was always assumed by the Latins., that the result,\\nor rather that the meaning, of the reconciliation would\\nbe the obedience of the Greek to the Roman Church;\\na return to that (supposed) submission which the\\nformer had shaken orf. Now this assumption was\\nnot (as far as we can see) contested by the Greeks,\\ncertainly it was not made matter of argument. And\\nyet that establishment o( supremacy was, in fact, the\\npoint at which the Roman was ultimately aiming ass\\nit was also that to which his pretensions were most\\nslightly founded.\\nt De corpore Christi ita dicimus quod oportebit\\nvos firmiter credere et aliis praedicare quod Corpus\\nChristi confici potest ita in Azymis sicut in fermen-\\ntato; et omnes libri, quos vestri scripserunt contra\\nFidem, condemnentur et comburantur. De S. Sancto\\nita dicimus; quod opoi-tebit vos credere S. S. pro-\\ncedere a Filio sicut a Palre, et istud necesse, ut\\nprsedicetur io populo quod autem cantetis istud ia\\nSymbolo, nisi velitis, non compellet vos Dominus\\nPapa condeamatis et combustis omnibus libris, qui", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0495.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "488\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nings of indignation and revenge. One other\\nviolent conference followed, to which large\\nmultitudes of the people were admitted and\\nit was broken off by mutual charges of heresy,\\nand confirmations of the ancient anathema.\\nThe legates then withdrew having increased\\nthe evils which they had proposed to remove,\\nand added fresh fuel and fierceness to the\\ncontroversy.\\nThe failure of this enterprise did not pre-\\nvent a similar attempt on the part of Innocent\\nIV., which was conducted with more mode-\\nration, but with no better success, than the\\nformer. The agent, selected for the conduct\\nof this mission, was of great dignity and re-\\nputation in the Church. John of Parma,\\ngeneral of the Franciscan order, and alike\\neminent for his theological erudition, and the\\nausterity of his life, was a character well\\ncalculated to influence the prelates of the\\nEast. It is something to be enabled to assert\\nthat his sojourn at Nice (in 1249) produced no\\nmischief; but the negotiations, which seemed\\nlikely to result from it, were prevented by\\nthe death of the Pope and the Emperor. In\\n1261, the sceptre of the Latins was broken\\nand, upon the whole, we are unable to ob-\\nserve that their conquest had any spiritual\\nfruits, or any other consequences than bitter-\\nness and aggravated rancor.* And we may\\nhere remark, that as the Latins on their ex-\\npulsion from the East did not resign their\\nclaims to ecclesiastical ascendency, or abolish\\nthe titles of the dignities there conferred up-\\non their own clergy, so there continued long\\nto exist about the Roman court titular patri-\\narchs, and titular bishops, of Constantinople,\\nAntioch, Jerusalem and other oriental sees,\\nwho, by the assumption of those empty\\nnames, offended the sensitive vanity of the\\nGreeks, and kept alive the mutual irritation.\\nSubsequent attempts at re-union. Howbeit,\\nfor a short period after the restoration, the\\nhuic capitulo sunt contrarii. Quod audiens imperator\\ngraviter tulit, c. The envoys wrote an account of\\ntheir own embassy, addressed to the Pope, and con-\\ntained in Lihro Censuum; whence Raynaldus (ann,\\n1232) has made extracts.\\nFleury goes so far as to consider the schism,\\nproperly speaking, to have commenced only at this\\nperiod. Such, however, was not the opinion of peo-\\nple in those days; in the account of the previous ne-\\ngotiations at Nice, we observe, that the emperor, on\\nsome occasion, I emarked, that the schism had then\\nlasted three hundred years. On the othe\u00c2\u00bb- hand, the\\nemperor did not date with accuracy from the breach\\nbetween Photius and Nicholas, tlie space was above\\n360 years; from the dispute between Cerulaiiiis and\\nLeo IX., not more tlma ISO.\\nre-union was negotiated with much more\\nardor than at any former time, and even\\nwith a momentary show of success. The\\nreason of this eagerness on the part of Palaso-\\nlogus was the consciousness of his weakness,\\nand the terror of another crusade against his\\nstill unsettled government. I speak not\\nnow, he said, about dogmas or ceremonies\\nof religion. If there is any difference on\\nthat subject, we can arrange it more easily,\\nafter peace shall have been concluded be-\\ntween us. The union desired by the em-\\nperor was external and political a perfect\\ntheological concord he might think hopeless,\\nor he might not comprehend its importance.\\nSome Franciscans were once more sent to\\nthe East by Urban IV.; and some articles\\nv/ere hastily drawn up. But Clement IV.\\nrefused them his ratification, and composed\\na more accurate formulary of faith, which he\\nproposed for the acceptance of the Greeks.\\nThis confession contained not only the dis-\\nputed tenet of the Holy Procession, but also\\nexpressed, with great precision, the doctrine\\nof purgatory, and specified the condition of\\nsouls after death, according to the degrees of\\ntheir impurity. Also, the doctrine and name\\nof transubstantiation were marked in it very\\nparticularly. Moreover, the plenitude of\\npontifical power, and the duty of universal\\nappeal to that tribunal were carefully incul-\\ncated. Clement could scarcely have expected\\nso much acquiescence from the clergy of the\\nEast; but in a subsequent letter to the empe-\\nror he failed not to remind him, that the\\ncrown possessed power sufficient, and even\\nmore than sufficient, to control the inclina-\\ntions both of the clergy and the people.\\nIn the earlier part of these negotiations,\\nthe clergy had preserved the appearance of\\nneutrality because they were unwilling,\\nwithout great necessity, to oppose any project\\nof the emperor, and because they considered\\nhis present project as wholly impracticable.\\nProbably they did not suppose that he was\\nhimself sincere in so desperate a scheme.\\nNevertheless, as his political difficulties in-\\ncreased, he became more earnest in his de-\\nsign; and when some of his prelates were\\nat length alarmed into resistance, he employ-\\ned the secular authority to repress them.\\nCouncil of Lyons. In the meantime, the\\nsecond council of Lyons had been called\\ntogether, and one of its professed objects\\nwas the reconciliation of the churches. It\\nwas still assembled, when (on June 24, 1274)\\nthe ambassadors from the East arrived. Sev-\\neral difficulties were still apprehended and", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0496.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "THE GREEK CHURCH.\\n439\\nthere were many who reasonably trembled,\\nlest that solemn meetuig of the universal\\nchurch should be distracted by the passionate\\nbroils of an endless controversy. But the\\nemperor had arranged it otherwise and at\\nthe session which immediately followed, the\\nWestern fathers were edified and astonished\\nby the voice of the prelates of the East,\\nchanting the Double Procession, in unison\\nwith the worship of the orthodox. The\\npolicy, which had dictated the humiliating\\nconcession, did not hesitate there probably\\nthere was no depth of spiritual submission\\nto which the emperor was not then prepared\\nto descend for it seemed to depend on the\\ndecision of that council, whether the arma-\\nment, to which all Europe was contributin g,\\nshould be directed against Syria or against\\nhimself. Accordingly, the Pope s supremacy\\nwas acknowledged without any scruple and\\na communication from Palaeologus was pub-\\nlicly recited, in which he professed, without\\nany equivocation or cavil, every tenet laid\\ndown in the confession of Clement IV. The\\nre-uuion of the churches was then officially\\nannounced and the Pope pronounced the\\nTe Deiun, with his head uncovered, and his\\neyes suffused with unsuspicious joy.\\nAs long as the fears and necessities of the\\neastern empire continued, as long as the\\nfragile vessel of state lay at the mercy of any\\ntempest from the west, so long did this hollow\\ntruce subsist. But not quite ten years after\\nits conclusion, Andronicus, having succeeded\\nto the sceptre of his father, proceeded, with-\\nout delay, to dissolve the union. A council\\nwas assembled at Constantinople the hateful\\nact of humiliation was repealed; and the\\nrevival of the schism was proclaimed amidst\\nthe acclamations of the clergy of Greece.\\nOne circumstance, indeed, is here particular-\\nly forced upon our attention. The motive\\nwhich chiefly persuaded Andronicus to re-\\nopen that ancient wound was, that he might\\nheal a still more dangerous disorder, which\\nthe reconciliation with Rome had inflicted\\nupon his own Church. The j)ower of Palas-\\nologu s had secured the outward submission,\\nbut it had not changed the opinions, or the\\nprinciples, or the j)as3ions, of his prelates;\\nthe great majority remained adverse to the\\nre-union and in their importunate and pres-\\nsing clamors, the fears of an ancient and\\ndistant rival were forgotten. Howbeit the\\ndomestic dissensions of the Greeks were not\\neven thus allayed; there were some too\\nstrongly impressed with the policy of their\\nlate connexion to applaud its hastv dissolu-\\ntion and there remained ever afterwards a\\nparty in the East which professed its adhesion\\nto the Roman communion.\\nWe shall not pursue the insincere and\\nfruitless overtures which were so often de-\\nfeated and renewed during the fourteenth\\ncentury, and especially under the Popes of\\nAvignon. The pontificates of John XXII.,\\nof Clement VI., of Innogent VI., and Bene-\\ndict XII., were particularly marked by those\\nvain negotiations;* and during this period\\nwe may remark that the motives of both\\nparties were equally removed from any spir-\\nitual consideration. If political exigencies\\ninvariably actuated the one, the other was\\nnow chiefly moved by pecuniary necessities.\\nThe militaiy succors, which the Pope might\\nbe the means of raishig, would be recom-\\npensed by obedient contributions to the\\napostolical treasury. According to the ap-\\nproach or suspension of immediate danger,\\nthe zeal for reconciliation burnt fiercely, or\\nsubsided; but the characters were still sus-\\ntained under all circumstances. That old\\nsong respecting the Greeks (said the fathers\\nof Basle) has already lasted for three hundred\\nyears, and every year it is chanted afresh.\\nAt length the progress of the Turks excited\\na permanent alarm, and a proportionate\\nsincerity; and we shall now shortly trace\\nthe chief events to which it led.\\nCouncil of Ferrara. After separate nego-\\ntiations with Pope Eugenius and the Council\\nof Basle, the Emperor of the East at length\\ndecided to accept the proposals of the former.\\nAn oriental despot might well be perplexed\\nby the claims of two rival authorities, both\\nprofessing to be legitimate and supreme, and\\nboth acknowledged by many adherents in\\ntheir own communion. But whether his im-\\nperial prejudices inclined him towards the\\nMonarch of the church, or from whatsoever\\nother motiv^e, he embarked (in November,\\nIt was on the last occasion that the empeior sent\\nthat Barlaam, whom we have ah eady mentioned,\\n(the same who instructed Petrarch in the rudiments\\nof Greek,) to the court of Avignon. Sufficient ac-\\ncounts of these various negotiations are given by\\nBzovius, ad ann. 1331, s. i. 1339, s. 22, 1345-6-9,\\nand particularly 1356, s. 22. On one occasion (in\\n1339) great efforts were made to show tliat the Greek\\nopinions had alwajs been the same with the Latin\\n(after so many mutual excommunications!) and this,\\nas we all know, furnished Leo Allatius in a later age\\nwith a fruitful field for sophistry. The detestation,\\nwhich tlie Greeks still entertained for the Pope, is\\nstrongly expressed by the Patriarch Gennadius in a\\ndocument which is cited by Bzovius, ann. 1349, s.\\n14.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0497.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "490\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\n1427) with his patriarch, and numerous ec-\\nclesiastics, on the galleys of Eugenius, and\\narrived in due season at the appointed city,\\nFerrara. A trifling difference first arose re-\\nspecting the seats to be respectively occupied\\nduring the conference by its spiritual and\\ntemporal presidents. But this was arranged\\nby a compromise, by which the Pope con-\\nceded a part of his claim, but retained his\\npre-eminence. They were placed on differ-\\nent sides of the Church, but the Pope was on\\nthe right, and his throne was one step higher\\nthan that of the Emperor. The next pro-\\nceeding, and it might occasion some surprise,\\nif not distrust, among strangers, unused to\\nthe discords of the west, was the promulga-\\ntion of a solemn anathema against the Coun-\\ncil of Basle. All public deliberations were\\nthen adjourned for some months but it was\\narranged that, during this interval, a select\\nnumber of doctors of the two churches\\nshould frequently meet, and prepare the way\\nby amicable discussions for a more speedy\\nreconciliation-\\nAccordingly these deputies, who were, in-\\ndeed, the leading members of both parties,\\ndid meet. On the one side was the celebrated\\nJulian Cesarini, Cardinal of St, AngeLo, and\\nso lately the President of the rival Council\\nand with him were Andreas, Bishop of Co-\\nlossus (or Rhodes,) John a Doctor of Spain,\\nand some others. Marc of Ephesus, and\\nBessarion, Archbishop of Nice, conducted\\nthe disputations, on the other. It was here\\nagreed, seemingly without difference, that the\\narticles by which the schistn was entirely oc-\\ncasioned were four. (1) The Procession of\\nthe Holy Spirit- (2)/rhe use of leavened or\\nunleavened bread in the Eucharist. (3) Pur-\\ngatory. (4) The Primacy of the Pope. It\\nwas further settled, that the subject of the\\nfirst discussion should be Purgatory.\\nAccordingly, Cardinal Julian laid down\\nthe doctrine of his Church on that matter as\\nfollows: that the souls of the just, which\\nare pure and without stain, and have been\\nexempt from mortal sin, proceed directly to\\nheaven, to the enjoyment of eternal happi-\\nness but tliat the souls of men who have\\nfallen into sin after their baptism, unless they\\nhave fully accomplished the penance neces-\\nsary to expiate that sin, (even though they\\nmay have performed some penance,) and also\\nmanifested fruits worthy of their penitence,\\nso as to receive enth e remission, pass into\\nthe fire of purgatory that some remain there\\nfor a longer, others for a shorter period, ac-\\ncording to the nature of their offences and\\nthat, being at length purified, they ai*e admit-\\nted to beatitude. But that the souls of those\\nwho die in mortal sin are consigned to im-\\nmediate punishment To this, Marc of\\nEphesus replied, that the doctrine, in the\\nmain, was that of the Greek Church only\\nthat the latter did not admit the purification\\nby fire, but held that sinful souls were sent\\ninto a place of darkness and mourning, where\\nthey remained for a season in afiiiction, de-\\nprived of the light of God. He admitted\\nthat they were purified, and delivered from\\nthis desolate abode by sacrifice and alms but\\nhe held that the comdemned would not be\\nwholly miserable and that the saints would\\nnot be admitted to perfect beatitude until\\nafter the resurrection of their bodies. On\\nthis last point an unexpected difference arose\\nbetween Marc of Ephesus and his colleague,\\nBessarion, as to what really was the doctrine\\nof their Church and this was pressed to dis-\\npute and altercation. In the meantime, the\\nseason advanced, and these perliminary con-\\nferences were discontinued before the dispu-\\ntants had touched on any other subject, or\\narrived at any specific conclusion even upon\\nthat.\\nAt length the formal deliberations of the\\nCouncil commenced, and the first public ses-\\nsion was held on the 8th of October; but\\nthere were some among the Greeks who,\\nobserving that the Fathers of Basle had\\nshown, in the meantime, no indications of\\nsubmission, began already to despair of any\\ndurable effect from their mission. However,\\nthe Prelates assembled in considerable num-\\nbers; the same were recognised by both\\nparties, as the important subjects of differ-\\nence, and it was agreed that the first of them\\nwas that, in which the whole difficulty of\\nreunion was, in fact, involved. They pre-\\npared, in consequence, to argue the mystery\\nof the Procession with becoming solemnity\\nand it was vainly hoped, that a question\\nwhich had employed the learning and wear-\\nied the ingenuity of the Christian world for\\nabout eight hundred years, would finally be\\nset at rest by the eloquence of the Doctors of\\nFerrara.\\nIt must be admitted that the advocates of\\nboth opinions displayed on this occasion\\nabundant talents, unwearied zeal, and re-\\nsources almost inexhaustible, especially the\\nCardinal of St. Angelo who here exhibited,\\nTiraboschi (vol. vi. p. 1,1. ii.) cites the testimony\\nof Sguropulos, who was present at all these discus-\\nsions, and expressed his astonishment at the eloquence\\nof Julian.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0498.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "THE GREEK CHURCH.\\n491\\nin defence of the doctrine of his Church, the\\nsame commanding faculties and energy with\\nwhich he had urged, at Basle, the refor-\\nmation of its discipline. Through fifteen\\ntedious sessions the controversy was main-\\ntained with unabated ardor; and though the\\npoint principally argued was only, whether\\nthe words Filioque were, properly speaking,\\nan addition or an explanation, it might have\\nbeen supposed, from the warmth and prolixity\\nof the orators, that the very existence of the\\nChristian faith was at stake. At length, as\\nno immediate result seemed at all probable,\\nand as Ferrara was found, on many accounts,\\ninconvenient for so large an assemblage, the\\nPope, with the consent of the Emperor, ad-\\njourned the Council to Florence.\\nRemoved to Florence. The Council of Flo-\\nrence held its first session on Feb. 26, 1439\\nand it opened with some proposals on the\\npart of the Emperor and Cardinal Julian, for\\narriving more directly at the practical object\\nof these conferences a pubhc reconcihation.\\nBut no expedient was discovered for attaining\\nthat end, and the disputations were accord-\\ningly renewed. The results of the conferen-\\nces at Ferrara had not been such, as either\\nto bring the Latins to retrench the contested\\nexpression from the creed, or the Greeks to\\ninsert it thus the Procession became once\\nmore the subject of debate. For the seven\\nsucceeding sessions the same assertions were\\nadvanced and denied, the same arguments\\nreiterated and confuted. At length, however,\\nthe Latins found a new and powerful cham-\\npion in John, provincial of the Dominicans.\\nThis learned mendicant, by reference to an-\\ncient manuscripts of St. Basil, and other\\nGreek Fathers, professed to demonstrate, that\\nthose venerable Patriarchs had asserted the\\ndouble Procession. This was an assault up-\\non that point, on which alone the Greeks\\nwere very sensible. Every shaft of reason\\nmight be foiled or blunted by sophistry or\\nprejudice; every other authority might be\\nsuspected or disavowed but when tlie ar-\\nchives of their own unerring Church were\\ncited against them, it was hard indeed to raise\\nany defence, or reply with any confidence.\\nIt would appear, too, that Bessarion had for\\nAbout one hundred and fifty Bishops, besides\\nnumerous Abbots, are said to have been present. We\\nshould here mention that the Greeks lived at the ex-\\npense of the Pope, receiving a regular stipulated\\nallowance from the Apostolical Treasury. Notwith-\\nstanding, so great was their despondency as to the\\nresult of the embassy, that they betrayed from time to\\ntime a strong desire to retura to Greece.\\nsometime taken little share in the disputes,\\nand at length even Marc of Ephesus with-\\ndrew fi*om the conference. The victory now\\nappeared to rest with the Latins when the\\nEmperor, who possessed some skill in the-\\nology, and was sincerely desirous of the\\nre-union, discovered w^hat he considered an\\nequitable method of compromise. In a letter\\nof St. Maxim us, that Father was found to\\nhave asserted, that the Latins, when they\\ndeclare that the Holy Spirit proceeds from\\nthe Son, do not pretend that the Son is the\\ncause of the Holy Spirit, since they know\\nvery well that the Father is the only cause\\nboth of the Son and the Holy Spirit of the\\nSon by generation, of the Holy Spirit by\\nProcession they only mean, that the Holy\\nSpirit proceeds through the Son, because he\\nis of the same essence. Soon after this pro-\\nposal had been made, the public sessions of\\nthe Council were suspended, and the Greeks\\nheld several conferences among themselves,\\nwith a view to some honorable accommoda-\\ntion.\\nThe Greeks were now openly divided.\\nBessarion, gained, as his adversaries assert,\\nby the presents and promises of the Pontiff,\\nat once avowed his adhesion to the Latin\\ndogma, and defended it with confidence and\\neloquence. Of this same party was the Em-\\nperor, through his anxiety to reconcile the\\nChurches on any terms, and at any sacrifice.\\nMarc of Ephesus obstinately maintained his\\noriginal opinions he abhorred the heresy of\\nthe Latins, and rejected every overture of\\ncompromise. Nevertheless the conferences\\ncontinued several attempts were made to\\ndevise some explanation of the Oriental doc-\\ntrine which might be satisfactory to the La-\\ntins and the party of the Unionists gained\\nground. The Emperor saw his advantage,\\nand pursued it by such means of pei-suasion\\nas an Emperor may always exercise. And\\nat length, after more than two months of dis-\\ncussion, the Greeks unanimously consented to\\nthe terms of reconciliation, with the single\\nhonest exception of Marc of Ephesus.\\nCommon Confession of Faith. The con-\\nfession of faith, on which this treaty of con-\\ncord was founded, was as follows In the\\nname of the Holy Trinity, of the Father, the\\nSon, and the Holy Ghost, we, Latins and\\nGreeks, agree in the holy union of these two\\nChurches, and confess that all true Christians\\nought to receive this genuine doctrine: that\\nthe Holy Spirit is eternally of the Father\\nand the Son, and that from all eternity it pro-\\nceeds from the one and the other as from a", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0499.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "492\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nsingle principle, and by a single production,\\nwhich we call Spiration. We also declare\\nthat what some of the Holy Fathers have\\nsaid, viz. that the Holy Spirit proceeds from\\nthe Father through the Son, should be taken\\nin such manner as to signify, that the Son,\\nas well as the Father, and conjointly with\\nhim, is the principle of the Holy Spirit. And\\nsince, whatsoever the Father hath, that he\\ncommunicates to his Son, excepting the pa-\\nternity which distinguishes him from the Son\\nand the Holy Spirit, so is it from the Father\\nthat the Son has received, from all eternity,\\nthat productive virtue through which the\\nHoly Spirit proceeds from the Son, as well\\nas from the Father.\\nTreaties of Union. We should here men-\\ntion, that while this spiritual negotiation was\\nin progress, another convention of a very dif-\\nferent character was also under considera-\\ntion and the two treaties were brought to\\ntheir conclusion at the same time. It was\\nstipulated by the latter, that his Holiness\\nshould furnish the Greeks with resources for\\ntheir return that he should maintain a stand-\\ning military and naval force for the defence\\nof Constantinople that the galleys carrying\\npilgrims to Jerusalem should be compelled to\\ntouch at Constantinople that, if the Empe-\\nror should require twenty galleys for six\\njaionths, or for a year, the Pope should bind\\niiimself to supply them and that, if soldiers\\nwere wanted, he should use his influence\\nwith the princes of the west to procure them.\\nThis convention having been officially rati-\\nfied, the emperor announced the consent of\\nhis Prelates to the doctrinal accommodation\\nnnd on the 6th of June, 1439, it was an-\\nnounced, that the divisions of so many cen-\\nturies were at length closed for ever. The\\nConfession of Union was recited in Greek\\nand in Latin, and it was hailed by the accla-\\nmations of both parties, who embraced with\\nseeming warmth, and interchanged the salu-\\ntation of peace.\\nIt will have been observed, that the public\\ndisputations had been entirely confined to one\\nof the four subjects of difference and that\\nthe arrangement of that, as it was considered\\nby far the most difficult question, was held to\\nbe a sufficient i)ledge of agreement upon all.\\nAnd so indeed it proved. The difference on\\nthe Azyms was removed by the confession\\nof the Greeks, that the Eucharist might be\\ncelebrated with unleavened, as worthily as\\nwith leavened, bread. Respecting purgatory,\\nit was acknowledged on both sides, that those\\nsouls which could neither, through some un-\\natoned sins, be received into immediate be-\\natitude, nor yet deserved eternal condemna-\\ntion, were delivered into some abode of\\ntemporary durance and purification but\\nregarding the method of purification\\nwhether it was by fire, as some thought, or by\\ndarkness and tempest, as seemed to be the\\nopinion of others it was held more prudent\\nto abstain from any positive declaration. The\\nquestion of the Pope s primacy occasioned\\nsomewhat greater embarrassment, because its\\npractical consequence was more directly per-\\nceptible and though the Imperial eye might\\noverlook the importance of doctrinal differ-\\nences, it was not blind to any encroachment\\non Imperial prerogative. And thus, though\\nPalseologus readily assented to the general\\nproposition of papal supremacy, he objected\\nto its application in two cases. He would not\\nconsent that the Pope should call councils in\\nhis dominions without his approbation and\\nthat of the Patriarchs nor would he permit\\nappeals from the Patriarchal courts to be\\ncarried to Rome. He maintained that the\\nPope should send his legates to decide them\\non the spot. The pontiff insisted but as the\\nEmperor declared that he would prefer to\\nbreak off the negotiations even in that their\\nlatest stage, rather than yield those points, a\\nmethod of verbal compromise was discovered,\\nwhich satisfied the consciences of both par-\\nties.\\nQuestion on Transuhstantiation. To the at-\\ntentive reader it will, perhaps, appear strange,\\nthat in so many controversies between the\\ntwo Churches no dispute had yejt been raised\\non the subject of Transuhstantiation. And it\\nwill thence seem natural to infer, that, on that\\npoint, no difference existed between them.\\nIn a later age, when the Protestants were\\ncontending with the Roman Catholics for the\\nspiritual adhesion of the Greeks, this impor-\\ntant question was thoroughly investigated;\\nand the result, as it appears to us,* was not\\nquite favorable to either party. For, if some\\nof the ancient Fathers indulged in very lofty\\nexpressions on the nature of the Eucharist,\\nyet the Latin dogma was never formally\\nestablished among the Articles of the other\\nChurch. We shall now mention, that dur-\\ning the conferences at Ferrara and Florence\\ncertain expressions fell from the Greek Doc-\\ntors, which excited suspicions of their ortho-\\ndoxy so generally, that the Pope deemed it\\nnecessary to demand of them a formal decla-\\nThis subject has been shortly treated by the\\nauthor of this history, in a work On the Condition\\nand Prospects of the Greek Church.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0500.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "THE GREEK CHURCH.\\n493\\nration on that point, before the Decree of\\nUnion should, be finally ratified. According-\\nly, Bessarion of Nice, on the part and in the\\npresence of his brethren, made an affirmation\\nto this effect Since in the preceding con-\\ngregations we have been suspected of hold-\\ning an erroneous opinion touching the words\\nof the Consecration, we declare, in the pre-\\nsence of your Holiness, that we have\\nlearnt from our ancient Fathers, and especial-\\nly from St. Chrysostom, that it is the words\\nof our Lord which change the substance of\\nthe bread and wine into that of the Body and\\nBlood of Jesus Christ and that those divine\\nwords have the force and virtue to make that\\nwonderful change of substance, or that Tran-\\nsubstantiation and that we follow the senti-\\nments of that great Teacher. These expres-\\nsions are, in themselves, sufficiently explicit\\nbut, on the other hand, we are bound to re-\\ncollect, that the Greeks at Florence had by\\nthis time abandoned in despair every manner\\nof resistance to the Emperor and the Pope\\nand also, that the Prelate who read the decla-\\nration, and whose motives are liable to very\\nwell-founded suspicion, was afterwards ex-\\nalted to the dignity of a Cardinal in the Ro-\\nman Church.*\\nBessarion, an Asiatic Arclibishop, ended his days\\nin the peaceful enjoyment of a Roman dignity. His\\ngreat antagonist, Julian Cesarini, Cardinal of St.\\nAngelo, under a less auspicious influence, exchanged\\nthe field of controversial achievement for that of mili-\\ntary dishonor. Let us here trace his concluding for-\\ntunes. Being appointed by the Pope to superintend,\\nas his legate, the warlike operations against the\\nTurks, he attached himself to the camp of Huniades.\\nUnder his sanction, and with his consent, (it was a\\nreluctant consent,) a truce for ten years was signed,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with religions solemnities, between the contending\\nparties; and Amurat reposed in confidence on the\\nshores of the Bosphorus, or employed his forces in\\nsome other enterprise. Suddenly some new circum-\\nstance came to light, which promised advantage to\\nthe Christians from the renewal of hostilities. Here-\\nupon the Cardinal Legate, perceiving some hesitation\\namong the generals, seized a favorable moment to\\ncounsel the violation of the truce. To this effect, he\\nurged the impolicy of the secret engagement, the in-\\nfidelity of the party with whom it was contracted.\\nHe pi-essed the injustice thereby offered both to the\\nPope and the Emperor; the prejudice done to their\\nown reputation, and to the interests of the Church.\\nHe maintained that the very compact with the Turk\\nwas in itself an act of perfidy to their allies. These\\nand similar arguments he advanced with his custom-\\nary power. But seeing that his unlettered hearers\\nwere not yet persuaded, that a treaty so solemnly\\nratified could at once be violated without reproach,\\nhe proceeded more curiously to distinguish betv/een\\nthe obligation due to a mere promise and that which\\nReturn of the Greeks, After this last con-\\nfession of Bessarion, the Decree of Union\\nwas signed and ratified and the Greeks, their\\nobject accomplished, ?fet forth, with various\\nemotions perhaps, but with general satisfac-\\ntion, on their return to the east. The voyage\\nwas favorable and on the 20th of February,\\n1440, they were restored to the altars of Con-\\nstantinople. With what feelings were these\\nmessengers of religious concord welcomed\\nWhat salutations hailed them on their ar\\nrival from that holy enterprise The joy\\nthe gratitude, the affection of their fellow\\nCatholics? Let us turn to the circumstances\\nof their reception: through a general confed\\neracy of the Clergy, of the people, and par-\\nticularly of the Monks, who chiefly swayed\\nthe conscience and directed the movements\\nof the people, the authors of the Union found\\nthemselves excluded even from their ecclesi-\\nastical functions. They were overwhelmed\\nwith insults. They were called azymites,\\napostates, traitors to the true religion the\\nsanctuaries which they entered were deserted\\nthey were shunned, as if convicted of impie-\\nty, or blasted by excommunication and in\\nmany of the Churches the spirit went so far,\\nthat the very name of the Emperor himself\\nwas erased from the Dyptics. On the other\\nhand. Marc of Ephesus, who had fought\\nwithout concession or compromise the battles\\nof his Church, and persisted inflexibly in his\\nrepugnance to the re-union, was rewarded by\\nis demanded by the public welfare, and to show the\\nhigher authority of the latter. Whenever these, for-\\nsooth, were at variance, the faith plighted to an in-\\nfidel could have little solid weight. For though, i\u00c2\u00bb\\ntruth, an oath is binding, when it is just and founded\\nin equity, it is properly considered as null, and dis-\\npleasing to God, when it leads to private or public\\ncalamity, c. Stc!\\nThe eloquence of the Cardinal so well enforced his\\nfallacies upon minds which probably were only thirst-\\ning for conviction, that the whole assembly demanded\\nwith acclamations the violation of the truce. The\\narmy moved forwards, and immediately engaged ia\\nthat campaign, which was terminated by the battle\\nof Varna. In that fatal encounter, among thousands\\nof less illustrious victims, fell the Cardinal of St.\\nAngelo. The nature of his death is uncertain. It is\\nvariously asserted that he was slain in the field, and\\nin the rout; that he was drowned in the Danube;\\nthat he was plundered and murdered by Hungarian\\nrobbers. And it had been happier for his memory\\nhad the last struggle of his genius been wrapped in the\\nsame obscurity could we forget that it was made for\\nthe purpose of corrupting the rude morality of Chris-\\ntian soldiers and statesmen, and leading them into\\nthat perjured enterprise, which ended in his destruc-\\ntion and their disaster, and tlie infamy of all.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0501.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "494\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nuniversal acclamation. Marc of Ephesus had\\nalone stood forth as the defender of the faith,\\nand of the honor of the CEcumenic Church.\\nDissensions in the East. The controversy\\nwas immediately renewed in the East. Marc\\nplaced himself at the head of the schismatics,\\nand many compositions were published, as\\nwell by himself as by others, to press the re-\\npeal of the Union. Various polemical treati-\\nses were also put forth in rejoinder and at\\nthe same time the Emperor exerted, on the\\nsame side, a more equivocal method of per-\\nsuasion. He selected for the Patriarch of\\nConstantinople a decided supporter of the\\nUnion, and caused the patronage of the See\\nto be conferred exclusively upon ecclesiastics\\nof that party. Within the hmits of his tem-\\nporal sovereignty the Head of the Oriental\\nChurch received a reluctant obedience. But\\nbeyond those boundaries, in the Patriarchats\\nof Jerusaletn, of Antioch, and Alexandria, his\\nspiritual subjects for they were no more\\nthan spiritual broke forth into undisguised\\nrebellion. In 1443 those three Prelates united\\nin publishing a Synodal Episde, in which\\nthey pronounced the sentence of deposition\\nagainst all those, on whom their Brother of\\nConstantinople had conferred ordination and\\nthen added the threat of excommunication, in\\ncase this sentence should be neglected. At\\nthe same time they addressed to the Emperor\\nhimself a similar menace, should he still con-\\ntinue to protect his Patriarch.\\nA Synod, which combined the authority\\nof three of their Patriarchs, was reverentially\\nregarded by a people already predisposed to\\nembrace its edicts. Even the resolution of\\nPalaeologus appears to have been shaken by\\nso bold an act of insubordination. At the\\nsame time, as if to increase his confusion, the\\nClergy and populace of the Northern Prov-\\ninces of his Church, Russia and Muscovy,\\nloudly declared themselves against the Union,\\nand insulted and imprisoned a Papal Legate\\nwho was sent to publish it among them.\\nThus, after his sojourn under foreign domin-\\nion, after his personal exertions in allaying\\nthe heats of controversy, and conducting it,\\nas he fondly fancied, to a lasting termination,\\nthe Emperor of the East discovered that his\\necclesiastical influence was confined almost\\nto the city and suburbs of Constantinople\\nand that the treaty from which he expected\\nsuch advantage was received even there with\\na reluctant and precarious, even though it\\nwas an interested, submission.\\nIt might have been supposed that some\\neense of political advantage would have mov-\\ned the feelings of his subjects; that the pros-\\npect of a powerful alliance would have exert-\\ned some influence; that the sight of the\\nadvancing Turk would have inspired some\\nmoderation or, if reason was, indeed, ex-\\ncluded from the controversy, that the passion\\nof fear would, in some degree, have counter-\\nacted the passion of bigotry. Some mitiga-\\ntion of the first frenzy might at least have\\nbeen expected from time and in the interval\\nof eleven years, more charitable feelings, and\\nmore provident considerations might grad-\\nually have gained prevalence under the\\nImperial patronage. But the event was far\\notherwise if the heat of either party relaxed\\nduring this critical period, it was that of the\\nfriends of the Union its opponents increased\\nin strength, and remitted nothing of their\\noriginal rancor.\\nPrediction of Nicholas V., and fall of the\\nGreek Empire. In the year 1451 Nicholas\\nv., after engaging in some earnest endeavors\\nto rouse the energies of Christendom against\\nthe common foe, issued a celebrated address\\nto the Greeks. He exhorted them to pay some\\nregard to their own safety, and not to paralyse\\nthe eflTorts which Providence was making to\\npreserve them to .display their devotion in\\nacts of penitence and to receive, without de-\\nlay, the decree of the Council of Florence.\\nTo the Emperor Constantine he addressed a\\nmenace, dictated, as some have thought, by a\\nprophetic spirit. After complaining, that the\\nGreeks had now too long trifled with the pa-\\ntience of God and man, in deferring their\\nreconciliation with the Church, he announced\\nthat, according to the parable^ in the Gospel,\\nthree years of probation would still be grant-\\ned for the fig-tree, hitherto cultivated in vain,\\nto bring forth fruit. But, if it did not bear\\nfruit in that season if the Greeks, during the\\nspace which God still indulged to them, did\\nnot receive the decree of the Union that\\nthen, indeed, the tree would be cut down even\\nto its root the nation extirpated by the min-\\nisters of divine justice.\\nThis denunciation contemplated no im-\\nprobable catastrophe and the Emperor took\\nsuch measures as were left to him to concil-\\niate the dispositions of the Vatican. But what\\nwas the spirit which at this last crisis animat-\\ned his subjects? It was during this very\\nyear that several Greek ecclesiastics address-\\ned, in the name of the whole Church, a com-\\nmunication to the rebels of Bohemia. They\\npraised the zeal of their brother-schismatics\\nthey applauded them for their rejection of the\\ninnovations of Rome, and their adherence to", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0502.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "THE ARMENIANS.\\n495\\nthe true faith and, finally, called on them to\\nconclude a treaty of Union with themselves\\nnot such union as that mockery of concord\\ndressed up at Florence, from which truth was\\nfar removed, but Union, founded on the re-\\nspectable opinions of the ancient Fathers\\nAnd thus, those precious moments, which the\\nPope devoted to vows and exertions for the\\nsalvation of Greece, were employed by her\\nzealous theologians in courting the bitterest\\nenemies of his government.\\nIn the year following, the Emperor having\\nreceived with honor the Papal Legate, and\\nmade him some fair promises, they proceed-\\ned to celebrate the Liturgy in St. Sophia.\\nBut as soon as mention was made, in the\\ncourse of the service, of the names of the\\nPope and the Latin Patriarch,* the whole\\ncity rose in commotion, and the multitude,\\nuncertain what course to take, rushed in a\\nmass to consult a popular fanatic, named\\nGennadius. This man was a monk; and\\nattached to the door of his cell they found a\\nwritten rescript, denouncing the last inflictions\\nagainst all who should receive the impious\\ndecree of Florence. Then it was that Priests\\nand Abbots, Monks and Nuns, soldiers and\\ncitizens, the entire population, except the im-\\nmediate dependents of the Emperor, shouted,\\nas with a single voice Anathema against I\\nall who are united with the Latins The\\nsanctuary of St. Sophia was proclaimed pro-\\nfane all intercourse was suspended with all\\nwho had assisted at the service with the La-\\ntins; absolution was refused, and the Church-\\nes were closed against them.\\nThis was the madness of a falling empire\\nthis was the heaven-inflicted delirium\\nwhich prepared the path for destruction. The\\nmeasure of fanaticism was at length filled up\\nthe pontifical prophecy f hastened to its ac-\\ncomplishment. And while the frantic people\\nof Greece were in the highest ferment of\\ntheological excitement, while their religious\\nhatred against their brother Christians was\\nburning most intensely, while partial dif-\\nferences were most exaggerated, while sec-\\ntarian intolerance was most fierce and un-\\ncompromising, the banners of the Infidel were\\nGregory then a voluntary exile at Rome, through\\nhis reluctance to preside over a rebellious Church.\\nf Constantin-opte was certainly taken in the third\\nyear (inclusive) after the prediction of Nicholas.\\nThe Pope wrote some time in 1451 the city fell on\\nMay 29, 1453. The coincidence, even with this\\nlatitude, was fortunate; but after the battle of Varna,\\nno light from heaven was necessary to foreshow the\\nspeedy downfal of the Greek empire.\\nin motion towards the devoted city, and a\\nnation of Christians was consigned in bondage\\nto the common enemy of Christ.\\nNOTE (1) OJV THE ARMENIANS.\\nThe first occasion on which we can observe\\nthe Armenians to have come into contact, as\\nan independent communion, with the Church\\nof Rome, was the following In the year\\n1145, while Pope Eugenius was resident at\\nViterbo, certain deputies from their patriarch\\n(also called their Catholic^) arrived to salute\\nthe Pontiff, and proffer every sort of respect\\nand deference. The particular object of their\\nmission appears, however, to have been this,\\nto appeal to the decision of the Pope respect-\\ning their differences vs^ith the Greek Church.\\nThe differences principally debated were two\\nthe Armenians did not mix water with the\\nwine in the eucharist they made use of leav-\\nened bread, excepting on the festivals of\\nChristmas and the Epiphany We do\\nnot learn that there were any lasting results\\nfrom this embassy but it is carefully record-\\ned, that the Orientals assisted at the Latin\\nMass celebrated by the Pope in person and\\nthat one of them beheld on that solemnity a\\nsunbeam resting on the head of the PontiflT,\\nas well as two doves ascending and descend-\\ning above him, in an inexplicable manner\\na marvel which greatly moved him to rever-\\nence and submission.\\nNotwithstanding, the circumstances under\\nwhich the Armenians next present themselves\\nto the historian, prove the futility of the for-\\nmer overtures to Rome. For we find that,\\nin the year 1170, the Catholic Norsesis ad-\\ndressed a letter to Manuel Comnenus, in\\nwhich be mentioned some points, whereon\\nhimself and the Greeks were not agreed, and\\nexpressed a strong desire for reconciliation.\\nThe Emperor intrusted the commission to a\\nphilosopher named Tbeorian, who proceeded\\nto Armenia, and conferred with the patriarch\\nand another influential prelate. On this oc-\\ncasion much more important differences were\\nadvanced than those discovered at Viterbo;\\nand that, which was most prominent, respect-\\ned the nature of Christ. From the account\\nof tliis controversy it would appear, that, in\\nthe outset, the Greeks supposed the Armeni-\\nans to be involved in the Eutychian heresy\\nwhile the Armenians imagined the Greeks\\nto have embraced the opposite error of Nes-\\nBy Otho Frisingensis, who was at that time at\\nViterbo.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0503.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "496\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ntorius. In the course of the conference both\\nwere undeceived. The Armenians did in-\\ndeed admit, that they held one incarnate\\nnature but not by confusion, Hke Eutyches,\\nnor by diminution, like Apollinaris: but in\\nthe orthodox sense of Cyril of Alexandria.*\\nThe Greeks cleared their own tenets from\\nthe charge of Nestorianism with equal per-\\nspicuity. The result was, that the Catholic\\nacknowledged their orthodoxy, and under-\\ntook to bring over all his compatriots to the\\nsame opinion. Some other differences of\\ninferior weight were also discussed and\\nthese, too, the Armenian is related to have\\nsoftened away with equal facility. At length,\\nafter an affecting interview, in which many\\ntears were poured forth in pious sympathy\\nby both parties, Theorian returned to Con-\\nstantinople, and Narsesis prepared to com-\\nmunicate his own convictions to the Church\\nover which he presided.\\nWith what little success these negotiations\\nwere attended appears from the next ghmpse\\nthat we catch of the ecclesiastical affairs of\\nthe Armenians. On the 23rd of May, 1199,\\nLeo, their king, addressed an epistle to Inno-\\ncent III., expressing his anxiety for the re-\\nunion of his Church with that of Rome. At\\nthe same time he disclosed the motive of his\\nanxiety; for he deplored the ravages, to\\nwhich his kingdom was exposed by the in-\\nroads of the infidels, and proclaimed the\\nabsolute need in which he stood of foreign\\nsuccor. This application was accompanied\\nby one from the Catholic, in which he pro-\\nfessed his wish for reconciliation, and his\\nreadiness to make submission to the Vatican.\\nThe Pope sent, in reply, many civil expres-\\nsions and intended, no doubt, to confer a\\nmore substantial service on his militant fellow\\nChristians, when he presented them at the\\nsame time with the standard of St. Peter, as a\\nsafeguard against the sword of the unbeliever.\\nSome negotiations succeeded: at length (in\\nthe year 1205,) the king prevailed upon his\\nsubjects to acknowledge their spiritual alle-\\ngiance to the Pope and the Catholic publicly\\nSee Theoriani Orthodoxl cum Catholico Ar-\\nmeniorum Colloquium, in the Maxima Biblioth.\\nP.P. torn. xxii. p. 796\u00e2\u0080\u0094812, (Edit. Lugdun. 1677).\\nDiciraus in Christo naturam unam esse, non secun-\\ndum Eutychen confundentes, nee secundum Apollina-\\nrem detrahentes, sed secundum Alexandrlnum Anti-\\nstitem Cyrillum, in Ortliodoxia, qu?e in libro contra\\nNestorium scripsit, unam esse naturam Sermonis\\nincarnatam Tlie controversy turned a good\\ndeal on the distinction (real or imaginary) between\\nChristtis and Sermo, in this question.\\nplaced the act of his submission in the hands\\nof the legate. He accepted the pallium*\\nfrom the same authority, and engaged to\\nvisit the holy See, by his Nuncios, once in\\nevery five years, and to assist in person, or\\nby deputy, at all councils which might be\\nheld in the west for the regulation of his in-\\nterests. Greater objections appear to have\\nprevailed among those orientals against the\\nintroduction of the Roman code of canon\\nlaw but it was arranged that some part of\\nits institution should be received at once, and\\nthe rest at some future time, after more ma-\\nture deliberation among the Armenian pre-\\nlates. Such was the general nature of the\\nreconciliation then effected but some dissen-\\nsions presently ,,arose between the king and\\none of the pontifical legates and there seems\\nno reason to believe that the above negotia-\\ntion had any lasting consequences.!\\nAs the amicable overtures from Armenia\\nto Rome were entirely occasioned by the\\npolitical necessities of the former, they were\\nmore frequent during the desolation of the\\nEast in the fourteenth century. The in-\\nterested obedience of that communion was\\ntendered to John XXII., and accepted by\\nhim. A few years afterwards (in 1341) we\\nobserve another king, named Leo, soliciting\\ntemporal assistance from Benedict XII. The\\nPope made answer in two letters, respectively\\naddressed to the king and to the Catholic. In\\nthe former, he made mention of the errors\\nentertained by the Armenians, and of the ex-\\nertions which he had made, both by personal\\ninquiry from those professing them, and by\\nthe examination of the authorized books, to\\nascertain their nature and extent. In the lat-\\nter, he exhorted the clergy to assemble in\\ncouncil, to condemn and extirpate the false\\nopinions which they held, and then, for their\\nSee the Letter from Leo to Innocent, published\\nby Raynaldus, ann. 1205, in which he boasts, that,\\nwith great labor, and through divine grace, he had at\\nlength brought about that obedience of the Armenians\\nto the Roman Church, which his ancestors had so\\nlong attempted in vain.\\nt From the fragment of a Greek writer, named\\nNico, (probably of the thirteenth century,) translated\\nand published in the Max. Bibjiotheca P.P. (tom.\\nXXV. p. 328), and entitled De Pessimorum Arraeni-\\norum pessima Religione, it appears that they still\\nretained all the errors imputed to them by either\\nChurch. Among a multitude here enumerated it is\\none, that they do not adore the venerable images,\\nbut, on the contrary, that their Catholic anathematizes\\nthose who do so. Neither do they worship the Cross,\\nuntil they have driven a nail into it, and baptized it,\\nc.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0504.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "THE ARMENIANS.\\n497\\nbelter instruction in the faith and observances i\\nof the Roman Church, to receive the Decree,\\nthe Decretals and other Canons used in the\\nWest. He expressed a pious persuasion, that\\nwhen the errors of the Armenians should\\nonce be removed, the enemies of the faith\\nwould no longer prevail against them and\\nconcluded his address by the proposal of a\\nconference.\\nThe first of these epistles was accompa-\\nnied by a memorial, in which the errors in\\nquestion were enumerated. They were ex-\\npanded into a tedious catalogue of one hun-\\ndred and seventeen but they may, without\\nmuch inaccuracy, be reduced under the fol-\\nlowing heads 1. The Armenians were ac-\\ncused of adhesion to the opinions of Eutyches,\\ninvolving, of course, the Monophysite heresy,\\nthe rejection of the council of Chalcedon,\\nthe condemnation of St. Leo, and the seces-\\nsion from both the CEcumenic Churches. 2.\\nThey were charged with administering the\\nsacraments of confirmation and the eucharist,\\ntogether with that of baptism a practice\\nwhich (as Fleury observes) had very early\\nprevalance in the Church. 3. They mixed\\nno water with the wine in the holy com-\\nmunion which again was an ancient usage.\\n4. They rejected Tran substantiation, and\\nmaintained that it was the figure only, not\\nthe real body, that was received by the Com-\\nmunicants an opinion which was then na-\\nturally considered as a consequence of the\\nEutychian error respecting the nature of\\nChrist for if auy doubts were thrown on the\\nreality of Christ s body on earth, the same\\nwould extend in an equal (if not in a greater)\\ndegree, to the reality of his flesh in the sacra-\\nment of his supper. The other imputations\\nconcerned some fabulous notions respecting\\nthe resun-ection, the last judgment, the place\\nof punishment, the earthly and heavenly pa-\\nradise, the intermediate state, and other ques-\\ntions of difficult determination.\\nIn consequence of the pontifical remon-\\nstrances, the Patriarch assembled his council,\\nand condemned all the imputed errors he\\nthen sent deputies to the succeeding Pope\\n(Clement VI.,) charged with a general obliga-\\ntion, to retract any other obnoxious opinions\\nwhich might thereafter be discovered and at\\nthe same time to acknowledge the Bishop of\\nRome as the chief of the Church of Christ,\\nand to solicit copies of the decretals, for the\\nmore faithful administration of his own sub-\\nordinate communion. The Pope engaged to\\nsend them, and in November, 1346, despatch- I\\ned two legates on a mission to the East.\\n63\\nFive yeai-s afterwards, the Pontiff, still dis-\\nsatisfied with the communications perhaps\\nequivocal) which he received from his new\\nsubjects, and desiring a more express declar-\\nation of their opinions on those points which\\nmost interested himself, addi essed the Cath-\\nolic of Lesser Armenia in terms not substan-\\ntially different from the following: Since\\nwe are unable clearly to collect your opinions\\nfrom your answers, we desire distinctly to\\npropose the following questions: Do you\\nbelieve that all who at their baptism have\\nreceived the Catholic faith, and have after-\\nwards separated from the communion, are\\nSchismatics and heretics, if they persist in\\nsuch separation and that no one can be\\nsaved, who has renounced obedience to the\\nPope Do you believe that St. Peter received\\nfrom Jesus Christ full power of jurisdiction\\nover all the faithful that all the power which\\nthe apostles may have possessed in certain\\nprovinces was subject to his? and that all the\\nsuccessors of St. Peter have the same power\\nwith himself? Do you believe that, in virtue\\nof that power, the Pope can judge all the\\nfaithful immediately, and delegate to that\\neffect such ecclesiastical judges as he may\\nthink proper Do you believe that the Pope\\ncan be judged by no one, except God him-\\nself; and that there is no appeal from his\\ndecisions to any judge Do you believe that\\nhe can translate bishops, and abbots, and\\nother ecclesiastics from one dignity to anoth-\\ner, or degi ade and depose them, if they de-\\nserve such punishment Do you believe that\\nthe Pope is not subject to any secular power,\\neven regal or imperial, in respect to institu-\\ntion, correction, or destitution that he alone\\ncan make general canons, and grant plenary\\nindulgences, and decide disputes on matters\\nof faith? These interrogations were\\naccompained by the notice of some Armenian\\nerrors on the intermediate state, on the sacra-\\nments, and especially the Eucharist and by\\nsome complaints, that promises, hitherto made\\nwith facility, had not been sufficiently ob-\\nserved. But they chiefly merit the historian s\\nattention, as they prove the uncompromising\\nseverity with which Rome, even during the\\nexile of her Pontiffs, exacted all her usurped\\necclesiastical rights, and imposed the whole\\nweight and pressure of her yoke even on the\\nmost distant and most reluctant of her sub-\\njects. Howbeit, after that period, we do not\\nobserve auy proof of the continuance or re-\\nnewal of friendly negotiation between Rome\\nand Armenia, suflaciently important to deserve\\na place in this history.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0505.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "4^\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nNOTE (2) ON THE MARONITES.\\nMako, or Maroun, from whom this sect de-\\nrives its appellation, lived during the latter\\npart of the sixth century on the banks of the\\nOrontes and in the disputes then prevailing\\nbetween the eastern and western Churches,\\nhe exerted his influence, which was consid-\\nerable in that part of Syria, in favor of the\\n[alter. About a century later, a certain John,\\nsurnamed the Maronite, was distinguished by\\nhis opposition to the Melchites Greeks and\\nit seems to have been under his guidance,\\nthat the Syrian rebels settled apart i-n the\\nsecure recesses of Libanus and Antilibanus.\\nThere they formed a powerful association,\\nformidable alike to the orthodox Greeks and\\nto the Mahometan invader The first\\ncrusades brought them once more into im-\\nmediate contact with the Latins but not\\nalways as allies, nor by any means as mem-\\nbers of the same ecclesiastical communion.\\nFor it appears certain, that the Maronites\\nhad imbibed, in the first instance, the opinions\\nof the Monothelites, and that they long main-\\ntained them, together with some other pecu-\\nliarities in rites and discipline. At length,\\nhowever, about the year 1182, they were\\nhiduced to abandon then- leading error, and\\nwere then received into the bosom of the\\nRoman Church,\\nAt the same time it was stipulated, that\\nthe Pope should in no respect interfere with\\nany of their ancient practices or ceremonies\\nconsequently they continued to- observe the\\ndiscipline of the Greek Church, regarding\\nthe marriage of the clergy, and to administer\\nthe eucharist in both kinds, and according\\nto the manner generally in use in the East.\\nThey retained, too, in other matters, a much\\ncloser resemblance to their original, than\\nto their adopted, communion. Nevertheless,\\nthey have faithfully preserved the name of\\nobedience to Rome from that time to the\\npresent and if the contributions, which they\\nhave continually received from the apostol-\\nical treasuiy, should occasion any suspicion\\nrespecting the motives of their fidelity, it is\\nworthy, at least, of observation, that the\\npecuniary current has invariably set in that\\ndirection, and that the more ordinary prin-\\nciples of the Vatican have never extended\\nto the oppression of its Maronite subjects;\\nThey were then called Mavdaites which means\\nRebels. The reader is familiar with the picture of\\ndie Maronites drawn in Volney s admirable Travels\\nin Syria.\\nCHAPTER XXVn.\\nFrom the Council of Basle to the beginning oj\\nthe Reformation.\\nThe real weight of General Councils as a part of the Con-\\nstitution of the Church Circumstances preceding the\\naccession of JSTicholas V^ His popular qualities Love\\nof all the Arts\u00e2\u0080\u0094 His public virtues\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Recorded particu-\\nlars of his Election Concord with Germany\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Celebra-\\ntion and abuse of the Jubilee Death of the Cardinal of\\nAries His recorded miracles and canonization Efforts\\nto unite the Christian States against the Turks Dis-\\nsatisfaction and Death of Nicholas Calixtus III. Cru-\\nsading enthusiasm of yEneas SylVius Jealousy be-\\ntween the Pope and Alphonso of Arragon- Nepotisms\\nof the former ^neas Sylvius justifies the Pope against\\nthe complaints of the Germans His history The cir-\\ncumstances of his elevation to the Pontificate The\\nCouncil of Mantua, for the purpose of uniting Europe\\nagainst the Turks\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The project of Pius II. Failure of\\nthe whole Scheme\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Embassy to Rome from the Princes\\nof the East Thomas Palneologus arrives at Rome\\nCanonization of Catharine of Sienna\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Bull of Pius\\nII. against all appeals from the Holy See to Genera!\\nCouncils The Pope retracts the errors into which he\\nfen, as ^neas Sylvius\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Probable motive of his aposta-\\nsy His speech in Consistory Departure against the\\nInfidels Arrival at Anrona, and Death His Character\\nCompared to Nicholas V., and Cardinal Julian Con-\\nditions imposed by the Conclave on the future Pope\\nRemarks Paul II. is elected, and immediately violates\\nthem A native of Venice Principles of his Govern-\\nment He diverts the War from the Turks against the\\nHussites, and persecutes a literary Society at Rome\\nSiztus IV. makes a faint attempt to rouse Christendom\\nagainst the Turks Violent broil between the Pope an(J\\nthe Florentines Otranto taken by the Turks Exces-\\nsive Nepotism of this Pope Institution of the Minimes\\nIncreased venality of the Court of Rome The moral\\ncharacter, tatbnts, learning of Sixtus Elevation of In-\\nnocent VIIL Violation of the oath taken in Conclave\\nPreferment conferred, on his illegitimate Children\\nHis weakness and his avarice- The great wealth, elec-\\ntion, and reputation of Alexander F7.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Distribution of\\nhis Benefices, g. among the Cardinals who voted fos\\nhim Great Festivities at Rome Moral profligacy and\\nindecency of the Pope His projected alliance with the\\nSultan Bajazet\u00e2\u0080\u0094 He confers the possession of the New-\\nWorld on the Kings of Spain The Act contested by\\nthe Portuguese On what ground His negotiations\\nwith Charles VIII. of France\u00e2\u0080\u0094 History and fate ofZi-\\nzim, brother of Bajazet Cassar Borgia, Duke of Valen-\\ntion, or Valentinois His co -operation with his father\\nThe object of their common ambition Probable cir\\ncumstances of the death of Alexander VI. Express-\\nsions of Guicciardini\u00e2\u0080\u0094 PiMs dies immediately after\\nhis election Julian della Rovera, or Julius II. unani-\\nmously elected His policy and character His disputa\\nwith Louis XII. Ecclesiastical scruples of the latter\\nJulius resumes the possession of the States of the\\nChurch, and extends them Hisextraordrnary military\\nand political talents Encouragement of the Arts\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Lays\\nthe foundations of St. Peter s\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A Council convoked by\\nthe Cardinals against the Pope Its entire failure Ju-\\nlius convokes the fifth Lateran Council Subjects dis-\\ncussed by it till his death Continuation of the Council\\nunder Leo X. A number of constitutions enacted by it\\nIts edict to restrain the Press\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Its abolition of the\\nPragmatic Sanction, through the co-operation of Francis\\nL\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Dissolution of the Council\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Observations\u00e2\u0080\u0094 On the\\ngradual degeneracy of the See\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Of the Government of\\nthe successive Popes\u00e2\u0080\u0094 their Nepotism\u00e2\u0080\u0094 On the morality\\nof the Conclave\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Obligations undertaken there on Oatli\\nReasons of their perpetual violation\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Ignorance oS", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0506.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "NICHOLAS V.\\n499\\nCisalpines respecting the real character of the Court\\nof Rome Respectability ascribed to it through the mer-\\nits of its literary Pontiffs The great use made by the\\nPopes at this period of the dangers of a Turkish inva-\\nsion, in order to suppress the question of Church Re-\\nform.\\nThe council of Basle, after its protracted and\\nresolute struggle with the Vatican, having at\\nlength dissolved itself, and Felix V. its crea-\\nture, having resigned his Ul-supported preten-\\nsions to the Chair of St. Peter, the prospects\\nof the Court of Rome once more brightened,\\nand its authority was again secure from any\\nimmediate invasion. As a restraint on papal\\ndespotism, a General Council was effectual,\\nso long as the council was assembled and\\neven its name and the menace of an appeal\\nto it, as a last resource, have operated, on\\nmore occasions than one, with salutary influ-\\nence on the fears of an arbitrary Pope. But\\nthe power of the Monarchy was continuous\\nits principles were never suspended its ac-\\ntion was uniformly directed to the same\\nobject whereas the controlhng body, the\\nSenate of the Church, had only an occasional\\nand very precarious existence and even\\nwhen it was more efficaciously in action, it\\nwas liable to all the incidents which throw\\nuncertainty into the deliberations of very large\\nassemblies. It is true that the councils of\\nPisa, Constance, and Basle had endeavored,\\nby express enactments, to make their sittings\\nperiodical, so as to erect the Council General\\ninto a permanent branch of the constitution of\\nthe Church. But as the power of convoking\\nit still remained with the Pope as the collect-\\ning together of so large a body of prelates\\nfrom all parts of Europe must always have\\noccasioned many local evils and as the gen-\\neral consent, and even private inclinations, of\\nthe more powerful sovereigns were not, under\\nsuch circumstances, to be disregarded, it was\\neasy for the Pontiff to evade an obligation\\nwhich he detested. So, in fact, it proved\\nfor when they had once shaken off the fetters\\nthat were forged for them at Basle, the suc-\\ncessors of Eugenius IV. carefully abstained,\\nfor above half a century, from acknowledging\\nany power in the Church, except their own.\\nThe moment of the accession of Nicholas\\nV. was even favorable to the unlimited su-\\npremacy (the high Papists called it the In-\\ndependence) of the Court of Rome. The\\nfaithful children of the Church had now, for\\nseventy years, been distracted by dissensions\\nalmost uninterrupted. The schism which\\nhad dissevered kingdoms, and dishonored the\\nChurch, had been seemingly aggi avated by\\nthe council of Pisa and no sooner was it\\nappeased, afler many fierce disputes at Con-\\nstance, than a third assembly succeeded,\\nwhich occasioned (to all appearances) a new\\nbroil, and which ended by creating a second\\nschism. The spectacle of a Pope and a coun-\\ncil launching anathemas against each other\\nwas not calculated to edify the devout Cath-\\nolic, nor even to conciliate towards the coun-\\ncil the affections of the unthinking, who fonn\\nthe majority of mankind. But when the\\nPope assembled his rival council at FeiTara,\\nand when the two infallible antagonists inter-\\nchanged the bolts of excommunication, we\\nmay fairly believe that the dignity of those\\nvenerable bodies suffered much in popular\\nopinion, and even that their utility was made\\nmatter of serious question. Wearied by con-\\ntinual dissension, and disgusted by endless\\nexhibitions of ecclesiastical discord, many\\nwere disposed to acquiesce in the unrestrain-\\ned licentiousness of the Vatican, as the lesser\\nevil.\\nJVicholas V. Again, the formidable suc-\\ncesses of the Turks, and their near approach\\nto the capital of the East, diverted the atten-\\ntion of men from their spiritual grievances\\nto a more sensible object and the zeal which\\nNicholas displayed in that, the common cause\\nof all Christendom, reconciled many to an\\nauthority, so earnestly exercised in so holy a\\ncause. Above atl, the personal character of\\nthat Pope was of great use in conciliating\\nthe disaffected, and rallying them under the\\npontifical banners. His reputation, his tal-\\nents, his pursuits, were in accordance with\\nthe spirit, which, in Italy, at least, so pecu-\\nliarly prevailed at that time, for the cultivation\\nof ancient literature. His gradual ascent from\\nan inferior origin to the highest dignity was\\ntruly ascribed to his literary genius and ac-\\ncomplishments; and having attained that emi-\\nnence, he surrounded it not with sensualists\\nor sycophants, but with men of study and\\nerudition, whose society he loved, and whose\\naffection he obtained. A multitude of tran-\\nscribers and translators were continually in\\nhis employment; and the learning of the\\nGreeks was placed within the reach of an\\nordinary education. He founded the Vatican\\nlibrary, and sent his messengers into every\\ncountry for the collection of rare and valu-\\nable manuscripts and while he sought to\\namass the most precious treasures of profane\\nlore, he exerted even greater zeal to multiply\\nauthentic copies of the sacred writings.\\nBut neither was his polite taste, nor the\\nprofusion of his liberality, confined entirely\\nto literary objects. His patronage was bestow-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0507.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "500\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ned on the arts, and especially on that of archi-\\ntecture. He embellished his capital with sev-\\neral superb edifices many churches, which\\nhad fallen into ruins during the schisms and\\ndisorders of preceding generations, were now\\nrestored to more than their ancient splendor\\nand the ground was prepared, and the foun-\\ndations traced out, on which the least unwor-\\nthy temple which man has ever dedicated\\nto Omnipotence, was destined to rise. The\\ntalents of Nicholas were illustrated by private\\nas well as public virtues.* He discouraged\\nthe practice of Simony, so long habitual to\\nthe Court of Rome and the records of his\\nhistory permii us once more to associate the\\nword charity with the character of a Pope.\\nSuch were purposes on which the revenues\\nof the Church were honorably employed, and\\nfor which they were less reluctantly contrib-\\nuted and such the character which, being\\nraised at that moment to the pontifical chair,\\nconciliated minds already weary with dissen-\\nsion, and seduced them into a temporary ac-\\nquiescence in acknowledged abuses.\\nWhen the Cardinals went into conclave,\\non the death of Eugenius, nothing was farther\\nfrom their intention, or from general expecta-\\ntion, than the election of Nicholas, Prosper\\nColonna was the person on whom the choice\\nwas expected to fall and though the common\\nproverb was not then forgotten, that he who\\nenters the conclave Pope, comes out Cardi-\\nnal, (chi entra Papa, esce Cardinale) still\\namong the names at all connected with suc-\\ncess Thomas of Sarzana was not mentioned.\\nEighteen Cardinals were present and, after\\ntwo or three scrutinies, eleven were united in\\nfavor of Colonna one only was wanting to\\ngive him the requisite majority. At that\\nmoment the Cardinal of St. Sixtus is reported\\nto have turned suddenly to Sarzana, and said\\nto him, Thomas, I give my vote to you,\\nbecause this is the eve of St. Thomas It\\nwas, in fact, the eve of St. Thomas Aquinas.\\nThe rest of the College immediately followed\\nthe example, and Thomas of Sarzana was\\nunanimously elected.f\\nWe may be allowed to cite (from Platina) a part\\nof iiis epitaph, because the praises it offers were really\\nwell founded:\\nHie sita sunt Quinti Nicolai Antistitis ossa,\\nAurea qui dederat snecula, Roma, tibi.\\nConsilio illustris, virtute iirustrior omni,\\nExcoluit doctos doctior ipse vires.\\nAbstulit errorem, quo Schisma infecerat orbem.\\nRestituit mores, moenia, templa, demos.\\nAttica Romanffi complura volumina lingus\\nProdidit\u00e2\u0080\u0094 en tumulo fundite thura sacro.\\nf The Roman people were allowed to retain (in re-\\n\u00c2\u00abarn, perhaps, for their long-lost share in the election)\\nOne of the first act of Nicholas was, to sign\\na Concordat with the German Church. Its\\nprovisions did not extend beyond the subject\\nof patronage and it w^as arranged that the\\nPope should appoint to all great benefices of\\nevery description which should become va-\\ncant in curia; to all vacated by Cardinals, or\\nother officers of the Roman Court and to all\\ninferior benefices which should fall during\\nsix alternate months of the year. The rest\\nappear to have been left at the disposal of the\\nOrdinaries all (except the smallest) being lia-\\nble to the payment of Annates, according to\\nthe tax of the Apostolical Chamber and all\\nto Papal confirmation. This Concordat, pro-\\nperly considered, was the substantial effect\\nproduced by the Council of Basle upon the\\nconstitution of the Church of Germany it\\nwas for this end that the labors of so many\\npious prelates and learned doctors had been\\nexhausted Yet even this result, as we shall\\npresently see, was not such as to secure the\\nsatisfaction or bind the faith of the Court of\\nRome.\\nJubilees. In the year 1450 the avarice of\\nthe Roman Clergy and people was again\\nj noufished by the celebration of the Jubilee\\nand so vast were the multitudes which on\\nthis occasion sought the plenary indulgence\\nat the tombs of the apostles, that many are\\nsaid to have been crushed to death in Chm-ch-\\nes, and to have perished by other accidents.*\\nNevertheless, as there were still many devout\\npersons, particularly in the more remote\\ncountries of Europe, who were precluded\\nfrom reaping the promised rewards by per-\\nsonal disabilities, Nicholas, in imitation of\\nthe abuse of his predecessor, aflfbrded them\\nfacilities to redeem their omission. To the\\nPoles and Lithuanians a private jubilee was\\naccorded, on the condition, that every pious\\nperson should pay for his indulgence only\\nhalf of the money which the pilgrimage to\\nRome would have cost him but through\\ntlie licentious privilege of plundering the mansion of\\nthe Pope elect. On this occasion it happened, that\\nProsper Colonna, as first Deacon, had the office of\\ncommunicating the election from the window to the\\nassembled populace. Now the people, knowing him\\nto be the favorite, thought no other than that he had\\nappeared to announce his own election. Conse-\\nquently they rushed, without further inquiry, to his\\nmagnificent palace, and stripped it bare. After they\\nhad learned their mistake, they proceeded to atone for\\nit by plundering Sarzana also; but he was a scholar,\\nand had little to lose.\\nNinety-seven pilgrims, for instance, were thrown\\nat once by the pressure of the multitude from the\\nbridge of St, Angelo, and dcovvnedv", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0508.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "NICHOLAS V.\\n501\\nsome sense of shame, as is said, at the enor-\\nmous sums which would thus have been\\nraised, the proportion was finally reduced to\\none quarter. Of the proceeds, which were\\nstill considerable, half was consigned to the\\nKing of Poland, for the prosecution of the\\nholy war, a fourth to the Queen Sophia, for\\ncharitable uses, and a fourth for the repara-\\ntion of the Roman Churches. In this in-\\nstance we have the unusual consolation of\\nbelieving, that the money thus levied upon\\nsuperstition, and levied, too, chiefly upon the\\nsuperstition of the poor, was applied, for the\\nmost part, to the purposes professed. There\\nare shades in the colore of religious impos-\\nture; and the sin of deluding a credulous\\nrace would have been still blacker, had it\\nbeen followed by perfidy, or had its fruits\\nbeen expended in pampering the profligacy\\nof the Court of Rome.\\nThe Cardinal of Aries. In that year, also,\\ndied the Cardinal of Aries, the same who\\nhad succeeded Julian Cesarini as the Presi-\\ndent of the Council of Basle. But the history\\nof that eminent ecclesiastic did not terminate\\nat his death. On the interment of his body\\nat Aries, many extraordinary miracles were\\nperformed at his tomb and their fame spread\\nso widely, and with such assurance of truth,\\nthat the partisans of the rival Council of\\nFlorence were struck with confusion. This\\nPrelate had been excommunicated by Pope\\nEugenius, and stigmatized as the author of\\nschism, the child of perdition, the nursling\\nof iniquity he had been condemned by two\\nGeneral Councils for rebellion against the\\nChurch, and degraded and deprived of all\\nhis dignities. He had continued, notwith-\\nstanding, in the exercise of his episcopal\\nfunctions at Aries and so lasting was the\\nimpression of his sanctity founded on his\\ncharitable disposition, and other Christian\\nexcellences and so pressing was the impor-\\ntunity of his devotees, who had even antici-\\npated in their prayers the determination of\\nthe Vatican, that at length Pope Clement\\nVII. published {in 1527) the Bull of Beatifi-\\ncation and by that act exalted among the\\nholy mediators the denounced, anathematized\\nfoe of Pontifical corruption and despotism.\\nIf Nicholas V. had made some ineffectual\\nexertions to preserve the Eastern empire,\\nwhile there seemed yet some hope of its\\npreservation, he redoubled his efforts where\\ntbe shadow of a hope no longer existed.\\nThe fall of Constantinople, though long\\nforeseen, fell like an unexpected bolt upon\\nthe nations of the West and it was quickly\\nperceived that the capital of the ancient\\nEmpire, the throne of the Christian religion,\\nthe opulent palaces and cities of Italy, pre-\\nsented peculiar temptations to an ambitious,\\nunbelieving depredator. Accordingly nu-\\nmerous religious persons began to preach a\\nnew crusade and while ^neas Sylvius was\\nastonishing the Princes of Germany by his\\npolished eloquence, a simple Monk, a hermit\\nof St. Augustine, was exerting a more suc-\\ncessful influence over the republics of Italy.\\nHis name was Simonet he was destitute\\nof all acquirements but his natural address\\nwon the confidence of those who listened to\\nhim. He traversed the country, in repeated\\njourneys, with unwearied activity. At Ve-\\nnice, at Milan, at Florence, he reiterated his\\ncounsels and his arguinents. The orator\\nwas disinterested, and his object was the\\nconcord of liis hearers. It was by such\\nsimple machinery, that he prevailed in ef-\\nfecting an union among those powerful cities.\\nYet the practised statesmen of the day were\\nconfounded when they learned, that a hum-\\nble, undistinguished Monk, without rank,\\nwithout wealth, without any worldly support,\\nhad accomplished an enterprise which the\\nPope, and his Court of Cardinals, had at-\\ntempted in vain.\\nIn the midst of his chivalrous designs to\\nrecover Constantinople, and expel the con-\\nqueror from Europe, and at a moment when\\nthere seemed some prospect of a partial co-\\noperation for that purpose, Nicholas V. died.\\nHis complaint was gout and it is commonly\\nasserted, that its progress was hastened by\\nthe affliction with which he saw the triumphs\\nof the infidel. It is at least certain, that dur-\\ning the two or three last years of his life the\\nnatural suavity of his temper deserted him;\\nthat he became morose, and even cruel fear-\\nful of his enemies, and suspicious of his\\nfriends querulous, and discontented even\\nwith the Chan- of St. Peter. No man (he\\nonce said) ever crosses my threshold who tells\\nme a word of truth. I am confounded by\\nthe artifices of those who surround me and\\nif I was not restrained by the fear of scandal,\\nI would resign the Pontificate, and become\\nonce more Thomas of Sarzana. Under that\\nname I had more enjoyment in a single day,\\nthan any year can henceforth ever bring me.\\nNicholas, however amiable in his domestic\\nqualities, had been ever unable to recognise\\nVisum est id omnibus monstri simile humilera\\net incogiiitum monachum Italiam pacavisse. ^neae\\nSylv. Hist, de Europa, cap. 68, p. 460, edit, Basif.\\nSee Platina, Vit. Nic. V. ad finem.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0509.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "502\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nany political rights in the subjects of the state\\nand thus he had persecuted the patriots of\\nhis day with precipitate severity. In conse-\\nquence, it is made a natural question by the\\nauthor of The Italian Republics, whether\\nit was not remorse, rather than commisera-\\ntion, which imbittered and curtailed his de-\\nclining days.\\nCalixtus III. Alphonso Borgia, a native\\nef Spain, was chosen as his successor, and\\nassumed the name of Calixtus III. Scarce-\\nly was he established in his dignity, when\\nJEneas Sylvius presented hinjself at Rome,\\nthe bearer of the most flattering assurances\\non the part of the Emperor, both respecting\\nliis own military preparations, and the gen-\\neral eagerness for the Turkish war. In an\\nanimated address to the Pope and Cardinals,\\nthe orator depicted the dangers which impen-\\nded over Europe he then dilated upon the\\ngreat numercial superiority of the Christians\\nthat many Princes of Germany had taken\\nthe vow that the King of Arragon was in\\nreadiness that the Duke of Burgundy was\\nardent for the enterprise. Charles of France\\nwould not fail to emulate the zeal of his pre-\\ndecessors the ancient courage of the English\\nwould not now desert them the Castilians,\\nthe Portuguese, all nations, in short, awaited\\nonly the pontificial summons to arm for the\\ndefence of religion if his Holiness would\\nonly second the vows of the faithful, by un-\\nlocking the treasures of the Church, and\\nsending the laborers to the harvest. These\\nmagnificent declarations were, for the most\\npart, the spontaneous fruits of the orator s\\nenthusiasm\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that they had no result, is not to\\nbe entirely ascribed to the lukewarmness of\\nthe Pope. Yet it is remarkable that, among\\nthe various Princes announced as forming that\\nholy confederacy, the first who withdrew\\nfrom it, and that, too, in consequence of per-\\nsonal dissension with the Pontiff, was Al-\\nphonso of Arragon. Borgia had been the\\nsubject of that monarch more than that\\nhe had been engaged in his domestic service,\\nand owed his ecclesiastical advancement to\\nthe same patronage. On his elevation to the\\nChair, Alphonso sent ambassadors to inquire\\nof his Holiness, what terms were hereafter to\\nsubsist between them Calixtus peevishly re-\\nplied, Let him rule his kingdom, and leave\\nthe government of the Church, without any\\ninterference, to me. Some have considered\\nthe reply as too harsh, while others have dis-\\ncovered in the overture of Alphonso a want\\nof due veneration for the Vicegerent of\\nChrist. Probably, the monarch had not for^\\ngotten, and perhaps the Pontiff could not for-\\ngive, the relation which had formerly subsist-\\ned between them and their knowledge of\\neach other s character may have been too deep\\nand intimate to leave much room for rever-\\nence on either side.\\nThe System of JVepotism. Calixtus III.\\nreigned only three years, and died in August,\\n1458, at a very advanced age. His pontificate\\nwas signalized by no striking incident, nor\\nwere his acts in any respect remarkable,\\nunless, indeed, we should consider him as\\nhaving introduced into the government of the\\nChurch the system of Nepotism. For, though\\ninstances of that vice had occasionally occur-\\nred before, it was not till now that it became\\nthe practice of the Vatican. Calixtus ex-\\nhausted upon his worthless nephews the\\nriches of the Apostolical Treasury, and lim-\\nited his ambition to the aggrandizement of\\nhis own family. It was to this that the as-\\npirations of pontificial presumption sank at\\nlast I From that lofty spiritual arrogance,\\nwhich, in earlier ages, has extorted from us\\nsomething approaching to admiration, the\\ncharacter of papacy first descended to the\\ngrasping after temporal power its great ob-\\nject then became to enlarge the dominions of\\nthe See to secure the obedience of the city.\\nAvarice attended still its fruits were, for the\\nmost part, applied to ecclesiastical objects to\\nmaintain the interests of the Church, and\\nextend the authority of the Vicar of Christ.\\nIntrigues and wars flowed from the Vatican,\\nand deluged Europe with blood still they\\nwere designed to extend the power, to aug-\\nment the dignity, of jRome., It was for the\\ndeclining years of Papal despotism, that the\\nlast and lowest degi*adation was reserved it\\nwas not till the age of Calixtus HI. and Six-\\ntus IV. that the ambition of St. Peter s suc-\\ncessors degenerated into mere family passion,\\nand was confined to the narrowest circle of\\nselfishness.\\nPolicy of Mneas Sylvius. In the year pre-\\nceding his death, Calixtus was accused by the\\nGermans of having raised exorbitant contri-\\nbutions, under the pretext of a holy war, and\\nviolated the Concordat made with his pre-\\ndecessor. There was considerable ground\\nfor both these complaints. Nevertheless, it\\nwas on this occasion that ^neas Sylvius, for-\\nmerly the adversary of pontificial oppression,\\nmore recently the advocate of the Imperial\\nclaims, came forward in defence of the Pope,\\nand vigorously maintained his rights and jus-\\ntified his conduct. In some letters, composed\\nduring this dispute, he reproached the Ger-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0510.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "PIUS 11.\\n503\\nman Prelates for referring to any other au-\\nthority, rather than the Chief of the Church.*\\nHe asserted that their grievances, even had\\nthey been real, should have been left to the\\nremedial benevolence of the Holy See; he\\napplied himself to confute some arguments\\nagainst its authority, which w^ere derived\\nfrom the Councils of Constance and Basle\\nhe made mention of a sort of Pragmatic\\nSanction, established by certain Prelate-Prin-\\nces of Germany, with a view to degi-ade the\\nHoly See and he reproached the nation with\\nan unnatural ingratitude, in having resolved\\nto withold contributions from Rome, to pre-\\nvent appeals, to restore elections to the Ordi-\\nnaries, to refuse Annates, and so, in effect, to\\ndeprive the Sovereign Pontiff of the plenitude\\nof his power.\\nIt is important to liotice these particulars,\\nbecause they indicate the secret working of\\nthat spirit, which, in the next generation,\\nbroke forth with irresistible violence. Nor\\nis it without a feeling of sorrow, mingled\\nwith shame, that we observe the most en-\\nlightened ecclesiastic of his age casting off\\nthe wise and generous principles of earlier\\nlife, as his ambition was warmed by a nearer\\nprospect of gratification, and as his selfish in-\\nterests became more closely associated with\\necclesiastical corruption. ^neas Sylvius\\nPiccolomini was born at Corsigni, near Si-\\nenna, in 1405, and his first laurels were gath-\\nered at the Council of Basle he remained\\nfaithful to that Assembly, and promoted its\\nobjects, and advanced his o^vn reputation in\\nthe conduct of some important missions\\nwhich were confided to him. In the year\\n1442 he became secretary to the Emperor\\nFrederic; but throughout the pontificate of\\nNicholas V. he was engaged in the service of\\nthe Holy See, and zealously exerted himself,\\nas its Nuncio, in a cause which was always\\ndear to him, to confederate the Christian\\npowers against the Turkish aggressor.\\nHe was raised to the dignity of Cardinal\\n(of Sienna) by Calixtus III., and on the death\\nof that Pope he entered into Conclave with\\nhis brethren. The first scrutiny was indeci-\\nsive but it was followed by a very effective\\nHe went to the utmost extent of papal orthodoxy,\\nby asserting, that none who had disregarded the\\nauthority of the Roman Pontiff, could at any time\\nenter the kingdom of heaven, and that those, who had\\nspurned the commands of the Apostolical See, should\\nnot now have any occasion for exultation. Hos enim\\nCatholica Veritas, nisi resipuerint ante obitum, ignis\\nasterni mancipio sine intermissione deputat. JEa.\\nSylv. Epist. lib. i. Ep. 369, c\\nintrigue, which seemed likely to terminate in\\nthe election of the Archbishop of Rouen, an\\nambitious and unprincipled Frenchman. Pic-\\ncolomini exerted all his eloquence and in-\\nfluence against that choice he addressed\\nseveral of the Cardinals separately; he appeal-\\ned to their consciences, to their interest, to\\ntheir vanity he exaggerated the vices of the\\nArchbishop he addressed the national jeal-\\nousy of his compatriots he threatened them\\nwith a second secession to Avignon, and\\npainted the approaching shame and desola-\\ntion of Italy. The College proceeded a\\nsecond time to the scrutiny. The golden\\nchalice was placed upon the altar, and the\\nCardinals of Rouen, of Rimini, and Colonna\\nremained near it. The others took their ap-\\npointed seats, and, rising in succession, ac-\\ncording to seniority, they placed in the chalice\\nthe paper which expressed their suffrage.\\nWhen Sylvius went up in his turn, the Cai-\\ndinal of Rouen, who knew how bitter an\\nenemy he was, hastily said to him, Remem-\\nber me on this occasion. What, replied\\nPiccolomini, do you address me, who am\\nbut a vile worm of earth He resumed his\\nplace and when the scrutiny was finished,\\nand the papers examined, it appeared that\\nthe Cardinal of Sienna had nine votes, and\\nthat of Rouen six only.\\nHis Election to the Poniijicate, Three still\\nwere wanting to the former to make good his\\nelection and the Cardinals tlien proceeded\\nto the accessit. For some time they sat in\\nprofound silence. One of them at length\\narose, and gave his voice to Piccolomini; it\\nwas a thunderbolt for the Cardinal of Rouen.\\nThere was a second interval of silence, and\\nduring it those individuals who had any\\nhopes for themselves, having penetrated the\\nsecret, that Piccolomini was on the point of\\nbeing elected, left their places on various pre-\\ntexts. Presently another Cardinal gave his\\nvote to Sylvius and only one more being\\nnow required, Prosper Colonna rose and\\nthough the Cardinals of Rouen and Nice en-\\ndeavored to prevent his design by a charge\\nof perfidy, he gave his decisive suffrage to\\nPiccolomini. The latter was then saluted\\nPope by the whole College and afl;er reply-\\ning, with great modesty, to the excuses and\\ncongratulations of the opposite party, ten-\\ndered by Bessarion of Nice, he assumed the\\nname of Pius IT., and went through the cus-\\ntomary solemnities.\\nCouncil of Mantua. The object to which\\nthe exertions of ^Eneas Sylvius had been\\nfaithfully directed in all his subordinate ofRces,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0511.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "604\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nequally distinguished his pontificate and the\\ngradual progress of the Turks, by increasing\\nhis apprehensions, fortified his zeal. Ac-\\ncordingly he allowed not a moment to elapse\\nbefore he convoked a Council for the promo-\\ntion of a general crusade. Mantua was the\\nplace selected for that purpose his call was\\nobeyed by the gi*eater number of the Italian\\nPrinces and, finally, though with more re-\\nluctance, by representatives from most of the\\nEuropean States. Many deputies from the\\nEast were also present from Rhodes, from\\nCyprus, from Lesbos, from the Peloponnesus,\\nEpirus, and lUyria to express their suffer-\\nings or their fears, and pour out their suppli-\\ncations. Pius II. proceeded with extraor-\\ndinary pomp to the opening of the Council.\\nIn various cities through which he passed\\nhe was received with the same ostentatious\\nhomage which is paid to a temporal Prince\\nand the religious motive which may have\\nanimated the Pontiff was forgotten in the less\\nquestionable policy of his design.\\nPius II. opened the Council of Mantua on\\nthe 1st of June, 1459, just six years after the\\nfall of Constantinople. His first discourse\\nwas employed in rebuking the indifirerence\\nof the Christian Princes in contrasting the\\ndevotion of the Turks for their execrable sect\\nwith the apathy of the children of the Gos-\\npel; and in expressing his own resolution\\nnever to abandon his project, but to sacrifice\\nhis life, if necessary, for the people intrusted\\nto him by God. His earnestness, his activity,\\nhis brilliant and commanding eloquence, pro-\\nduced an immediate, though it proved but a\\ntemporary, effect. The Council continued\\nits sessions till the end of the January follow-\\ning as its deliberations proceeded, it increas-\\ned in numbers and dignity and it grew\\nwarmer in the cause, as it was more influenc-\\ned by the ardor and genius of the Pontiff.\\nThe methods by which he proposed to effec-\\ntuate his design contained nothing that was\\nimpracticable much that was reasonable\\nand generous. An army of 50,000 or 60,000\\nconfederates was to be immediately collected\\nfor the defence of Hungary and the adjacent\\nprovinces; the men were to be raised in\\nGermany, Bohemia, Poland, and Hungary.\\nThe pecuniary means were to be furnished\\nchiefly by Italy the clergy were to contri-\\nbute a tenth of all their property, the Jews a\\ntwentieth, and the laity a thirtieth part. The\\nPope professed his readiness to conduct the\\nwar in person, and to consecrate to that pur-\\npose all that belonged to him.\\nThe Council was then dissolved and\\nwhatsoever may have been the sincerity of\\nits members, while they were awed by the\\npresence of the Pontiff, and animated by his\\neloquence, the engagements they contracted\\nwere, for the most part, violated. The intes-\\ntine dissensions of the Christian Powers were\\ntoo deeply seated to permit any cordial or\\ngeneral co-operation and so far was Pius II.\\nfrom succeeding in his attempt to heal them,\\nthat he did not himself long escape their\\ncontagion, but presently became entangled in\\nthe malignant politics of Europe.\\nEmbassy from the East. In the same year\\n(1460) a solemn embassy from the Princes\\nof the East arrived at Rome the respect,\\nwhich could not be claimed for their power,\\nwas offered to their titles and pretentions,\\nand to the object of their mission. The En-\\nvoys professed to represent David, Emperor\\nof Trebizond, George, King of Persia, the\\nSovereigns of the Two Armenias, and many\\nothers. They advanced a profusion of hopes\\nand promises the Turks were to be assailed\\nfrom the East by a powerful army, through\\nthe Hellespont, Thrace, and the Bosphorus\\namong their allies they numbered Bendis,\\nKing of Mingrelia and Arabia, Pancratius,\\nKing of the Georgians, Moiiic, Marquis of\\nGoria, Ismael, Lord of Sinope, and some\\nothers it was the object of their mission to\\ninform his Holiness of these preparations,\\nand to render homage to the Vicar of God\\nupon earth. Pius II. applauded their zeal,\\nand accepted their homage but assuring\\nthem that little could be done on his part, un-\\nless in conjunction with the Courts of France\\nand Burgundy, he sent them forth to tell their\\npompous tale beyond the Alps. It may seem\\nneedless to add, that this deputation had no\\nresult.\\nThe year following, Thomas Palaeologus\\npresented himself at Rome, and he was re-\\nceived with a munificence which did honor to\\nThe Venetians and Genoese were not included in\\nthis engagement. The greatest difficulties were raised\\nby the former, partly owing to their commercial and\\nother intercourse with the Infidel, and partly, perhaps,\\nbecause they had been accustomed to profit by crusades,\\nnot to contribute to them. Again, though the Duke\\nof Burgundy had given some reluctant promises of aid,\\nneither the French, Castilians, nor Portuguese had\\noffered any hopes. As to England (said the Pope),\\nwe have nothing to expect from that kingdom, on\\naccount of the troubles which divide it nor from\\nScotland, hidden in the depths of the ocean. Den-\\nmark, and Sweden, and Norway, are too distant to\\nsend us soldiers, and, content with their fish, they\\nI could not send us money, if they would.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0512.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "PIUS II.\\n505\\nthe pontifical Court. The Imperial Exile had\\npassed from Corfu to Ancoua, and brought\\nto that city the relics of the Apostle St. An-\\ndrew. He bestowed the sacred treasure upon\\nthe Pope and accordingly commissioners\\nwere appointed, who conducted it with great\\nsolemnity to Rome. It was deposited in St.\\nPeter s with eveiy mark of veneration and\\nthough the reader is already famihar with\\nsuch absurdities though he has had frequent\\noccasion to deplore the deference to popu-\\nlar superstition wdiich has been paid by veiy\\nintelligent, and even very pious, ecclesiastics,\\nwe may still record another humiliating act,\\nwhich it was the fate of Pins II. to perform.\\nCatharine of Sienna had died above eighty\\nyears before in perfect odor of sanctity con-\\ntinual miracles, certified by sufficient tes-\\ntimony, had been perfoi-med at her tomb;\\npeople were anxiously expecting her canon-\\nization.* A Duke of Austria and a King of\\nHungary had successively solicited the Pon-\\ntiflf of the day to do that justice to her ex-\\ntraordinary qualities but the ceremony had\\nbeen deferred through the confusion of the\\nChurch and the disorders of the Holy See.\\nIt was reserved to the genius of yEneas Syl-\\nvius at length to perform that office and one\\nof the most extravagant enthusiasts, that ever\\ndishonored the profession of Christianity, f\\nwas enthroned among the Saints of the\\nChurch by one of the most enlightened Pre-\\nlates who has in any age adorned it.\\nFrom being the zealous advocate of the\\nCouncil of Basle, we have observed ^Eneas\\nSylvius defending the usurpations and exalt-\\ning the majesty of the Roman See. It was\\nthus that he became qualified to occupy it\\nand the enjoyment of its povs^ and preroga-\\ntives was not calculated to revive his ardor\\nfor its reformation. To have imposed limits\\non an authority exercised by himself had\\nbeen a rare and difficult effort of magnanim-\\nity and so far was Pius II. from harboring\\nthe design, that he seized an early occasion\\nto discourage those liberal principles of\\nThe first recorded Act of Canonization was per-\\nformed in 993, by John XV., in behalf of Udalrig,\\nBishop of Augsburg. The right in the first instance\\nwas not exclusively vested in the Pope: councils, and\\neven prelates of high rank, were qualified to perform\\nit; till Alexander III. placed this among the more\\nimportant acts of authority (Causte Maj(jres) to be\\nexecuted only by the Pope. See Mosh. Cent, x., p.\\nii. ch. iii.\\nt The exploits of this fanatic fill twenty-four folio\\npages in the works of St. Antoninus. Archbishop of\\nFlorence, (Chronicorum, Tertia Pars, p. 692, et\\nseq.)\\n64\\nChurch government, which were entertained\\nby many ecclesiastics, and which had so late-\\nly been propagated by himself During the\\nCouncil of Mantua, shortly before its disso-\\nlution, and at a moment when his influence\\nover its members was probably the greatest,\\nhe published a celebrated Bull against all\\nappeals from the Holy See to general Coun-\\ncils. An execrable abuse, unheard of in an-\\ncient times,* has gained footing in our days,\\nauthorized by some, who, acting under a spi-\\nrit of rebellion rather than sound judgment,\\npresume to appeal from the pontiff of Rome,\\nVicar of Jesus Christ, to whom, in the per\\nson of St. Peter, it has been said, Feed my\\nsheep; and again, Whatsoever thou shall\\nbind on earth shall be bound in heaven to\\nappeal, I say, from his judgments to a future\\nCouncil a practice which every man in-\\nstructed in law must regard as conti-ary to\\nthe holy canons, and prejudicial to the Chris-\\ntian republic. The Pope then proceeded\\nto paint in vague and glowing expressions\\nthe frightful evils occasioned by such appeals\\nand finally pronounced to be ipso facto ex-\\ncommunicated all individuals who might\\nhereafter resort to them, whether their dig-\\nnity were imperial, royal, or pontifical, as well\\nas all Universities and Colleges, and all others\\nwho should promote and counsel them.\\nRecantation of Pius II. This Edict, pub-\\nlished in January, 1460, was no unworthy\\nprelude to the most remarkable act of the\\npontificate of Pius his public retractation of\\nhis early opinions. Not contented to leave\\nothers to contrast his actual conduct with his\\nformer principles, and both were too notori-\\nous to escape such contrast, he boldly stepped\\nforward as his own judge, and published the\\nmost unequivocal condemnation of himself.\\nBefore his departure for Ancona, in the year\\n1463, he addressed to the university of Co-\\nlogne a bull to the following effects That\\nbeing liable to human imperfection, he had\\nsaid, or written, much which might unques-\\ntionably be censured but that, as he had sin-\\nned, like Paul, and persecuted the Church of\\nGod through want of sufficient knowledge,\\nso he now imitated the blessed Augustine,\\nwho, having fallen into some erroneous ex-\\npressions, retracted them that he ingenu-\\nously acknowledged his former ignorance,\\nlest what he had written while young should\\nlead to some error prejudicial to the Holy\\nSee; for if there were any one whom it\\nJExecrabilis et pristinis temporibus inauditus\\nare tlie opening words, which give the title to the\\ndecree.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0513.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "506\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\npeculiarly became to defend and maintain the\\neminence and glory of the first Throne of\\nthe Church, it was assuredly that individual,\\nwhom God, in his mercy and goodness, had\\nraised to the dignity of the vicar of Jesus\\nChrist. That, for these reasons, no confi-\\ndence was due to those of his writings, which\\noffended, in any manner, the authority of\\nthe Apostolical See, and established opinions\\nwhich it did not acknowledge. Wherefore\\n(he added) if you find anything contrary to\\nits doctrine, either in my dialogues, or my\\nletters, or any other of my writings, despise\\nthose opinions, reject them, and follow that\\nwhich I now proclaim to you. Believe me\\nnow that 1 am old, rather than then, when I\\nspoke as a youth pay more regard to the\\nSovereign Pontiff than to the individual;\\nreject ^neas receive Pius. The former\\nname was imposed by my parents a Gentile\\nname, and in my infancy the other I as-\\nsumed as a Christian in my Apostolate. In\\nconclusion, the Pope, anticipating the natural\\nsuspicion of ambitious motives as the occa-\\nsion of his change, took some pains to remove\\nthat notion, by recounting the circumstances\\nof his introduction to the council, and recur-\\nring to the seductions which misled his ten-\\nder inexperience. If that change, of which\\nthe first indication was so nearly coincident\\nwith his personal advancement, had been a\\nchange to a wiser, from a rash and inconsi-\\nderate opinion had the adopted principles\\nof the convert been calculated to advance the\\npermanent interests of his See, better than\\nthose which he rejected, the historian might\\nhave listened with some attention to his as-\\nsurances of sincerity. But v/hen we have\\nthe soundest reasons to convince us, that the\\ncounsels of his youth were sage, and provi-\\ndent, and generous, those of his riper years\\nnarrow, and at the same time selfish, there is\\nscarcely space to doubt what the motives\\nreally were, which determined his apostasy.\\nHis exertions against the Turks. In the\\nmeantime the Turkish arms were making\\nprogress in all quarters, and the tide of war\\nwas rapidly descending to the Adriatic. Italy\\nlay next in its course; and her contentious\\nchildren seemed, for the moment, dispose ^l\\nto suspend their intestine animosities. The\\nPope renewed his exertions. Life itself\\n(thus he spoke in consistory) must be laid\\ndown for the safety of the flock intrusted to\\nus. The Turks are wasting the provinces\\niEneam rejicite, Plum recipite illud Gentile\\nnomen parentes indidere nascenli; hoc Christianum\\nin Apostolatu suscepi-\\nof Christendom in succession. What expe-\\ndients remain to us? To oppose arms to\\ntheir invasions We have no means to pro-\\nvide them. What then? Shall we exhort\\nthe princes to confront and expel them.^\\nThis has already been attempted in vain it\\nis in vain that we tell them to go Perchance\\nthey would listen better, if we should say to\\nthem Come! This, then, shall be our next\\nexperiment: we will march in person against\\nthe Turks, and invite the Christian monarchs\\nto follow us; not by words only, but by\\nexample also. It may be, when they shall\\nbehold their master and father the Roman\\nPontiff, the Vicar of Christ Jesus an infirm\\nold man, advancing to the war, they will take\\nup arms through .shame, and valiantly defend\\nour holy religion. Not that we propose\\nto draw the sword a task incompatible with\\nour bodily feebleness and sacerdotal charac-\\nter, but after the example of the Holy Fath-\\ner Moses, who prayed on the mountain, while\\nIsrael was fighting with the Amalekites, we\\nshall stand on some lofty galley or mountain s\\nbrow, and holding before our eyes the Divine\\nEucharist, which is our Lord Jesus Christ,\\nwe shall implore Him to grant safety and\\nvictory to our contending armies.\\nDeath of Pius 11. These were not vain\\nexpressions; a numerous force was already\\nassembled at Ancona, and the Venetians had\\nat length engaged to furnish maritime suc-\\ncors. The Pontiff departed to assume, in\\nperson, the conduct of the expedition. He\\nwas preceded by the Cardinal of St. Angelo\\nan old and venerable prelate, remarkable\\nfor his zeal against the Infidel he followed\\nat slow journeys, borne in a litter, and debil-\\nitated by sicb0[gss and on his arrival at the\\ncamp, he was received by a multitude im-\\nperfectly armed, without resources, without\\ndiscipline, and, for the most part, without\\nenthusiasm. Such were the champions of\\nthe Cross; such the human instruments,\\nto which the care of Christendom seemed at\\nthat moment to be confided Many of them\\nPius immediately dismissed with his pontifi-\\ncal benediction, and a profusion of indulgen-\\nces, which they no longer affected to value.\\nThose who remained he still proposed to\\nlead against the enemy, and only awaited\\nthe arrival of the Venetian galleys. They\\narrived but scarcely were their white sails\\nvisible from the towers of Ancona, when the\\nPope expired. On this event the whole\\nexpedition immediately dispersed; and it\\nseemed as if so many spectators had assem^-\\nRaynaldus, ann. 1463, sect. 25.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0514.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "PAUL II.\\n507\\nbled, from such various and distant regions,\\nfor no other purpose than to witness the death\\nof their chief, and swell his funeral proces-\\nsion.\\nThe treasure which was found in his chest\\nwas sent, by his express command, to Cor-\\nvinus, king of Hungary but it bore no pro-\\nportion to the sums which had been placed\\nat his disposal for crusading purposes; and\\nthere was reason to believe that much had\\nbeen diverted by the pontiff for the establish-\\nment of Ferdinand on the throne of Naples.\\nAnd thus Pope Pius II., who was fortunate\\nin many circumstances of his life, may not\\nhave been least happy in the moment of his\\ndeparture at least, it is manifest tliat he had\\nengaged with very slender resources, and\\nlittle promise of support, in a dangerous en-\\nterprise, which could scarcely have terminat-\\ned otherwise than in defeat and dishonor.\\nNevertheless, Pius II. was the most accom-\\nplished, the most liberal, perhaps the most\\nenlightened, individual of his time. Like\\nNicholas V., he obtained his ecclesiastical\\nadvancement by his literary powers, by the\\nacquisition of learning, and the useful appli-\\ncation of it. Like Cardinal Julian, he was\\nintrusted with the conduct of difficult nego-\\ntiations; he influenced the councils of courts;\\nhe swayed the deliberations of ecclesiastical\\nassemblies. Like both those eminent church-\\nmen, he displayed unremitting zeal for the\\ndefence of Christendom against the Turkish\\naggression. And herein he imitated the\\nmerit of the former, that it was his strenuous\\nexertion in this cause, which gave the color\\nand character to his pontificate and in one\\nrespect he accomplished, in some manner,\\nthe destiny of the latter, that he died in the\\nheart of a Christian camp; prepared to move,\\nunder his own personal direction, in a hope-\\nless enterprise, against the armies of the In-\\nfidel.\\nConditions imposed in Conclave. It Avas\\nnow so common for the cardinals, while in\\nconclave, to bind themselves to the observ-\\nance of certain stipulations, in case of election\\nto the pontificate, and so invariable for the\\ncardinal elected to violate his engagement,\\nthat we have ceased to notice acts of habitual\\nit might almost seem authorized perjury.\\nBut the articles which were injposed by the\\ncollege, on the death of Pius IL, were such\\nas to require attention, from their own im-\\nportance. The following were, in substance,\\nthe principal: That the pope shall con-\\ntinue the war with the Turks, re-establish\\nthe ancient discipline of the Roman Court,\\nand assemble a Council General within three\\nyears. That he shall not augment the num-\\nber of cardinals to more than twenty-four,\\nnor create any one who is less than thirty\\nyears of age, or deficient in the knowledge\\nof civil and canon law and of the Holy Scrip-\\ntures nor more than one from among his\\nown relatives. That he shall condemn no\\ncardinal, except according to the legal and\\ncanonical forms that he shall enter into no\\nwar, nor sign any treaty without the consent\\nof the college that he shall leave to the sub-\\njects of the Roman court entire hberty to\\nmake then- wills; that he shall establish no\\nnew imposts, nor increase those existing;\\nthat he shall take the votes of the cardinals\\naloud, and not in a whisper, so that the result\\nof their deliberations may be faithfully ex-\\npressed; and lastly, that the cardinals shall\\nassemble twice a year, apart from the Pope,\\nto examine whether these conditions have\\nbeen observed.\\nPaul 1 1. From these stipulations we per-\\nceive, that it was no light or lenient yoke to\\nwhich the courtiers of Rome, with all their\\noutward show and pomp of licentiousness\\nwere, in fact, subjected and if they had\\nindeed acquired the efficacy of laws, the\\nconstitution of the Vatican would have un-\\ndergone an entire change, from a slightly\\nlimited despotism, it would have assumed\\nmuch more of the oligarchical character. It\\nmay be questioned, whether the Catholic\\nChurch would haA-e gained any advantage\\nby that alteration whether the dominion of\\nthe Sacred College would not have been at\\nleast as oppressive, as despotic, as fruitful in\\nabuses, as hostile to reformation, as that of\\nthe Pope, But the experiment was not\\nmade the oath was indeed administered with\\ngreat solemnity, and accepted by all. One\\namong those who had taken it (the cardinal\\nof St. Marc) was immediately raised to the\\npontificate and his first official act was to\\nconfirm his obligation. But Paul II. (he\\nassumed that name), alike imperious and\\nvain, pompous and frivolous, was not so con-\\nstituted, as to sacrifice any interest to the\\nsanctity of any engagement. He presently\\nexpressed his contempt for the laws imposed\\nby the conclave he enacted others on his\\nown authority he demanded the approbation\\nof the cardinals, and after a very feeble resist-\\nance, partly by menaces, partly by promises,\\npartly by granting them some childish indul-\\ngences,^ he obtained it. He then proceeded\\nHe permitted them to wear mitres of silk, such\\nas had hitherto been confined to the pontiffs alone", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0515.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "608\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nto administer the Church, according to the\\nestabHshed maxims of government.*\\nHis abominable policy. Paul II. was a na-\\ntive of Venice, and his election vs^as, in some\\nmeasure, occasioned by that circumstance\\nfor it was manifest, that no Italian confed-\\neration could act with any vigor against the\\nTurkish power, unless Venice should place\\nherself at its head and it was hoped that her\\nco-operation would be effectually secured by\\nthe choice of a Venetian pontiff. Italy was\\nnow at peace the impulse towards the East\\nhad been given by Pius II., and all circum-\\nstances seemed favorable to the enterprise.\\nMuch unquestionably depended, at that mo-\\nment, on the character and policy of the Pope.\\nNow the measures taken by Paul II., during\\nhis whole pontificate, were precisely those\\nwhich a council of Mahometans assembled at\\nConstantinople would have dictated. He be-\\ngan his reign by a nefarious attempt to em-\\nbroil the states of Italy in civil confusion.\\nHe failed and then he engaged in a differ-\\nent project, which has made him more hate-\\nful, because it was, for the moment, more\\nsuccessful. Corvinus, the son of Huniades,\\nwas defending the frontiers of Christendom\\nwith courage and honor. He had gained\\nseveral advantages over the enemy, which he\\nmight with efficient succors have converted\\ninto substantial triumphs. Let us mark the i\\npolicy of Paul II. Thirsting, as it would\\n.-seem, for Christian blood, that Pope proposed\\nrto divert the war from the Turks, and turn it\\nagainst the Hussites. He professed a Cath-\\nolic ardor to punish the priests who fostered\\nthose errors, to reduce the rebels to obedience\\nto the Apostolical See, and to extirpate every\\nheresy. Accordingly, he offered to Corvinus\\nthe crown of Bohemia on those terms, and\\nthe boon was accepted. For the space of\\nseven infamous years, those arms, which\\nhe forbade their use to all other prelates. He like-\\nwise allowed them to adorn their horses and mules\\nwith trappings of a scarlet color.\\nOne of his first acts was, to dismiss from their\\noffices all tlie abbr aviators appointed by his pre-\\ndecessor. The biographer Platina was one of them.\\nAnd when he remonstrated with the pontiff, and\\nthreatened to bring the case before the judges of the\\nRota, Paul regarded him fiercely, and said, Nos\\nad judices revocasl Ac si nescires omnia jura in\\nscrinio pectoris nostri collocata esse Sic stat\\nsententia. Loco cedant omnes eant quo volunt\\nnihil eos moror; pontifex sum mihique licet arbitrio\\nanirai aliorum acta et rescindere et approbare.\\nPlatina, notwithstanding, was contumacious, and the\\nPope placed him, for some months, in rigorous con-\\nfiaement. See his Life of Paul H.\\nmight have chastised the foreign aggressor,\\nwere fiercely directed against tlie kings of\\nBohemia and it is no alleviation of the pon-\\ntifTs guilt, that those reiterated efforts were\\nfinally defeated. While he pursued the prin-\\nciples of Innocent III., his conduct was even\\nless pardonable, because he pursued them\\nunder circumstances of greater danger to\\nChristendom, and in an age in which the\\nincrease of knowledge left less excuse for\\ncrime.\\nIf it was the object of this pontiff to make\\nhis internal government as detestable as his\\nexternal policy, he took an effectual measure\\nto accomplish it. We have observed with\\nwhat ardor the taste for polite learning was\\ncultivated in Italy at this time, and what great\\nencouragement it had received from two re-\\ncent pontiffs. In furtherance of those objects\\na literary society was formed at Rome during\\nthe reign of Paul II. But Paul affected to\\ndiscover in that institution a dangerous con-\\nspiracy against the safety of the Pope and\\nthe peace of the Church. The stupid jeal-\\nousy, which suggested that suspicion, was\\nsupported by the cruelty usually inherent in\\nnarrow and passionate minds; and, as if the\\nblood of the Bohemians flowed in too scanty\\nprofusion, the Pope commenced the work of\\ninquisition at Rome. Several innocent indi-\\nviduals, of great literary and moral reputa-\\ntion, suffered on the rack one in particular,\\nAgostino Campino, died under the torture.\\nPaul persevered in his persecution, but he\\ndid not succeed in eliciting any confession,\\nor discovering any shadow of heresy or con-\\nspiracy, in excuse for so much barbarity nor\\ndid it produce any other result, than to create\\none additional motive for execrating his name.\\nHe died in 1 471, in possession of treasures\\nwhich he had hoarded through the mere love\\nof gold and in the very year preceding his\\ndeath, he increased an ecclesiastical abuse (in\\nthe belief, no doubt, that he should personally\\nreap the fruits of his change,f by reducing\\nonce more the intervals between the cele-\\nbrations of the Jubilee, from thirty-three to\\ntwenty- five years.\\nSixtus IF. SixtusIV. (a Franciscan Monk)\\ncommenced an unusually long pontificate, of\\nA long account of this affair is given by Platina\\n(himself a sufferer) in his Life of Paul IL That\\nPope s hatred for learning was so great, that he held\\nthe terms studious and heretical to be synonymous,\\nand carefully impressed upon his subjects the advan-\\ntages of ignorance. The historian died in the year\\n1481.\\nt Thus the year 1475 became a year of jubilee.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0516.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "SIXTUS IV.\\n509\\nthirteen years, by professing the policy and\\naffecting the designs of Pius II. He called\\nfor the enforcement of the decrees of Man-\\ntua; he promised indulgences to all who\\nshould march against the Turk in person, or\\nfind efficient substitutes, or contribute to the\\nexpense of the expedition he sent letters and\\nlegates to all the Courts of Europe. All dis-\\nregarded his solicitations, some through apa-\\nthy, others, perhaps, through suspiciousness\\nothers through the nearer occupation of\\ncivil dissension. The Pope was easily di-\\nverted from an object on which he may have\\nnever been sincerely bent. His boiling zeal\\npresently evaporated his clamors were si-\\nlenced by the first repulse and he appeared\\nto resign his daring projects, and subside into\\nthe ordinary channel of papal misgovern-\\nment, without a sigh or a struggle.\\nHis dispute with Florence. In the year\\n1478, during some disturbances between the\\nMedici and the Pazzi at Florence, the Arch-\\nbishop of Pisa suffered an ignominious death\\nat the hands of the former. There is little\\ndoubt, that he had promoted a sanguinaiy\\ntumult nevertheless, this was an outrage\\nupon the prerogative of the hierarchy, which,\\nin an earlier age, would have been visited with\\nsignal vengeance, and which even Sixtus IV.\\nwas not prepared to overlook. He placed\\nthe offending city under an interdict, excom-\\nmunicated Lorenzo de Medici,* and pub-\\nlished a declaration of war. The Florentines,\\neven the ecclesiastics, defended the cause of\\ntheir compatriot; they treated with scorn the\\npontifical menaces; they continued to cele-\\nbrate the divine offices in defiance of the in-\\nterdict they assembled a Synod of the Bish-\\nops of Tuscany, in order to appeal with\\ngreater solemnity to a general Council. At\\nthe same time they retorted all the blame of\\nthe original offence upon the Pope himself,\\nand called upon France and Milan to aid\\nthem against his oppression.\\nSoon aflerwards Louis XL held an As-\\nsembly at Orleans, principally for the puq: ose\\nof restoring the Pragmatic Sanction, which\\nhe had previously and hastily annulled. But\\nan embassy, subsequently sent to Rome, was\\nlikewise charged to exhort the Pontiff to\\nmake peace with Florence, and to assemble,\\nwithout any delay, a General Council. These\\nsolicitations were seconded by certain mena-\\nces, to which Louis could have given efficacy,\\nhad he so chosen. But he had either no se-\\nrious intention of enforcing his d emands, or\\nThe Bull is given at length by Roscoe, Life of\\nLorenzo de Medici. Appendix, No. XXVL\\nhe allowed it to melt away before the tempo-\\nrizing policy of the Vatican.* In the mean\\ntime the Pope persevered in measures of jios-\\ntility, and the blood of the Archbishop cried\\nso loudly for vengeance, that all external dan-\\ngers were forgotten, and the hosts of Mahomet\\nII. approached unheard to the gates of Italy.\\nThe same Pontiff who had so lately preached\\nthe blessings of union to the Christian Courts,\\neven while the danger was more remote, per-\\nsisted in hostility against a Christian State,\\nwhen it was already impending over his head.\\nAt length he relented but it was not till the\\ncity of Otranto had been stormed by the In-\\nfidel that the conditions of peace were dictat-\\ned,! \u00c2\u00ab^^d the Florentine ambassadors admitted\\nto receive their absolutions at the entrance\\nof St. Peter s and even then they appear to\\nhave been subjected to more than the cus-\\ntomary circumstances of humiliation. The\\nj Pope was presently relieved from immediate\\nI apprehension by the death of Mahomet, and\\nI he then had leisure to return to what had\\nI been, indeed, the favorite object of his ponti-\\nI ficate, the aggrandizement of his nephews.\\nFlis JWpotism. The nepotism of no former\\nI Pontiff had been indulged with so scandalous\\na sacrifice of the interests of the Church as\\nthat of Sixtus IV. One of his nephews,\\nLeonardo della Rovera, he married to a nat-\\nural daughter of Ferdinand of Naples and\\non this occasion he a])andoned to that mon-\\narch some estates and fiefs, which his prede-\\ncessors had spared no toil to acquire and re-\\ntain. Another, named Julian, the same wha\\nwas afterwards Julius II., was enriched with\\nseveral ecclesiastical benefices. For a third,\\nnamed Jerome Riario, the principality of\\nImola was purchased from the resources of\\nthe Apostolical Treasury. But it was on\\nPietro Riario, the youngest, that the profusion\\nof his fondness was principally lavished.\\nWithout talents, without virtues, from a sim-\\nThe advice tendered to the Pope on this occasiou\\nby the Cardinal of Pavia, the most accomplished\\npolitician in his Court, affords an excellent illustra-\\ntion of the great principle of ecclesiastical statesman-\\nship not to remove the grounds of complaint; but\\nto gain time, to preserve the abuse, to defer the hour\\nof danger, rather than avert it altogether by timely\\nconcession.\\nt This scene is described at length by Machiavel,\\nStor. Fiorent., lib. viii. The particulars of the dis-\\npute are detailed by Paul Jovius, in his First Book\\nof his Life of Leo X. This connexion of Pope Sixtus\\nwith the history of Florence has procured for him a\\npeculiar, and not very enviable, celebrity. Di grossi\\nconti (says Muratori, Annal. v. 9) avra avuto questo\\nI Pontefice net tribunale di Dio,", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0517.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "510\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\npie Franciscan Monk, Pietro was immediate-\\nly elevated to the dignity of Cardinal. He\\nwas made titular Patriarch of Constantino-\\nple he was raised to the Archiepiscopal See\\nof Florence he received, besides, two other\\nArchbishoprics, and a multitude of inferior\\nbenefices. In the meantime his splendid\\nprodigality, the pride of his attendants, his\\nequipage, and his sumptuousness, kept pace\\nwith the abundance of his resources, and he\\nexpended on the pomp of a single ceremony,\\nor the festivities of a single night, sums which\\nexceeded the revenues of kings.\\nThe Minimes. The same Pope, as if to\\natone for the laxity of one extreme of the\\necclesiastical establishment by the austerity\\nof the other, gave his confirmation to a new\\nreligious body, called the Minimes the least\\namong the servants of Christ. They were\\nfounded by one Francisco of Paula; and to\\nthe usual monastic obligations they added a\\nfourth vow, of perpetual fast and abstinence\\nfrom all nourishment, except herbs and roots.\\nThe popular appetite for such extravagance\\nwas not yet wholly satiated and though the\\nMinimes never acquired the celebrity which\\nwould certainly have attended them in the\\nthirteenth age, there were still not wanting\\ndevotees to swell their numbers, and recom-\\npense their vain enthusiasm by reverence and\\nby gold.\\nWhen we shall come to examine the spir-\\nitual condition of the Roman Catholic Church\\nduring this period, and the character of the\\npapal edicts which were more particularly\\ndirected to that object, we shall find that no\\none descended more deeply into superstition\\nthan Sixtus IV. At present we shall only\\nmention the singular venality introduced in-\\nto his government by the creation of certain\\nnew offices, which he publicly sold, and\\nwhich he created for the purpose of selling.\\nThis was a new scandal in the history of the\\nVatican and when the same Pontiff raised\\nto the dignity of Cardinal a youth, named\\nJacopo di Parma, his own valet, he may seem\\nto have offered the last insult to his Court and\\nhis Church. The deeper outrage, which was\\nnow continually cast upon the religion of\\nChrist, has almost ceased to be matter of\\nmention with us, because the name of Chirst\\nwas now seldom appealed to, unless in sup-\\nport of some monstrous ecclesiastical preten-\\nsion and the rulers of the Apostolical Church\\nhad for some time learned to dispense, both\\nin their morals and their administi-ation, even\\nwith the semblance of holiness, even with a\\ndecorous affectation of religious motives.\\nCharacter of Sixtus. Sixtus IV. was not\\ndeficient, as a political character, in quickness\\nand sagacity, and even grandeur of concep-\\ntion. But his character (as Sismondi has well\\nobserved) corrupted his talents, and stained\\nhis noblest projects with falsehood and perfi-\\ndy. As he could discern no distinction be-\\ntween virtue and crime, he employed the\\nbasest means to attain the best ends, and dis-\\nhonored his own designs by the instruments\\nwith which he chose to accomplish them.\\nHis private life has not escaped the suspicion\\nof the foulest enormities it cannot, at least,\\npretend to the praise of piety or innocence.\\nHis learning, the exertions which he made,\\nand the funds which he appropriated to en-\\nrich the Library of the Vatican from every\\nquarter his architectural labors, and the noble\\nbuildings with which he adorned his capital\\nthese are the only monuments by which he is\\nhonorably known to posterity. His capacity\\nwas considerable, and it was enlarged and\\nenlightened by his literary accomplishments.\\nBut if these were unable to infuse into his\\nsoul any disinterested virtue, or generous\\nprinciples of action, they failed to accomplish\\nthe only purpose, for which they are really\\nvaluable, and they left the possessor the more\\ndangerous and the more detestable, from the\\nauthority which they added to his talents, and\\nthe aid which they lent him to abuse them.\\nElection of Innocent VIII. Sixtus IV. died\\nin 1484, and the election of his successor was\\nattended by some circumstances more scan-\\ndalous than any which had yet polluted the\\nrecesses of the Conclave. Julian della Rove-\\nra. Cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincvla, had un-\\ndertaken the negotiations requisite, and the\\nprice of every vote was already arranged,\\nwhen the College proceeded to invoke the\\nHoly Spirit. The terms are expressly speci-\\nfied by a contemporary writer ;t they were\\nfaithfully observed by the successful candi-\\ndate and they might be ascertained from the\\nvarious castles and benefices, which he im-\\nmediately bestowed on his supporters. John\\nBaptist Cybo, a native of Genoa, was the\\nThe Ponte Sesto was his great work. His lit-\\nerary monuments were of a less durable construction\\nfor, indeed, the subjects which he chose were not\\nalways the most favorable to their perpetuity. One\\ntreatise he composed on The Blood of Jesus Christ;\\nanother on Indulgences accorded to Souls in Purga-\\ntory another on the Conception of the Holy Virgin,\\nc. Sec. Such, however, were the controversies of\\nthe day.\\ni The letter of Guidantonio Vespucci to Lorenzo\\nde Medici on this subject, is given entire by Roscoe,\\nAppend. 44, and without suspicion of its truth.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0518.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "ALEXANDER VL\\n511\\nindividual thus elevated to the throne of the\\nChurch, and he assumed the name of Inno-\\ncent.\\nNotwithstanding the recent perfidy of Paul\\nII., defended by the constitution of Innocent\\nVI.,* and countenanced by the example of so\\nmany Pontiffs, the members of the Conclave\\nonce more attempted to bind the future Pope\\nby a similar engagement. It were tedious to\\nrepeat the stipulations which were accepted\\nin the name of God, on his holy altar, and\\nwhich were even then intended for imme-\\ndiate violation. Their object was ever the\\nsame to increase the power of the Cardinals\\nat the expense of that of the Pope and it\\nwas ever frustrated by the most deliberate\\nperjury. On the day of his installation, In-\\nnocent VIII. confirmed and repeated his oath,\\nand bound himself, on pain of anathema,\\nneither to receive nor give absolution from\\nit for the Pontiff possessed exclusively the\\npower of self-absolution. Howbeit, he no\\nsooner felt his strength, and the independence\\nof his despotism, than he cancelled the treaty,\\nand annulled both his oaths.\\nIf Sixtus IV. had wasted the resources of\\nthe Church upon his profligate nephews, In-\\nnocent introduced a still more revolting race\\nof dependants, in the pereons of his illegiti-\\nmate offspring. Seven children, the fioiits of\\nvarious amors, were publicly recognised by\\nthe Vicar of Christ, and became, for the most\\npart, pensioners on the ecclesiastical Treas-\\nury. This was yet a new scandal for the\\nApostolical Church! Again, if Sixtus IV.\\nwas bold and unprincipled, Innocent was, at\\nleast, destitute of any positive virtue and the\\nextreme weakness which distinguished him\\nwas, in his cu cumstanees, little less pernicious\\nthan wickedness. With power so vast and\\narbitrary, in a Court so utterly depraved, the\\npersonal excesses of a vigorous character\\nmight even have been less hurtful to the\\nChurch, than the unrestrained license of so\\nmany masters. Fewer crimes would, per-\\nhaps, have been perpetrated, had the Pontiff\\nresolved to be the only criminal. But with\\nall his weakness. Innocent was animated by\\na spirit of avarice, which attracted observa-\\ntion even in that age of the popedom. And\\nhe performed at least one memorable exploit,\\nas it were, in the design to surpass his prede-\\ncessor by a still bolder msult on the sacred\\nCollege he placed among its members a boy,\\nthirteen years old, the brother-in-law of his\\nown bastard.f But the Court of Rome did\\nPublished in 1353. See Cliapter XXII. p. 390.\\nt This boy was John, the son of Lorenzo de Medicij\\nnot resent the indignity it was sunk even\\nbelow the sense of its own infamy.\\nThe Pontiff sounded, like most of his pre-\\ndecessors, the trumpet of a general crusade\\nagainst the Infidel in his addresses to the\\nEuropean ambassadors, he set forth, in elo-\\nquent expressions, the blessings of concord,\\nand the calamities of international warfare\\nand he preached with the usual inefficacy.\\nSome Italian States did, indeed, exhibit a\\nslight disposition to su])port him, owing to\\nthe greater proximity of the danger, and In-\\nnocent persisted, to the end of his reign, in\\npressing his first solicitations. But the only\\neffects proceeding from them were those\\nwhich flowed into the Apostolical Treasury,\\nand which the Pope consumed, partly in his\\nown personal expenses, partly in family hos-\\ntilities against the King of Naples. He died\\nin 1492.\\nAlexander VL In the downward progress\\nof pontifical impurity, from Paul II. we de-\\nscend to Sixtus IV. from Sixtus to Innocent\\nVIII. from Innocent to Alexander VI and\\nhere, at length, we are arrested by the limitSj\\nthe utmost limits, which have been assigned\\nto papal and to human depravity. The eccle-\\nsiastical records of fifteen centuries, through\\nwhich our long journey is now nearly ended,\\ncontain no name so loathsome, no crimes so\\nfoul as his and while the voice of every im-\\npartial writer is loud hi his execration, he is^\\nin one respect, singularly consigned to infa-\\nmy, since not one among the zealous annalists\\nof the Roman Church has breathed a whisper\\nin his praise. Thus, those who have pui-sued\\nhim with the most unqualified vituperations\\nare thought to have described him most faith-\\nfully and the mention of his character has\\nexcited a sort of rivalry in the expression of\\nindignation and hatred.\\nThe College assembled for this election\\namidst the tumults of the Roman people, who\\nwere venting their curses against the avarice\\nof the deceased Pontiff; and it was not till the\\nConclave had been garrisoned by soldiers,\\nand fortified by cannon, that the Cardinals\\nventured to proceed to their deliberations. It\\nwas presently discovered that the candidates,\\nwho bad any prospect of success, were two f\\nthe same who became Leo X. It should be observed,\\nthat Innocent, on making the creation, stipulated that\\nthe boy should not take his seat in Consistory till he\\nwas sixteen. Some state the age of creation at fifteen,\\nthat of admission at eighteen. See Raynaldus, ann.\\n1489.\\nAscagna Sforza, who appeared at first to possess\\nsome claims, very soon resigned them in favor of\\nBorgia.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0519.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "512\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nonly. One of them was Roderic Borgia, who\\nwas nephew of Calixtus III. the other was\\nJulian della Rovera, nephew of Sixtus IV.\\nNepotism now formed so conspicuous a fea-\\nture in the pontifical policy, that we shall not\\nbe surprised to see the popedom disputed by\\nthe nephews of Popes. Roderic was far ad-\\nvanced in years he abounded in wealth, ac-\\ncumulated in the service of the Church he\\nwas, at the same time, in the enjoyment of\\nthree archbishoprics in Spain, besides numer-\\nous other benefices in other quarters of Eu-\\nrope. All these would be vacated by his\\nelevation, and, falling into his patronage,\\nwould be bestowed, of course, according to\\nthe measure of private services. Borgia was,\\nmoreover, a man of some abilities, of great\\naddress and versatility in negotiation and in-\\ntrigue, and of morals which opposed no im-\\npediment to any means of compassing any\\npurpose. Julian possessed more powerful\\ntalents, and, though his habits had been chiefly\\nmilitary, a much less exceptionable charac-\\nter. But he was younger his preferment was\\nnot nearly so valuable, and the private wealth\\nat his disposal bore no proportion to that of\\nhis competitor. The College was principally\\ncomposed of the creatures of the two last\\nPopes, Sixtus and Innocent, educated in those\\nprinciples, on which the morals of the Roman\\nCourt were at this time founded. Ac-\\ncordingly the election was not long doubtful\\nindeed, Borgia had taken a sure precaution\\nto preclude hesitation, by placing two mules\\nladen with gold at the disposal of a faithful\\nCardinal, to be bestowed as occasion might\\nrequire.\\nManner of his election. Alexander VI.\\nimmediately proceeded, after the example of\\nhis predecessor, to fulfil the conditions pri-\\nvately stipulated with the cardinals, who\\nhad simoniacally elected him. On Ascagna\\nSforza he conferred the profitable dignity of\\nvice-chancellor to Cardinal Orsini he ceded\\nhis palace at Rome, together with two other\\nmansions; to Cardinal Colonna he gave an\\nabbey, with numerous dependences to the\\ncardinal of St. Angelo, the bishopric of Porto,\\ntogether with his furniture and a cellar of\\ndelicious wines; to others, churches or towns\\nto others, undisguised gold. Five only in\\nthe whole college one of whom was Julian,\\nhis rival are believed to have resisted all\\nthese varieties of corruption. In the mean-\\ntime, the Roman people, as if they gloried\\nin the iniquity of their rulers, hailed the de-\\nSome say, four mules laden with silver. The\\ndifference, in a moral point of view, is not important.\\ncision of the Conclave with unusual expres-\\nsions of satisfaction. On no other occasion\\nhad the holy city arrayed herself in such\\nfestive splendor, or descended to such loath-\\nsomeness of adulation,* as on that, when she\\nplaced in the apostolical chair the most prof-\\nligate of mankind, and offered the last insult\\nwe say not to the name of Christ, for that\\nhad long been scorned, but to a Church\\nwhich still called itself Christian, and to the\\nnations which still recognised that Church.\\nIn early life, during the pontificate of Pius\\nII., Roderic Borgia, already a cardinal, had\\nbeen stigmatized by a public censure for\\nhis unmufiled debaucheries. Afterwards he\\npublicly cohabited with a Roman matron\\nnamed Vanozia, by whom he had five ac-\\nknowledged children. Neither in his man-\\nners nor in his language did he aflTect any\\nregard for morality or for decency and one\\nof the earliest acts of his pontificate was, to\\ncelebrate, with scandalous magnificence, in\\nhis own palace, the marriage of his daughter\\nLucretia. Those cardinals, who had con-\\nspired for his elevation, could not pretend\\neither surprise or ofifence at this outrage.\\nBut Julian della Rovera refused his counte-\\nnance to those festivities, and shut himself up\\nin the fortress of Ostia.\\nJVegotiations with Bajazet. At this period\\nin the annals of papacy, the spiritual exertions\\nof the See were so very insignificant, com-\\npared with its struggles for temporal objects,\\nand these struggles were now so interwoven\\nwith the general politics of Europe, that to\\ntrace, with any accuracy, the exploits of\\nAlexander, or Julius IL, would be to trans-\\ncribe the civil history of Italy, France, and\\nGermany. Such a task is consistent neither\\nwith the limits of this work, nor its design\\nand since the various vices, which peculiarly\\ndistinguished this Pope, are chiefly exempli-\\nfied in his political transactions, we must\\nrefer the reader to the circumstantial narra-\\ntives of Sismondi, or Guicciardinif con-\\nThe following distich was published on this oc-\\ncasion:\\nCaesare magna fuit, nunc Roma est maxima Sextus\\nRegnat Alexander ille vir, iste Deus.\\nThis was the serious flattery of the day: some other\\nverses, published after some little experience of the\\nPope s divine administiation, are ^ess discreditable\\nto the city of Caesar and Pasquin\\nVendit Alexander Claves, Altarja, Christum.\\nEnierat ille prius vendere jure potest.\\nDe vitio in vitium, de flammi transit in ignera;\\nRoma sub Hispano deperit imperio.\\nSextus Tarquinius, Sextus Nero, Sextus et iste\\nSemper sub Sextis perdita Roma fuit-\\nt We shall cite the words in which this author hag\\ndrawn the character of Alexander VI. In Alessan-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0520.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "ALEXANDER VL\\n513\\ntented in our more contracted course to\\nmention such incidents, as are more closely\\nconnected either with the rehgion of Christ,\\nor the economy of the Church, or the preten-\\nsions of the Apostohcal See. Thus shall we\\nnot pass unnoticed the celebrated project\\nof alliance against Charles VIII. of France,\\nwhich was proposed by Alexander VI. to\\nBajazet, emperor of the Turks. The Pope\\nappeared, on this occasion, as the Suzerain\\nLord of Naples; and in his overtures he rep-\\nresented to the Sultan, that that kingdom\\nwas menaced by foreign invasion that it\\nwas the design of Charles to subject it to his\\nauthority, and then to turn his arms into\\nThrace, against the walls of Constantinople\\nthat the French king was full of ambition,\\nand careless about the means of indulging it\\nwhile for himself he had nothing more at\\nheart, than the repose of the Turk, in consid-\\neration of the good-will and mutual friend-\\nship subsisting between them The nature\\nof the engagements, into which Bajazet\\nconsequently entered, does not certainly ap-\\npear, but when the crisis arrived, he took\\nno measures to fulfil them and the Vicar of\\nChrist, after having invoked the Mahometan\\narms into the heart of Europe against a\\nChristian prince, was pursued by the addi-\\ntional, and to him more bitter, reflection, that\\nhe had incured that infamy in vain.\\nDonation of the newly discovered Regions.\\nOn the return of Columbus to Spain, Ferdi-\\nnand and Isabella announced to the Pope,\\ntheir compatriot, the success of his expedition.\\nAlexander VI. hastened to avail himself of so\\nmagnificent an occasion to exhibit the plen-\\nitude of his authority: accordingly, he con-\\nfered upon the crown of Castillo the full\\nright to possess all that had been discovered,\\nand all that might hereafter be discovered,\\nwhether islands or continents, whether situ-\\nated in the Indies or in any other region. In\\na succession of bulls published on this subject,\\nin the year 1493, at a season when the power\\ndro Sesto fu solerzia e sagacitk singolare, consiglio\\neccellente, efficacia a persiiadere maravigliosa, e a\\ntutte le faccende gravi sollecitudine e destrezza in-\\ncredibile ma erano queste virtu avanzate di grande\\nintervallo da vizii costumi oscenissimi, non sin-\\ncerita, non vergogna, non veritk, non fede, non re-\\nligions, avarizia insaziabile, ambizione immoderata,\\ncrudeltk piu che barbara, e ardentissima cupidita di\\nesaltare in qualunque modo i figliuoli, i quali erano\\nmolti e tra questi qualcuno. non meno detestabile\\nin parte alcuna del padre. Storia d Italia, lib. i.\\nGuicciardini was ten years old when Borgia was\\nraised to the pontificate, and his history begins with\\nthat year.\\n65\\nof the See bore no proportion to its ancient\\ngrandeur, and when the character of the pre-\\nlates, who administered it, was not, certainly,\\nsuch as to redeem its degradation, Pope\\nAlexander drew a line along the map, from\\nthe north to the south, and gave avv ay, by a\\nstroke of his pen, half the habitable world.\\nAnd so much seriousness did he affect to\\nattach to his donation, that he descended to\\nspecify the exact distance from his line, at\\nwhich the rights of Spain should begin, and\\nthose of other nations end.\\nIt is proper to add, that the Portuguese\\ncontested the validity of the act. Let us in-\\nquire, then, on what ground did they rest\\ntheir opposition Did they dispute the au-\\nthority by which the edict had been issued\\nFar otherwise only they maintained that, by\\na similar act, Eugenius IV. had previously\\nbestowed the same rights upon themselves.\\nIt was no contest between the king of Portu-\\ngal and the See of Rome, but only a question,\\nwhether a Pope could confer upon one prince,\\nwhat a preceding Pope had already bestowed\\nupon another. And in this dispute, between\\na living and a departed pontiff, after manj\\nassemblies had been held, and new bounda-\\nries delineated, and great violence displayed,\\nAlexander persisted, and succeeded, in defi-\\nance of every right and every semblance even\\nof pontifical justice. In the year following,\\nAfrica became the subject of a verj similai*\\ndispute but on this occasion the Pope showed\\nthus much respect to the authority of Pius II.,\\nwho had conferred the contested provinces\\nupon Portugal, that he confined the conquests\\nof Ferdinand and Isabella to the kingdoms\\nof Algiers and Tunis, leaving Fez and the\\ncontiguous regions to the possession of Por-\\ntugal. We may smile at the arrogance of a\\ndeclining despotism nor shall we be aston-\\nished by the obsequiousness of those who\\nfound their interest in obsequiousness. At\\nthe same time, if the right of the See was not\\ndisputed, the motives which it pretended were\\ncertainly such as to justify the exercise of its\\nright. For it was expressly stipulated in the\\nact of donation, that holy and pious missiona-\\nries should be despatched forthwith, for the\\nconversion of the newly conquered tracts, and\\nthe extension of the kingdom of Christ, and\\nof the Catholic Church.\\nCharles VI n. at Rome.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 When Charles\\nVIII. entered Rome, in the year 1494, Julian\\ndella Rovera (as well as some other cardinals)\\nwas in his suite, and shared in his counsels.*\\nGuicciardini (lib. i. cap. iii.) does not hesitate\\nto ascribe the accomplishment of Charles s designs", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0521.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "514\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nFrom the determined hostility of Julian;\\nfrom the wish for reformation, which had\\nso often been manifested by the court and\\npeople of France from the undue estimate\\nthen formed of the character of the actual\\nking, Alexander felt reason to apprehend the\\naccomphshment of the menace so frequently\\nrepeated, the assembly of a general council\\nand he easily foresaw, that the first act of that\\ncouncil would be, to depose himself. From\\nthe castle of St. Angelo he opened negotia-\\ntions with the conqueror but, whether it had\\nnever been the intention of Charles to press\\nthe Holy See to any extremities, or whether,\\nas is believed by the best writers, Alexander\\nfound means to corrupt the most intimate\\nadvisers of the king by largesses and pro-\\nmises, the designs of Julian wei e frustrated,\\nand the dignity of the Pope was preserved\\nby a favorable convention. He returned to\\nthe pontifical palace he resumed his former\\nstate he gave the king a formal reception at\\nSt. Peter s, with the usual solemnities; and\\nthe king did not disdain to submit to the\\nusual humiliation. He bent his knees, and\\nkissed the pontiff s foot and hand and, sub-\\nsequently^ on the celebration of the pontifi-\\neal mass, took his seat below the first cardinal,\\nand ministered water to the hands of the\\nPope.* Such were the marks of deference\\nwhich had long been exacted by Popes, and\\npaid by Sovereigns but never, till now, had\\nthey been prostituted so gratuitously never,\\ntill now, had they been tendered in the place\\nof chastisement and infamy, by a powerful\\nand victorious prince, to a pontiff as destitute\\nof strength, as he was notoriously polluted\\nwith crimes.\\nZizim the hroiher of Bajazet There was\\none article in the above treaty which leads to\\nthe mention of a singular episode in papal\\nhistory. The Sultan Bajazet had a brother\\nnamed Zizim, or Jem, (like himself, the son\\nof Mahomet II.,) whose popularity, courage.\\nagainst Italy to this Cardinal fatale instrumento e\\nallora, e prima, e poi de mali d ltalia. The King\\nat one moment certainly relaxed in his zeal, and was\\nreanimated by the authority and vehemence of Julian.\\nGuicciardini mentions, that the Pope, to preserve\\nthe memory of these ceremonies to all posterity, caused\\nthem to be represented in painting, in one of the cham-\\nbers of the castle of St. Angelo. It is to be remark-\\ned, that they were the formal ceremonies following\\nthe reconciliation of the parties. On their first meet-\\ning, which was not thoroughly official, some of the\\nmost humiliating were dispensed with. The Capit-\\nula Conventionis Papae et Regis Franciae, c., are\\ncited from the Diary of Burchard, by Roscoe, Life\\nof Leo X., Appendix, No. xxxv\\nand ambition, made him dangerous to the\\nthrone. The morals of the Seraglio permit-\\nted the destruction of such rivals; and Zizim,\\nfearing that fate, had escaped to Rhodes, and\\nplaced himself in Christian hands. From\\nRhodes he was carried to France, and thence\\nhe passed into the custody of Pope Innocent\\nVIII. It was then that Bajazet, availing him-\\nself of the avarice of the vicars of Christ as\\nthe means of preserving the concord of an\\nempire hostile to the Christian faith, engaged\\nto pay to the See a yearly sum of forty thou-\\nsand ducats nominally, for the keeping and\\nentertainment of his brother really, to make\\nit the interest of the Vatican to secure the\\nprisoner at Rome, and not to resign him to\\nany enemy of the empire.* The money was\\nfaithfully paid, and Zizun remained a safe\\nand profitable captive at the apostolical court.\\nCharles VIII., who seems at that time to\\nhave really harbored some ulterior designs\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0against the Turkish power, stipulated with\\nAlexander for the possession of Zizim. The\\npontiff observed his engagement; but the\\nprisoner carried with him from his confine-\\nment the seeds of a mortal disorder. He died\\nvery soon afterwards and there seems some\\nreason to believe, that the cause of his death\\nwas a slow and subtle poison administered\\nunder the superintendence of Alexander.f\\nThe Duke Valentino. CsBsar Borgia was\\nthe secondj and favorite, and worthy son of\\nAlexander VI. He commenced his career\\nas a Churchman; but in 1498, he found it\\nmore politic at once to throw off that profes-\\nsion and he then received the title, which\\nhe has rendered one of the most famous in\\nhistory. As Duke Valentino, or Valentinois,\\nhe took the field in Romagna, the temporal\\nchampion of the Holy See, for the destruction\\nof its enemies, the confirmation of its author-\\nity over the city, and the enlargement of its\\nterritories. Supported by the talents and\\nresources of his father, he succeeded in these\\ndesigns to an extent attained in no preceding\\nage, and by means which are known to every\\nreader. But, in seeking thus to advance the\\ninterests of the Church, Alexander had, in\\ntruth, no other design than to aggrandize his\\nGuicciard., lib. i. cap. iii.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f- Of course this fact is not, nor could it well have\\nbeen,- undisputed. Raynaldus (ann. 1495, s. 8, c.)\\nrefers to Burchardus to prove that the captive died\\nfrom a change of diet. The words of Burchardus\\nare 15 Feburier, le fils du grand Turc raourut a\\nNaples ex esu sive potu non convenienti naturae suae\\net consueto At the same time, Raynaldus\\nmentions the vulgar account, which is affirmed by\\nGuicciardini. See Roscoe, Life of Leo X., chap, iv", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0522.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "ALEXANDER VI.\\n515\\nson; nor did Valentino toil through such a\\nmass of crimes with any more distant object,\\nthan to erect a principality for himself.* To\\nthis end he had calculated, as seemed to him,\\nevery possible contingency by much daring,\\ngreat address, and an entire contempt of every\\nscruple, of all faith, and of all shame, he had al-\\nready accomplished much and, to secure the\\nstability of his power, he had employed every\\nexpedient within the reach of human fore-\\nsight\u00e2\u0080\u0094when the realization of his schemes\\nwas put to an unexpected trial, by the death\\nof his father, and his own dangerous sick-\\nDeaih of Alexander VI. The following\\nare the circumstances relating to the death of\\nAlexander, which stand on the most extensive\\nevidence The Duke Valentino, being great-\\nly in want of money to pay his troops, appli-\\ned to his father for assistance but the apos-\\ntolical treasury was exhausted, and neither\\nresources nor credit were then at hand to\\nreplenish it. On which the duke suggested\\nYet what he did (says Machiavel) turned to\\nthe Church s advantage; which, after the death of\\nthe Pope, and the removal of the Duke, became the\\nheir of all his pains. The partiality of this writer\\nto the public character of the Duke (with whom he\\nwas personally acquainted) is known to every one.\\nYet there is a passage (in the Prince, chap, vii.)\\nwhich is worth citing. Having thus collected all\\nthe Duke s actions, methinks I could not well blame\\nhim, but rather set him as a pattern to be followed\\nby all those who, by profane and other means, have\\nbeen exalted to an empire Whoever, there-\\nfore, deems it necessary, on his entrance into a new\\nprincipality, to secure himself from his enemies, and\\ngain his friends; to overcome, either by force, or by I\\ncunning to make himself beloved or feared of his\\npeople to be followed and reverenced by his soldiers\\nto root out those that can hurt him, or owe him any\\nhurt to change the ancient orders for new ways to\\nbe severe, and yet acceptable, magnanimous, and lib-\\neral to extinguish the unfaithful soldiery, and create\\nnew; to maintain to himself the amities of kings and\\nprinces, so that they shall either with favor benefit,\\nor be wary how they offend him cannot find more\\nfresh and lively examples than in the actions of ihis\\nman. In a separate narrative, usually published in\\nthe same volume, Machiavel relates at length (what\\nis, no doubt, one of those lively examples) the methods\\nwhich the Duke employed to rid himself of certain\\nenemies Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto of Fermo,\\nPaul, and the Duke of Gravina and a more black\\nand scandalous tissue of pei fidy, cruelty, and villany\\ncannot possibly be imagined. That he was the author\\nof the assassination of his elder brother, the Duke of\\nGandia, is believed by most historians; and that the\\nmotive was an incestuous jealousy respecting their\\ncommon sister is a further imputation advanced by\\nmany, and not rejected by Sismondi; but there is no\\nsufficient evidence to establish either of these charges.\\nto the Pope an easy, and, as it would seem,\\nnot very unusual method of supplying their\\nwants. The Cardinal Corneto, as well as\\nsome others of the sacred college, had a great\\nreputation for wealth and it was then the\\npractice at Rome for the property of cardinals\\nto devolve, on their decease, to the See. He\\nproposed to get rid of this Corneto. The\\nPope consented and, accordingly, invited\\nthe cardinals to an entertainment, which he\\nprepared for them in his vineyard of Corneto,\\nfor it was near the Vatican. Among the\\nwines sent for this occasion, one bottle was\\nprepared with poison; and instructions were\\ncarefully given to the supermtendent of the\\nfeast respecting the disposal of that bottle.\\nIt happened that, some little time before sup-\\nper, the Pope and his son arrived, and, as it\\nwas very hot, they called for wine. And\\nthen, whether through the error or the ab-\\nsence of the confidential officer, the poisoned\\nbottle was presented to them. Both drank\\nof it, and both immediately suffered its vio-\\nlent effects. Valentino, who had mixed much\\nwater with his wine, and was, besides, young\\nand vigorous, through the immediate use of\\npowerful antidotes,^ was saved. But Alex-\\nHe is said to have been inclosed in the belly of a\\nliving mule, and so preserved The following\\nis the brief account given by Paul Jovius of this trans-\\naction, in the beginning of lib. ii., De Vita Leouis X.\\nNam Pontifex inopiaa metu rapax atque illo iramani\\ningenio sasvus, ut Csesari filio magnos alenti exercitus\\net regio luxu liberalitatem passim ostendenti pecuniam\\nsuppeditaret, ditissimum quemque Cardinalium veneno\\nsustulerat, baud dubie in reliquos aula? sacerdotiis at-\\nque opibus insignes haereditatis spe saeviturus, nisi\\nadmirabili deorum providentia homo in religionis\\ncausa probrosus et quod omnium fortunae interfuit, ad\\nexitium Italiae natus, sibi mortem, supremam vero\\nCfBsari filio calamitatem, peperisset hilariori scilicet\\nin coena dum ad umbrosum Vaticani fontem venenum\\nbibunt, lagena pocillatoris errore commutata, quam\\ndira fraude opulentis aliquot senatoribus honoris\\nspecie paravissent. Mortuo Alexandro, et Cresare\\nexquisitis antidotis vel in ipso juventse robore veneni\\nimpetum vix sustinente, Comitia sunt habita, c. c.\\nThe same author describes the same event (De vita\\nMagni Consalvi, lib. ii.) with little variation, but\\nwith the following addition: Accepi ego ab Ad-\\nriano Cardinale Cornetano, in cujus villa coenabatur,\\nse eodem mortifero poculo petitum ita exarsisse eo\\nsubito viscerum fervore, ut obortse caligines oppressis\\nsensibus sibi rationem excuterent, sese in solium\\nfrigida plenum mergere cogeretur, neque prius per-\\nustis interaneis ad vitam rediisse, quam ei extrema\\ncutis in exuvias ablens toto corpore decideret.\\nRaphael Volaterranus, in his life of Alexander VI.,\\nlikewise mentions the illness of the cardinal, simul-\\ntaneous with that of the Pope. Voltaire disbelieves\\nthe whole story, owing to its extreme improbability;", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0523.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "516\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nander having taken his draught nearly pure,\\nand being hkewise enfeebled by age, died in\\nthe course of the same evening.\\nIt is proper to add, that there are two other\\naccounts of this transaction, differing from\\nthat which is here given on the general agree-\\nment of numerous authorities. One is that\\nof Pietro Martiri d Angleria, a councillor of\\nFerdinand, of whom an epistle is extant, in\\nwhich the Pope is exculpated from all par-\\nticipation in the crime, and the whole guilt\\nthrown upon the duke. And this has been\\nreceived by some writei-s as the more prob-\\nable, through consideration of the general\\nhatred then subsisting against Alexander, and\\nthe prevalent disposition to propagate and\\nl)elieve any evil rumor respecting him but\\nwe are not aware that it rests on any other\\noriginal testimony. The other account is\\nextracted by Raynaldus (ann. 1503, sect, xi.,)\\nfrom a manuscript journal of the house of\\nBorgia;* and herein we are entertained by\\na circumstantial description of the last na-\\ntural illness of Alexander, the character of\\nthe fever, the practice of the physicians, the\\npiety of the departing pontiff, the reverence\\nwith which he received the last sacrament,\\nthe demeanor of the cardinals and others\\nwho were present at the edifying scene. But\\nthis family narrative, being at variance with\\nthe less partial accounts of the same transac-\\ntion, may be rejected without much hesita-\\ntion.\\nSuch, then, was the probable end of Alex-\\nander VI. he was poisoned by the cup pre-\\npared for his own guest by his own hand,\\nor, at leasty by the hand of a beloved son,\\nwhose notorious crimes he had long endured\\nand fostered, and whom he seems to have\\nloved for those very crimes so that, in res-\\npect to his general character, it imports not\\nvery much, whether he was an accomplice\\nor not in that last offence, of which he was\\nthe deserving victim. All Rome (says\\nGnicciardini) rushed to St. Peter s to behold\\nwhile he allows that the father and son were Jes deux\\nplus grands scelerats parrni les puissances de I Europe.\\nIs the story, then, so very improbablel But if it were,\\nmere probability is a very faithless test of historical\\ntruth. Things contrary to all calculation are happen-\\ning e-sery day, and have always happened.\\nSismondi likewise refers to the Letters of the\\nAmbassador of the House of Este, and to Muratori,\\nAnnali d Italia, fom, x. p. 15. According to Guic-\\nciardini (lib. vi.), the death of Alexander took place\\non August 17, 1503,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 eil giorno seguente e portato\\nmorto secondo 1 uso dei Pontific inella Chiesa di San\\nPiero, nero, infiato e bruttitisimo segni manifestissimi\\ndi veleno.\\nhis corpse with incredible festivity nor was\\nthere any man who could satiate his eyes\\nwith gazing on the remains of a serpent,\\nwhich, by his immoderate ambition and pes-\\ntiferous perfidy, and every manner of fright-\\nful cruelty, of monstrous lust and unheard-\\nof avarice, trafficing indiscriminately with\\nthings sacred and profane, had impoisoned\\nthe whole world. Yet the world still con-\\ntinued to acknowledge the vicegerent of\\nChrist, and to bow before the throne of St.\\nPeter. The cup was not yet full some few\\nremaining iniquities were still to be accom-\\nplished the arm of vengeance was still sus-\\npended, and Luther, the destined instrument,\\nhad not yet commenced his noviciate among\\nthe x-Vugustinian Mendicants.\\nElection and Death of Pius III. After\\nthe funeral honors had been duly paid to the\\ndeparted pontiff, eight and thirty cardinals\\nentered into Conclave to choose a successor.\\nThe unusual number of the electors may be\\none reason why the present election was not\\ncharged with simony but it presented a\\nscene of treacherous intrigue, scarcely less\\nshameful, in which Julian della Rovera was\\nthe principal actor for as no man was more\\ndaring in warfare, so was not any one more\\nastute in duplicity, than he. By the success\\nof his machinations, a sick and feeble old\\nman, the nephew of Pius II., was raised to\\nthe pontificate on September 22, 1503; and\\nscarcely had he received the ordination to\\nthe priesthood, (which, though a cardinal, he\\nhad not previously received,) and undergone\\nthe ceremony of coronation, and assumed the\\nname of Pius III., when he died six and\\ntwenty days after his election. Great expect-\\nations were excited by his reputed virtues\\nand piety and his ardently expressed desire\\nfor a reformation of the Church and it may\\nbe fortunate for his memory that they were\\ndisappointed by his death, rather than by\\nsome act of apostasy, by which he might not\\nimprobably have imitated so many of his pre-\\ndecessors.\\nJulius II. Julian celebrated the mass at\\nhis obsequies; and scarcely was that office\\nperformed when he re-opened his former\\nintrigues in the design, on this occasion, of\\nprocuring his own election. He gained the\\nleading cardinals; he gained the Duke de\\nValentinois, who directed the Spanish party\\nin the conclave, by magnificent promises,\\nand the confidence that they would be ob-\\nserved. On the very first scrutiny, Julian\\ndella Rovera was unanimously raised to the\\nchair of Alexander VI. We should here", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0524.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "PIUS III. JULIUS II.\\n517\\nmention that, before the election of Pius III.,\\nthe cardinals in conclave had bound the\\nfuture Pope, among other conditions, to con-\\nvoke a council general for the reform of the\\nChurch, within two years from the time of\\nhis election, and to make the assembly of\\nsuch councils, hereafter, triennial. It appears\\nthat Julian, on his elevation, gave his assent\\nto the same stipulations.*\\nHis military character. He took the name\\nof Julius II., thereby intending, as many\\nsuppose, to avow his preference of the mili-\\ntary to the sacerdotal character, and to declare\\nhis greater disposition to imitate the glories\\nof Pagan, than of Christian, Rome. Assur-\\nedly his whole pontificate was directed by\\nsuch motives; and if the ten years, through\\nwhich it extended, are not wholly destitute\\nof events properly appertaining to ecclesias-\\ntical history, those events did scarcely ever\\noriginate with the Pope, and were unconnec-\\nted with the principles of his government.\\nIt was not that he neglected, in the progress\\nof his negotiations and campaigns, to carry\\non his lips the name of St. Peter, to whet the\\nmaterial upon the spiritual sword, and to\\nthunder forth bulls and anathemas with all\\nthe majesty of former days; but it was in\\nthis respect only that he was distinguished\\nfrom the other temporal sovereigns, with\\nwhom he leagued or contended.\\nAfter so long a course of pontifical degen-\\neracy, in the hands of a Pope so absolutely\\nsecular as Julius, it might have been expected\\nthat those bolts had lost their force and their\\nterrors and that the bishop of Rome, having\\ndescended to the policy of a secular prince,\\nwould have been treated by his brother prin-\\nces with no superior reverence. Yet was it\\notherwise; the fetters of the inveterate preju-\\ndice were not yet wholly unloosed, and the\\nspiritual weapon was still an object of appre-\\nhension even to the king of France. So late\\nas the year 1510, Louis XII.,f being deeply\\nembroiled with the Pope, and struck with\\nthe sentence of excommunication, assembled\\na council of his clergy at Tours, and formally\\ndemanded their opinions on such points as\\nthese: Whether the Pope had a right to\\nThe form of the oath deserves to be cited in its\\nvery words. Praemissa omnia et singula promitto,\\nvoveo et juro observare et adlmplere, in omnibus et\\nper omnia, pure et simpliciter et bona fide, realiter,\\net cum effectu perjurii et anathematis, a quibus nee\\nme ipsum absolvam, nee alieni absolutlonem commit-\\ntam. Ita me Dens adjuvet, c. It appears in\\nBeausobre, Hist. Reform, liv. i.\\nt The same who caused a coin to be struck, bear-\\ning the inscription, Perdam Bahylonis nomen.\\nmake war, when neither the interests of reli-\\ngion, nor the domains of the Church were in\\ndanger Whether a prince might seize the\\necclesiastical states, in case the Pope were\\nhis declared enemy, and keep temporary pos-\\nsession of them, until he should have hum-\\nbled his adversary? Whether, under the\\nsame circumstances, a subtraction of obedi-\\nence, under certain restrictions, were lawful\\nWhether a prince might defend another\\nprince his ally against the pontifical\\narms Such were the scruples which still\\nwere felt even in the court of France. They\\nwere removed by the loyalty of the episcopal\\nassembly: nevertheless, even after their re-\\nmoval, enough remained to distinguish the\\napostolical from all other governments and\\nas those distinctions were founded on popular\\nopinion, fostered by priestly influence, it was\\nnot very easy to counteract then- effect, or\\nforesee their termination.\\nHis successes. Julius II. knew better\\nthan any one the advantage which he thus\\npossessed, and he likewise knew the precise\\nextent of it, so that in using it constantly, he\\nseldom abused it and thus it proved that he\\nwas successful beyond all expectation in the\\naccomplishment of his most difficult designs.\\nWhen he ascended the throne, he found the\\nDuke de Valentinois in possession of many\\ncities in the Romagna, which the latter had\\nusui-ped during the reign of Alexander, and\\nof which he appropriated the revenues. Him,\\nthe most dissembling of men, Julius in some\\nmeasure supplanted by dissimulation.* From\\nanother nobleman (Paolo Baglioni) he recov-\\nered the city of Perugia by singular audacity\\nhe suddenly entered the hold of his enemy\\nwith his cardinals only, attended by no es-\\ncort, and in such guise reclaimed and recov-\\nered his rights of sovereignty. He compelled\\nthe Venetians to restore several places which\\nthey had conquered from the Holy See\\nRimini, Faenza, Ravenna, Cervia and before\\nthe end of his pontificate, he had established\\na direct authority over all the cities which\\nconstitute the ecclesiastical states. Even in\\nMilan he was almost paramount, while Mo-\\ndena, Reggio, Parma, Piacenza, were held in\\nAlexander VI., who detested Julian, always ad-\\nmitted that he had one, though only one, redeeming\\nquality: it was veracity. This reputation, Guicciar-\\ndini says, gave him great opportunities of lying with\\nadvantage. Nevertheless, in this case, having the\\nDuke s person entirely in his power, he certainly did\\nnot treat him so ill :is the principles of his enemies,\\nand even of his age would have justified, nor nearly\\nso severely as many expected and hoped.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0525.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "518\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe Dame of the Church.* And some have\\nsupposed, that, had his reign been prolong-\\ned for a very few years, the whole extent\\nof Italy would have been united under the\\nsceptre of St. Peter.\\nThe object, however, which he more open-\\nly professed, and which was at least honor-\\nable to his patriotism, was the expulsion of\\nall foreigners (Barbari) from the soil of Italy.\\nThe measures, by which he pursued that\\nobject, belong to civil history, as well as the\\nsplendid reputation which they acquired for\\nhim. The talents and the qualities of Philip\\nand Alexander are described by the panegyr-\\nists of Julius, as combined in him even in\\ntheir vices he resembled them\u00e2\u0080\u0094 anger and\\nintemperance. Respecting the particulars\\nof his policy, it is recorded that he never\\nwould listen to any proposal of peace, so long\\nas war, with any promise of success, was\\nopen to him yet that he so conducted war,\\nas to be in perpetual negotiation. Enemies,\\nas well as friends, were made to serve his\\ndesigns, and distant, as well as neighboring,\\npowers. He was so fierce and indefatigable\\na wanior, that at an age almost decrepit he\\ndid not shrink, when necessary, from sharing\\nthe severest toils of the meanest soldiers; but,\\nat the same time, no one ever wielded the\\nspiritual weapon with more imposing author-\\nity than Julius. His energy in the Vatican\\nwas scarcely surpassed by his bravery in the\\nfield and he dictated a bull with the same\\nenergy with which he commanded an army.\\nIt was, moreover, particularly remarked, that\\nhe directed the ecclesiastical functions, and\\nnringled in the holy services, with wonderful\\ndecorum and solemnity thus under no cir-\\ncumstances forgetting the advantages to be\\nderived from his sacred ofiice, nor ever failing\\nto make it the means of raising his personal\\ndignity, or advancing his political purposes.\\nHis patronage of the ^rf*.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -Another proof\\nof the expanded mind of Julius II. was, his\\npatronage of the arts of peace, wdiich had\\nsuffered in the general degradation of the\\npreceding pontificates. Many celebrated mas-\\nters flourished during his reign, and his en-\\ncouragement was never wanting to animate,\\nnor his liberality to support them. The foun-\\ndations of St. Peter s after being designed by\\nNicholas V., were finally laid by Julius and\\nto prove the value which he attached to that\\nundertaking, he placed the first stone with\\nhis own hand. The accumulation of so many\\nand such various qualities in one character\\nSee Deuina, Rivol. d Ital., lib. xjx. cap. vii.\\n^nd Jib, XX. cap. i., ii., iii.\\nleaves no space to doubt his extraordinary\\ncapacity. And could we be contented to\\nconsider him only as a secular prince could\\nwe forget that he was really the chief of the\\nChurch of Christ, and that he professed ta\\nbe his vicegerent the homage which is ex-\\ntorted by his genius, his audacity, and the am-\\nbitious grandeur of his spirit, however qual-\\nified by his political immorality, would be\\noflTered with less reluctance.\\nSome Cardinals convoke a Council at Pisa,\\nBut the Popes, even during this their sea-\\nson of licentiousness, had not wholly forgot-\\nten the lessons inculcated at Constance and\\nBasle; and among the various dangers to\\nwhich they were liable, the name which ever\\nfilled them with the deepest apprehension,\\nwas that of a general Council. And thus,\\nwhen Julius engaged to convoke such an\\nassembly within two years from his election,\\nnothing was farther from his intention than\\nto keep his faith, and in efiFect he constant-\\nly eluded every proposition tending to thai\\nend. The king of France saw the advantage\\nthus given him and as there was also a party\\nin the sacred college, which, through an hon-\\nest regard for the Church, or a personal dis-\\npleasure against the Pope, (for Julius II., by\\nan ungracious and disdainflil manner, fre-\\nquently offended even those whom he in-\\ntended to oblige,) boldly clamored for the\\nredemption of his pledge, Louis at length\\nprevailed upon them to summon the councii\\non their own authority. They were nine in\\nnumber and the city which they appointed\\nfor the assembly was Pisa; it was a place\\nconvenient to the French and Italian prelates,\\nand it contained, in its own history, the pre-\\ncedent of a general council, summoned by-\\ncardinals. The emperor Maximilian gave\\nonly a cold assent to these proceedings. Ju-\\nlius exerted every nerve to crush the project\\nnevertheless, the prelates met together, and\\nthe council was formally opened on the 1st\\nof November, 1511. Presently some tumults\\nbetween the French and Florentine soldiers\\nalarmed the fathers and after the third ses-\\nsion they retii-ed to Mjlan, where they were\\nentirely under French protection. During\\nthat winter and the following spring they\\nheld five other sessions; and then, as the\\nRaynaldi, Annales, 1503, s. i., c. It should,\\nperhaps, be mentioned, that Julius published, in 1506,\\na severe edict against the simoniacal election of\\nPopes. He pronounced Popes so elected to be Here-\\nsiarchs, and consequently degraded and deposed.\\nThe decree was confirmed in the Lateran Couucil\\nwhich followed,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0526.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "LEO X.\\n519\\nGerman bishops had never joined them, and\\nas the emperor had at length withdrawn even\\nthe equivocal countenance hitherto vouch-\\nsafed to them, they retired, for the second\\ntime, from Milan to Lyons. But on this last\\nremoval, notwithstanding the efforts of Louis\\nto give dignity and power to the refugees, the\\ncouncil became virtually extinct.\\nIt is unnecessary to particularize the re-\\nspective acts of the eight sessions of that\\nassembly, not only because they were never\\ncarried into effect, but because they were\\nenth-ely directed to one subject the relative\\nauthority of the council and the Pope. Ju-\\nlius, on his side, thundered from the Vatican\\nhe excommunicated all the members he de-\\ngraded and deprived the cardinals. They,\\non their pait, after some verbose declarations,\\nsummoned the Pope into their presence, de-\\nclared him contumacious, and finally sus-\\npended him. But this was their last effort,\\nand the signal, as it were, for their extinction\\nand the blow thus impotently dealt by the ex-\\npiring assembly was not felt on the Throne\\nof St. Peter.*\\nThe Fifth Lateran Council. Nevertheless,\\nthis short-lived council in some measure\\nachieved its professed purpose. Julius, in the\\nfirst instance, really feared it; and he then\\nsaw no effectual method of crushing it, ex-\\ncept the convocation of a rival council. He\\ntherefore issued a summons to the Catholic\\nhierarchy, to assemble at Rome, in April,\\n1512, for the celebration of the fifth Lateran\\ncouncil and on the 3rd of May he opened it\\nin person, with extraordinary dignity and so-\\nlemnity. Fifteen cardinals, and about eighty\\narchbishops and bishops were present but it\\nmust not be forgotten, that almost all were\\nItalians. During the nine following months\\nfive sessions were held, in which no sub-\\nject of any ecclesiastical importance was pro-\\nposed, f except the Pragmatic Sanction and\\nthis was treated in a spirit of such undisguised\\nhostility to the French court and Church, as\\nto show very clearly what were the uses to\\nwhich Julius intended to turn his council.\\nThe contest, literally speaking, did not cease\\nhere. Julius pursued his adversaries into France,\\nand laid the kingdom which harbored them under an\\ninterdict. But though some fresh controversies then\\narose on the old subject the comparative auferibil-\\nity of a council and a Pope, it was clearly the king,\\nwho was now fighting the battle, not the council.\\nt Tlie confirmation of Julius s former decree against\\nthe simoniacal election of Popes, should, perhaps, be\\nconsidered as important, though there could be no\\ngreat hope of its efficacy not, at least, till the con-\\nstitution of the sacred college was wholly changed.\\nBut he was interrupted by a fatal sickness.\\nOn the night of February 20, 1513, he died\\nand it was the last recorded act of his life, to\\nrefuse the cardinal s hat to an undeserving\\nclaimant. When the Pope was on the point\\nof death, the boon was earnestly solicited by\\na very near relative, a woman, for her own\\nbrother. Julius coldly replied, that the per-\\nson was unworthy, and then turned his head\\naway, and expired.\\nLeo X. He was succeeded by Leo X.\\na name which belongs to the history of the\\nReformation, and with which, in this work,\\nwe are no further concerned, than as we\\npropose to follow the council, assembled by\\nhis predecessor, through its remaining delib-\\nerations. Before the end of the year it held\\nthree more sessions, under the presidency of\\nthe new Pope: the sixth and seventh pro-\\nduced no memorable enactments, but the\\neighth was somewhat more important. On\\nthis occasion the king of France at length\\nannounced his adhesion. A bull was like-\\nwise published, for the purpose of establishing\\nthe separate existence and immortality of the\\nsoul against the dangerous and, as it would\\nseem, prevalent theories of certain philoso-\\nphers; and at the same time an edict of\\nsafe-conduct was granted to the Bohemian\\nschismatics, with an invitation to assist at the\\ncouncil: for their heresy was again rising\\ninto formidable attention. These measures\\nwere followed by a decree, directed against\\nthe officers of the apostolical court, for the\\ndiminution of their fees or salaries.\\nCanons of Reformation, On the 5th of\\nMay, 1514, the prelates proceeded fi-om the\\nabuses of their dependants to the considera-\\ntion of their own and on this occasion they\\npublished an imposing body of regulations\\nfor the reformation of the Roman court, and\\nthe general discipline of the Church. It was\\nenacted, that only persons of worth and mor-\\nality should be appointed to benefices to\\nbishoprics, at an age not earlier than twenty-\\nseven years to abbeys, not earlier than\\ntwenty-two and that care should be taken\\nto ascertain their merit, before their names\\nwere proposed in consistory. That depri-\\nvation should only be inflicted after due ex-\\namination. That monasteries and abbeys\\nshould not be held in commendam, unless for\\nthe better preservation of the authority of the\\nHoly See, and by cardinals or other persons\\nqualified; and that cures and dignities of\\nlittle value (less than 200 ducats a year)\\nshould not be so held even by cardinals.\\nThat there be no separation or union of", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0527.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "520\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nChurches, unless for a reasonable cause. That\\nno dispensation be granted to hold more than\\ntwo incompatible benefices, unless to persons\\nqualified, and for sufficient I easons. That\\npersons possessing more than four benefices,\\ncures, or dignities, be obliged, within two\\nyears, to reduce them to the number of four,\\nby resigning the rest.\\nIt was likewise ordained, that the cardinals\\nshould lead an exemplary life, celebrating\\nmass in their chapels, observing perfect\\nsacerdotal modesty in their house, furniture,\\nand tables, to the exclusion of all secular\\npomp treating with honor and respect those\\nabout them attentive to the interests of the\\npoor, no less than to those of princes visiting\\nin person, or by deputy, their titular church-\\nes providing for the prosperity of the mon-\\nasteries, or benefices, which they might hold\\nin commendam avoiding every show of\\nluxury, and every suspicion of avarice in\\ntheir attendants. Respecting the inferior\\nmembers of the court of Rome, a number of\\nlaws were published against blasphemy, con-\\ncubinage, and simony. It was strictly pro-\\nhibited to all kings, princes, and lords, to\\nseize or sequestrate the ecclesiastical property,\\nunless by permission of the Pope. All the\\nlaws concerning the exemption of ecclesiasti-\\ncal persons and goods from lay jurisdiction\\nwere confirmed. And lastly, the inquisitions\\nwere stimulated to proceed zealously against\\nheretics and Jews especially against those\\nwho had relapsed, from whom every hope\\nof pardon was withheld On the above\\nregulations, which formed the substance of\\nthe most important decree of this council, it\\nis scarcely necessary to observe, that they\\ntouched very ineffectually even those few\\namong the multifarious corruptions of the\\nChurch, which they touched at all that, in\\nrespect to the Court of Rome, as no attempt\\nwas made to reduce one fraction of its power\\nand wealth, it was superfluous to publish\\ngeneral exhortations of modesty and humili-\\nty and, besides, that the principal points in\\ndispute with France and Germany were en-\\ntirely overlooked in this reformation of the\\nCatholic Church.\\nThe Press. A year afterwards, (on May\\n4, 1515,) the council held its tenth session.\\nIt then published a decree to restrain some\\nof the abuses of chapters to moderate,\\nthough very slightly, the granting of exemp-\\nHow ill, alas! (says Raynaldus,) these most holy\\nlaws were observed, appears from the hydra-birth of\\nthe Lutheran heresy, which came so soon afterwards.\\nAnn, 1514. sect. 31, c.\\ntions; to refer the decision of trifling smts\\nresj.)ecting the smaller benefices to the ordi-\\nnaries and to encourage provincial councils.\\nAnother decree peremptorily cited the eccle-\\nsiastics of France to appear at the council,\\nand shovt sufficient reasons why the Pragma-\\ntic Sanction should not be wholly abolished.\\nAnother, promulgated on the same occasion,\\nwas levelled against the presumed abuses of\\nthe press. The Pope (an enlightened and\\nliterary Pope) pronounced to the effect, Uhat,\\nthough knowledge was acquired by reading,\\nand though the press much facilitated such\\nacquirement, the cultivation of the mind, the\\ninstruction of Christians, and the consequent\\npropagation of the faith and the Church\\nyet, as it had reached the ears of his Holiness,\\nhow some printers had published inany Latin\\ntranslations from the Greek, Hebrew, Arabic,\\nand Chaldean, which contained false and\\npernicious dogmas, and offended the reputa-\\ntion of persons in dignity, he was bound to\\nordain, in his desire to remedy that evil, that\\nno book should be hereafter printed at Rome,\\nor in any other city or diocese, until it had\\nbeen examined at Rome by the vicar of\\nhis Holiness, and the master of the sacred\\npalace in other dioceses, by the bishop, or\\nsome doctor appointed by him, or by the in-\\nquisitor of the place, on pain of immediate\\nexcommunication.\\nAbolition of the Pragmatic Sanction. The\\nnext session was not held till the 19th of\\nDecember, 1516. The Pope found himself\\nat the head of a very tractable assembly, still\\nconsisting almost entirely of Italian prelates,\\nand yielding obsequious approbation to de-\\ncrees dictated from the Vatican. Thus, with-\\nout any display of impatience, he steadily\\npursued that which seems to have been the\\nonly object of his predecessor in this matter,\\nand which was clearly the leading one with\\nhimself, the abolition of the Pragmatic\\nSanction. In the present session he accom-\\nplished that design and the bull which he\\npublished on the occasion is worthy of the\\nproudest days of pontifical despotism. He\\nbegan by asserting the implicit obedience due\\nby divine authority to the Holy See, and\\nafterwards took occasion especially to con-\\nfirm and renew the constitution Unam Sanc-\\ntam of Boniface VIII. He showed the ille-\\nThis was not the first effort of the Popes against\\nwhat they considered the abuses of the press. In 1501\\nAlexander VI. ordained, under the severest penalties,\\nthat no books should be printed in any diocese, with-\\nout the sanction of the bishop (Raynaldus, 1501, s.\\n36). But Sixtus IV. has the distinction of being the\\nfirst who establiohed that inquisition.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0528.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "LEO X.\\n521\\ngality and schismatic nature of the Sanc-\\ntion, by disparaging the councils of Bourges\\nand Basle, and proclaimed the unlimited\\ncontrol of the Pope over such assemblies\\nand finally, by his certain knowledge, by the\\nplenitude of his power, and with the appro-\\nbation of the holy council, he annulled all the\\ndecrees, statutes, and regulations contained in\\nthe offensive enactment.\\nThe bull received the assent of the council,\\nwith only one dissentient voice. The bishop\\nof a small diocess in Lombardy had the bold-\\nness to express his veneration for the coun-\\ncils of Bourges and Basle, and his reluctance\\nto disturb their inviolable decisions. But he\\nwas immediately overborne the authority of\\nthe present (it was argued) was not inferior to\\nthat of preceding assemblies and in ancient\\ntimes St. Leo had revoked at Chalcedon,\\nwhat had been too rashly ordained at Ephe-\\nsus. Yet such arguments might not effectu-\\nally have served the Pontiff, had not Francis\\n1. conspired to betray the liberties of his\\nChurch. The abolition of the Sanction was\\nimmediately followed by the publication of a\\nconcordat, which tacitly restored the posses-\\nsion of Jinnates to the Pope,* and openly\\ntransferred a valuable portion of the eccle-\\nsiastical patronage to the king. During the\\nsame session, certain restrictions were impos-\\ned upon the license of preachers, and generally\\nupon the disciphne of the monastic orders;\\nbut these last were- compensated by some pri-\\nvileges, which, though of no great apparent\\nimportance, offended the jealousy of the\\nbishops, and roused some opposition in the\\ncouncil. The assembly divided, but the ma-\\njority was in favor of the papal measures.\\nThe Annates were not expressly mentioned in tlie\\nConcordat. But as the Pragmatic, which had alone\\nabolished that payment, was itself abolished, the right\\nto the payment was restored at least, it Avas left on\\nthe same footing on which it stood before the Sanc-\\ntion, and then it was commonly levied by the Pope.\\nIn fact, in the ecclesiastical writers on this subject,\\nthe words pragmatic sanction, and annates, are so\\nconstantly connected, as to make it very clear, that\\nthe recovery of that contribution was a great object\\nwith the Popes in their enmity to the Sanction, as\\nthe exemption from it may have been a great cause\\nof attachment to their liberties with the clergy of\\nFrance. The question continued where it was then\\nplaced, till the arrangement brought about by Bossuet,\\nin 1682. The arguments by which the conduct of\\nFrancis has been defended are that many of the sees\\nand monasteries were of royal foundation that much\\nconfusion was occasioned by the popular method of\\nelection that when subjects intrust the sovereign\\nwith the government of the state, that of the Church\\nis therein included, c. c.\\nm\\nDissolution of the Council, On the 16th of\\nthe following March (1517,) the council met\\nfor the twelfth and concluding session, and\\nafter prohibiting the popular practice of pil-\\nlaging the mansion of the Pope elect, and or-\\ndaining an imposition of tenths for the service\\nof the Turkish war, it was dissolved. The\\nbull of dissolution announced the accomplish-\\nment of every object of the assembly peace\\nhad been re-established among the princes of\\nChristendom the schismatic synod of Pisa\\nabolished and, above all, the reformation of\\nthe Church and court of Rome had been\\nsufficiently provided for There were, indeed,\\nsome fathers who ventured to argue, that\\nevery abuse had not even yet been removed,\\nand that the lasting interests of the Church\\nwould be better promoted by the further con-\\ntinuance of the council but the majority\\nsupported the Pope and the last universal\\nassembly of the western Church, after having\\ndeliberately regulated all matters requiring\\nany attention, and restored the establishment\\nto perfect health and security, separated with\\ncomplacency and confidence And here we\\nmay mention, (for the coincidence is remark-\\nable,) that in the very same yeai-, almost be-\\nfore the assembled prelates had concluded\\ntheir mutual congratulations on the peace,\\nand unity, and purity, of the apostolical\\nChurch, Luther commenced, in the schools\\nof Wittenberg, his public preaching against\\nits most revolting corruption.\\nDegeneracy of the See. Though it is not\\nstrictly true, that the history of the Popes,\\nfrom Nicholas V. to Leo X., presents, so far\\nas their personal characters are concerned, a\\nseries of uniform degeneracy yet the prin-\\nciples of their government being bad, and\\nnot being corrected, became gradually and\\nnecessarily worse. And thus, though the\\nname of Julius II. fills us with much less\\nabhorrence than that of Alexander VI., the\\npolicy of the apostolical See was never so\\ndirectly opposed to every spiritual object, as\\nwhen guided by the former: ends purely\\ntemporal were never pursued with such un-\\ndisguised vehemence, or by means so san-\\nguinary the keys of St. Peter, though not\\nwholly cast away, were never before so merely\\nsubsidiary to the sword of St. Paul;* inso-\\nThe popular story, that Julius II. actually threw\\nthe keys into the Tiber, and drew the sword of St.\\nPaul, seems to be founded (at least so thinks Bayle)\\non the following utfama est of an obscure poet, Gil-\\nbertus Ducherius Vulto:\\nIn Galium, ut fama est, helium gesturus acerbum,\\nArmatam educit Julius Urbe manum.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0529.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "622\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nmuch, that the hand of a retributive provi-\\ndence might almost seem to be traced in this\\ncircumstance that the long succession of\\nspiritual usurpers, who were the chiefs of a\\nreligion of peace and the professed vicegerents\\nof the God of love, should terminate at length\\nin a military pontiff. The patience of angels\\nand of men was exhausted by this last mock-\\nery and the more daring the exploits of the\\nsoldier, and the more splendid the conquests\\nof the prince, the more awful was the bolt\\nwhich was even then descending to rend his\\nspiritual empire.\\nWe should also observe, respecting the\\nPopes described in this chapter, that there\\nwas scarcely one whose government did not\\ndeteriorate as it proceeded. Almost all began\\ntheir reign with some promises of religious\\npractice, or ecclesiastical reform, or broad\\nEuropean policy and some, for the first year\\nor two, observed such promises. But their\\nreigns, upon the whole, much exceeded the\\nusual duration of pontifical power, and they\\nhad space to imbibe the corruption which\\nsurrounded them so that even those who\\ncarried with them into the Vatican the ordi-\\nnary principles of human conduct, presently\\nforgot them in the society of debauched par-\\nasites, in the iniquities of a simooiacal court,\\nin the administration of a system full of every\\nimpurity. Thus are we in no manner sur-\\nprised, when we observe these sovereigns\\nengrossed by the temporal interests of their\\nstates, and engaged in securing their power\\nwithin the city, and extending their sway\\nwithout it this was merely to govern like\\nsecular princes, and to pursue the policy\\nwhich some of the greatest among their own\\npredecessors had bequeathed to them. But\\nthe vice peculiarly characteristic of this race,\\nand that which reduced them below the level\\nof former pontiffs, was Nepotism.* It was\\nfor this that the keys and the sword co-ope-\\nrated that benefices were publicly sold, and\\nthe pontificate all but publicly bought that\\nAccinctus gladio Claves in Tybridis amnera\\nProjicit, et saevus talia verba facit\\nQ,uum Petri nihil efficiant ad praslia Claves,\\nAuxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit.\\n*(1.) Eugenius IV. was nephew of Gregory XII.;\\n(2.) Paul II., of Eugenius IV.; (3.) Alexander VI.,\\nof Calixtus III.; (4.) Pius III., of Pius II.; (5.)\\nJulius II., of Sixtus IV.; (6.) and finally, Leo X.\\nwas brother-in-law of the bastard of Innocent VIII.\\nWe should remark, however, that the thirst for ag-\\ngrandizing their own families was not peculiar to the\\nPopes, though peculiarly disgraceful to them. It was\\nconnected with that general struggle for super-emi-\\nnence among private families which distinguished the\\nIiistory of Italy during this century.\\nthe nephews and bastards of a profligate\\nPope might be enriched and aggrandized.\\nMany fiefs of the Church were alienated for\\nthat purpose and what was of worse con-\\nsequence than this, the chief of the Church\\nthus acquired a new motive for attachment\\nto its abuses, and repugnance to any serious\\nreformation. If Julius II. was less tainted\\nwith this vice than those who immediately\\npreceded him* for Julius mingled some\\nmagnanimity with his worldliness, it was\\npresently restored to honor by Leo X., and\\nresumed its dominion over the counsels of\\nthe Vatican.\\nDegradation of the Sacred College. Anoth-\\ner circumstance that strikes us, in the consid-\\neration of this period, is the utter debasement\\nto which the Sacred College finally descend-\\ned. The influence, which the most wicked\\nPope invariably acquired in consistory, may\\nbe ascribed to the less direct operation of his\\npower and patronage. But the secrets of the\\nconclave, which have been transmitted by\\ncontemporary writers, abound with the par-\\nticulars of intrigue, and undisguised perfidy,\\nand unblushing venality. Such was the mu-\\ntual consciousness with which the Pope and\\nhis senate assembled to govern the Church\\nof Christ! such the councils, from which\\nedicts were issued for the suppression of\\nsimony and the correction of the morals of\\nthe clergy Again, it was now become\\nalmost the practice of the Conclave to bind\\nthe future Pope by a solemn obligation, in-\\ntended to influence the nature of his govern-\\nment. The cardinal, while on the point of\\nbeing elected, voluntarily took this oath, in\\ncommon with his colleagues; and immediate-\\nly after his election he confirmed it. In a\\nsimilar manner, restrictions were at that time\\nnot uncommonly imposed by the electiA^e\\nbody on the emperor of Germany and the\\nking of Poland, and they were found effectu-\\nal. But at Rome the result was so far other-\\nwise, that among the many who undertook\\nsuch engagements, there seems not to have\\nbeen one, who faithfully observed what he\\nhad sworn, first as cardinal, next as Pope.\\nThis distinction, so shameful to the Court of\\nRome, confirms the charges of supereminent\\nimmorality commonly brought against it: it\\nJulius designed to make himself master of Bo-\\nlogna, and extinguish the Venetians, and chase the\\nFrench out of Italy and these projects all proved\\nfortunate to him, and so much the more to his praise,\\nin that he did all for the good of the Church, and in\\nno private regard. Machiavel (Principe, cap. xi.)\\nis no great eulogist of Julius.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0530.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "LEO X,\\n623\\nproceeds, however, from the singular princi-\\nples of the papal hierarchy. In the first place,\\nthe Pope, who enjoyed power unlimited over\\nthe obligations of others, might reasonably\\nclaim the right to dispense with his own. In\\nthe next, he had means of influencing those\\nwho might release him from his engagements,\\nor connive at his contempt of them, such as\\nthe crown did not possess, either in Germany\\nor Poland. The immense extent of his pa-\\ntronage, his authority over the property and\\npersons of the cardinals, and his prerogative\\nof creating others, gave him irresistible in-\\nstruments both of seduction and terror. He\\nexercised them unspai ingly and the result\\nwas, that among the various crimes of the\\nVatican, that which became, as it were, pe-\\nculiarly pontifical, was perjury.\\nWhile the crimes of the Vatican were in-\\n^eed so various, as to embrace almost every\\ndenomination of ungodliness, there vvas not\\none among the Popes of this period, who\\nmade even the slightest pretension to piety\\n1 scarcely one, by whom decency, \u00c2\u00a3is well as\\nmorality and religion, was not grossly out-\\nraged. Indeed, when we consider the enor-\\nmity of the scandals permitted and perpetrat-\\ned by Popes and cardinals during the latter\\nyears, it seems a matter of wonder that the\\nI whole Christian world did not rouse itself,\\n-t[s^by an earthquake, and destroy them. But\\nhere it must be observed, that however noto-\\nrious was the infamy of the Roman court to\\nthe nobles, and even the people of Rome\\nhowever generally it might be related and\\ncredited, even throughout Italy, that country\\nprofited too extensively by the tributes of\\nforeign superstition, to feel any desire to close\\ntheir sources: besides which, Italy, having\\nlong exhibited less regard than any other land\\nfor the spiritual treasures and censures of\\nRome, was less disgusted by the spectacle of\\nher vices. But beyond the Alps, where a just\\nindignation would really have been excited,\\nthe private aiTangements of the conclave, and\\neven the secrets of the pontifical palace did\\nyet rarely or imperfectly transpire a sacred\\nveil still continued to conceal the impurities\\nof the Fathei-s of the Church, nor was it rais-\\ned, until the barriers were at length broken\\nby Charles VIII., and the natives of every\\ncountry were admitted to a nearer view of\\nthe pontifical mysteries.\\nLiterary Popes. Another circumstance,\\nwhich made men less disposed to rebellion\\nagainst the Holy See, was the literaiy char-\\nacter of some of the later pontiflTs. The ge-\\nmus a\u00c2\u00abd acconiplishnjeiits of Nicholas V., of\\nPius II., and even of Sixtus IV., threw a light\\nround the chair of St. Peter, which dazzled,\\nand for awhile deceived, the Cisalpine na-\\ntions. Besides, the vices of the court were\\nreally less general during those reigns for if\\nthe example of the Pope did not necessarily\\ninfluence all his cardinals, at least his own\\ncharacter directed him in the choice of those\\nwhom he created so that it is not uncommon,\\nduring this period, to find respectable au-\\nthors,* as well as patrons of learning, among\\nthe members of the Sacred College. But in\\nthe example of Sixtus, evil upon the whole\\npredominated and those who next succeeded,\\npresented models of flagitiousness almost un-\\nqualified, so that the eflfect produced upon the\\nChristian world by the brilliancy of those for-\\nmer reigns, gradually faded away and when\\nLeo X. restored the image of a splendid pon-\\ntificate, it was too late to prevent the out-\\nbreaking of settled, deliberate discontent.\\nEfforts against the Turks. The period de-\\nscribed in this chapter was also marked by one\\nother feature very deservmg of attention;\\nthe hostility of the Turk, and the consequent\\nclamor for a grand Christian confederacy. In\\nformer ages the calamities of the Holy Land\\nand the pollution of the tomb of Christ were\\nmotives sufficient to arm the indignation of\\nthe west. As time proceeded, and knowledge\\nslowly advanced, and wisdom still more slow-\\nly followed it, that rage at length evaporated\\nbut not till the Popes had turned it, in various\\nmanners, to their own profit, to enrich and\\naggrandize their See, and to unitA the Catho-\\nlic Church. Precisely after the same fashion,\\nas far as the altered principles of the age\\nwould allow, did the Vatican treat the ques-\\ntion of the Turkish conquests. In this case,\\nthere was more of reason in the outcry, and\\nproportionably less of superstition the danger\\nwas sometimes imminent it was never very\\nremote and the projected crusade was vir-\\ntually defensive. It is not that some Popes\\nwere not very sincere, especially in the be-\\nginning of their reigns, in their exhortations\\nto arm against the infidel and some had been\\nequally earnest in former ages, in their exer-\\ntions for the liberation of Palestine but many\\nSome of these for instance Cardinal Bessarion,\\nwho died under Sixtus IV. were the creations of an\\nearlier period the turbulent times of Constance and\\nBasle, when the Roman court was obliged, in self-\\ndefence, to adopt men of some learning and talents.\\nThe works of Bessarion are enumerated and describ-\\ned by the Continuator of Fleury (p. 113, 126). His\\ndefence of platonism (in Calumniatorem Platonis)\\nagainst George of Trebisond is the most celebrated\\nof his writings.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0531.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "624\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nmore were not so: yet these raised the same\\noutcry, and repeated as loudly the same ar-\\nguments and declamations. One of them,\\nindeed, Paul IL, so closely imitated the worst\\nexploit of Innocent III., as to divert the course\\nof war from its purposed channel, and direct\\nit against Christian heretics. But the others,\\nwhen not absolutely threatened by invasion,\\nhad, for the most part, two objects in their\\nvociferations; the one, to bring money into\\nthe apostolical chamber; the other, to drown\\nthe reviving demands for Church reform,\\nand turn the thoughts of men to any subject,\\nrather than a general council.* In both these\\nobjects they, for a time, succeeded unhappi-\\nly for the age in which they lived, unhappily\\nfor the permanence of their own empire.\\nBut it was God s providence which ordered\\nthis to the end that the reformation should\\nbe more full and perfect, owing to the very\\nblindness which had retarded it, and to the\\nvery bigotry which thought to withhold it for\\never. For, however various the opinions\\nprevalent at the moment, there can now be no\\nquestion, that if the court of Rome had zea-\\nlously employed itself, during this period of\\nseventy-four years, in removing its scandals,\\nin amending its morals, in retrenching its\\nmore extravagant claims, in reducing its ex-\\npenses, and moderating its exactions, it might\\nliave continued, according to all human cal-\\nculation, to sway for some time longer the\\nspiritual destinies of Europe.\\nCHAPTER XXVIII.\\nPRELIMINARIES OF THE REFORMATION.\\nSection I. On the Potcer and Constitution of\\nthe Roman Catholic Church.\\n(1) Origin, progress, and prosperity of the Pope s secular\\nmonarchy Character and policy of Julius II. Excuse\\nfor the union of the two powers in the Pope Evils pro-\\nceeding from it. (2) The spiritual supremacy of Rome\\nits rise, character, and exjtent Usurpation of Church\\npatronage pretensions to personal infallibility con-\\nSixtus IV., when pressed, in 1472, by the king\\nof France, to call a general council, openly pleaded,\\nas an objection, the urgency of the Turkish war. It\\nwas out of season (the Pope replied) to demand the\\nconvocation of a council, which required considerable\\ntime, when the evil was pressing, and the progress of\\nthe Tui-ks rendered the slightest delays prejudicial to\\nreligion; the other Christian princes had either kept\\ntheir engagements, or were on the point of keeping\\nthem and the king of France should rather join them\\nin so holy a work, and permit the levying of tenths,\\nand other charitable contributions, throughout his\\nkingdom, c. See Contin. Fleury, L. 113, s. 145.\\ntrol over the general morality\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in Penance, Purgatory,\\nand Indulgences\u00e2\u0080\u0094 decline of the power\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not of the pre-\\ntensions. (3) Claims of Rome to universal temporal\\nsiipretnacy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as advanced by Gregoiy VII. on what\\nfounded\u00e2\u0080\u0094 by what means supported- use and abuse of\\nthis power. (4) Constitution of the Church. Origin\\nand gradual aggrandizement of the Cardinals to the\\nrank of kings The capitulations sworn in Conclave,\\nand invariably violated Relative interests and influ-\\nence of the Pope and the Sacred College\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to the advan-\\ntage of the former its usual co-operation witli the\\nPontiff\u00e2\u0080\u0094 General Councils\u00e2\u0080\u0094 subordinate machinery of\\nthe Church\u00e2\u0080\u0094 highest dignities accessible to all ranks\\nGood and evil of this\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Envoys and emissaries\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Men-\\ndicants Inquisition Moral extremes permitted\\nMaxims of policy Methods of securing the obedience\\nof the lowest classes.\\nSection II. On the Spiritual Character, Disci-\\npline, and Morals of the Church.\\n(1) Conservation of the most essential doctrines\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Various\\ninnovations Original system of penance the Peniten-\\ntial of Theodore, Ar fehbishop of Canterbury subse-\\nquent abuses The intermediate state Purgatory\\nOriginal object and gradual abuse of indulgences in\\nnature and in object Translation of an indulgence\\npublished by Tetzel Prayers for the dead Masses,\\npublic and private. The mystery of the Eucharist\\nThe elevation of the Host\u00e2\u0080\u0094 use of the bell\u00e2\u0080\u0094 worship of\\nthe Host Communion in one kind only its object and\\nimpolicy Prohibition of the Scriptures Miraculous\\nimpostures Saints, relics, ;c. More recent disputes\\nand superstitions on the ring of St. Catharine and\\nher Stigmata\u00e2\u0080\u0094 on the Immaculate Conception\u00e2\u0080\u0094 or! the\\nWorship due to the blood of Christ\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the inscription on\\nthe Cross the reed and sponge. (2; Discipline and\\nmorals Concubinage of the Clergy Influence of the\\nlaity Perpetual acknowledgment of Church abuses\\nfrom St. Bernard downwards Cardinal Ximenes\\nBenefits conferred by the Church in ignorant ages\\nTruce of God Exercise of charity Law of asylum\\npenance, c. Original character of Monachism\\nMerits of the Mendicants chiefly as Missionaries\\ntheir success in the thirteenth and fourteenth ages\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Morality in the fifteenth century comprised in the\\nMystics and the lower Clergy Progress and preser-\\nvation of Mysticism in the Western Church Great,\\nthough obscure, virtues of many of the inferior Clergy.\\nSection III. On various Attempts to reform or\\nsubvert the Church.\\n(1) Attempts at self-reform\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The era of Boniface VIII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nsubsequent decline\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Necessity of some reform generally\\nadmitted Designs of the Church reformers, as compar-\\ned with the real nature of the corruptions confined\\nwholly to matters of revenue and discipline very im-\\nperfect even in that respect and never really enforced\\nLearning and blindness of the papal party their\\nmomentary success Progress of improvement and\\nknowledge to final and certain triumph Tardy re-\\nformation in the Roman Catholic Church. (2) Attempts\\nof Protestants to trace their Church to the Apostolic\\ntimes how far successful where they fail Vaudois\\nand Albigeois Bohemian Brethren J^ote on Bossuet\\nErrors of those Dissenters On the Paulicians On the\\nMystics Real value and merit of the sects of the\\ntwelfth and following centuries. (3) Treatment of\\nheretics by the Church Canon of Innocent III. its\\nfair explanation consequence Inquisition Unity of\\nthe Church A more moderate party Principle of in-\\ntolerance adopted by the Laity also Conduct of the\\nChurch in the fifteenth age. (4) On some individual\\nwitnesses of the truth\u00e2\u0080\u0094 John of Wesalia Wesselus\\nJean Laillier Savonarola his history and pretensions\\nErasmus. (5) Particular condition of Germany\\nGreat scene of clerical licentiousness and papal extor-", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0532.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "POWER, c. OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.\\n525\\ntion Political hostilities of Rome and the Empire\\nViolation of the Concordats The Hundred Griev-\\nances Thirst of the people for the Bible Character\\nof Leo X. Conclusion.\\nSection I. On the Power and Constitution of\\nthe Roman Catholic Church.\\nI. In retracing the steps by which Papacy\\ndescended to that ground whereon it received\\nits effectual overthrow, we shall observe in\\nmost of its elements signs of increasing cor-\\nruption and decay but there was oue cir-\\ncumstance, in which its singular prosperity\\nran counter to the general current. The\\ntemporal monarchy of the Pope was at no\\nformer period so extensive and so secure as\\nat the accession of Leo X. At no time had\\nthe limits of the Ecclesiastical states been so\\nwidely stretched, or the factions, which alien-\\nated the capital from the government of its\\nBishop, so depressed and helpless as then.\\nWe have shown, in former chapters, how the\\nPope s political authority originated under the\\nExarchs of Ravenna, through the neglect or\\nweakness of the Eastern empire and how it\\nwas ri vetted by the vigor and the virtues of\\nsome who then occupied the Chair. Soon\\naftenvards the domains of the See were\\nformed and enlarged by Pepin and Charle-\\nmagne, tliough still held by the latter as a\\ndependent portion of his empire.\\nWe have mentioned the donation of Ma-\\ntilda to Gregory VII., and the exertions after-\\nwards made to secure those various posses-\\nsions. In this struggle. Innocent III., and\\nsome other Popes of the thuteenth century,\\nobtained partial, though never permanent,\\nsuccesses; and the territories of Boniface\\nVIII. were more respectable in magnitude,\\nthan united in allegiance and fidelity. But\\nthe secession to Avignon was the signal for\\ngeneral insubordination on every side the\\nBarons rose and seized whatever lay within\\ntheir gi-asp and the patrimony of St. Peter\\nwas torn in pieces by their petty ambition and\\nrapacity.*\\nThe Schism followed and, if the residence\\nof an Antipope recovered some portion of i\\nthat authority which had been forfeited by\\nJe regarde Rome (says Voltaire, Pyrrhonisme\\nde I Histoire) depuis le temps de I Empereur Leo HI.\\nrisaurien, comme une ville Jibre, protegee par les\\nFrancs, ensuite par les Germains, qui se gouverne\\ntant qu elle put en republique, plutut sous le patronage\\nque sous la puissance des Empereurs, dans laquelle le\\nsouverain Pontife eut toiijours le premier credit, et\\nqui enfin a ete entierement soumise aux Papes. It\\nis observed, that no Pope ever assumed the title of\\nKing of Rome. This subject is remarkably well\\ntreated by Gibbon, in bis 49tli cliapter.\\nthe absence of the Pope, yet it was not much\\nthat was resumed, nor was it held with firm-\\nness or confidence. But when the Schism\\nhad ceased, and a Bishop of undisputed le-\\ngitimacy became again resident, though Mai-\\ntin, Eugenius, Nicholas, and Sixtus* even\\nthen had some storms and reverses to en-\\ncounter, the machine of temporal power upon\\nthe whole moved onwards and at length,\\nunder the guidance of Alexander VI. and\\nJulius II., it reached those ample boundaries,\\nfrom which it has never since receded.\\nThe dangerous feuds of the Colonna and\\nOrsini were extinguished the usurpations on\\nthe states of the Church were extorted from\\nthe nobles who had made them; even the\\nturbulence of the Roman people was worn\\ndown by severity, or softened by luxuiy and\\nlicentiousness; and a compact and fi-uitful\\nkingdom bowed in secular servitude before\\nthe sceptre of St. Peter.\\nThe emperor Maximilian designed himself\\nas the successor of Julius II. and solicited\\nthe votes of several members of the college,\\nsome little time before the death of that Pope.\\nHe did not strongly press his project but\\nthe very attempt may show how little neces-\\nsary any pretensions to the spiritual char-\\nacter were then thought for the enjoyment\\nof the loftiest spiritual dignity. Julius was,\\nin all essentials, a temporal prince and had\\nhe not been so, he could scarcely have\\ncrowned his ambition with such extraordi-\\nnaiy triumphs. Yet the spectacle of a secu-\\nlar and militai-y Pope f was not well calcu-\\nGibbon has remarked, that Eugenius IV. was the\\nlast Pope expelled by the tumults of the Roman people\\n(in 1434); and Nicholas V. (in 1447) the last im-\\nportuned by the presence of the Emperor. The same\\nwriter places the last disorder of the Nobles of Rome\\nunder Sixtus IV, and considers the papal dominion\\nto have become absolute about the year 1500. Ma-\\nchiavel (Frencipe, cap. xi.) has observed, that the\\ngreat difficulty in crushing the two rival factions in\\nRome arose from the short reigns of the Popes, and\\nthe inconstancy of their policy: for when any Pontiff\\nhad succeeded in humbling one of those families, his\\nsuccessor might, very probably, raise it up again and\\ndepress the opposite. On the other hand, the exist-\\nence of this feud accounted, in a great degree, for the\\ntemporal weakness of the Popes. At length, Alexan-\\nder VI. and his son overthrew the Barons from motives\\noi family ambition, and Julius II. reaped the fruits\\nof their victory for the advantage of the Church.\\nt A plausible precedent was affoi ded by the per-\\nsonal expedition made by that simple, pious Pontiff,\\nLeo IX. against the Normans who so signally over-\\nthrew him. But it should be recollected, that Leo\\nnever repeated the experiment his military thirst\\nwas satisfied by a single enterprise.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0533.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "526\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nlated to conciliate to the See, in the most\\ncritical moment of its history, the affection or\\nrespect of any description of Christians. The\\ndeep penetration of Juhus may possibly have\\nforeseen the approaching downfall of the\\nspiritual supremacy, and for that reason he\\nmay have labored the more zealously to give\\nstrength to the temporal fabric. If he did so,\\nit was a wise and salutary providence for,\\nin that controversy so often raised-\u00e2\u0080\u0094 whether\\nthe secular dominion of the Pope has tended,\\nupon the whole, to increase or to diminish\\nhis general influence, there is ample room\\nfor difference, in respect to early times but\\nafter the first movements of the Reformation,\\nit is quite clear that it produced to him no-\\nthing but advantage and from that moment\\nthe question rather becomes, whether any\\n.shred or fragment of his ghostly authority\\ncould have been saved without it.\\ny^ Argument for the Papers Secular Monarchy.\\nThe enjoyment of secular power and pride\\nby the Vicegerent of Him whose kingdom is\\nnot of this world, is justified on the ground\\nI of his independence. It is plausibly main-\\nI tained, that the Chief of the OEcumenic\\nChurch, scattered throughout so many na-\\ntions, ought to stand unconstrained by any\\nearthly potentate, and owe no other allegiance\\nthan that to Heaven. The principle, which\\nwould prevent him from being a subject,\\ncompels him to be a monarch, no other\\ncondition can be conceived, which could se-\\ncure him from the control of the tempoi*al\\nsceptre. The above argument acquires some\\nconfirmation from the decline which did, in\\nfeet, take place in the pontifical domination\\nduring the exile at Avignon, though the Pope\\nwas there resident rather as a guest than as a\\nsubject, free from the direct authority of the\\nprince, the slave only of his influence. In\\ntruth, the Catholic, after he has assumed the\\ndivine establishment of one spiritual univer-\\nsal monarchy, wants not sufficient plea for\\nthe maintenance of the temporal government,\\nas secondary and subsidiary. But the Prot-\\nestant, thoughtfully surveying the perplexities,\\nthe intrigues, and the crimes in which a Chris-\\ntian Prelate is thus necessarily involved the\\narmies which he levies, the contributions\\nwhen he extorts, the blood which he sheds\\nreceives from the sad spectacle only fresh\\nreason to doubt, whether the family of Christ\\nhas really been consigned to the rule of one,\\nwho can scarcely rule it in innocence.\\nAnd this remark is the more striking, be-\\ncause, when we reflect on the different wars\\nwhich the Popes have waged in Italy, it real-\\nly appears that they had, for the most part,\\nthe plea of justice. It was generally theiif\\nobject, (notwithstanding some deplorable ex-\\nceptions,) not to make conquests in the do-\\nminions of others, but to defend or to recover\\ntheir own. There was no province in Eu-\\nrope so harassed by rebellions and usurpa-\\ntions as the states of the Church. We need\\nnot pause to account for this circumstance\\nbut it is unquestionably true that no other\\nprince was so commonly liable to depredation\\nand insult as the Pope. Accordingly, his\\nwars were usually defensive, and (it may be)\\nnecessary but that very necessity annihilat-\\ned the pastoral character, and despiritualized\\nthe Vicar of Christ.\\nThe Tributes which he levied. Again, these\\ncontests were not carried on without great\\nexpense and the holy See, despoiled of its pa-\\ntrimony, was at the same time deprived of its\\nnatural resources. Thence arose an obliga-\\ntion to seek supplies in other quarters and\\nwith an obedient clergy and a superstitious\\npeople it was not difficult to make the whole\\nof Christendom tributary. Once in posses-\\nsion of this ample treasury, and of the keys\\nwhich unlocked its innumerable chambers,\\nthe Pontiffs explored and ransacked it with-\\nout restraint, without decency, without dis-\\ncretion. Their emissaries were dreaded as\\nthe tax-gatherers of the Christian world.\\nTheir name was associated with donations,\\nfees, contributions, exactions with every\\nname that is most vile and unpopular in secu-\\nlar governments. And thus, besides the great\\nscandal thereby reflected upon themselves^\\nthey exhausted the affection, the endurance,\\nand almost the credulity of the faithful. It is\\nnot that the moneys thus levied were applied\\nentirely to the defence of the Ecclesiastical\\nStates, or even that they were generally levied\\nunder that pretence but in the first instance,\\nduring the thirteenth century, and afterwards,\\nmore especially under the Avignon succes-\\nsion, a very large proportion was certainly\\na^Dsorbed by the temporal exigencies of the\\nSee, and the increasing demands and extra-\\nvagance of the Court of Rome. The same\\nsystem was continued through the Schism\\nand the century which followed it, as far as\\nthe Popes had power to continue it and there-\\nfore, when we admire their final success in\\nerecting a permanent principality, we shall, at\\nthe same time, recollect the methods which\\nThis system no doubt began soon after the eleventh\\nage, when the Popes were so commonly expelled frora\\nRome, to Orvietto, Viterbo, Anagni, c., and obliged\\nto look to all parts of Christendom for their resources.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0534.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "POWER, c. OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.\\n527\\ntliey had so long and so vainly employed on\\nthat object, and the deep disaffection towards\\ntheir Government which those methods had\\nevery where created.\\nII. The Spiritual Supremacy of Rome.\\nIt is not necessary to retrace the process,\\nby which the spiritual supremacy of Rome\\nwas engendered and nourished. We have\\nobserved with sufficient distinctness, how\\nequivocal and cu cumscribed it was in nature\\nand dimensions, when it entered into the ages\\nof gloom and ignorance, how it grew and\\ndilated in its mysterious passage through\\nthem how portentous in magnitude and\\nmajesty it emerged from the cloud. We have\\nfollowed it through its meridian course of\\ndisastrous glory and we have seen that, even\\nin its decline, it did not suddenly lose either\\nits fierceness or its ascendency. Indeed,\\nhowever strange it may seem, that an author-\\nity, so predominant in its power, so universal\\nand searching in its influence, so extravagant\\nin its pretensions, should have been at all\\ncreated, and out of materials seemingly so in-\\ncongruous it would have been much more\\nstrange, had it been easily or hastily extin-\\nguished. An authority, which claimed the\\nsanction of Heaven, and which stood on\\nhuman imposture; which pleaded the holi-\\nness of antiquity, and which innovated every\\nhour which combined, in its composition,\\nlearning with fanaticism, the use of reason\\nwith its grossest abuse, extreme austerities\\nwith lawless licentiousness, much true piety\\nwith much vulgar and impious superstition\\nand which so applied those various qual-\\nities, as at length to acquire an influence in\\nthe policy of every Court, in the institutions\\nof every Government, in the morals of evei-y\\npeople, in the habits of every family, in the\\nbosom of almost every individual an au-\\nthority, so constructed, supported, acknow-\\nledged, and felt, could not possibly fall in\\npieces without a protracted struggle and a\\nfinal convulsion. It was impressed by the\\nperseverance of fraud upon credulous, abject\\nignorance but so deeply impressed, that,\\nbefore it could be effaced, the substance\\nwhereon it was engraven must first change\\nits nature so that ages of gradual improve-\\nment were required to repair the mischief,\\nwhich ages had conspired to inflict.\\nFor if we examine the extent of this power,\\nwith respect to the objects on which it was\\nmore immediately exerted, shall we find any\\ndepartment, religious or moral, into which, in\\nits triumphant days, it did not penetrate In\\nthe first place, the Pope was the fountain of\\nall ecclesiastical legislation. All the Canons\\nand Constitutions of the Church were sub-\\nject to him.* He could enact, suspend, abro-\\ngate, as might seem good to him, and that,\\nnot only with the advice or consent of the\\nConsistory, or (as it sometimes happened)\\nmerely in its presence, but in the plenitude\\nof his power, and by his own spontaneous\\nmovement, f At the same time, while he was\\nsupreme in his dominion over the laws, he\\nclaimed an entire exemption from their con-\\ntrol, and found a powerful party in the\\nChurch to support his claim.\\nIn the next place, he was the source of all\\npastoral jurisdiction. The final determination\\nof every spiritual cause rested with him. He\\nwas the object of appeal from all the episco-\\nImmediately after burning the Pope s bull, Luther\\npublished several propositions, extracted from the De-\\ncretaJs, among which are the following: that the\\nsuccessors of St. Peter are not subject to the com-\\nmandment of the apostle to obey the temporal powers\\ntliat the power of the emperor is as much below that\\nof the Pope as the moon is below the sun that the\\nPope is superior to councils, and can abolish their\\ndecrees; that all authority resides in his person; that\\nno one has a right to judge him or his decrees; that\\nGod has given him sovereign power over all the king-\\ndoms of the earth, and that of heaven; that he can\\ndepose kings, absolve all oaths and vows; that he is\\nnot dependent on Scripture, but, on the other band,\\nScripture derives all its authority, force, and dignity,\\nfrom him, c. (See Beausobre, Hist. Reform, liv.\\niii.) It is unnecessary to repeat, that the above pro-\\npositions were either drawn from the False Decretals,\\nor were of subsequent origin. Till the timeofVal-\\nentinian III. neither the Eastern nor Western Church\\nhad any other collection of canons than the Code of\\nCanons of the universal Church, compiled by Stephen,\\nbishop of Ephesus. In the first year of Justinian, the\\nCollection of Dionysius the Little vpas publisiied.\\nHe was a monk, living at Rome the same who in-\\ntroduced the practice of computing time from the\\nbirth of Christ a friend, fellow-monk, and fellow-\\nstudent of Cassiodorus. His collection contained the\\nfifty Apostolical Canons, the Canons of Clialcedon,\\nSardica, and the African Councils and the Decretals\\nof Pope Siricius (who died in 398); and it had au-\\nthority in the West under the name of Codex or\\nCorpus Canonum. Some other collections, of little\\nrepute, or only partial authority, were published soon\\nafterwards. (See Giannone, Stor. NapoL lib. iii. c.\\nV.) Then came the forgeries of the eighth age, and\\nthe pretensions first proceeding from them, presently\\nsurpassing them though it was scarcely till the\\ntwelfth century that the new maxims and principles\\ncame into full operation.\\nt De motu proprio. It appears that Bulls pro-\\nceeding de motu proprio were received with great\\nhesitation in France. But they were held by the\\nhigh Papists to be as valid as any other Decrees or\\nCanons.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0535.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "628\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\npal Courts and he delivered, confirmed, or\\nreversed decisions, according to the arbitrary\\ndictates of his justice, or his interest.\\nUsurpation of Church Patronage. The\\napostohcal character of the ministry, perpet-\\nuated by the uninterrupted communication\\nof the Holy Spirit, was held to centre in the\\nsuccessor of St. Peter and thus not only did\\nall sacerdotal sanctity emanate from him, but\\nall the offices and dignities of the Church\\nwere vested in his See. We may observe,\\nhowever, that there was not one among his\\npretensions which cost him so much toil and\\nconflict to substantiate, as this. In his ear-\\nliest attempts to usurp the ecclesiastical pat-\\nronage he was contented to proceed by sim-\\nple recommendation and, as he had already\\ngreat power, his applications were seldom\\ndespised. Hence arose the practice and from\\nthe practice, the right. The prerogative of\\ninstitution, of which he had gradually de-\\nspoiled the Metropolitans for the augmenta-\\ntion of his own dignity, was serviceable as\\nan instrument of further encroachment. The\\nfierce and protracted contest respecting inves-\\ntitures, between the See and the empire, was\\ninflamed by the same design in the former\\nand when it terminated, the Pope found him-\\nself in legal possession of that power of oc-\\ncasional interference in the collation of ben-\\nefices, which it needed no great address to\\nimprove and extend. Still, time and boldness\\nwere required to complete the usurpation\\nand the merit of achieving that work is per-\\nhaps justly attributed to Innocent III.* Soon\\nafterwards the Pragmatic Sanction of St.\\nLouis was levelled against it; and in later\\nperiods it has been obtruded so commonly\\nupon our attention, as almost to convert the\\nrecords of Christ s Church into a detail of\\ndisgusting squabbles about its temporalities.\\nA new vocabulary was introduced into the\\nhistory of religion and as the magnificence\\nof the Court of Rome kept pace with the\\nmajesty of the monarch, and as its avarice\\nemulated his ambition, the field of Reserva-\\ntion and Provision] was enlarged with no\\nSee Mosheim, Cent. xiii. p. ii. ch. ii. It was\\nprobably at this lime that a new pretext for this ex-\\ntension of the papal authority was discovered viz.\\nthat through the Pope s vigilance, the gates of the\\nChurch might be secured against the intrusion of any\\nHeretic.\\nf Even by the more moderate and acknowledged\\nclaims of the Popes, all benefices in the possession of\\nCardinals, or any of the officers of the Court of Rome\\nthose held by persons who happened to die at Rome,\\nor within forty miles from it; and all such as became\\nvacant by translation, were reserved. The invention\\nlimit, and the whole patronage of i\\\\\\\\e univer-\\nsal Church seemed to be absorbed by the\\ncupidity of one man.\\nThe same power which thus created Car-\\ndinals and Bishops, and all other dignitaries,\\npresumed by the same right to confirm, cen-\\nsure, suspend or depose them so that the\\nwhole hierarchy of the west was placed at\\nits arbitrary disposal, f And though this in-\\nordinate despotism was continually resisted\\nand restrained by the princes and parlia-\\nments of Europe, it had no effectual check\\nwithin the Church, nor was there any country\\nof mental reservation demanded the more refined in-\\ngenuity of the sixteenth century it is ascribed to\\nLeo X., or at least, to his predecessor. Respecting\\nprovisions, we may refer to the history of our own\\nChurch, to see with what pertinacity the battle was\\nfought, and how the statutes enacted against them\\nwere perpetually confirmed, and perpetually eluded or\\nviolated. We may observe, however, that the Kings\\nof Europe were not uncommonly neutral or lukewarm\\nin this quarrel; the Pontiffs were sometimes found\\nmore tractable than the chapters, and a concession\\nseasonably made to the former might become the\\nmeans of reciprocal advantage. Again, we some-\\ntimes find the Universities on the side of the Pope\\nnot from any abstract conviction of his right, but be-\\ncause his appointments were often more judicious,\\nmore encouraging to the hopes of learned men, than\\nthose of the Ordinaries, who usually chose their own\\nrelatives or dependents. The Popes had procurators\\nestablished in England, and probably in all other\\ncountries, to look after their interests and the fury\\nwith which they pursued them during the fifteenth\\ncentury, is strongly depicted by Giannone, lib. xxx.\\ncap. 6.\\nThe Council of Sardica in 347 (not a General\\nCouncil) allowed a bishop, deposed by his neighbor-\\ning prelates, to appeal to the Bishop of Rome it\\nlikewise permitted this last to send legates, to re-\\nexamine the case together with those prelates.\\nThese decrees (if they be genuine, which Mosheim\\nsees reason to doubt), prove that the power of de-\\nposition was not then exercised by the Roman bishop,\\nbut by the provincial synods but they also indicate\\na disposition in the western clergy even thus early to\\ndistinguish the prelate of the imperial city, and to\\nconfer greater power on him than on any of his\\nbrethren. This infeirence no one can reasonably dis-\\npute, neither can any one reasonably infer more than\\nthis from the canons in question. See Dr. Cook,\\nHistorical View of Christianity, book iii. chap. ii.\\nt The object of the Oath of Fidelity to the Pope,\\ntaken by the higher clergy on their admission to be-\\nnefices, was to bind them that henceforward they\\nwould be faithful and obedient to St. Peter, the\\napostle, and to the Holy Roman Church, and to the\\nPope and his successors that he should sufl er no\\nwrong through their advice, consent, or connivance;\\nthat they would maintain and promote all his rights,\\nhonors, privileges, and authorities, and resist and\\ndenounce all attempts against him.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0536.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "POWER, c. OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.\\n529\\nIn Which it was not sometimes practically\\nfelt.\\nOn the Personal InfaUihility of the Pope.\\nIt is more difficult to determine, how far the\\nPope was held at any particular period to be\\npersonally absolute in matters of faith. No\\ndoubt, disputed points were perpetually re-\\nferred to his decision, and the decision was\\nconsidered as final. Kut, on the other hand,\\nthere have been Popes at various times, who\\nhave incun-ed the charge of heresy from very\\nfaithful Catholics. Now the very suspicion\\nof eiTor presumes the fallibility of the person\\nsuspected, at least in the opinion of the accu-\\nsers; and in the affair of John XXII. and the\\nprocess against Boniface VIII., we have not\\nobserved that the friends of those Popes de-\\nnied their liability to error. Again, in some-\\nwhat later times, in the councils of Pisa,\\nConstance, and Basle, we find it a principle\\nadmitted by both parties, that a Pope might\\nbe deposed on conviction of heresy whence\\nwe may draw the same inference respecting\\nother periods of Papal history. The claim of\\ninfallibility was not preferred in the delibera-\\ntions at Florence, thougli conducted in the\\npresence of the Pope and his Court, and en-\\ntering very deeply into the subject of papal\\nauthority nor was it advanced at any later\\nperiod in the same century. So that, how-\\never clearly it might be deduced from the\\ngeneral expressions of various bulls and con-\\nstitutions, and even though it should have\\nbeen asserted by some individuals and ac-\\nknowledged and maintained by others, yet it\\nwould be too much to account it among the\\nauthorized pretensions of the Roman See.*\\nHowbeit the doctrines which proceeded from\\nthe chair (ex Cathedra) were seldom disput-\\ned; and the Pontiff might forget the possibil-\\nity of eiTor in the reverence which awaited\\nand embraced his most questionable decis-\\nThe claim to infallibility is not contained in the\\nCreed of Pius IV., compiled out of the Canons of\\nTrent, which Roman Catholics consider as the most\\naccurate summary of their faith and the Universities\\nhave generally opposed it. But it has been main-\\ntained (as a matter of opinion, however, not of faith)\\nby many distinguished individuals, among whom the\\nmost notorious is, perhaps, Bellarmine. It is mor-\\ntifying to humanity to observe the geniv^ of Pascal\\nstooping to draw elaborate distinctions between in-\\nfallibility in matters oi faith and in matters of fact,\\nand exhausting itself to prove, that, though the Pope\\ndoes really possess the former, it does not follow that\\nhe is also invested with the latter^that is, that though\\nhe cannot err in judgment, he may possibly be deceiv-\\ned by falsehood\\nQ7\\nAgain, in the regulation of the moral duties\\nof the faithful, the same searching hand in-\\nterposed with the same rigorous inquisition.\\nA general power of dissolving obligations was\\nclaimed by the successors of St. Peter, and\\nthey applied it in various manners, as suited\\ntheir policy, or, it might be, their conscience\\nsometimes in divorcing a prince from his\\nqueen, sometimes in separating a nation from\\nits monarch. The most sacred oaths were\\nannulled with the same ease, which dispensed\\nwith the slightest promise and as there were\\nmany who profited, or might hope to profit,\\nby that papal prerogative, and as it was made\\nftimiliar by constant exercise, so were there\\nfew who cared to question it, however shame-\\nful the ends to which it was sometimes ap-\\nplied.\\nPenance and Purgatory. It is the doctrine\\nof the Roman Catholic Church that, besides\\nthe eternal punishments denounced against\\nsin, there are also temporal penalties attached\\nto it, which are still due to the justice of God,\\neven after he may have remitted the former\\nand that those penalties may consist either of\\nevil in this world, or of temporal suffering in\\nthe next and intermediate condition of purga-\\ntory. It is also an article of faith, that a sat-\\nisfaction in their place has been instituted by\\nChrist, as a part of the Sacrament of Penance,\\nand that the jurisdiction of the Church as ex-\\nercised by the Pope, extends to the remission\\nof that satisfaction. The act of remission is\\ncalled an Indulgence; it is partial or com-\\nplete, as the indulgence is for a stated time or\\nplenary, and the conditions of repentance and\\nrestitution are in strictness annexed to it.\\nThrough this doctrine, the Popes were, in\\nfact, invested with a vast control over the\\nhuman conscience, even in the moderate ex-\\nercise of their power, because it was a power\\nwhich overstepped the limits of the visible\\nworld. But when they proceeded, as they\\ndid soon proceed, flagitiously to abuse it, and\\nwhen, through the progress of that abuse,\\npeople at length were taught to believe, that\\nperfect absolution from all the penalties of\\nsin could be procured from a human being\\nand procured too, not through fervent prayer\\nand deep and earnest contrition, but by mil-\\nitary service, or by pilgrimage, or even by\\ngold\u00e2\u0080\u0094 it was then that the evil was carried so\\nfar, as to leave the historian doubtful, whether\\nany thing be any where recorded more aston-\\nishing than the wickedness of the clergy, ex-\\ncept the credulity of the vulgar.\\nWe shall recur to this scandal, for it was\\nthe immediate cause of the Reformation but", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0537.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "aso\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nit is proper to remark that, in the general pic-\\nture which has been drawn of Rome s spir-\\nitual despotism and pride, some features had\\nalready been effaced before the approach of\\nLuther. From the 4eath of Boniface VIII.,\\nthe colors had been gradually, though insen-\\nsibly, fading away. The dependent Popes\\nof France sustained the character of Gregoiy\\nVII. and Innocent IV. with feebleness and\\ndegeneracy. The profligacy and rapacity of\\ntheir Court began to dissolve the hereditary\\nspell, and withdraw the sacred veil, which\\nhad hitherto concealed their real weakness.\\nDuring the Schism, the rival Antipopes railed\\nagainst each other, while they covered them-\\nselves with cri nes and the nations who were\\nappealed to, as arbiters of the dispute, could\\nscarcely fail to detect the unworthiness of\\nboth parties. In the Councils which follow-\\ned, some principles were advanced and es-\\ntablished which, though still too narrowly\\nlimited by inveterate prejudices, were at least\\nsubversive of the absolute monarchy of the\\nPontiff. When the Councils were dissolved,\\nand the duty of convoking others successfully\\neluded by the Popes, the Court of Rome, lib-\\nerated from that terror, once more plunged\\ninto debauchery, more shameless, yet more\\nnotorious, than the abominations of former\\ndays and the various scandals of the tenth\\ncentury were surpassed by Innocent VIII., by\\nAlexander, and Julius, m an age of compar-\\native civilization. It is true, that in its pre-\\ntensions the See had abated nothing of its\\nancient an ogance, and we have observed\\nwhat awe it was sometimes capable of inspir-\\ning even in its decay. But the light had bro-\\nken in the slow, yet irresistible hand of\\nknowledge had commenced its labors; and\\nthe basis of opinion, on which alone the spir-\\nitual despotism rested, was already shaken\\nand shattered.\\nIII. The claims of Rome to universal Tem-\\nporal Supremacy. The effect of successful\\nusurpation is to aggravate ambition, and the\\nmore disproportionate the success to all rea-\\nsonable hope and calculation, the wilder are\\nthe schemes which take their rise from it.\\nTlie spiritual despotism of the Pope transcends\\nany exhibition of human power described in\\nany history, until we approach the surpassing\\nmagnitude of his temporal pretensions. The\\ndesign of Gregory VII. was the most daring\\nia agination of human ambition. To estab-\\nlish the Chair of St. Peter as the source of^ all\\npower, secular as well as pastoral, civil as\\nwell as ecclesiastical to subject all kings and\\nall governments to the crosier of an unarmed,\\naged priest to regulate the politics of the\\nworld by the annual meeting of a Senate of\\nEcclesiastics, under the eye of that autocrat\\nto dispose of all countries and of all thrones\\nto create monarchs and then to suspend, or\\ndepose them to sport, as it were, with all\\nthat is sublime and mighty in earthly things\\nsuch was a schente beyond the boldest\\nconception of secular pride and it was en-\\ngendered, where alone it could have found\\nany nourishment, in the breast of a monk.\\nThe temporal supremacy of the Pope was\\nprojected not in the darkest moment of su-\\nperstition and barbarism; it was promoted\\nduring a period more enlightened than that in\\nwhich it originated it reached the height of\\nits triumph during the latter part of the thir-\\nteenth century, when Frederic II. had given\\nan impulse to literature, when Dante was\\nearning immortality and, but for that French\\nintrigue which transplanted Papacy for a sea-\\nson into a foreign soil, it might have advanced\\nstill farther it would not, at least, have reced-\\ned so soon. Yet its fate must naturally have\\nfollowed the decline of the spiritual authority\\nof the See, since it had absolutely no other\\nfoundation than that and as it was of later\\norigin, and more obviously insulting to every\\nman s reason, so was its overthrow more\\nrapid and more complete. Yet its latest pre-\\ntensions were not unworthy of its ancient\\nmsolence and the presumption with which\\nit distributed, in the fifteenth centuiy, king-\\ndoms and oceans, and continents, is recollect-\\ned with astonishment even by the Catholics\\nthemselves since the Catholics now for the\\nmost part admit, that that branch of the Pon-\\ntifical authority was an indefensible usurpa-\\ntion.\\nNevertheless, it found much support in the\\ntemporary interests of the great; it held forth\\na plausible pretence in the pacific objects\\nwhich it professed, and it was really instru-\\nmental in confeiTing some benefits on man-\\nkind. Probably there is no Court in Europe,\\nin which the Papal right to dispose of thrones\\nhas not at some time been virtually recognis-\\ned. It was never disputed by any prince,\\nwho found his immediate profit in its ac-\\nknowledgment vv^hen the crown was offered\\nby the Pontifical hand, the validity of the\\ndonation was never questioned and thus did\\nsovereigns sharpen for the chastisement of\\ntheir rivals, a weapon, which was so easily\\nturned against themselves.\\nIn the worst periods of feudal government,\\na mediatory influence over the various chiefs", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0538.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "POWER, c. OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.\\nof the European Republic, vested in the head\\nof the universal religion, if exercised with\\nmoderation, vrith disinterestedness, with dis-\\ncretion, according to the rules of Evangelical\\ncharity, might have conferred the most sub-\\nstantial blessings on society and since the\\nPapal interference was sometimes so regu-\\nlated, it had not been wholly destitute of ad-\\nvantage. Divisions have been healed, wars\\nhave been prevented, crimes have been pun-\\nished, justice has been honored, tyranny has\\nDeen checked, by the arbitrary decrees of the\\nVatican the Popes were, upon the whole,\\nis wise and as virtuous as the princes around\\nthem and when we consider the holy ground\\non which their government professed to stand,\\nit is very shameful, that they were not much\\nmore so. But the good which they conferred\\nwas confined to evil times, and even then it\\nwas alloyed with much mischief. The mo-\\ntives of their mediation were at least as com-\\nmonly found in anger or ambition, as in re-\\nligion or philanthropy and it may be ques-\\ntioned whether the political benefits which\\nproceeded from it, such as the establishment\\nof a liberal party in Italy, and occasional re-\\nstraints on kingly despotism, were not rather\\nthe consequence, than the design, of their\\npolicy. The means employed by their ambi-\\ntion were sometimes lower than the ordinaiy\\nlevel of political immorality. To rouse sub-\\njects against their sovereigns is a detestable\\nmethod of effecting even a beneficial purpose\\nyet it is common and human but to arm\\nthe hands of children against the thrones and\\nlives of their parents is a policy suggested by\\nthe counsels of Satan.\\nIV. The Constitution of the Church. It\\nwas a position advanced by Pierre d Ailly,\\nthat a Council General had no power over\\nthe Pontifical dignity, which was of divine\\nauthority, but only over the abuse of that dig-\\nnity. And on that account (he adds) the\\nmonarchical system of the Church is temper-\\ned by an admixture of the aristocratical and\\ndemocratical principle. In the balance of\\nthe Roman Catholic polity, the Papal despo-\\ntism was, in fact, mitigated by two restraining\\npowers whatever may be the political de-\\nnominations properly belonging to them the\\nCollege of Cardinals and General Councils\\nby the former as the electors, the constitutional\\nEt idcirco status monarchicus Ecclesise regimine\\naristocratico et democratico temperatur. A position\\nlaid down by Gerson on the same subject is not at\\nvariance with this Ecclesiastica Politia ita est\\nmonarchica, ut non mutari possit in aristocraticuni\\naut democraticam.\\ncounsellors and coadjutors of the Pope; by\\nthe latter as the states-general of the Universal\\nChurch.\\nRise and Progress of the Cardinals. Until\\nthe edict of Nicholas II. in 1059, the name\\nof Cardinal possessed little dignity or dis-\\ntinction, and the body had no existence, as\\nan acknowledged branch of the Ecclesiastical\\nsystem. The important share which it then\\nreceived in the election of the Pope was con-\\nfirmed and extended by the further regulations\\nof Alexander III. The consent of two-thirds\\nof the body was made sufficient for a legal\\nchoice and the College was at the same time\\nenlarged by some considerable permanent ad-\\nditions. To conciliate the higher class of\\nthe clergy, the priors of some of the principal\\nchurches were enrolled among the electors\\nthe acquiescence of the inferior orders was\\nsecured by the admission of the cardinal\\ndeacons and the civil authorities, who rep-\\nresented the interests of the people, were\\nappeased by the elevation of the seven Pala-\\ntine judges to the same office. Indeed, it is\\nfrom th is time, more properly than from the\\ndecree of Nicholas, that we should date the\\nfoundation of the Sacred College.\\nThe sixty-first dissertation of Muratori treats\\nDe Origine Cardinalatus; and he arrives, through\\nmuch learning, at the probable conclusion, that the\\nterm was in Italy originally applied to all, whether\\nbishops, priests, or deacons, who were immoveably,\\nand in perpetuity, established in a cure or dignity, in\\ncontradistinction to the Vicarii, or temporary and\\noccasional ministers. Parochial churches (originally\\ncalled Baptismal) and Diaconiae (pious houses for the\\nreception of the poor, mendicants, infirm, and strang-\\ners) were respectively administered by the priest and\\ndeacon: and when he was fixed therein for life, he\\nwas called Cardinal. The term implied the stability\\nof the office\u00e2\u0080\u0094 its dignity and superiority was associated\\nwith that, and was a secondary accompaniment. So\\nof Bishops. Vacant sees were, originally, often com-\\nmended to some one in the interim, donee ibi con-\\nstitueretur proprius et titularis. But when the\\npermanent prelate was appointed, he was said to be\\nincardinated (incardinari) in the see, and became\\ncardinal. Respecting the subsequent aggran-\\ndizement of the Sacred College, we may mention,\\nthat Nicholas IV. in 1289, divided the Roman rev-\\nenues equally between the Pope and the Cardinals\\n(Pagi, Vit. Nic. IV. s. xxii.) and that they profited\\nby the ultra-papal Decretals of Gregory IX. The\\ntitle of Eminence, in the place of Illustrissiraus, was\\ngiven them by Urban VIII. but it is an observation\\nof Fleury, (Discours 4me. sur la Discipline,) that\\ntheir frequent appearance in the character of Legates\\na latere, on which occasions they took precedence of\\nall ecclesiastical dignitaries, and ruled as the repre-\\nsentatives of the Pope, connibuted more than any\\nother cause to their exaltation.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0539.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "B3^\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nThat event marks an important epoch in\\nthe history of the Church not only because\\nit secured the more peaceful election of the\\nPopes, and prevented those perpetual broils\\nand schisms which arrested the fiiglit and\\ndimmed the eye of Papacy but also because\\nit introduced a new element into the Eccle-\\nsiastical polity, which gradually expanded,\\nand acquired in process of time a great and\\nunforeseen preponderance.\\nWe observe an edict published by Hono-\\nrius III. in ]225, for the especial protection\\nof the cardinals from all personal assaults\\nand offences and other proofs are afforded\\nof the tenderness with which the monarch-\\npopes had begun to regard the Court of St.\\nPeter. But the first public occasion, which\\nwas turned to the aggrandizement of the\\nCollege, and which raised its members to an\\nideal level with mere worldly princes, was\\nthe first Council of Lyons, held (in 1245) by\\nInnocent IV. From that moment they be-\\ncame essentially distinguished from the rest\\nof the clergy in rank and in pride and the\\ncounsellors and associates of that Power\\nwhich overshadowed the majesty of kings,*\\nlooked down with disdain upon the petty\\nbishopsf who occupied the inferior regions of\\nthe hierarchy. But their prosperity was not\\nfavorable to their virtue or their concord.\\nIn the discharge of that very duty, which\\ngave birth to their dignity, they disgraced\\nthemselves and scandalized the Church by\\ntheir dissensions; and instead of promptly\\nrepairing her loss, they frequendy allowed\\nlong intervals to elapse, in which she remain-\\ned without a head, and Christ without a vice-\\ngerent upon earth. This had been particu-\\nlarly the case before the election of Gregory\\nX. and that excellent pontiff accordingly\\nundertook to remedy the evil which had\\ntouched himself so closely. And then follow-\\ned (in 1274) the institution of the Conclave.\\nLouis II. seems, from Pagi (Vit. Nicolai, s. iii.)\\nto have been the first emperor who held the Pope s\\nbridle; and Nicholas I. (858 867) the first Pope\\nwho exacted that proof of inferiority humillima\\nilia Imperatoris Ludovici erga Nicolaimi Pontificem\\nobsenuia refert Anastasius Bibliothecarius.\\nf Episcopelli was the term by which the cardinals\\nloved to designate prelates who had not received the\\nhat according to Nicholas of Clemangis. About the\\nsame time, Pierre d Ailly in his Discourse De Ec-\\nclesicB Auctoritate (Opera Gersoni, vol. i. p. 901)\\ntakes some pains to make out, that the cardinals are\\nthe legitimate representatives of the Apostles, the\\nCouncil of the representative of Christ We\\nshould never forget that Pierre d Ailly was a reformer,\\nand decidedly opposed to the high-papist party.\\nThe cardinals, after some ineffectual at-\\ntempts to shake off the constraint thereby\\nimposed on them, presently turned their at-\\ntention to lay such restrictions on the Pon-\\ntifical authority, as might still farther enlarge\\nthe privileges and interests of the College;\\nand they proposed to make their right of\\nelection subservient to this end.* The Con-\\nclaves of Avignon were the first in which\\ni\\\\\\\\Q future pontiff was invited to bind himself\\nby that sacred oath, which he never hesitated\\nto take, which he never omitted to confirm,\\nand which he never failed to violate. The\\nintroduction of that practice demonstrates the\\npower of the Sacred College, as well as its\\nambition but in tempting the morality of its\\nmasters, and exhibiting itself as a fruitful\\nnursery for Pontifical perjurers, it did not\\nwell consult either its own interests, or the\\nhonor of the holy See, or the stability of the\\nChurch. It is true that the mysteries of the\\nConclave were not, in those days, very gen-\\nerally divulged, nor did they descend, per-\\nhaps, to the knowledge of those ranks in so-\\nciety, which are most sensible to the scandal\\nof great crimes. But as knowledge gained\\nground, and as the reformers of the Church\\nmultiplied, while its enemies grew more\\npowerful, those secret iniquities w^ere brought\\nto light, and the tales of former days were\\naccredited by the deeds of the existing gene-\\nration. In truth it would seem, that, in the\\ngeneral corruption of the hierarchy of Rome,\\nthe disorders of the Court excited louder and\\nmore general indignation, even than those\\nof the monarch of the Church.\\nRelative Power and Interests of the Pope\\nand Cardinals. The relative situation and\\nreciprocal influence of the Pope and the\\nSacred College were such, in appearance, as\\nto. promise a moderate government under a\\nlimited monarchy: they were such, in reality,\\nas to present, under that show, an imperious\\nand oppressive despotism. According to an-\\nThe professed object of the oath taken in con-\\nclave previously to the election of Eugenius IV. was\\nad conservandum statum ecclesife Romanae et mon-\\narchiam ecclesiasticam cum cardinalium dignitate;\\nqui cum sint lumina et ornamenta prope Papam,\\nSedem Apostolicara illnstriantia, et columnae firmis-\\nsimae sustentantes ecclesiam Dei, cum Romano Pon-\\ntifice eadem, ut membra suo capiti, concordia inso-\\nhibili debent esse conjunct!. On the same occasion\\nit was stipulated that the formula de consilio fratrum\\nnostrorum should be changed to de consensu that\\nthe Pope should not create new cardinals without the\\nconsent of the old that half the revenues of the\\nChurch should be paid lo the Coilege, ;c. See\\nPajri, Vit. Ei-senii IV.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0540.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "POWER, c. OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.\\n533\\ncient Canons, and the Constitutions of later\\nCouncils, the Consistory was the permanent\\nSenate of this Church and its sanction was,\\nin strictness, required to give force to all the\\ndecrees of the Vatican.* It was likewise re-\\nstricted by the same laws to a fixed and mode-\\nrate number none were to be admitted into\\nit except men of mature age, acknowledged\\nlearning, approved piety and its morality\\n(the surest source of ecclesiastical power) was\\nprovided for by severe injunctions. These\\nregulations were, indeed, for the most part\\ndisregarded nevertheless the body did in\\nfeet contain many elements of strength. It\\nconsisted of individuals, most of whom were\\nin the flower of life, practised in the affairs\\nof the world, familiar with courts, possibly\\nconnected with princes; subtle in the con-\\nception of their designs, unscrupulous in the\\npursuit of their interests. On the other hand,\\nthe Pope was commonly enfeebled by age. f\\nHis election was placed entirely in their\\nhands and by theii- perseverance in attempts\\nto make this power the means of abridging\\nhis authority, they sufficiently manifested\\ntheir inclination to do so.\\nWhere then was the point of their weak-\\nness How was it, that their design was so\\nejQfectually frustrated? Of the reasons, which\\nmay be mentioned for their failure, the first\\nwas the con*uption of the College itself; for\\nwithout that, all the various resources of the\\nPope could not have upheld his predomi-\\nnance. The second was the power which\\nhe possessed over the persons and property\\nof the Cardinals, which reached to imprison-\\nment, spoliation, torture, and even death, and\\nwhich was not uncommonly exerted. But\\nthis required at least a pretext for its exercise\\nwhereas that to which we next come, was of\\neasy and universal operation. The patronage\\nof the Church was placed to a great extent at\\nhis disposal and where menaces might not\\nprevail, the most certain method of persua-\\nsion remained to him. Lastly, he enjoyed\\nthe prerogative of multiplying the members\\nof his refractory senate, and thus creating a\\nmajority subservient to his views for the\\nlaws, which had been enacted lO restrain that\\npower, do not appear at any time to have\\nbeen seriously observed. By the dexterous\\napplication of these various means, the Pon-\\ntiff was enabled to command with great cer-\\ntainty the suffrages of the Consistory.\\nThe Cardinals were the Brothers of the Pope,\\nand edicts were published by their counsel.\\nt The average reign of the Popes during the first\\nfifteeo centuries was of about seven years.\\nGeneral Councils. Notwithstanding the\\nrestraints which the Cardinals endeavored to\\nimpose upon the Papal authority, they were\\nzealously united in its defence, whenever it\\nwas assailed from any other quarter because\\ntheir own dignity was essentially involved in\\nthe majesty of the See. This was sufficiently\\nproved by the proceedings of Constance and\\nBasle and on the same principle it became\\nthe object of those two Councils to reform\\nthe Court, no less than the Chair, of St. Peter.\\nThe real extent of the lawful power possessed\\nby those august bodies was furiously contested\\nboth in that and succeeding ages nor has it\\nyet ceased to be a matter of speculative differ-\\nence among Roman Catholics. Again, the de-\\ncrees which they published for the reformation\\nof the Vatican were, for the most part, eluded,\\nor openly outraged. But the effects which\\nthey really produced on the destinies of Pa-\\npacy, though less immediate, were more dura-\\nble, and far more extensive, than theu* authors\\nhad contemplated. The association of pow-\\nerful and learned laymen in ecclesiastical\\ndeliberations, the habit of fi-ee discussion, the\\npopular constitution of the assemblies, espe-\\ncially the last, the public promulgation of\\nanti-papal principles, and the practice of con-\\ntending with Popes and deposing them, pro-\\nduced a deep impression in every quarter of\\nthe Catholic world. Bome alone might fail\\nto comprehend the warning, or affect to des-\\npise it; and she reaped the fi-uits of her\\nblindness or perversity. For the truth is, that\\nthe springs which were then opened, had\\nthey been allowed by the Papal policy to take\\nthe course originally marked out for them,\\nwould but have cleansed away some of the\\ncorroding abuses of the See, and thus increas-\\ned its strength; but being dammed up and\\ndiverted by a short-sighted opposition, they\\nwere indeed repressed for the moment yet\\nthey presently broke forth in another quarter\\nwith redoubled violence, and finally swept\\naway the mansion, which they were at first\\nintended to purify.\\nVarious Principles and Instruments of the\\nRoman Church. The sketch which is here\\npresented of the general constitution of the\\nRoman Catholic Church, and of its tendency\\nto decline during the two centuries which\\npreceded the Reformation, should be filled up\\nby some of the less preceptible portions of the\\nfabric that we may not wholly overlook the\\nsubordinate machinery, which alone enabled\\nit to subsist so long. First, then, let us men^\\ntion that popular principle in its construction,\\nby which it threw open its benefices and dig", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0541.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "534\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\niiities, even the Apostolical Chair, to every\\nrank in society. It appealed to the ambition\\nof all mankind nor was this any faithless\\nlure, to excite the industry of the faithful,\\nand then to elude their hopes so far other-\\nwise, that several of the most eminent and\\nhonored aipong the Pontiffs were of ignoble\\nand even unknown origin. As long as the\\nlevel of ecclesiastical morality approached at\\njail near to the pretensions of ancient purity\\nas long as virtue and piety were held requi-\\nsite for high offices, no less than talents and\\nlearning so long the emulation awakened\\namong Churchmen was serviceable not only\\nto the prosperity of the Church, but to the\\ngeneral welfare of society, and the general\\ninterests of religion. But when, in the first\\nstage of sacerdotal corruption, other paths\\nwere discovered of ascending the spiritual\\npyramid;* when the bigot or the parasite\\nwas found to reach the summit more surely\\nthan the man of holy and humble, yet upright,\\nindustry then it became probable that men\\nso promoted would throw scandal on the\\nChurch and it was certain, that they would\\nconfer no benefits on mankind. But when\\nat length, in days of deeper iniquity, the most\\nodious vices formed, as it were, the morals\\nof Rome, ecclesiastical ambition became very\\nclosely connected with anti-Christian princi-\\nples, and ayarice, licentiousness, and perfidy,\\ntoo frequently prepared the way to the throne\\n\u00c2\u00a9f St. Peter. Howbeit, the talent and in-\\ngenuity of men were still stimulated by the\\nsplendid prospect, and all the energies of the\\nmere intellect f were still exercised and abus-\\ned in the service of the Church. Nor yet\\nwere they always abused ^the love of letters\\nwas sometimes a passport to the most elevated\\ndignities, and the instrument which was des-\\ntined to overthrow the See was sometimes\\nemployed to illustrate and support it. Nicho-\\nlas V. and Pius II. eminently proved the great\\nadvantage which the democratical principle\\nmight confer upon the church, even in its\\nworst age. But the occasional success of ge-\\nnius, of even learning, was insufficient for the\\nsupport of a religious establishment. The\\nsprings of morality were poisoned. The vices\\nIt is said, that the tops of pyramids are accessible\\nonly to two descriptions of animals the eagle and the\\nserpent. Both have found their imitators in the his-\\ntory of the Roman Catholic Hierarchy.\\nt The great mass of business, carried from all\\nquarters to Rome, so as to make it for such matters\\nIhe school of Europe, drew thither men of talents and\\nmbition, and gave them occupation, and consequently\\n^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ngaged them in the defence of the system, by which\\nthey profited.\\nof the ecclesiastics were those least pardon^\\nable, and least pardoned, in the ecclesiastical\\ncharacter. The contrast between the de-\\nmeanor of the Hierarchy and its professions\\nand pm*poses was too violent and too manifest.\\nThe tutelary spirit of piety had deserted the\\ntemple, and its gates were thrown open to ia-\\nvite the invasion of the Reformer,\\nThe hand of arbitrary power must some-\\ntimes be seen as well as felt, in order that its\\ncommands may always be obeyed. And the\\nBishop of Rome soon discovered the policy\\nof visiting the more distant communities of\\nthe faithful by envoys and emissaries. In\\nearlier ages, the pomp and haughtiness of his\\nLegates sufficiently represented the pontifi-\\ncal presence. They awed the assemblies of\\nthe great, and insulted the dignity of princes.\\nIn succeeding times, when reason and heresy\\nraised their heads, and it became necessary\\nto exert a more direct and searching influence\\nover the people, the Mendicants started into\\nexistence, and spread like a cloiid over the\\nface of Europe. These men were zealous\\nand indefatigable ministers of a master,\\nwhom, if many served from interest, many\\nrevered with honest enthusiasm. They prac-\\ntised great austerities; they preached with\\nfervor, sometimes with eloquence above all,\\nthey eagerly embraced and appropriated the\\nscholastic erudition of the day and thus it\\nwas that by feeding the false appetite for fal-\\nlacies and subtleties, they converted learning,\\nwhich was the natural enemy of Papacy, into\\nits useful instrument. Among the accidents\\n(if accident it can properly be called) which\\nconspired to prolong the dominion of Rome,\\nthe most fortunate was assuredly this, that\\nthe first efforts of reviving reason were so\\nperplexed and tortuous, as to be capable\\nof serving falsehood no less effectually than\\ntruth.\\nThe Scholastic system was in due season\\nsupplanted by a better\u00e2\u0080\u0094 but the influence of\\nthe Mendicants fell still earlier into decay:\\nbecause they insensibly departed from the\\nshow of moral excellence, which had recom-\\nmended them to popular favor because the\\nPope had gradually converted them into the\\ninstruments of his cruelty, and the represent-\\natives of his avarice. It was thus that they\\nlost their hold on the affections of the vulgar.\\nFor the lowest classes of mankind, though\\nthey may sometimes judge wrong, will al-\\nways feel right; their principles may be\\nshaken by the example of their superiors,\\nbut they v/ill always tend to rectitude and if\\nthey ever show favor to any crjtne or base?", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0542.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "POWER, c. OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.\\n535\\nness, it is because they are deceived, not\\nbecause they are depraved.\\nThe discipline of the Church of Rome\\npractically permitted the utmost latitude of\\nrigor and laxity. In the same community,\\nunder the same government, within the walls\\nof the same monastery, Hcentiousness was\\ntolerated and austerity encouraged. The\\nlordly Prelate transcended the pomp of secu-\\nlar luxury the genuine disciple of St. Fran-\\ncis disclaimed all right even to the use of\\nearthly possessions. The Cardinal and the\\nCarmelite were united by the same ministry,\\nby devotion to the same master, by the same\\nprofessional hati-ed of heresy. But this start-\\nling inconsistency was not without its use,\\nnor perchance without its design. For since,\\nin the diversity of the human character, the\\nvulgar may either be dazzled by pageantry,\\nor moved to reverence by mortification and\\nhumility, so also the exhibition of the one\\nwas a guarantee against contempt, that of the\\nother against envy and reproach. So that\\nthe Church, in this respect truly universal,\\nhad space and occupation for every character\\nand every faculty whilst it nourished a mul-\\ntiform and incongruous progeny, who con-\\nfuted (while at the same time they confirmed)\\nthe most opposite accusations. The poverty\\nof the Mendicant, and the piety of the Mis-\\nsionary, redeemed in public estimation the\\nwealth and vices of the Hierarchy.\\nPolicy of the Vatican. We pass over the\\nmaxims of policy usually ascribed to the\\nVatican ^to confound the marks of filial and\\nfeudal obligation to accept respect as obe-\\ndience, and oflTer counsels as commands; to\\nobscure the limits of temporal and spiritual\\njurisdiction to keep all disputed rights in\\nThough, in the progress of this work, the author\\nhas purposely abstained from any particular notice of\\nthe ecclesiastical affairs of England, in the belief that\\nthey are intended to form the subject of a separate\\nhistory, yet the following remarks on the nature of\\none branch of spiritual jurisdiction, as exercised in\\nthis kingdom, having been kindly furnished him by a\\nlegal friend, are too valuable not to be accepted and\\ninserted with gratitude.\\nIt is asserted in several of the old law books, that\\nthe spiritual jurisdiction within the English realm is\\nderived from the king, and that such jurisdiction,\\nwhen exceeded, is subject to the control of the king s\\ntemporal courts. The latter assertion is of course\\ntrue at present the former perhaps relates to a ques-\\ntion of words rather than of fact. If the Church in\\nearly times claimed the authority, and the king as-\\nsented to the claim, the result might be stated as an\\nact either of obedience or of favor on the part of the\\nprown.\\nWith respect to one particular subject matter of\\nsuspense and perplexity, so that the greater\\ncraft might never want pretexts for encroach-\\nment; to crush the obsthiate and gain the\\nmercenary; to plunder the subject without\\necclesiastical jurisdiction, the wills of deceased per-\\nsons, and the disposition of the goods of those who\\ndied intestate its origin has been the occasion of\\nmuch controversy. The question relates simply to\\npersonal property. A freehold interest in land was,\\nin early times, with a few exceptions, not subject to\\nthe will of the dying owner. The superior lord s\\nrights, as they existed during the vigor of the feudal\\ninstitutions, would have been prejudiced by permitting\\nsuch a power of devising. The restriction was only\\nto be evaded by a transfer of the property, during the\\nowner s life, to a person who was to hold it subject\\nto particular purposes to be declared by will and the\\ncourts of equity, by a proceeding which seems to have\\noriginated with the ecclesiastical chancellors, com-\\npelled the party so holding to apply the estate as the\\nwill directed, treating the matter as a question of\\nconscience. The statute passed in the thirty-second\\nyear of the reign of king Henry VIII. first gave the\\ndirect power of devising freehold interests in land.\\nBut a devise deriving its validity from the provisions\\nof this statute has been always considered as a con-\\nveyance of the property, not a designation of the heir.\\nIt prevents the land from being inherited at all. This\\ndistinction, although it may appear rather technical,\\nleads to many practical results of importance; and it\\nis a point in which the English law differs from the\\ncivil law. But it is here sufficient to stale that de-\\nvises of freehold estates are in no way the subject\\nmatter of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Even where a\\nAvill contains a disposition of both realty and person-\\nalty, the authority of the spiritual com ts operates only\\nso far as the will affects the personalty.\\nThe present authority of the spiritual courts over\\nthe personal property of deceased persons amounts to\\nthis. If there be a claim to establish a will, it is to be\\nproved before tlie spiritual court; that is, the spiritual\\ncourt determines whether it be a valid will of the de.-\\nceased. The recognition of the validity is technically\\nexpressed by saying that the executor proves the will,\\nor obtains probate, which is granted by the court.\\nThe authenticity of the a\\\\ ill, as to personalty, cannot\\nbe directly questioned in the temporal courts, after\\nprobate has been granted; nor can it be asserted\\nthere, before pi-obate is granted. If there be no exe-\\ncutor named in the will, or if the executor named will\\nnot or cannot act, the spiritual court gives the admin-\\nistration (or disposal) of the effects to an administra-\\ntor, who is to administer according to the directions\\nof the will. Again, if there be no will, the spiritual\\ncourt invests an administrator with the power of ad-\\nministering.\\nThis jurisdiction of the spiritual courts 5s certainly\\nvery ancient. Authorities have been produced to show\\ntliat, by the Saxon laws, the probate of testaments\\nwas given by the old county courts. The bishop and\\nthe sheriff sat togetlier in these courts, as presidents.\\nA charter of William the Conqueror separated the\\n(a) Originally, the form of bequeathing personal pro-\\nperty extended only to a part 3 tlie law regulated the dis-\\ntribution of the remainder", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0543.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "536\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\noffending the vanity of the prince to manage\\nby treaties those who had been insulted by\\nbulls to provoke war and mediate peace\\nsuch were the ordinary rules of its govern-\\necclesjastical court from tlie civi! giving to the former\\nthe cognizance of suits prosecuted pro salute animce.\\nBut testamentary questions are not expressly men-\\ntioned. In the second year of the reign of Richard\\nthe Second, the Jaw of William the Conqueror was\\nestablished and confirmed and it was directed by\\nthe king s charter that no matters of ecclesiastical\\ncognizance should be transacted in the county courts.\\nThis re-enactment seems to furnish evidence of the\\nspiritual authority having fallen into desuetude, so far\\nas regarded the courts. Whether or not it had been\\noriginally understood, at the time of William s char-\\nter, that wills were matter of spiritual jurisdiction, it\\nis clear that the question had been raised before the\\ntime of Richard the second. For by a charter of\\nking Henry the first, the king s tenants (who were\\nthe suitors in the county courts) were enabled to dis-\\npose of their personalty for the good of their souls.\\nIt can scarcely be doubted that this was effected by\\nthe activity of the clergy; and, even if we could be-\\nlieve that they had been at first unconcerned in the\\nmatter, it was quite certain that they would instantly\\napply such an enactment to their own purposes. Pro-\\nbably, therefore, the charter of Richard the second\\nwas at once interpreted to apply to testaments. And,\\non the whole, it seems that this is the epoch to which\\ntve ought to assign the undisputed jurisdiction of these\\ncourts in testamentary matters. This history of the\\norigin of the power explains and accounts for the\\nopinions of njost of our old lawyers, that the probate\\nof wills came to the ecclesiastical courts, not by ec-\\nclesiastical law, but by devolution from the temporal\\nlaw of the realm, or, as they express it, by the custom\\nof England. And it receives strong confirmation\\nfrom the fact that, by the local custom of some par-\\nticular manors, acknowledged by the English law,\\nthe probate of wills and the granting of administra-\\ntion belongs to the court baron or manor court. And\\na power of the same sort belongs, in some boroughs,\\nto the mayor, as to the goods of the burgesses.\\nThat the disposal by will of a dying man s goods\\nis a matter relating to the good of his soul, is a truth\\nin no other sense than that in which every earthly\\nact has a relation to the spiritual welfare of the agent.\\nBut a will, being frequently an act performed shortly\\nbefore death, might, by a natural association, be con-\\nnected most closely with the eternal destiny of the\\ntestator. Besides which, the Roman Catholic doc-\\ntrines asserted the dependence of the fate of the de-\\nparted soul upon the intercession of the living. Now\\nthis intercession might be purchased from the clergy,\\nby an application of the goods of the deceased. From\\nthese causes, the will was asserted by the ecclesiastics\\nto be a matter o^ peculiarly spiritual interest. When\\nthis was acknowledged, it must have been, according\\nto priestly logic, a very plain inference that the dis-\\nposal of the goods of a man who left no will, was a\\nmatter in which the clergy, for the sake of his eternal\\ninterests, were bound to interfere. It was beyond\\nthe skill of tlie priests, or at any rate of those whom\\nment, and they are best exempliiied m the\\nexploits of its most honored champions. But\\nthere is one peculiarity in the construction\\nof its power, to which sufficient attention is\\nthey bad to influence, to distinguish between the mo-\\ntive and the result; so that a man, whose property\\nhad been applied to pious purposes without his own\\nconsent, was thought to derive some merit from the\\napplication. Again, it was thought highly important\\nthat a part of the property should be applied to the\\nperformance of religious rites, for the good of the\\nsoul of the deceased; the clergy were the persons\\nmost fitted to ensure such an application. Hence the\\nordinary (or spiritual judge) had the absolute disposal\\nof the intestate s property and this, according to\\nLord Coke, was a power previously exercised by the\\nkings of England. But, in the thirteenth year of the\\nreign of Edward I. a statute was passed (commonly\\ncalled the statute of Westminster the second,) by one\\nof the provisions of which the ordinary was bound, as\\nfar as the goods extended, to satisfy the debts of the\\nintestate (b). Hence, says Lord North, what was\\nformerly found very beneficial to the ordinaries, began\\nto be very troublesome, which obliged them to put the\\nadministration into other hands, taking security to\\nsave them harmless from suits. This, however, did\\nnot entirely put an end to the ordinary s trouble for\\nthe persons named by him Avere considered merely as\\nhis servants or attorneys. But a statute, passed in\\nthe thirty-first year of the reign of Edward III. pro-\\nvided tliat tlie ordinary should depute the next and\\nmost lawful friends of the intestate to administer his\\ngoods and it gave the minister so appointed power\\nto act in his own right. A statute, passed in the\\ntwenty -first year of Henry VIII., enacted similar\\nprovisions for the case of a will, where the executor\\nshould refuse to act. The power of the ordinary was\\nthus limited to deputing an administrator; but he had\\nstill some choice in the selection for he was entitled\\nto elect as he pleased where persons of equal proxim-\\nity to the deceased made claim. The ordinaries are\\nsaid to have availed themselves of this power, by apr\\npointing such as they expected to find most obsequi-\\nous and they further derived an advantage from\\ncalling the administrator to account for the overplus,\\nwhich they insisted upon his applying to pious uses\\nfor the good of the deceased s soul. At last, the tem-\\nporal courts of law decided that the ordinary, after\\ngranting administration, could not exercise any au-\\nthority over the administrator in his disposal of the\\nproperty. This shifted the dangerous power to the\\nhands of the administrator absolutely. In the twenty-\\nsecond year of the reign of Charles II. a statute was\\npassed to prevent thjs mischief. By this act, the\\n(b) Cum post mortem alicujus decedentis intestati, et\\nobligati aliquibus in debito, bona deveniant ad ordinarium\\ndisponenda, obligetur de catero ordinarius ad responden-\\ndum de debitis quatenus bona defunct! sufficiunt, eodem\\nmodo quo executores respondere tenerentur si testamen-\\ntum fecisset. Cap. 19. Lord Coke says that this was\\nonly an affirmance of the common law (2nd Inst. 397).\\nIt however was so far a new enactment that it put a de-\\ncisive end to any question on the point. Many enact-\\nments of the same statute are clearly intended to settle\\ndisputed rights.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0544.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "POWER, c. OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.\\n537\\nnot always directed. Every one has per-\\nceived, how it towered above all earthly prin-\\ncipalities, and veiled its sublime front in the\\nmost inscrutable mysteries of the spiritual\\nworld; but few have obsei-ved the real secret\\nof its strength, which lay in the devotion of\\nthe lowest ranks of mankind. This general\\nconquest over the affections of the vulgar was\\nno doubt greatly facilitated by the general\\nignorance but it was achieved through the\\nzeal of the inferior clergy and if in some\\ndegree ascribable to the peculiar character\\nassumed by the Romish priesthood, it was no\\nless effectually advanced through their ple-\\nbeian condition and humble manner of life.\\nMediatorial character assumed by the Romish\\nPriesthood. According to the literal inter-\\npretation of the New Testament, Christ is\\nthe only sacrificing priest, as he is also the\\nonly sacrifice thus, likewise, is he the only\\nmediator between God and man. Hence it\\nfollowed that the proper character of the\\nministers of his religion is essentially differ-\\nent from that of the Jewish or Pagan priests.\\nThe prerogative of the latter was to offer the\\nsacrifice to God, and to intercede with him\\nfor the sins of the people. It is the office of\\nthe former to interpret and dispense his word,\\nto be the stewards of his mysteries, and to\\npoint out the only path through faith to sal-\\nvation and such were the earliest ministers\\nof the Christian Church. But it was not\\nvery long before the elder* msensibly assumed\\nthe loftier office of the Hiereus, or Sacerdos,\\nand affected the expiatory, and, at the same\\ntime, the mediatory character. Such were\\nthe priests of the Eastern Church usalrai.\\nMediators no less than those of the West-\\nern and we are at no loss to perceive what\\nan access of reverence and authority accrued\\nto them through the change. They were\\nsupposed to be alone initiated in the myste-\\nniethod in which the administrator is to distribute the\\npersonalty is pointed out. By these successive steps,\\nthe power of the spiritual authority has been almost\\nreduced to the exercise of a limited discretion in the\\nappointment of a deputy, wiio is to act according\\nto prescribed rules. The ecclesiastical courts have\\nceased, for some ages, to beany instruments of power\\nto the Church, for good or for evil. Their share in\\nthe distribution of justice is very limited; but they\\nare still characterized by the peculiarity of their forms\\nof process and by their total departure from the\\nrules of evidence which prevail in the courts of com-\\nmon law.\\nThe original meaning of the word Priest (Pres-\\nbytes) is Elder. This subject is very well treated\\nby Archbishop Whately, in his Errors of Roman-\\nism, book ii.\\n68\\nries of the faith they were supposed to be\\nin more immediate communication with its\\ndivine founder they were supposed to influ-\\nence, if not actually to administer, the judg-\\nments of Heaven. But we must also observe,\\nthat, if such a character was well calculated\\nto overawe an ignorant age, or the ignorant\\nclasses in any age, it was sure to be stripped\\noff, whenever any intellectual independence\\nshould be exercised, and to be accounted\\namong the impostures fabricated by an artful\\npriesthood for the delusion of mankind.\\nAdvantages of a Plebeian Clergy. We\\nshall readily acknowledge, that all sacerdotal\\ninfluence is vicious and dangerous, except\\nthat which is acquired by the religious and\\nmoral excellence of the priest yet even the\\nhighest qualities will ofl:en miss that end,\\nwhen the condition of the pastor is very far\\nremoved above that of his flock. And thus\\nwas it the profoundest policy of the Roman\\nChurch to maintain a faithful ministry of the\\nsame origin, the same language, almost the\\nsame habits with the people. The ecclesias-\\ntical chain extended through every gradation\\nof society, till it was folded round the Apos-\\ntolical throne but it was that lowest link,\\nwhich, being fixed in a substantial support,\\ngave firmness and tenacity to the rest. To\\npossess some habits of familiarity widi those\\nintrusted to his guidance to approach them\\nwithout constraint, to be received without\\ndiffidence to have the same thoughts, the\\nsame expressions, the same sympathies; to\\nobserve the birth of sin to watch the work-\\nings of remorse to distinguish the moments\\nproper for censure, or consolation to be near\\nat hand in times of doubt, or sickness, or do-\\nmestic calamity these, and such as these,\\nare advantages peculiarly belonging to a\\nplebeian clergy. Such an order of pastors,\\nunder the superintendence of a vigilant hier-\\narchy, may at all times be made serviceable\\nto the best purposes of religion and it\\ndiffused many spiritual blessings, even in the\\nmost secular ages of Rome. But to the\\nChurch the external and human establish-\\nment it was the very origin of strength,\\nand principle of vitality: it was the root\\nwhich spread underground in secrecy and\\nsilence while nations and their princes\\nworshipped under the golden branches, and\\ngathered the bitter fruit which sometimes fell\\nfrom them.\\nServiceable abuses. The very corruptions\\nin the ecclesiastical system were for a season\\nserviceable in rivetting its influence. Auric-\\nular confession, the various abuses of penance.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0545.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe adoration of the Host and the attiihutes\\nascribed to it, all furnished additional instru-\\nments to the clergy; and as long as they\\nwere used with moderation, extended their\\ndominion. But it is ever the mistake of the\\nusurper to despise the peo})le, whose confi-\\ndence he has deceived or insulted and the\\nerror is seldom discovered till the moment\\nfor correcting it has passed by. It was thus\\nwith the Hierarchs of Rome. They increas-\\ned the measure of degradation and imposture,\\ntill they exhausted the affection, and then the\\npatience of mankind. And it was the last\\nexcess of their wickedness and folly to make\\nthe inferior clergy their accomplices, and\\nthus to poison the only wholesome fountain\\nof their own authority.\\nPopular foundation of the Roman Despotism.\\nThe above outline of the constitution of\\nthe Roman Church represents it not such,\\nperhaps, as it is sometimes painted in the theo-\\nries of its advocates but such as it is really\\nand long existed in its practical operation on\\nsociety. Nor will it seem strange to any\\nreflecting mind, that that Government, which\\nwas, in appearance, and in fact, the most per-\\nfect despotism ever conceived by the mind\\nof man, should be found at the bottom to rest\\non a popular basis. Even in civil govern-\\nments there are instances of the same anoma-\\nly but in an empire, essentially and peculiar-\\nly the empire of opinion, the support of the\\nmultitude was not so much the only source\\nof strength, as the only principle of existence.\\nIf the Roman Church had been more evan-\\ngelical in doctrine, more consistent in disci-\\npline, more moderate in pretension, it might\\nhave appealed with gi*eater safety to the\\nreason of mankind. But as it appealed to\\ntheir ignorance, to their earliest and deepest\\nprejudices, so was it, that it urged the irre-\\nsistible predominance of authority the in-\\nviolable holiness of antiquity, all those\\nprinciples and all those motives, which awe,\\nwhen they do not irritate, the human under-\\nstanding. Nevertheless, the appeal, howso-\\never insidiously made, was still an appeal to\\nthe mind: and thus was it seductive and\\nuniversal. And so long as it found hearers\\nand believers so long as it retained its hold,\\nby whatsoever means, on the devotion of the\\npeople; the dominion of Rome was not less\\nsubstantial, and more secure, than if the sword\\nhad raised or upheld it. But from the mo-\\nment that the spiritual bond was loosened, the\\nmere worldly fabric, having no longer any\\nelement of coherence, subsided in progressive\\ndecay and dissolution.\\nSection II.\\nOn the (I.) Spiritual Character, (II.) Discipline^\\nand Morals of the Church.\\nI. The Doctrine of the Roman Church.\\nThe Roman Catholics assert with great truth,\\nthat their Church has preserved, through the\\nmost perilous times, the essential mysteries\\nand tenets of the Christian faith. It is with\\nreverence that we have received them from\\nher hands, and with gratitude that we ac-\\nknowledge the inestimable obligation. Yet\\nthe most zealous Catholic must be contented\\nto share that praise with the schismatics of\\nthe east. The same treasure has been guard-\\ned with the same fidelity by the Church of\\nGreece and would thus have been equally\\nperpetuated, if th^ purity of the Roman creed\\nhad been corrupted by the barbarian con-\\nquest. But while those riyal churches may\\ndivide the merit of having transmitted the\\napostolical doctrines to the latest generations,\\nthere is this difference in the manner of that\\ntradition the one has transmitted them such\\nas she received them from the highest anti-\\nquity, not daring to violate by any important\\ninnovation the integrity of the pristine faith\\nthe other augmented her confession by some\\narticles, which were left by the discretion of\\nearly times to the liberty of private judgment.\\nWe have endeavored (in the Thirteenth\\nChapter) to indicate the sources whence\\nmany of those innovations proceeded. We\\nshall now remark upon one or two others,\\nwhich, though of distant origin also, did not\\nacquire any general, or at least any veiy per-\\nceptible, prevalence till a later age.*\\n.Gradual changes in the Penitential System.\\nAccording to the oiiginal system of penance,\\nit was inculcated, that transgressions could\\nbe expiated by prayer, fasting, and alms\\nthere was no period in the history of the\\nChurch, in which pious works were not held\\nefScacious to redeem sin, and imposed for\\nthat purpose, either directly, or by a partial\\nsubstitution for bodily mortifications. To\\nthis circumstance many holy structures owed\\ntheir origin, many poor-houses and hospitals\\nthe Xenodochia, Nosocomia, Gerontoco-\\nmia, c., of the ancient establishment and\\nthese worlcs were considered satisfactory to\\nIt was a general, but not quite correct, opinion\\nof the early reformers, that the Scholastics had in-\\nvented the new Dogmas, and the Monks the new\\npractices. But it is quite certain, that the immediate\\ncauses of the insurrection against Rome were the\\nlater corruptions in her doctrine just as most of the\\nedicts of Constance and Basle were levelled against\\nthe later innovations in her discipliae.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0546.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "ITS SPIRITUAL CHARACTER, DISCIPLINE, c.\\n539\\nGod. This system was gi-adually corrupted,\\nand fell, especially in the western nations,\\ninto great disorder; when Theodore of Tar-\\nsus, Archbishop of Canterbury, published,\\nabout the year 680, his celebrated Peniten-\\ntial. By the instructions herein delivered, the\\nclergy were taught to distinguish sins into\\nvarious classes, and to judge them according\\nto their nature, to the intention of the offen-\\nder, and other circumstances. The Peniten-\\ntial likewise pointed out the penalties proper\\nfor every sort of offence prescribed the\\nforms of consolation, exhortation, absolution,\\nand set forth the duties of the Confessor.\\n(Mosb. Cent. vii. p. ii. ch. iii.) this new disci-\\npline, though of Greek origin, was eagerly\\nembraced in the Latin churches, and it was\\nimmediately coi rupted. The method of re-\\ndemption of penance was presently reduced\\nto a regular system in the place of so many\\ndays of fasting, so much alms were to be\\ngiven or so many psalms sung, or so many\\nmasses celebratecl, by others, who were to be\\nrewarded for the office or so much money\\nto be paid down. The number of the Pen-\\nitentials was increased, and their character\\naltered, according to the caprice of individual\\nconfessors; and, in spite of some attempts*\\nMuratori (Dissertat. 68,) fronj whom several of\\nthese remarks are borrowed, cites the follojving as\\nthe 26th Canon, Concil. II. Cloveshoviensis, A. D.\\n747. Sicuti nova adinventio, juxta placitum scili-\\ncet proprise voluntatis suae, nunc plurimis periculosa\\nconsuetude est, non sit eleemosyna porrecta ad min-\\nuendam sed ad mutandam satisf actionem per jeju-\\nnium et reliqua expiationis opera a Sacerdote Dei\\nindicta, it is ordained, thai alms are to be so offered,\\nthat the person of the Penitent may not be wholly\\nspared. The vicarious recitation of Psalms was at\\nthe same time prohibited, as well as other abuses.\\nThis Council was held by the Archbishop of May-\\nence, not forty years, perhaps, after the death of\\nTheodore. About twenty years earlier, Gregory II.\\n(Epist. 13.) addressed to Leo the Isaurian the fol-\\nlowing vigorous description of ecclesiastical, as con-\\ntrasted with civil, discipline. Ubi peccaverit quis\\net confessus fuerit, suspendii vel amputationis capitis\\nloco, evangelium et crucem ejus cervicibus circurapo-\\nnunt, eumque, tanquara in carcerera, in secretaria\\nsacrorumque vasorum seraria conjiciunt, in Ecclesiae\\nDiacpnia, et in Catechumena ablegant, ac visceribus\\neorum jejunium oculisque vigilias et laudationem ori\\nejus indicunt. Curaque probe castigaverint, probeque\\nfame afflixerint, turn pretiosum illi Domini Corpus\\nimpartiunt et sancto ilium sanguine potant; et cum\\nilium vas electionis restituerint ac immunem peccati,\\nsic ad Deum purum insonteraque transmittunl. Vides,\\nImperator, ecclesiarum iraperiorumque discrimen,\\nc. (The passage is cited by Giannone, Stor. Ital.\\nlib. iii. cap. vi.) It was not till the eleventh age,\\nthat the practice of flagellation became common, and\\nto repress the abuse, pecuniary redemption\\nbecame more and more common, and pres-\\nently almost every sort of penance had its\\nfixed price in gold. It may seem needless to\\nadd, that the clergy (the Servi Dei) easily\\nproved themselves to be the properest objects\\nof these eleemosynary contributions, and that\\na great proportion of the wealth, so expended,\\nflowed almost directly into the treasuries of\\nthe Church.\\nIndulgences. These, however, were only\\ncorruptions of the ancient penitential system,\\nthey did not effect its entire destruction but\\nthat result was afterwards brought about by\\nthe abuse of indulgences. An indulgence, as\\na mere relaxation of canonical penance, exist-\\ned as early as the days of Cyprian and it was\\nnot till the council of Clermont, that the dis-\\ncharge of a single duty was substituted for all\\nthat was due, or might hereafter be due, to\\nthe penal authority of the Church. When\\npeople thenceforward found it so easy to re-\\nlease themselves at once from the ancient bur-\\nden of redemption, they became clamorous\\nto receive, what the Pope, on sufficient con-\\nsideration, was never reluctant to grant. We\\nshall recur to this subject immediately in the\\nmeantime, it is very true, that there existed\\nfrom time to time many ecclesiastics, even in\\nthe worst age of the Church, who exclaimed\\nagainst the ahuse of that papal prerogative,\\nagainst the indiscriminate distribution and\\nopen venality of indulgences. But we have\\nnot perceived, that any argued on the false\\npnnciple on which they were founded it was\\nnot then made a reason for their condem-\\nnation, that they disparaged the efficacy of\\nGrace and perverted, if they did not wholly\\noverthrow, the doctrine of salvation through\\nthe merits of Christ alone.\\nThe existence and nature of an inteiTnediate\\nstate naturally awakened the speculations of\\nthe eai ly Christians; but the subjects were\\nlong left open to the curiosity, the vanity, or\\nthe piety of contemplative individuals these\\nwere not restrained by any ecclesiastical edicts,\\nand impunity yet attended the profession of\\nopposite doctrines. Among the Greeks the\\nquestion was not afterwards pressed to any\\npractical system or inference. It is true, in-\\ndeed, that a certain opinion was selected and\\nsanctioned as that most probable, and was\\napparently inscribed among the authorized\\ntenets but it was at no time recommended\\nit was then that St. Dominicus,surnamed LoricatuSy\\nthe friend of Peter Damiani, acquired his celebrity.\\nHe could discharge by stripes in six days the penanc\u00c2\u00a7\\nof a bundled years.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0547.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "540\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nto the peculiar reverence of the faithful still\\nless was it converted into an engine of eccle-\\nsiastical government. But during the iron\\nages of the Roman Church, the same inex-\\nplicable question assumed a much more defi-\\nnite and durable shape. Differing from the\\nGreeks, who considered the immediate abode\\nof the departed to be one of obscurity and\\ndiscomfort, the Latins boldly lighted the pe-\\nnal fire of purgatory, and gave a substance,\\na locality and an object to the timid and dis-\\ntrustful speculations of the early Christians.\\nDoctrine of Purgatory. It is the modern\\ndoctrine of the Roman Catholic Church\\nthat there is a purgatory and that the souls\\nimprisoned there are aided by the prayers of\\nthe faithful, and the acceptable sacrifice of the\\naltar. But in this matter, it is not so impor-\\ntant to ascertain what has been, at various\\ntimes, the outward profession of the Church,\\nas to remark the consequences which have\\npractically flowed from the dogma, and influ-\\nenced the happiness and morality of mankind.\\nFor the history of the Church is not a lifeless\\nrecord of its Canons and Confessions, but a\\ndisplay of their operation, whether for good\\nor for mischief, whether in their use or in\\ntheir abuse, upon the Christian community.\\nThe consequence, which presently followed\\nfrom the establishment of a place of tempo-\\nrary punishment, or purification, for departed\\neouls, was, that the successor of St. Peter\\nassumed, through the power of the keys,\\ntinlimited authority there. By indulgences.\\nIssued at the discretion of the Pope, the sin-\\nner (in the theory, the repentant sinner) was\\nreleased from sufl^ering, and immediately\\npassed into a state of grace. As long as these\\nindulgences were granted with discrimination\\nand reserve,! the ill effects, which they occa-\\nFounded on the Canons of Trent. It is frequent-\\nly asserted to be the doctrine of that Churcli, that\\nthe fund, whence the above forgiveness is drawn, is\\ncomposed of the supererogatory merits of the saints,\\n(added to those of Jesus Christ,) which are inex-\\njhaustible; and such, indeed, it is clearly laid down\\nby St. Thomas Aquinas (see Mosheim, Cent. xii. p.\\nii. c. iii.) Modern divines disclaim this opinion, as\\nat variance with the great doctrine of justification\\nand tliis is not the only instance of salutary change,\\nwhich has purified the bosom of the Roman Catholic\\nChurch during the last three centuries. May such\\nchanges be multiplied!\\nf Baronius (Ann, 847. s. iv.) boasts the modera-\\ntion of the indulgences granted in those days, and\\ninstances one (triura annorum et trium quadragena-\\nrum) given under Leo IV. JEven as late as the\\neleventh age there are proofs (as Muratori observes)\\nof similar discretion in the directors of the Church.\\nAnd it is proper to mention, that Gregory tlie Great,\\nsioned, do not often meet the eye of the his-\\ntorian. But as soon as- they were turned into\\nmere instruments of papal ambition, and as\\nsuch were not only promiscuously scattered\\nover the world, but also extended in character\\nto a plenary remission, they became simple\\nmanifest means to poison the morality of the\\nfaithful.\\nThenceforward, their nature could scarcely\\nbe further corrupted for the only proof, which\\nwas now required of the sinners spiritual\\nmortification and amendment, was his willing-\\nness to perform a single act. But on the char-\\nacter of that act, that is, on the ohjec.t of the\\nindulgence, it still depended, whether the\\nsubversion of the principle of evangelical re-\\npentance was to be made subservient to the\\nseeming advantage of the world, or obviously\\ninstrumental in aggravating its misery.\\nThe object of the indulgence was changed\\nrepeatedly yet never so changed, as to take\\nthe guise of philanthropy. First, it was the\\nrecovery of the Holy Land and the extirpation\\nof the Infidel. Then from the general foe of\\nChrist it was turned against the spiritual ad-\\nversaries of the Catholic Church from the\\nspiritual adversaries of the Church it descend-\\ned to the temporal enemies of the Pope. It\\nnext assumed a more innocent shape (if su-\\nperstition could ever be innocent,) and sum-\\nmoned the obedient pilgrims to enrich, on\\nstated Jubilees,* the apostolical shrines of\\nRome. Lastly, it degenerated into a mere\\nvulgar, undisguised implement for supplying\\nthe necessities of the pontifical treasury, f\\nin his Chapter on Purgatory (Dialogorum, lib. iv.\\ncap. xxxix.), expressly limited its operation to venial\\nand very trifling offences (de parvis minimlsque pec-\\ncatis hoc fieri posse credendum est,) such as mere\\nvain and leisurely discourse, immoderate laughter,\\nor an error in unimportant matters proceeding from\\nignorance. He adds, moreover, that thus much is\\ncertain that no one will obtain any purgation even\\nfrom the least offences, unless he merit, by his good\\nworks here, to obtain such remission there.\\nIn the Jubilee of 1300 Papa (Boniface VIII.)\\ninnumerabilem pecuniahi ab iisdem recepit; quia die\\net nocte duo Clerici stabant ad Altare Sancti Petri\\ntenentes in eorum manibus rastellos, rastellantes\\npecuniam infinitam. Gulielmus Astensis Ventura\\n(an eye-witness) Chronicon Astense, cap. 26. ap.\\nMuratori. Again, in the Bull of Clement VI. for\\nthe jubilee of 1350 are these words Et nihilominus\\nprorsus mandamus AngelisParadisi, quatenus animam\\nillius a Purgatorio penitus absolutam in Paradisi\\ngloriam introducant. See Giannone, lib. xvii. cap. 8.\\nt It should be recollected, tliat the sale of indulr\\ngences was faintly countenanced by the corresponding\\nenormities of civil legislation, according to which, in\\nsomewhat earlier times, every crime had its price.\\nThe Church in every age should, in some degree, be", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0548.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "ITS SPIRITUAL CHARACTER, DISCIPLINE, c.\\n641\\nand it was in this last form, that it at length\\naroused the scorn and indignation of Europe.\\nThe profane and even blasphemous expres-\\nsions, by which the emissaries of the Vatican\\nrecommended their treasures to popular cre-\\nduHty were tacitly permitted by the authori-\\nties of the Church yet we shall not detail\\nthem here, nor impute them to any others,\\nthan the individuals who uttered them they\\nmay repose in the same oblivion. But it is\\nproper to transcribe a specimen of the in-\\ndulgences which were publicly sold in the\\nbeginning of the sixteenth century, because\\nthey were the authorized productions of the\\nChurch. The following is the translation of\\nthat which was circulated by Tetzel:\\nMay our Lord Jesus Christ have mercy\\nupon thee and absolve thee, by the merits of\\nHis most holy passion. And I, by his author-\\nit3^, that of His blessed Apostles, Peter and\\nPaul, and of the most Holy See, granted and\\ncommitted to me in these parts, do absolve\\nthee first from all ecclesiastical censures, in\\nwhatever manner they have been incurred\\nand then from all thy sins, trangressions, and\\nexcesses, how enormous soever they may be,\\neven from such as are reserved for the cog-\\nnizance of the Apostolical See.* And as far\\nas the keys of the Church extend, I remit to\\nyou all punishment which you deserve in\\npurgatory on their account and I restore you\\nto the Holy Sacraments of the Church, to the\\nunity of the faithful, and to that innocence\\nand purity which you possessed at baptism\\nso that, if you should die now, the gates of\\npunishment shall be shut, and the gates of\\nthe Paradise of delight shall be opened. And\\nif you shall not die at present, this Grace\\nshall remain in full force when you are on the\\npoint of death. In the name of the Father,\\nand of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. This\\nindulgence, in spite of the ambiguity of one\\nor two expressions, is nothing less, when fair-\\nly interpreted, than an unconditional permis-\\nsion to sin for the rest of life and as such it\\nwas assuredly received by those classes of the\\npeople, for which it was chiefly intended, and\\nwhose morality is peculiarly confided to the\\nsuperintendence of the clergy. And thus was\\njudged according to the principles of that age, yet\\nin such wise, that we never lose sight of that one\\ngreat and unchangeable standard, by v/hich the ac-\\ntions of a Christian ministry must, in every age, be\\nmeasured.\\nThe translation given by Beausobre (Hist. Re-\\nform, liv. i.) here differs slightly from that published\\nby Dr. Robertson (Hist. Charles V. b. ii.) but not\\nso as to make any important change in the sense of\\nthe whole passage.\\nit, that the destiny of the Church was accom-\\nplished.\\nPrivate Masses. However easy the acqui-\\nsition of pardon (for the moderate price of\\nindulgences placed them within the reach\\nof the lowest orders,) still many neglected to\\nprofit by the facility, and were accordingly\\nconsigned to the penal fire. Yet even thus\\nthey were not removed beyond the power and\\nmercies of the Church.* It was inculcated,\\nthat the prayers of the living were efficacious\\nI in the purification of those departed souls\\nj but that their release was most speedily se-\\nI cured by the sacrifice of the altar. Hence\\narose in early times f the practice of oflfering\\nI masses, both public and private, for that pur-\\nI pose and, as these too had subsequently their\\nprice in gold, the piety of the sun ivors was\\nI taxed to redeem the transgressions of the dead\\nso various were the devices of the Church,\\nto render tributary the weaknesses, the virtues,\\n1 even the natural affections of the faithful. The\\nj sale of private masses was a fruitful source of\\nI revenue to the clergy, especially to the mon-\\nastic orders, and that likewise was one of the\\nabuses first proscribed by the eloquence of\\nj Luther.\\nj The Elevation of the Host, c. When In-\\nnocent III. gave the sanction of a General\\nI Council to the Roman doctrine of the Eu-\\nchai-ist, and distinguished it by the name of\\nj Transubstantiation,t he not only secured its\\nGerson, however, (De Indulgentiis, vol. ii. p.\\nj 351,) admits, that it is a question ad utramque\\npartem pr oh ahilis, whether the keys have such power\\nI in purgatory, as to remit the punishment of a venial\\n1 fault or excommunication, committed or incurred\\nI during life. This doubt of the Chancellor must have\\nmade him unpopular in the monasteries. He asserts,\\nin the same place, without any hesitation, lodul-\\ngentise ad ptxnas ex corruptione naturre non extendunl.\\nf We find it proclaimed by the Protestants at\\nAugsbourg (1530,) that there is no instance of pri-\\nvate masses in ecclesiastical history earlier than the\\ntime of Gregory the Great. Mosheim is contented\\nto assert, that manifest traces of them may be found\\nin the eighth century, though it be difficult to decide\\nwhether they were instituted by public law, or in-\\ntroduced by private authority We are not\\naware of the existence of any earlier public regula-\\ntion on this subject, than the 43d Canon of the Coun-\\ncil of Mayence, held in 813, and this is expressly\\nprohibitory,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 No priest shall say mass alone.*\\nX The following is a part of the celebrated Canon\\n(Can. i. Lat. Concil. IV.) in question Una est\\nfideliura Universalis Ecclesia, extra quam nullua\\nomnino salvatur. In qua idem ipse sacerdos et\\nsacrificium Jesus Christus; cujus corpus et sanguis\\nin Sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis et vini\\nveraciter continentur, trans sub stantiatis pane in cor-\\npus et vino in sanguinem, potestate divina, c c", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0549.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "542\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nuniversal reception in the west, but also coun-\\ntenanced the superstitious practices which\\nflowed from it. It appears to have been dur-\\ning his pontificate, that the custom was intro-\\nduced of elevating the Host after consecration.\\nThe use of the bell to signify to the people to\\nprostrate themselves, while the Holy Sacra-\\nment was passing, is ascribed to an ordinance\\npublished in 1201, by Guy Par^, the legate of\\nthe same at Cologne, And that it may be\\nshown how early this practice was supported\\nby the direct authority of the See, and how\\nwidely it was thought expedient to extend it,\\nwe may mention that Honorius, the successor\\nof Innocent, addressed an epistle to the Latin\\nprelates of the east, in the Patriarchal of An-\\ntioch, in which he instructed them to oblige\\nthe people to incline, on the appearance of\\nthe Host.* In that age, and at that distance\\nfrom the centre of orthodoxy, it was not held\\nadvisable to inculcate the necessity of absolute\\ngenuflexion. A simpler act of devotion was\\ndeemed sufficient to recognise the divinity of\\nthe consecrated elements.\\nThe Retrenchment of the Cup. The suffi-\\nciency of the Sacrament administered in one\\nkind only is by many considered as an imme-\\ndiate inference from the doctrine of transub-\\nstantiation, since the bread, when converted\\ninto the body of Christ, of necessity contains\\nhis blood so that, the object of the sacrifice\\nbeing thus satisfied, the communication of\\nthe cup may be safely retrenched, as a vain\\nand superfluous ceremony. At what pre-\\ncise period this change in the p-adice of the\\nChurch (it was maintained to be no more than\\nthat,) was introduced, we cannot pronounce\\nwith certainty f but its antiquity was pleaded\\nby its defenders at Constance and Basle, and\\nit may be ascribed, without any great error,\\nto the beginning of the thirteenth century.\\nWe may consider it as completing the list of\\nthose peculiar obsei-vances, which the Church\\nof Rome has thought proper, on her own in-\\nfallible authority, to impose upon her adher-\\nents. Probably the motive for this innovation\\nwas to add solemnity to the mystery, by ex-\\nFleury, 1. Ixxviii. s. 24. The Institution of the\\nFestival of the Holy Sacrament or Body of Christ,\\nanother early consequence of the universal establish-\\nment of Transubstantiation, is generally ascribed to\\nRobert, Bishop of Liege who is said to have been\\nmoved thereto by the pretended revelations of a fanat-\\nical woman, named Juliana. The event took place\\nin the year 1246. Mosh. Cent. xiii. p. 2, chap. iv.\\nt We have not observed that it was formally and\\nuniversally established by the highest ecclesiastical\\nauthority, till it attracted the attention of the Council\\nof Constance.\\neluding the profane from perfect initiation,\\nand at the same time to exalt the dignity of\\nthe priesthood, by giving them some exclu-\\nsive prerogative, even in communion at the\\nLord s table. Nevertheless, even with that\\nview its policy was extremely questionable\\nit was founded on the ignorance of preced-\\ning ages it had no foresight of the character\\nof those which were to come. And thus it\\nproved, that, after the lapse of some few\\ngenerations, men were rather shocked by\\nthe public, practical disregard of one of the\\nplainest instructions delivered in the Gospel,\\nthan edified by the spectacle of sacerdotal\\nusurpation. The innovation was too rash,\\ntoo openly at variance with an express com-\\nmand, intelligible to the lowest classes of the\\nvulgar, and sacred with all who thought then*\\nBible more venerable than their Church.\\nAccordingly we have observed, that the de-\\nprivation of this privilege, so clearly granted\\nby Christ to all believers, was the grievance\\nwhich united the discordant sects of the Hus-\\nsites\u00e2\u0080\u0094the restoration of the cup was the\\nmanifest, incontestable right, round which\\nthey rallied. To this extent too, they were\\nsuccessful and their success afforded the\\nfirst example of any usurpation having been\\nwrested from the hands of Rome by the open\\nrebellion of her subjects.\\nProhibition of the Scriptures. Neither was\\nthere any one among the peculiar tenets or\\nobservances of Rome, which so taxed the in-\\ngenuity ofher advocates, as the retrenchment\\nof the cup. This perplexity is attested by\\nthe records of Constance and Basle and it\\ndeserves particular remark, that Gerson, in\\nhis very elaborate treatise against the Double\\nCommunion, discloses the source of his diffi-\\nculty in this simple complaint. There are\\nmany laymen among the heretics who have\\na version of the Bible in the vulgar tongue, to\\nthe gi-eat prejudice and offence of the Cath-\\nolic faith. It has been proposed (he adds) to\\nreprove that scandal in the committee of re-\\nform. That scandal was as old as the heresy\\nof Peter Waldensis but the practice which\\nit oflfended certainly grew up in much more\\ndistant ages, nor was it peculiar to the Church\\nof Rome. As early as the seventh century\\nthe appropriation of the Scriptures to the use\\nof the priesthood was a practice generally\\nestablished throughout the east,* and the La-\\ntins speedily adopted (if they had not already\\nenforced) a precaution so necessary for pre-\\nserving the unity of the Church and con-\\ncealing its abuses. It was authorized by the\\n^ee Chapter XXVI., p. 479.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0550.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "ITS SPIRITUAL CHARACTER, DISCIPLINE, c.\\n543\\nCouncil of Toulouse in 1229; but the spirit\\nof independence nevertheless gained ground.\\nFrom the time of Wiclif the unhallowed veil\\nw^as gi-adually withdrawn curiosity was more\\nkeenly excited, as it had been more tyranni-\\ncally repressed the invention of the press in-\\ncreased the facility of possessing the sacred\\noracles and before the preaching of Luther,\\nthe scandal, which had been deplored a cen-\\ntury earlier by the orthodox reformer of\\nthe Church, had made very general progress\\namongst the educated classes, in almost every\\nnation in Europe.\\nFalse Miracles. Those prodigious impos-\\ntures, which in the eyes of Laurentius Valla\\nsurpassed the impiety of the Pagans, and\\nwhich were ascribed by Gerson to the phan-\\ntastic somnolenby of a decrepit world, were\\ncontinued with unresti ained temerity, even\\nto the days of Erasmus. The impostures\\nwere the same, which had so long been em-\\nployed to delude the people of Christ but\\nthe people were changed. A spuit of in-\\nquiry was spreading over the surface of Eu-\\nrope, and it was seen and felt by all, except\\nthe monks and bigots, to whom alone it was\\ndangerous. But these persevered in the same\\nblind path of habitual fraud and momentary\\nprofit, which at length conducted them to the\\nprecipice, whither it had always tended.\\nCertain other unscriptural practices, long\\ninherent in the Romish system, never had\\nflourished with greater luxuriance, than at\\nthe beginning of the sixteenth century. The\\nabuse of images had been carried at no pe-\\nriod to a more unpardonable extent. The\\npopular adoration of the saints had never de-\\nviated farther from the professed moderation\\nof the Churchf relics had never been ap-\\nDe Donatione Constantini. Nostri Fabula-\\ntorcs passim inducunt Idola loquentia; quod ipsi\\nGentiles et idolorum cultores non dicunt, et sincerius\\niiegant, quam Christiani affirmant. The passage of\\nGerson is, Mundiis senescens palitur phantasias\\nfalsorum miraculorum, sicut homo senex phantasi-\\natur in somno; propterea sunt habenda miracula\\nvalde suspecta. Both these passages are cited by\\nSemler. The detection of the artifices practised\\nupon Jetzer at Berne, for the confirmation of the\\nDominican opinion respecting the immaculate con-\\nception, created a notorious scandal, which assisted\\nin preparing the path for ZuingJius.\\nt The following is the doctrine of modern Roman\\nCatholic Divines: That the saints reigning with\\nChrist offer up their prayers to God for men: that it\\nis good and useful suppliantly to invoke them and to\\nhave recourse to their prayers, help and assistance,\\nto obtain favors from God, through his Son, Jesus\\nChrist, oui- Lord, who is alone our Redeemer and\\nSavior. Alas! ask the peasant of Romagna or the\\nproached with a reverence more superstitious,\\nor one more directly encouraged by the priest-\\nhood.* The pomp and order of the ceremo-\\nnies had been at no time more entirely at va-\\nriance with the character of a spiritual reli-\\ngion. Indeed, some of the festivals which\\nwere instituted or revived during the fifteenth\\ncentury, seem designedly established to turn\\naway men s minds from the substance of\\nChristianity to vain formalities, or wicked\\nfables. And in this place it will be proper to\\ninstance, more particularly, in what manner\\nthe highest ecclesiastical authorities were sup-\\nplying the spiritual necessities of the faith-\\nful, at the very moment when the cry for re-\\nformation was resounding (in various notes\\nindeed, but with general concord) from one\\nend of Europe to the other.\\nLater Festivals, Disputes, Controversies, cc.\\nThe first regulation for the Exposition of\\nthe Holy Sacrament was published in 1452,\\nby the Pope s Legate in Germany, at a Coun-\\ncil held at Cologne and the expressions of\\nthe edict f are entirely worthy of its object.\\nIf a comet appeared (as in 1456,) or the\\ncountry was ravaged by inundation or pesti-\\nlence (as happened twenty years later,) the\\nPope of the day immediately pressed to offer\\nhis indulgences to all who should celebrate\\nthe feast of the Holy Sacrament, or of the\\nLnmaculate Conception to all who should\\nthrice repeat the Lord s prayer, or the Ange-\\nlic Salutation. About the end of the year\\n1480 Sixtus IV. was invited to settle a dispute\\nbetween the inhabitants of Perugia and Sien-\\nna, on a very remarkable subject. The former\\nwere accused of having obtained fraudulent\\npossession of the nuptial ring of St. Catha-\\nrine, the hereditary property of the ]a:tter, her\\ncompatriots. The object was holy and its\\nsanctity was enhanced (as a grave historian J\\nSicilian mariner for his explanation of the doc-\\ntrine!\\nWe refer the reader to Beausobre s account\\n(Hist. Reform, lib. iv. p. 243) of the holy contents\\nof the Church of All Saints at Wittenberg, which\\nhad been most profusely enriched by the bulls of\\nJulius 11. and Leo X. The whole number of relics\\nexceeded 19,000, divided into twelve classes, accord-\\ning to the dignity of the saints. There were bulls\\nto the effect that all who visited this Church on\\ncertain days, might retain all property dishonestly\\nacquired, to the amount of twenty-five golden ducats;\\nand that any one who doubted the validity of such\\nindulgences.was ipso facto excommunicated, without\\npower of oitsolution even by the Pope himself, and\\nin articulo mortis.\\nt See the continuator of Fleury, lib. ex. s. 97.\\nRaynaldus, ann. 14S0, n. 44. See Semler, cent.\\nXV. cap. ii., and Bzovius, ann. 1480.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0551.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "544\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ninforms us) by its various virtues, frequently\\nexperienced by the faithful, especially that\\nof reconciling conjugal differences. This\\nquarrel was prolonged for some time under\\nSixtus and his successor.\\nIn the Book of Conformities between\\nthe life of Jesus Christ and that of St. Fran-\\ncis, the fanatic is exalted to the level, if not\\nabove the level, of the Saviour. To complete\\nthe resemblance, the former carried about\\nwith him the marks of the five wounds of\\nChrist and the belief in these stigmata was\\nenjoined to all the faithful by Alexander V.\\nBut, in the age following St. Francis, the\\nsame miraculous impressions were claimed,\\non the same authority, by the female impos-\\ntor of Sienna.* And when Catharine was at\\nlength canonized by Pius II., an office was\\ninstituted in her honor, of which the hymns\\naffirmed that she had received the stigmata.\\nThis was to offer an unpardonable indignity\\nto the Franciscans ^for they were jealous of\\nthe glory of their patron, f and asserted his\\nexclusive pretension to that intimate sympathy\\nwith Christ. Immediately the Dominicans\\nrose in defence of St. Catharine. The office\\nwas, nevertheless, denounced to Sixtus IV.\\nand that Pope presently published an edict,\\nprohibiting any one, under severe penalties,\\nfi om representing the stigmata of St. Catha-\\nrine in painting but he seems afterwards to\\nhave retracted his prohibition. These matters\\ntook place about the year 1483 it was the\\nsame wliich gave birth to Luther.\\nAbout the year 1050, a daily office was\\ninstituted to the blessed Virgin, distinguished\\nby seven canonical hours, in a form anciently\\nused in honor of divine majesty and in tho\\ncourse of the next hundred years the r*^ re-\\nrence so paid grew into worship. Among\\nthe attributes early ascribed to her, was ex-\\nemption from original sin hut this opinion\\nwas for some time confined to the breasts of\\nIt is perhaps proper to mention that the Domin-\\nicans likewise claimed the stigmata for their patron;\\nbut they were compelled to admit, that his extreme\\nhumility had prevented him from disclosing them.\\nt Earlier in the same century, an opinion was\\npropagated that those who die in the habit of St.\\nFrancis, and making profession of the third order,\\nremain only one year in purgatory; because the saint\\ndescends thither once a year, and takes away all\\nthose of his order to heaven with him. This\\nproposition was not beneath the notice of the Council\\nof Basle on the contrary, it was solemnly condemned\\n(May 19, 1443) in the forty-fourth or forty-fifth ses-\\nsion.\\nX As early as the ninth century some ascril^e the\\norigin of the opinion to Paschasius Radbertus.\\na few individuals it had no place in ecclesl^\\nastical ceremonies, or the arguments of the\\nlearned.* At length, however, about the year\\n1136, the Canons of Lyons ventured to intro-\\nduce it into the offices of their Church. St.\\nBernard immediately opposed that innova-\\ntion, and attacked the indiscreet zeal of those\\necclesiastics. But in the following age, the\\nsubject was found to open too large a space\\nfor disputation, to escape the polemical zeal\\nof the scholastics it became, on the contrary,\\ntheir favorite field of controversy. And since\\nthe Dominicans ranged themselves on the one\\nside and the Franciscans on the other, f the\\ncontest was heated and perpetuated by mo-\\nnastic jealousy. But it was reserved for the\\nCouncil of Basle to establish the doctrine,\\nand to excommunicate all who should preach\\nthe contraiy. A feast was then instituted in\\nhonor of the Immaculate Conception, and it\\nreceived in 1446 the official confirmation of\\nSixtus IV.J Yet not thus was the controversy\\ncomposed, nor even the show of concord res-\\ntored between the contending orders.\\nWithout closely pursuing the inexhaustible\\nsubject of monastic dissension, we may men-\\ntion that a violent dispute arose in this age\\nbetween the Canons regular and the hermits\\nof St. Augustin, respecting the dress assum-\\ned by the original monks of that father. The\\nclamor ascended to the Apostolical chair and\\ncommanded the attention of Sixtus IV. He\\npublished a Bull, in which he wisely enjoined\\npeace to both parties wisely, but vainly;\\nfor the controversy (as it was called) continued\\nfor some time longer to disturb the harmony\\nof those holy brethren.\\nA difference, respecting the kind of wor-\\nship, which is due to the Blood of Christ,\\nfirst arose at Barcelona, in 1351, between the\\nDominicans and Franciscans. It was renew-\\ned at Brixen 5 in 1462. James a Marchia,\\nSee Padre Paolo, Hist. Concil. Trident, lib. ii.\\nt Semler (Sec. xiv. cap. 1) mentions 1384 as the\\nyear in which the controversy on the Immaculate\\nConception broke out between the rival orders at\\nParis. In 1387 the faculty censured John de Mon-\\ntesono for maintaining the less exalted opinion that\\nis, the opinion of St. Bernard and the Dominicans.\\nNevertheless, the war continued to rage.\\nThe bull of Sixtus is given by the continuator\\nof Fleury, lib. cxv. s. 102.\\nSemler, cent. xv. cap. ii. While such were the\\nsubjects on which monastic absurdity was exhausted,\\na very different description of nonsense was in vogue,\\nproceeding more directly from the scholastic method\\nthe following may serve as a specimen. One Jean\\nde Mercceur was condemned in 1346 for errors,\\namong which were the following: (1) Jesus Christ,\\nthrough his created will, may have willed something.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0552.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "ITS SPIRITUAL CHARACTER, DISCIPLINE, c.\\n545\\na Franciscan, publicly maintained, that the\\nblood, which Christ shed on the cross, did\\nnot belong to the divine nature, and conse-\\nquently was not an object of worship. The\\nDominicans were roused to fury by an asser-\\ntion so derogatory to the Redeemer; and the\\npreacher was immediately summoned before\\nthe Inquisition. Pius II. made some ineffec-\\ntual attempts to suppress the controversy\\nbut, finding his authority insufficient for that\\npurpose, he at last submitted the question to\\na commission of divines. Howbeit, both par-\\nties were so highly inflamed, that the doctore\\nwere unable to arrive at any decision. At\\nlength the Pontiff published a reasonable de-\\ncree, that both opinions might be lawfully\\nmaintained, until Christ s vicegerent should\\nfind leisure and opportunity for examining\\nthe question and so the matter rests at this\\nmoment.\\nIn 1492, some laborers, repairing the foun-\\ndations of the Church of the Santa Croce\\nat Rome, discovered what was immediately\\nproclaimed to be the original Inscription on\\nthe cross of Christ. The belief was propa-\\ngated, that it had been sent to Rome by St.\\nHelena, mother of Constantine and though\\nthere was no authority for this tradition, and\\nthough the pious Catholics of Toulouse pre-\\ntended to have possessed the true inscription\\nundisturbed for many ages, Alexander VI.\\npronounced (four years afterwards) the au-\\nthenticity of the Roman title, and recom-\\nmended it by particular indulgences to the\\ndevotion of the faithful. On the 29th of May\\nin the same year an ambassador from Bajazet\\narrived, bearing, as a present to the Pope, the\\nhead of the true lance. All the clergy went\\nforth in procession to receive it, and the Pon-\\ntiff assisted in person at the miserable mum-\\nmery. Raynaldus likewise assures us (on\\nthe authority of Jacobus Rosius) that the\\nsponge and the reed were presented on the\\nsame occasion such were the offerings with\\nwhich the Infidel insulted the superstition of\\nChristendom, and found his ready agent and\\nmost zealous accomplice in the Pope.\\nBut while the spiritual guides of the faith-\\nful were thus degradingly employed while\\nabsurdity and imposture seemed triumphant\\nin the Church, and the monks and the clergy\\nwhich has never come to pass. (3) In whatsoever\\nmaaner God wills, he wills efScaciously, that it come\\nto pass. (4) God wills, that such a one sin and be\\na sinner, and he wills it by his will, at his free plea-\\nsure. (5) No one sins in willing otherwise than\\nGod wills, that he will, c. More may be found in\\nFleury, lib. xcv. s. 37.\\n69\\nwere lending, in rivalry, their aid to nourish\\nthem a far different spirit was growing up\\namong those who had sought their instruction\\nelsewhere. Many pious Laymen had already\\nexplored the forbidden treasures of Scripture.\\nThey had long ago abhorred the vices of the\\necclesiastical system they now discovered\\nthat whatever in it was wicked was likewise\\nunfounded in truth. They advanced with\\nincreasing confidence towards evangelical\\nperfection, just as the Churchmen were rush-\\ning most wildly in the opposite direction,\\nand castmg wisdom and piety, as if in scorn\\nand detestation, behmd them. Yet was there\\nsome reason even m this their madness. The\\nsuperstitions of Rome were closely connected\\nwith her authority, and these exerted on each\\nother a reciprocal and potent influence. The\\nsuperstitions enslaved the consciences, and\\nthus commanded the riches of the faithful;\\nand so they ministered to the Papal power\\nwhile, on the other hand, that power estab-\\nlished and canonized the abuses and it had\\nso long been efficient in protecting them,\\nthat to many it seemed capable of sustaining\\nthem for ever.\\nII. On the Discipline and Morals of the\\nChurch. The severe edicts of Gregory VII.\\nagainst the concubinage of the clergy, and\\nthe disorders which followed them, in no\\nvery dissolute age of the Church, sufficiently\\nprove that a law, which offended the prin-\\nciples of nature, could not command ob-\\nservance, even though professional zeal and\\nworldly interest and morality itself pleaded\\nagainst its violation. And if the severity of\\nthat Pontiff for the moment abated the scandal,\\nit was never wholly removed, but continued\\nsometimes to elude, and sometimes to defy\\nthe unremitted exertions of Popes and Coun-\\ncils. Insomuch that, considered only as an\\ninstrument of ecclesiastical policy, it would\\nseem that the celibacy of the clergy haa\\nproduced less advantage to the Church of\\nRome by the exclusive spirit which it en-\\ncourages, and the popular influence of which\\nit facilitates the acquisition, than it has done\\nmischief by the reproach and shame to which\\nit has given unceasing occasion.*\\nThe following Canons of a Council held at\\nToledo in the year 400, sufficiently show the practice\\nof the Church of Spain, nearly 80 years after the\\nCouncil of Nice. Canon I. Married deacons or\\npriests who have not preserved continence with their\\nwives shall not be promoted. Canon VII. If the\\nwife of a priest has sinned, he may bind her in his\\nhouse, and make her fast and chastise her he\\nshould not, however, eat with her until she has dono", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0553.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "546\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nener(d Demoralizafion. Early in the\\ntwelfth age, the general relaxation of disci-\\npline and morals was deplored by St. Bernard,\\nand it increased in despite of his eloquent\\ndenunciations. From that time forward the\\nReformation of the Church, in its Head and\\nits members, became a subject of frequent\\nmention, and of constant hope or apprehen-\\nsion, according to the sanctity or the world-\\nliness of individual Churchmen. At the\\nCouncil of Vienne, the particulars of eccle-\\nsiastical coiTuption were boldly exposed, but\\niraperfecdy remedied. During the exile at\\nAvignon the pestilence increased it was\\ninflamed by the schism, which succeeded till\\nat length, whatever still remained of learn-\\ning and excellence in the Church, combined\\nagainst its further progress. It is superfluous\\nto repeat the names or transcribe the indig-\\nnant expressions of those Reformers. The\\nti Uth of their testimony has never been dis-\\nputed and one of the few circumstances in\\nthe history of the Roman Catholic Church,\\nwhich has escaped all controversy, is that of\\nits demoralization. The fathers of Constance\\nand Basle having failed to repair the discipline\\n\u00c2\u00a9f the Church, it received no improvement\\n\u00c2\u00abFuring the interval which succeeded nor\\nwere the examples of Innocent VIII., Alex-\\nander VI., or Julius II., well calculated to\\nre-establish the authority of the Canons, or\\nrestore the model of ancient purity.\\nCardinal Ximenes. If there was any coun-\\ntry, which at that time had escaped the gene-\\nral degradation, the exception may have been\\nformed by Spain and Spain is chiefly indebt-\\npenance. Canon XIX. If she be the denighter\\n\u00c2\u00a9f a bishop, priest, or deacon, c. And again, the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0widow of a bishop, priest, or deacon, who marries\\nagain, shall not receive communion, except on her\\ndeath-bed. On this subject Guizot has remarked,\\nthat the necessity of recruiting an unmarried clergy\\nfrom the ranks of the laity was one reason for the\\nfailure of the Papal scheme of universal monarchy.\\nTo have secured its success (he adds,) the clergy\\nought to have been a distinct caste, bringing up their\\nown children to their own profession. But there is\\nmuch to be said against this opinion. A caste pro-\\nducing itself is a much more separate and distinguish-\\nable object for an enemy s aim, than a body which is\\nincessantly recruiting itself from the mass.\\nLa discipline ecclesiastique (says Bossuet) s ^etoit\\nEelacl:iee pai* toute la terre les desordres et les abus\\nportes jusqu aux environs de I autel faisoient gemir\\nles bons, les bumilioient, les pressoient h. se rendre\\nencore meilleurs mais ils firent un autre effet sur les\\n\u00c2\u00a9sprits aigres et superbes. Histoire des Variations,\\nlib. xi. s. 294. We might also refer to the celebrated\\navowal made (in 1522) by Adrian VI. at the diet of\\nN.urembera;.\\ned for that distinction to the morose, monastic\\nausterity of Cardinal Ximenes. That haugh-\\nty Churchman revived the image of the spir-\\nitual champions of early days. Under the habit\\nof a Franciscan, he nourished unbounded am-\\nbition, and more than pontifical insolence,*\\nAs regent of the kingdom, he possessed great\\nsecular authority but his religious profession\\nwas ever nearest to his heart, and it was his\\nfavorite boast, that he could bind the gran-\\ndees to their duty by his cord, and crush their\\npride with his sandals. The object, on which\\nhe was most ardently bent, was the conver-\\nsion of the vanquished Moors. His impa-\\ntience permitted no method, except compul-\\nsion; and no fewer than fifty thousand are\\nrelated to have submitted to baptism, and\\nmade their heartless professions of conformity.\\nThe triumph was applauded the tyrant was\\nfeared and imitated and his severe court\\npresented a remarkable contrast to the licen-\\ntiousness of Rome. In the opposite extremi-\\nties of the moral scale the evangelical Chris-\\ntian will discover, perhaps, an equal departure\\nfrom the will of the Saviour. That selfish\\narrogance, which swells and hardens under\\nthe garb of religion, is scarcely Jess at variance\\nwith the spirit of the Gospel, than positive\\nsensual sin Yet both were the inevitable\\nproduce of an ecclesiastical system, which\\nwas compelled to maintain its hold on the\\naffections of men, by oftering, at the same\\ntime, encouragement to their fanaticism, and\\nimpunity to their vices.\\nBenefits confetrsd by the Church, Yet\\nshould we be very unjust to the Roman Cath-\\nolic Church, if we should allow it to be sup-\\nposed, that she opened no receptacles for the\\nnurture of true excellence that in her gene-\\nral institutions, especially in her earlier ages,\\nshe has overlooked the moral necessities of\\nman the truth is far otherwise. We have\\nrepeatedly observed, how commonly^ in sea-\\nsons of barbarism, religion was employed in\\nsupplying the defects of civil government\\nand diffusing consolation and security. The\\nTruce of God mitigated the fury of private\\nwarfare, by limiting the hours of vengeance,\\nand interposing a space for the operation of\\nOn one occasion Ximenes opp osed the levy of\\ntentlis in Spain, though commanded by Leo X., under\\nthe pretext of a Turkish war. The Cardinal (should\\nwe not rather say the Regentl) informed the Pope,\\nthat, unless on the urgency of some very pressing\\noccasion, he would never allow the clergy of Spain,\\nunder his government, to become tributary. See\\nBeausobre, Hist. Reform, liv. i. It should be men-\\ntioned that Ximenes published a Polyglott Bible^\\nCont. Fleur. 1. 119, s. 142.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0554.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "ITS SPIRITUAL CHARACTER, DISCIPLINE, c.\\n547\\njustice and humanity. The name of the\\nChurch was associated with peace and it\\nwas a prouder position, that when siie tram-\\npled on the necks of kings. The emancipa-\\ntion of the Serfs was another cause, equally\\nsacred, in which her exertions were repeated-\\nly employed. In her interference in the con-\\ncerns of monarchs and nations, she frequently\\nappeared as the advocate of the weak, and\\nthe adversary of arbitrary power. Even the\\nmuch abused law of Asylum f sei-ved through\\na long period as a check on baronial oppres-\\nsion, rather than an encouragement to crime.\\nThe duty of charity, during the better ages\\nof the Church, was by no means neglected\\nby the secular clergy, while it was the prac-\\ntice and ofl ce of the monastic establishments.\\nAnd even the discipline so strictly mculcated\\nby the earlier prelates, however arbitrary in\\nits exercise and pernicious in its abuse, was\\nnot unprofitable in arresting the first steps\\nand restraining the earliest dispositions to sin.\\nConfession and penance, and the awful cen-\\nsures of the Church, when dispensed with\\ndiscretion, must have been potent instruments\\nfor the improvement of uncivilized society.\\nPrinciples of Monachism. The original\\nprinciples of monachism were entirely guilt-\\nless of the evils which flowed from it in later\\nages. In the East, it was the passion for\\nretirement and contemplation which chiefly\\ncontributed to people the mountains and wil-\\ndernesses with holy recluses. In the West,\\nit was rather a desire of association for useful\\npurposes, which caused the construction of\\nso many monasteries schools were connect-\\ned with their establishment, and whatever\\nimpulse was given to the human understand-\\ning proceeded from them. In both, they were\\neffectual in drawing off from the virtual ex-\\nercise of paganism tiiose nominal proselytes.\\nThe Peace of the Church was first proclaimed\\nearly in the eleventh century. The particular edict,\\nwhich was more formally promulgated at the Council\\nof Cl rmont, prohibited all private warfare from sun-\\nset every Wednesday till sun-rise on the Monday\\nfollowing, so that four days a week were sanctified\\nfrom acts of violence. On this occasion, we cannot,\\nperhaps, give the Pope much credit for his motives\\nbut our question is not with motives, but with facts.\\nt This subject was made a matter of legislation in\\nthe Theodosian and Justinian codes. It drew a de-\\ncree from Boniface V. in the seventh century; and in\\nthe eighth the Lombard Kings passed some laws to\\ndeprive the worst description of criminals of such\\nprotection. The Abbots and Bishops were command-\\ned, under severe penalties, to give up such fugitives\\ninto the hands of civil justice. Consult Giannone,\\nlib. V. cap. vi.\\nextremely numerous in all ranks of the laity,\\nwho concealed, under the profession of Chris-\\ntianity, a lingering aflfection for the hereditary\\nsuperstition. It is, indeed, true, that such an\\ninstitution could not have originated, except\\nin a very peculiar and unhappy condition of\\nsociety that it took root and flourished in\\ngeneral demoralization, and public and pri-\\nvate misery. But on the other hand, it is\\nequally true, that it operated for some ages\\nwith great efficacy in abating the evils out of\\nwhich it sprang.\\nThe rule of St. Benedict was well calculat-\\ned to improve the generation to which it was\\ndelivered and the retreats which he opened\\ngave security and employment to multitudes,\\nin the most calamitous period of Christian\\nhistory. No self-torture or maceration was\\nprescribed to his disciples by that reasonable\\nlegislator those were the inventions of the\\nlater and more depraved ages of the Church,\\nwhen the fanaticism of some was found requi-\\nsite to counterbalance the profligacy of others.\\nThese changes insensibly took place, as the\\nmonks departed step by step from the inde-\\npendence of their original profession first\\nthrowing off the character of laymen, and\\nobtaining admission into the ranks of the\\nclergy, by which they became subject to se-\\nvere oppression from the bishops and then\\ngradually escaping from that yoke to the\\nmore indulgent, but not less arbitrary, despo-\\ntism of the Pope. Nevertheless, even during\\nthe decline of the monastic principles, some\\nsparks of former virtue were revived by the\\nfrequent reformation of the old orders and\\nthe establishment of new some remains of\\npristine excellence were very long preserved\\namid the ruins of the system.\\nMendicants distinguished as Missionaries,\\nIf we have been compelled on many occa-\\nsions to notice the vices of the Mendicant\\norders, and to observe how soon they became\\nthe zealous agents of the Holy See in all its\\nworst practices and projects, so should we\\nnot forget, that the same were for sometime\\nthe most active ministers of the Church, in\\nSee Guizot (Hist. Moderne, Le^. 14. and 15.)\\nfrom whom some of the above observations are bor-\\nrowed. It is perhaps too hastily asserted in chap.\\nxix. (p. 311) of this work, that as late as the\\neleventh age the monks were, for the most part, lay-\\nmen. The change had taken place earlier; and\\nthough the distinction, such as it now exists, between\\nthe monks and the lay brethren, was then first estab-\\nlished, it seems probable, that the greater part of the\\nmonks were already ecclesiastics, and that the lay\\nbrothers were introduced, for the discharge of the\\ninferior and more laborious offices.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0555.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "MB\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nthe discharge of its holiest ofBces. It is not\\nwithout reason, that Roman Cathohc writers\\nvaunt the disinterested devotion of the early\\nMendicants how assiduous they were in\\nsupplying the spiritul wants of the poor, how\\nfrequent in prisons and in hospitals, how for-\\nward to encounter the fii*e or the pestilence\\nhow instant on all those occasions where the\\nperil was imminent^ and the reward not in this\\nworld. They were equally distinguished in\\nanother, and not less righteous, duty, the pro-\\npagation of Christianity among remote and\\nsavage nations. We have noticed in a former\\nChapter the method, by which the Gospel\\nwas introduced into the North of Europe,\\nbefore the middle of the eleventh century.\\nIn the twelfth, we observe Boleslaus, Duke\\nof Poland, opening the path for its reception\\nin Pomerania by the sword and in like\\nmanner, both the Sclavonians and Finlanders\\nwere prepared for conversion by conquest.\\nAgain, Urban III. consecrated Mainhard, an\\nunsuccessful missionary, Bishop of the Livo-\\nnians, and proclaimed a holy war against\\nthem; the Bishop conquered his See, and\\npromulgated at the head of an army the\\ntidings of evangelical concord. The same\\nmethods were pursued by Innocent III. But\\nfrom that time forward we find much more\\nfrequent mention of pious missionaries, whose\\nlabors were directed to accomplish their great\\nwork by legitimate, or, at least, by peaceful\\nmeans. It may be true, that some of them\\nwere satisfied with mere nominal conversions,\\nand that others had chiefly in view either\\niheir own advancement, or the extension of\\nthe papal sovereignty. But there were like-\\nwise many, who were animated by the most\\nadmirable motives, and whose exertions^ if\\nthey failed of complete success, failed not\\nthrough any want of disinterested devotion.\\nThe missions of the thirteenth and four-\\nteenth centuries were principally directed to\\nthe North of Asia. In 1245, Innocent IV.\\nsent an embassy composed of Dominicans and\\nFranciscans to the Tartars; and a friendly\\ncommunication was so maintained, that the\\nenvoys of Abaca, their king, were present, in\\n1274, at the second Council of Lyons. Nich-\\nolas III. (in 1278) and Nicholas IV. (in 1289)\\nrenewed those exertions. John of Monte\\nCorvino, a Franciscan, was distinguished dur-\\ning the conclusion of the century by the suc-\\ncess of his labors and in 1307, Clement V.\\nerected an Archiepiscopal See at Cambalu\\n(Pekin) which he conferred upon that mis-\\nHe is recorded to have translated the Gospels\\naed Psalms into the language of the Tartai s.\\nsionary. Seven other Bishops, also Francis-\\ncans, were sent to his support by the same\\nPope and this distant branch of the hierarchy\\nwas carefully nourished by succeedmg Pon-\\ntiffs, especially John XXII. and Benedict XII.\\nIt is certain, that the number of Christians was\\nnot inconsiderable, both among the Chinese\\nand Moguls, as late as the year 1370, and\\nthey were still increasing, when they were\\nsuddenly swept away and almost wholly ex-\\nterminated by the Mahometan arms.* How-\\nbeit, the disastrous overthrow^ of their esta-\\nblishment detracts nothing from the merit of\\nthose who constructed it and it must not be\\nforgotten that the instruments in this work\\nwere Mendicants, and, for the most part,\\nFranciscans. But during the following age\\n(the fifteenth,) there are no discoverable traces\\nof the same spirit nor can we refer with any\\nsatisfaction to the compulsory proselytism of\\nthe Moors of Spain, or to those spiritual con-\\nquests which immediately follov/ed the dis-\\ncoveries of the Portuguese and Spaniards.\\nWhen we reflect on the various excellen-\\nces ascribed in the preceding paragraphs to\\nthe Papal system, we cannot fail, however\\nunwillingly, to make two observations first,\\nthat they had declined and almost disappeared\\nbefore the conclusion of the fifteenth century\\nnext, that the greater part of them were only\\nadapted to times of civil anarchy or general\\nignorance. But are we therefore to suppose,\\nthat, even during the reign of Alexander VI.,\\nthe great Christian community of the west\\nwas wholly destitute of religious instruction,\\nor of examples of sacerdotal piety that the\\npractice of moral justice, or even of Evange-\\nlical righteousness, was entirely confined to\\nthe sectarians of Bohemia, or of the Alpine\\nvalleys? The prospect is not quite so gloomy\\nthe destinies of man were not thus abandoned\\nby his Creator.\\nMysticism a source of piety. (1.) Under\\nthe respectable name of Mysticism much\\ngenuine devotion was concealed, and many\\nardent and humble aspirations poured forth\\nbefore the Throne of Grace. Since the intro-\\nduction of the supposed works of Dionysius\\ninto the west (in the ninth century,) the flame\\nhas ever continued to burn with more or less\\nIt is certain (says Mosheim) that we have rro\\naccount of any members of the Latin Church residing\\nin Tartary, China, or among the Moguls, later than\\nthe year 1370 nor could we ever learn the fate of\\nthe Franciscan missionaries, who had been sent\\nthither from Rome. Yet some doubtful records may\\nseem to prove, that there were Nestorians in Cbina\\na5 late as the sixteenth age", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0556.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "ITS SPIRITUAL CHARACTER, DISCIPLINE, c.\\n549\\nof intensity or languor, of purity or the con- 1\\ntrary, according to the principles of the age,\\nthe policy of the Church, and the character\\nof the prevalent literature. In the tenth and\\neleventh centuries, we may search, indeed,\\nalmost in vain for any useful records of the\\npiety of the Mystics in the latter, some\\ntraces, which they have left, ai-e strongly\\nmarked by visionary enthusiasm, and bear\\nno comparison with the more rational de-\\nvotion of Anselm. In the twelfth, the age\\nof Abelard and his scholastic disciples, they\\nfaintly opposed the progress of that barren\\nsystem of speculative morality, which grew\\nout of the theology of the Schoolmen, and\\nwhich spread with such freezing prevalence\\nin the succeeding century. Yet, while those\\nheartless te?ichers (the Patriarchs of Pedan-\\ntry were classifying the duties of man, dis-\\ntinguishing moral from theological virtues,\\nminutely subtilizing and dissecting, and sub-\\ndividing their subdivisions while they were\\ncreating subjects for angiy dispute, rather\\nthan holy meditation, and laboring in vain to\\nresolv^e the difficulties which themselves had\\ncreated, the Mystic Moralists formed an op-\\nposite, and not inconsiderable, party in the\\nChurch. They ventured openly to combat\\nthe positions of the Scholastics and they\\nwere followed by those with whom religion\\naddressed the affections, rather than the rea-\\nson, and who more wilingly abandoned\\nthemselves to an ardent emotion, than en-\\ngaged in an intellectual controversy. Thus\\nnumerously supported, they commanded the\\nrespect of theu* adversaries and some of\\nthese even deigned to write commentaries on\\nthe Book of the Areopagite.\\nThough not less opposed to the fashionable\\ncasuistry of the fourteenth age, they were\\nthen less active, or at least less prominent it\\nis probable that they employed that interval\\nin the purification of their own system, and\\nin cleansing away those fanciful absurdities\\nwhich had covered it with dishonor and ridi-\\ncule. At least, in the fifteenth century, they\\nagain came foi-ward with the show of a far\\nmore rational piety than had heretofore distin-\\nguished them insomuch, that the Platonists\\nof the day strove to reconcile the warm de-\\nvotion of the Mystical scheme with the plau-\\nsible ingenuity of the Scholastic, and thus\\nto construct a new and more perfect method\\nof moral theology. It is unquestionable that\\nthey comprehended, together with the Pla-\\ntonists, many individuals of deep and ardent,\\n*Mosheim (Cent. xii. p. ii. chap, iii.) mentions\\ntlve names of a few of their works.\\nthough, it might be, misdirected, piety,* and\\nof the purest simplicity of moral conversation.\\nYet the age in which they flourished was de-\\nfective in expositions of Scripture the Ora-\\ncles of Truth were insufficiently consulted,\\nor injudiciously interpreted, even by the best\\namong the servants of the Church and the\\nBookjf by which her pretensions were so soon\\nto be tried, was studied most successfully by\\nher enemies. The merits of the Mystics\\nwere not sufficient either to reform, or to\\npreserve, the declining establishment. Their\\nsublime aspirations after the Divine presence\\nremoved them too far from the ordinary\\nsphere of human action. In the abstract\\ncontemplation of the attributes of the Deity\\nthey lost the power of influencing the coun-\\nsels of men; and their warm imagination\\nwas not controlled by that firm and temperate\\njudgment, which is as essential for the good\\ngovernment of churches, as of empires.\\nVirtues and Piety of the inferior Clergy,\\n(2.) The real heroes of Ecclesiastical history\\nare those, whose belief and life are regulated\\nby the laws of Christ and the very circum-\\nstance, which constitutes their excellence,\\nensures their obscurity. They are not with-\\nout their reward even in this world but it\\nis not in the enjoyment of renown, or in the\\nhope of worldly immortality. It is in silence,\\nthat they perform their offices of charity it\\nis in secrecy, that they fulfil the commands\\nof their Master it is in humility, that they\\nexalt their fellow creatiu es and as soon as\\ntheir peaceful course of usefulness is over,\\nthey disappear, and leave no sort of trace or\\nrecord of their virtues. It is to the proud, the\\nturbulent, the ambitious, to the fanatic or the\\nhypocrite, that the pages of the annalist are\\nprincipally consecrated and those whose life\\nhas been an insult to their religion, stand far\\nmore prominent in the Ecclesiastical picture,\\nthan those who have loved and obeyed it.\\nIt is not, that many have not existed, even in\\nthe worst ages of tlie Church, whose almost\\nspontaneous piety has supplied its laws and\\nAmong the Mystics, Mosheim places Thomas k\\nKempis, Lam entius Justinianus, Vincent Ferrier,\\nSavonarola, Bernard of Sienna. Among the Platon-\\nists, John Gerson, Nicholas Casanus, Dionysius the\\nCarthusian, and others,\\nt The Bible Divines, who had been declining from\\nthe thirteenth century, were now become nearly ex-\\ntinct. Books of Sentences and Sums of Schoolmen\\nwere the principal objects of study; and when, in\\n1515, Eiasmus published his edition of the New\\nTestament, and thus laid the egg which Luther\\nhatched, tlie clergy exclaimed against the act as\\ndangerous, if not impious.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0557.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "550\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH\\ncorrected its abuses, and repaired, as far as\\ntheir private influence extended, the ruins of\\nits discipline under whose sacred guar-\\ndianship the treasures of hfe have been faith-\\nfully dispensed, and whose example has\\ngiven sanction to their instructions. It is not,\\nthat even monastic depravity has not been\\nredeemed by thousands of instances of mo-\\nnastic excellence. But it is, that the vices\\nhave been registered and blazoned, while the\\nopposite qualities have either attracted no\\nnotice, or have generally been so exaggerat-\\ned, as to revolt our reason and belief Among\\nthe numerous progeny of saints, so venerat-\\ned by Catholics, so proscribed by Protestants,\\nthere have been some examples of pure\\nEvangelical holiness there have been some\\ncardinals who have dared to deviate from the\\nrule of profligacy there have been many pre-\\nlates, eminent for learning and integrity, as the\\nHistory of National Churches and General\\nCouncils sufficiently demonstrates. But such\\ncharacters were far more common among\\nthe humble and undistinguished pastors, who\\nwere free from the vanity, the enthusiasm, or\\nthe ambition, which so often lurks beneath\\nthe garb of celebrated sanctity. Yet the eye\\nof the historian is fixed by the austere and\\nwonder-working Saint, by the pompous Pre-\\nlate, and the intriguing and rapacious Car-\\ndinal, while it overlooks the plants which\\nflourish in the lower regions of serenity and\\nfi uitfulness. Notwithstanding, it is scarcely\\ntoo much to affirm, that it was the zeal and\\npiety of the inferior clergy, which so long\\nsupported the cumbrous machinery of the\\nCourt and Prelacy of Rome. It was their\\nvhtues, which sustained the vices of their\\nsuperiors it was their humble piety, which\\nenabled mitred apostates so long to outrage\\nthe name of Christ. And it was not till the\\npoison had descended to the extremities of\\nthe system, and communicated even to the\\nvillage pastor some portion of its hierarchical\\nmalignity, that the Church of Rome reeled to\\nits foundation, and by its weakness and de-\\npravity invited and justified the rebellion of\\nits children.\\nSection III.\\nOn various Attempts to reform or subvert the\\nChurch.\\nI. An attentive consideration of the facts\\nand remarks advanced in the preceding sec-\\ntions will show, that in almost every partic-\\nular, whether of internal polity, or ghostly\\nauthority, or doctrinal purity, or discipline,\\nor morals, the Church of Rome stood lower\\nat the end of the fifteenth century than at any\\npreceding period. There was one circum-\\nstance only in v/hich it had gained ground.\\nThe temporal power of St. Peter had been\\nexalted into a durable monarchy, and the\\nlimits of the sacred patrimony extended and\\nsecured, during the last decay of the spiritual\\nfabric. The era of Boniface VIII. was prob-\\nably that, in which the various pretensions\\nof the See combined with the greatest effect\\nfor its aggrandizement. Its territorial do-\\nmains were then respectable its clergy were\\ngenerally exempt from civil jurisdiction its\\ndivine right to worldly power was not uni-\\nversally disputed its abuses were compar-\\natively inoffensive; its domestic enemies\\nwere almost harmless. Then commenced its\\ndownfal and it was precipitated through\\ntwo centuries of progressive calamity and\\ndisgrace. Its constitution, which by the co-\\noperation of the Pope with the Cardinals and\\nGeneral Councils presented the means of\\nregeneration, was suspended and perverted\\nby Eugenius IV. and the succeeding pontiffs.\\nIn the pageantry of its ceremonies, in the\\ncharacter of its festivals and its controversies,\\nit receded farther and farther fi-om the so-\\nberness of reason and the simplicity of the\\nGospel and its moral degeneracy kept pace\\nwith its other deprivations. On the other\\nhand, the general principles of society were\\nimproved, and the laity had begun to shake\\noff the deep slumber of obedience and con-\\nformity. The corruption was universal, the\\ndanger imminent; many even among the\\nprelates of the Church were not insensible to\\neither and some, who might perhaps have\\ntolerated the scandal, were moved by the\\nperil. Thus there grew up a large party\\nwithin the Church, who proclaimed the ne-\\ncessity of Reform.\\nJVature of the Reform attempted by the\\nChurchmen. The necessity of some reform\\nhaving aroused the wisest and most virtuous\\namong the churchmen, questions might nat-\\nurally have gi own up among them, to what\\nextent, and on what principles their work\\nought to be conducted Yet on this sub-\\nject no important difference appears to have\\narisen. A sacred barrier was placed before\\nthem which separated that, which might be\\ntouched, from that, which was inviolate and\\nit was guarded by irresistible prejudices. On\\nthis side lay the field of discipline and tem-\\nporalities on the other were the mysterious\\nregions of Faith, embracijig all that mass of\\nmingled truth and superstition, which the\\nInfallible Mother had imposed with equal", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0558.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "VARIOUS ATTEMPTS TO REFORM, c.\\n551\\nrigor, as equally holy, upon her believing\\nchildren. Into the former space the Fathers\\nof Constance and Basle entered with some\\nboldness of upright determination; but it had\\nbeen sacrilege and heresy to have invaded the\\nlatter. Hence it arose that the most danger-\\nous wounds were not examined, perhaps not\\neven suspected. In a mortal disease lenitives\\nwere administered and oil applied and if\\nsome outward impurities were feebly reme-\\ndied, their inward causes were purposely\\ncovered from all inquiry with a venerable\\nveil. Thus, while all the genius and learning\\nof the Church were combined to repress\\nthe abuses of Pontifical power while the\\nPontiff was essaying every art in defence of\\nthose abuses while anathemas were inter-\\nchanged, and the contending parties seemed\\nto be emulating each other s rancor no\\nquestion was for a moment started as to the\\nlegitimacy of that power. It was thought\\nmuch to deny the infallibility of the Pope, to\\ncontest his absolute despotism but his su-\\npremacy was as sacred as the Church itself,\\nand the Church was identified with the re-\\nligion. In this delusion both parties were\\nequally sincere and though tlie high Papists\\nwere certainly the farthest removed from any\\nconsideration of Gospel truth, it must be\\nadmitted, that their opponents were almost\\nequally destitute of evangelical principles.\\nThe Church was the exclusive object, to\\nwhich their education, their interests, their\\nprejudices, their enthusiasm, their very piet}^\\nattached them. Within it whatever was holy\\nand righteous was concentrated. Without\\nit, all was blindness and rebellion and blas-\\nphemy and their belief was not so much, that\\nthe Church was founded on the Bible, as that\\nthe Bible was comprehended in the Church.\\nFrom men with such principles, it was to\\nbe expected, that those who pleaded Scripture\\nas an independent testimony of truth that\\nthose who spoke even of ti-ulh as independent\\nof ecclesiastical authority, would meet with\\nno sympathy, and little mercy. Accordingly,\\ntheir advances towards reform were made\\nin the very bosom of orthodoxy. The most\\nfrivolous superstitions were rather encour-\\naged, than restrained no innovation was\\nintroduced, which could have startled the\\nbigotry of the most rigid Romanist. Nothing\\nwas even remotely intended for change, ex-\\ncept the discipline. Yet even this depart-\\nThe Bishop of Segovia addressed this expression\\nto the Fathers of Trent, who, under still more dan-\\ngerous circumstances, were following the same policy.\\nSee Padre Paolo, b. vi.\\nment presented ample employment for the\\nhand of the reformer, had he entered upon\\nhis work honestly and fearlessly. Howbeit,\\neven on this ground, unhallowed as it was\\nby any spiritual prejudices, those fathers did\\nnot penetrate, in their boldest attempts, to the\\nroots of the evil. They confined their hos-\\ntility to the abuses which were of modern\\norigin. Their veneration for antiquity, that\\nprofessional reverence for established prac-\\ntices, which so strongly characterized the\\nclergy of that Church, forbade them to search\\nvery deeply or very generally. They endeav-\\nored, indeed, to correct some disorders, which\\nhad notoriously grown up during the two or\\nthree preceding ages it was a specious object\\nto abolish the corruptions of Avignon, to re-\\npair the ruins of the schism But they were\\nawed by the holy obscurity of earlier times\\nand the clumsy forgery of a monk of the\\neighth century arrested the most enlightened\\namong the doctors of Constance and Basle^\\nNevertheless, the schemes of the reformers,\\nthough bearing no propoitioji to the real\\nemergencies of the Church, were wise as far\\nas they went, and calculated to prolong the\\nexisting system. Had they been cordially\\ncarried into effect, some useful improvements\\nwould have been introduced, some unpopular\\nscandals removed; the most distinguished\\necclesiastics would have rallied round the\\nPope, and the laity would have respected, for\\na certain time, the concessions and the union\\nof the clergy. But even this imperfect result\\ndid not take place. It has been shown with\\nhow great pertinacity the Pope and his profli-\\ngate adherents fought the battle of corruption,\\nand defended every abuse, which was fraught\\nwith present profit, and future and early de-\\nstruction.* In the struggle which divided\\nIt might seeem unnecessary to fortify this position\\nby any authority. Yet the opinion of one of the most\\nclear-sighted prelates, who have ever adorned and\\ndefended the Roman Catholic Church, may not by\\nsome be thought superfluous. C est ainsi (saya\\nBossuet) que dans le quinzieme siecle le Cardinal\\n(Julien), le plus grand homme de son temps, en\\ndeplorait les maux, et en prevoyait la suite funeste:\\npar ou il semble avoir predit ceux, que Luther allait\\nappreter k toute la Chrestiente, en commencant par\\nI Allemagne; et il ne s est pas trompe lorsqu il a\\ncru, que la Reformation meprisee, et la haine\\nredoublee contre le Clerge allait enfanter une\\nsects plus redoutable d VEglise, que celle des\\nBohemiens. Elle est venue cette secte sous la con-\\nduite de Luther; et en prenant le titre de Reforme,\\nelle s est vantee d avoir accompli les voeux de toute\\nla Chrestiente, puisque la reformation estoit desiree\\npar les peuples, par les docteurs, et par les prelate\\nCatboliques. Histoirfi des Variations, liy, i.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0559.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "552\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH,\\nthe Church, the policy of the hour prevailed.\\nThe unity of power and design, the keen\\nsense of personal interest, the tyranny of in-\\nveterate prejudice, gave the triumph to the\\nless virtuous, the less provident, even the less\\nnumerous party and after the fathers of Basle\\nhad reluctantly dispersed, and their creature\\nFelix V. resigned the name of Pontiff, the\\nbark of St. Peter was urged forward by a gale\\nof unruffled prosperity, until suddenly, and\\nsoon, and in the moment of most exulting se-\\ncurity, it was dashed against the rocks and\\nshattered irreparab!3^\\nA circumstance, which may have suspend-\\ned the downfal of the Church, was the ele-\\nvation of two Popes (Nicholas V. and Pius\\nII.), whose reputation and pursuits were in\\nharmony with the popular passion for reviving\\nletters. Their personal qualities concealed\\nfor a moment the vices of the system, and\\nsubstituted in public observation the splendor\\nof a literary court. Again, the overthrow of\\nthe Eastern Empire, and the danger of Turk-\\nish invasion, became powerful instruments\\nfor diverting attention from ecclesiastical\\ngrievances: and the clamor for reform was,\\nfor awhile, drowned in specious appeals to\\nthe policy of princes, and the enthusiasm\\nof their subjects but for awhile only. The\\nspirit of the age, when once decided and\\npronounced, can neither be long eluded, nor\\nsafely resisted. A little time may be gained:\\nthe progress of improvement may be slightly\\nretarded but it will presently spring forward\\nthe more rapidly, as it has been the longer\\nheld back. Now, the preceding century (the\\nfourteenth) was one of mixed and conflicting\\nprinciples it had not assumed any marked\\nor definite character; and thus the Church\\ninarched safely through it, with all its de-\\npravity on its head. But in the fifteenth, the\\nprinciples of society were fixed the general\\nvoice of Christendom proclaimed the necessi-\\nty of reformation the high-church dominant\\nI)arty presumed to disobey, or, with equal\\nimpolicy, descended to evasion and through\\ntheir own perversity they fell. And whether\\nit was, that they were too blind to see their\\ndanger, or too obstinate to sacrifice their\\nvices, they fell by a fate, which few will\\naffect to deplore, and which none can deem\\nundeserved.\\nIlowbeit, since the secession of the Protes-\\ntant communities, a gradual though tardy\\nreformation has been virtually accomplished\\nin the bosom of the Roman Catholic Church.\\nIts most extravagant pretensions have been\\ngenerally withdrawn; and if no important\\nchange has been introduced into the body of\\nits doctrine, yet the abuse of some of its tenets\\nhas been in some places mitigated; and its\\ndiscipline has been every where amended\\nand purified. When it had lost the half of\\nits dominions, it turned itself to improve and\\npreserve the rest from the blow which clejfl\\nits triple crown, it first began to learn the\\nwisdom of moderation and to discover in\\nsackcloth and ashes, that its wisest counsellors\\nand truest friends had ever been those, who\\nhad warned it to repent and amend.\\nII. Attempts to trace the continuity of.Jhe\\nProtestant opinions to the Apostolical times.\\nSeveral learned and pious Protestants have\\nattempted to trace the uninterrupted descent\\nof their doctrines, or at least of some essen-\\ntial portion of them, even from the apostolic\\ntimes. Great ingenuity and research have\\nbeen employed for this purpose, partly to\\nmake it thus manifest, that the Almighty,\\nwhile he permitted so much iniquity to be\\nperpetrated in his name, did still nourish in\\nsecret his true and perpetual Church partly,\\nthat the perpetual succession of the ministry\\nmight not seem wanting to the reformed\\ncommunities; partly, because the reverence\\nfor antiquity, especially in ecclesiastical mat-\\nters, has a powerful, perhaps an undue, influ-\\nence on the greater part of mankind. For\\nthese reasons very much has been written\\nabout the Lutheranism which was prevalent\\nbefore Luther; the unbroken series of Wit-\\nnesses of the truth; the unceasing protesta-\\ntions which have been silently breathed in all\\nages, against the abuses of Rome.*\\nThis subject has been treated by Bossiiel, in\\nthe eleventh chapter of his Variations, eloquently,\\nlearnedly, and of course not impartially: and thus,\\nwhile he has unquestionably established many of his\\npositions, he has advanced others which are untena-\\nble. (1) Respecting the Albigeois. He has estab-\\nlished that they were wholly distinct from the Vau-\\ndois: and that they held many opinions which are\\ncondemned by all Protestants. But he has failed in\\nproving their Manichean origin still more their\\nManichean doctrines for to make out this identity\\nhe has invented so many marks or characters of\\nManicheism, wholly unconnected with its original\\nand only true mark, the doctrine of the two princi-\\nples, as to embrace under that name errors entire-\\nly dissociated from it. He calls them indeed new\\nManicheans, and admits that they had softened\\nsome of their errors. But they had parted with the\\ncharacteristic error, or, in fact, they had never held\\nit. For the same reason he has failed in confounding\\nthem with the Catharists, Bulgari, o., who were\\nthe real descendants of the Paulicians. (2) Respect\\ning the Vaudois. He shows the great uncertainty", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0560.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "VARIOUS ATTEMPTS TO REFORM, c.\\n555\\nIt is unquestionable, that so early as the\\nbeginning of the twelfth century, some of the\\nProtestant opinions were openly professed, and\\natoned for by death. And it is equally certain,\\nthat, from the preaching of Peter de Bruis to\\nthat of Luther, there have subsisted in some\\nquarter or other of the western community\\nvarious bodies of Sectaries,* who were at open\\nor secret variance with the Church of Rome\\nwho rejected, according to their respective\\nprinciples, in part or in whole, her tenets, or\\nher ceremonies, or her ministry. It may be\\ndoubted, whether the Albigeois, in spite of\\nthe crusades of Innocent, and the Inquisition\\nof Toulouse, were ever entirely extirpated.\\nThe Vaudois were certainly preserved through\\nperhaps the entire vanity, of their claims to a sepa-\\nrate descent from the Antenicene Church. He shows\\nthat, at their first appearance, their differences with\\nRome were less numerous and important than they\\nbecame afterwards: that they adopted some new\\nopinions after their union with the Protestants: that\\nthey were the same with the Leonists and the Insab-\\nbates. But he does not establish his assertion, that\\nthey were founded by Peter Waldo of Lyons. (3)\\nRespecting the Bohemian Brethren. He rightly\\nsupposes, that the Hussites were not descended from\\nthe Vaudois and that the Brethren made some\\ndoctrinal concessions on their union with the Lutlicr-\\nans. But when he asserts that Huss had no doctrinal\\ndifference with the Church, except on the single\\ncommunion; and that the same was the only subject\\nof disaffection with the Calixtiues; he has not fairly\\nrepresented either the one or the other. The here-\\nsies of Huss were less bold and numerous than those\\nof Wicliff; those of the Calixtines than those of the\\nThaborites; and that respecting the cup was the\\nmost publicly professed; but it was associated with\\nothers less notorious. In the meantime, we must\\nadmit, that he has, in our opinion, established his\\ntwo leading positions; viz., that the Protestants fail\\nin their attempts to prove an uninterrupted succes-\\nsion; and that those whom they claim as their ances-\\ntors differed from them in numerous points of doc-\\ntrine. We might notice some rash assertions on less\\nimportant points but our readers are aware that\\nthey should be cautious in following Bossuet on his\\nown unsupported assertion on ih^iparole, toujours\\neloquente (as Voltaire truly says of it) et quelque-\\nfois trompeuse.\\nIt might seem scarcely necessary to remark, that\\nwe have frequently, in the course of this work, used\\nthe word Sect in its original and proper sense of a\\nbody of men united by certain tenets, the sense in\\nwhich Tertullian used it (Apol. cap. v.) when he\\ncalled the whole Christian community hanc Sectam.\\nOnly it is a common error to connect with this term\\nthe idea of cutting off, and thus to attach a degrad-\\ning notion to it. In the same manner, the term\\nHeresy (in its origin equally inoffensive,) we have\\ncommonly applied to those, whom the church has\\ndenounced as heretics without any reference what-\\never to the natiu-e of their opinions.\\n70\\nthe perils of four centuries of oppression. The\\nashes of WiclifF were not lost in their rough\\ndescent into the ocean and the spirit, which\\nrose out of the funeral flames of Huss, sur-\\nvived to expand m the bosoms of his com-\\npatriots.\\nFrom this short catalogue we have pur-\\nposely excluded innumerable denominations\\nof heresy, of which there were scarcely any\\nwhich did not, in some one respect, or in\\nmore than one, anticipate the Confession of\\nAugsbourg. The various forms of Mysticism\\nwere universally opposed, in their progress as\\nin their origin, to the outward pageantry of\\nthe Roman Church. The spiritual Francis-\\ncans, who questioned the omnipotence of the\\nPope, and denounced the corruptions, no less\\nthan the wealth, of the Clergy, are even plac-\\ned by Mosheim among the forerunners of the\\nReformation. At least, it is certain, that their\\ncontinued insubordination, combined with\\nsuch high pretensions to sanctity, had its effect\\nin preparing the downfal of Papacy and thus\\nthey may properly be numbered among the\\ninstruments appointed to divide its strength,\\nand betray its fortress by intestine discord to\\nthe foe without.\\nAgain, among the sects, which we have\\nmentioned as the more genuine precursors of\\nLuther and Zuinglius,* there was not one\\nwhich furnished in all respects a faithful mo-\\ndel for their more perfect reformation. There\\nwere points on which they differed from each\\nother. There were points on which they dif-\\nfered both from Roman Catholics and Protes-\\ntants. There vvere even points in which they\\nagreed with the former, and fell far short of the\\nsubsequent doctrine of the latter. But there\\nwere also many articles of essential impor-\\ntance, on which they opposed, with premature\\nindependence, their reason and their Bible, to\\nthe abuses and even to the authority, of the\\nChurch.\\nSuch were the sects, from which the Pro-\\ntestants claim their descent, and to which they\\nare justly grateful for having prepared their\\npath, and set the example of non-conformity.\\nBut they sprang up before their season their\\nimperfect lights were unable to preserve them\\nfi-om error; curiosity and knowledge were\\nSemler (Secul. xv. cap. iv. p. 218) enumerates\\na variety of opinions hostile to the Church, in the\\ndesign to show that Luther was not so much the first\\nwho came into the design of vindicating the public\\nChristian religion, as that he trod in footsteps clearly\\ntraced before him so that those are in error, who\\nconsider the Reformation as a political, rather than a\\nreligious, movement.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0561.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "654\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nyet too scantily distributed among the mass\\nof the people to give them a substantial foot-\\ning there; and thus they fell before the es-\\ntablished despotism, and shed their precious\\nblood, both as an eternal testimony against\\nthe Church, and as the seed of more enlarged\\nprinciples in a happier age.\\nThe Vaudois. In our journey back towards\\nthe apostolical times, these separatists conduct\\nus as far as the beginning of the twelfth centu-\\nry but when we would advance farther, we are\\nintercepted by a broad region of darkness and\\nuncertainty. A spark of hope is indeed sug-\\ngested by the history of the Vaudois. Their\\norigin is not ascertained by any authentic re-\\ncord and being immemorial, it may have been\\ncoeval with the introduction of Christianity.\\nAmong their own traditions there is one,\\nwhich agrees well with their original and fa-\\nvorite tenet, which objects to the possession\\nof property by ecclesiastics. It is this that\\ntheir earliest fathers, offended at the liberality\\nwith which Constantine endowed the Church\\nof Rome, and at the worldliness with which\\nPope Sylvester accepted those endowments,\\nseceded into the Alpine solitudes; that they\\nthere lay concealed and secure for so many\\nages through their insignificance and their\\ninnocence. This may have been so it is not\\neven very improbable, that it was so. But\\nsince there is not one direct proof of their\\nexistence during that long space since they\\nhave never been certainly discovered by the\\ncuriosity of any writer, nor detected by the\\ninquisitorial eye of any orthodox bishop, nor\\nnamed by any Pope or Council, or any Church\\nrecord, chronicle, or memorial, we are not\\njustified in attaching any historical credit to\\ntheir mere unsupported tradition. It is suffi-\\ncient to prove, that they had an earlier exist-\\nence than the twelfth century but that they\\nhad then been perpetuated through eight or\\nnine centuries, uncoramemorated abroad, and\\nwithout any national monument to attest their\\nexistence, is much more than we can venture,\\non such evidence, to assert. Here then the\\ngolden chain of our apostolical descent dis-\\nappears and though it may exist, buried in\\nthe darkness of those previous ages, and\\nthough some writers have seemed to discern\\na few detached links which they have dilli-\\ngently exhibited, there is still much wanting\\nto complete the continuity.*\\nThe claims of the Protestant Mountaineers in\\nPauphine appear to be somewhat stronger than those\\nof the Vaudois; because (as has been mentioned)\\nneither the worship of images, nor tlie pontifical\\njurisdiction was established in France, so early as\\nThe Alhigeois. When we turn to the his-\\ntory of the Albigeois, we find there still less\\nto flatter our hopes, or encourage our pursuit.\\nFor if we adopt the more probable opinion\\nrespecting the origin of that sect that it was\\nengendered by the contrast, so perceptible\\neven to the least instructed, between the cha-\\nracter of the Church and the first principles\\nin Italy probably not till the middle of the ninth\\ncentury. Now, as soon afterwards as the year 1025\\nwe have records of the existence, at Arraa, of certain\\nerroneous opinions, which were supposed to have\\nproceeded from the Alpine borders of Italy. In\\nthis case, the interval of silence is reduced to rather\\nless than two centuries: and though this space will\\nseem to many sufficient to destroy all historical ground\\nfor asserting an unin,terrupted succession, nevertheless,\\nupon the whole, we are disposed to consider it as\\nvery probable, that on the sides and under the brows\\nof those desolate mountains there may have existed\\nin every age a few obscure peasants, whom all the\\ninnovations of Rome have never reached. Different\\npersons will attach different degrees of importance\\nto this result we therefore refer the curious reader,\\nwith great pleasure, to Mr. Gilly s Memoirs of\\nNeff, where the subject is argued with learning and\\nearnestness. At the same time it is proper to men-\\ntion what those opinions really were which were\\ncondemned at Anas in 1025; lest it should be sup-\\nposed, that they were at variance only with the\\nRoman Catholic Church, and strictly in accordance\\nwith apostolical truth. (1.) It was asserted, that\\nthe sacrament of baptism was useless, and of no\\nefficacy to salvation. (2.) That the sacrament of\\nthe Lord s Supper was equally unnecessary. (It\\nwould seem that the objections of the heretics on this\\npoint went beyond the mere denial of the change of\\nsubstance.) (3.) That there was no peculiar sanc-\\ntity in churches, (4.) nor holiness in the altar. (5.)\\nThat the use of bells, c., to summon the people to\\nworship, was objectionable. (6.) That the sacred\\norders of the ministry were not of divine institution.\\n(7.) That the Church rites of sepulture are to be\\nascribed to the avarice of the clergy. (8.) That\\npenance was altogether inefficacious. (This appears\\nto have been an inference from their denial of the\\nefficacy of baptism.) (9.) That alms, vicarious\\npenance, c., are of no use to the dead (which in-\\nvolved the denial of purgatory.) (10.) That mar-\\nriage in general was contrary to the evangelical and\\napostolical laws. (11.) That saint-worship is to be\\nconfined to the apostles and martyrs not extended\\nto the confessors, i. e. holy men, not martyrs. (12.)\\nThat church music is reprehensible. (13.) That the\\ncross is not an object of worship, (14.) nor the\\nSaviour s image on the cross, nor any other image.\\n(15.) That the orders of the hierarchy are objection-\\nable. (16.) That the doctrine of works (Justitia)\\nsupersedes that of divine grace, and every man s\\nhope of salvation lies in his own deserts (see Labbaei\\nConcil. torn. xix. p. 423. Ex Dacherii Spicileg.\\n2 ed. vol, i. p. 607.) So mixed and various is the\\nsubstance of those opinions, to which learned writers\\non this subject appeal with so much satisfaction.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0562.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "ITS TREATMENT OF HERETICS.\\n5o5\\nof Christianity its birth must at least have\\nsucceeded the manifest corruption of the\\nChurch nor is there any evidence to prove\\nit more ancient, than the twelfth or perhaps\\neleventh century. If, on the other hand, we\\nshould identify those Dissenters (as some have\\ndone) with the Catbari, the Gazari, Paterini,\\nPublicani, and others of the same age, who\\nwere collateral branches of the Paulician\\nfamily, we are not, indeed, any longer at a\\nloss to trace the succession to very high an-\\ntiquity. It is also true, that the contempt of\\nimages, the disbelief in transubstantiation, and\\nsome other protestant principles, were faith-\\nfully perpetuated in that heretical race. But\\nthese attractive characteristics were tainted,\\nmore or less deeply, by the poison of Man-\\nichseism and since it is our object to establish\\na connexion with the primitive Church, we\\nshall scarcely attain it through those, whose\\nfundamental principle was unequivocally re-\\njected by that Church, as irrational and im-\\npious.*\\nMysticism. If the claim again be reduced\\nfrom a succession of sects to a series of pious\\nindividuals, who in every age of the Church\\nmay have secretly protested against its abuses\\nand its workUiness, it becomes equally im-\\npossible to prove its existence, and to deny its\\nprobability. The aspirations of mysticism,\\nsometimes degraded into absurdity, sometimes\\nexalted into the purest piety, have unques-\\ntionably pervaded and warmed every portion\\nof the ecclesiastical system, from the earliest\\nsera even to the present. Its perpetual exist-\\nence alone shows, that in private bosoms,\\nand especially in the abstractions of the mon-\\nastery, a disaffection towards the ceremonies,\\ntowards the grosser abuses, and perhaps to-\\nwards some of the sacraments of the Church,\\nhas been unceasingly nourished, even within\\nits own precincts. But the names of these con-\\ntemplative and unambitious individuals are,\\nfor the most part, lost in oblivion and even\\nif they were not so, the truth of the Protes-\\ntant principles would gain little assurance,\\nManes, a Persian, (the pretended Paraclete,)\\npropounded his system, for reconciling the Magian\\nwith the Christian opinions, in the third century.\\nThe system was, indeed, original, in as far only as it\\nwas a new application of the doctrine of the two\\nprinciples but the doctrine itself had been (as we\\nhave seen) employed by the Gnostics for the corrup-\\ntion of Christianity, long before the time of Manes.\\nIt is for this reason, that we have not bestowed that\\nattention on tiie system of the Persian fanatic, which\\nit usually receives from ecclesiastical writers. It may\\nsuffice to refer the ordinary reader to Mosheim, cent,\\niii. p. 11. chap, v., and Bayle, Article Manicheens,\\nand their dignity little increase, from so slen-\\nder, imperfect and precarious a connexion\\nwith the apostolical purity.\\nUpon the whole, then, it seems impossible\\nto establish on historical ground the theory\\nof an uninterrupted transmission of the or-\\nriginal faith from the primitive times to those\\nof Luther. Indications of its occasional ex-\\nistence may be discovered, but no proof of\\nits continuity. Yet is this no disparagement\\nto those faithful witnesses, who were called\\ninto existence in the iron days of the Church.\\nThey bequeathed to their more fortunate suc-\\ncessors their principles and their example.\\nNor were they in their own times without\\ninfluence, nor even without peril to the pon-\\ntifical predominance. Innocent III. did not\\ndespise their infancy he beheld it, on the\\ncontrary, with such anxious apprehension, as\\nto divert the engine, with which he was\\narmed for other purposes, to their destruction.\\nHe knew the real character of his own des-\\npotism, and the secret of its weakness and\\nwhile, by his clamor for the crusades, he sub-\\ndued the understanding of mankind, his own\\ndeeper penetration taught him, from what\\nquarter the storm must really issue, which\\nwould finally overthrow his throne and in\\nthe lineaments of that little cloud, which\\nraised its prophetic hand in the horizon of\\nheresy, he read the denunciation of future\\nwrath, and heard the distant murmur of ad-\\nvancing reason.\\nIII. On the treatment of Heretics hy the\\nChurch. It was not till the Popes had estab-\\nlished their authority in most of the Courts\\nof Europe, that the principles of persecution\\nwere displayed in their full extent, or the\\npractice attended with much barbarity. The\\nprevious efforts of Alexander III. and Ca-\\nlixtus II. betrayed the disposition and show-\\ned the sting but it was not yet armed and\\npoisoned. The execution of the mystics of\\nOrleans, at a still earlier period, was perpe-\\ntrated by the king and the bishop, without\\nany excuse of pontifical interference. In fact,\\nthe unity of the Church was not protected\\nby the authorized use of the sword, until the\\nreign of Innocent III. His great power en-\\nabled him not only to turn a casual storm\\nagainst a particular sect of the heretics of the\\nday; but to engage the temporal weapon, by\\na general and perpetual edict, in the service\\nof the spiritual.\\nThe third Canon of the Lateran council,\\nheld by that Pontiff, contained an injunction\\nto the effect, that temporal lords be admon-", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0563.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "556\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nished, and, if necessaiy, compelled by cen-\\nsures, to take a public oath to exterminate\\nheretics from their territories. If any one,\\nbeing thus required, shall refuse to purge his\\nland, he shall be excommunicated by the Me-\\ntropolitan and his suffragans and if he shall\\ngive proofs of still further contumacy, the\\nPope shall absolve his subjects from their\\nfealty*. Of Roman Catholic writers, those\\nwho would willingly cleanse their Church\\nfrom the stain of blood, and those who dis-\\napprove of its claims to temporal authority,\\nare equally perplexed by this edict. But\\nwhile there are some who affect to doubt its\\ngenuineness while others affirm, that it was\\ndirected only against feudatories, not against\\nthe supreme Lord others, that it was dic-\\ntated by Innocent to a council so servile, as\\neven to impeach its authority; others again,\\nthat it was only levelled against the contem-\\nporary heretics, whose detested Manicheism\\ndeserved the sentence a more plausible ex-\\ncuse may be alleged in the consent or silence\\nof the princes and ambassadors, who were\\npresent at the council. In fact, on Innocent s\\ndeath, which followed soon afterwards, Hon-\\norius, his successor, applied to Frederic II. to\\ninsert the Canon among the constitutions of\\nthe empire. He did so. And having thus\\nembarked the State in the same conspiracy\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with the Church, and degraded it, besides,\\nto be the mere executioner of the sentences\\nof its accomplice, he loaded the former with\\nignominy, and shared without in any respect\\nditninishing the guilt of the latter.\\nHenceforward, the ecclesiastical and civil\\nauthorities legally and systematically co-op-\\nerated in the destruction of many bold and\\nvirtuous spirits, who for three successive\\ncenturies asserted, under different forms and\\nnames, the private right of reading and inter-\\npreting the Gospel. Henceforward, the se-\\ncular arm was ever in subservient attendance\\non the decisions of sacerdotal barbarity and\\nit was in this subordinate ministry of an in-\\nThe words are these: Si vero Dornimis Tem-\\nporalis requisitiis et moiiitus ab ecclesia terram suam\\npurgare neglexerit ab hac heretica foeditate, per\\nmetropolilanos et cgeteros episcopos comprovineiales\\nexconimunicationis vinculo innodetur. Et si satis-\\nfacere contempserit infra annunn, significetiir hoc\\nsumrno pontifici: et extiinc ipse vassallos ab ejus\\nfidelitate denuntiet absolutos, et terram exponet ca-\\ntholicis occupendam salvo jure, domini principa-\\nlis, dummodo super hoc ipse nullum praestet obsta-\\nculum, nee aliquod impedimentum opponat: eadem\\nnihilominus lege servata circa eos, qui non habent\\ndominos principales. SeeLabb. Concil. Collect, torn.\\nxxii. p. 981, et tseq., et supra chap, xviii. p. 349.\\ndependent power, that the real executioners\\nfound a pretext to proclaim their own unsul-\\nlied charity that their bands, at least, were\\nundefiled that the Church was merciful and\\nlong-suffering, and that the penal flames were\\nlighted by the vengeance of the temporal\\npowers!\\nThe Inquisition embodied the principles\\nand practice of persecution and, notwith-\\nstanding the abhorrence which it raised in\\nsome places, it was an engine of good service\\nin protecting the Unity of the Roman Catho-\\nlic Church. That fatal principle, of which\\nthe name, at least, and even the seeds may\\nbe traced to the earliest ages, occasioned more\\nthan half the crimes that stain the ecclesias-\\ntical annals. Every hope of salvation was\\nconfined to the bosom of the Church should\\nany dare to abandon that exclusive sanctuary,\\ntheir heritage was eternal perdition if, then,\\nby the fear or endurance of mere temporary\\ntorture men could be preserved from eternal\\ninflictions, was not the office salutary.^ was\\nnot the duty peremptory Alas for the pre-\\nsumption of those who were sincere in this\\nprofession. But, if any there were who\\nfalsely joined the cry, with no further object,\\nthan to support the system by which they\\nprofited, there may be pardon reserved for\\nthem in the mercy of God, but there is no\\nterm in the vocabulary of crime w^hich can\\nexpress their guilt.\\nIt would be an insult on human nature not\\nto suppose, that among the ministers of the\\nRoman Church there were many, who indi-\\nvidually abhorred the practice, and softened\\nby their private tolerance the rigor of the\\necclesiastical code. But the high and domi-\\nnant party in the Church was always that,\\nwhich stretched the principle of its Unity\\nto its extreme length, and pursued the victims\\nof that principle with as much severity, as\\nthe policy of princes and the endurance of\\nthe laity would permit. As in the thirteenth\\ncentury, so was it in the fifteenth as in the\\nLateran, so was it in the halls of Constance\\nas with Innocent, so with Gerson and Cle-\\nniangis, and the reformers of Innocent s\\nabuses.* The spirit possessed the Church\\nIt must not be understood that Innocent III.\\ndeliberately corrupted, or even relaxed, the ecclesias-\\ntical discipline on the contrary, he published many\\nexcellent decrees for its severer observance only,\\nby unduly aggrandizing papal authority he rendered\\nthose decrees in effect nugatory. Thus, for instance,\\nrespecting the abuses of pluralities and non-residence\\nthe fourteenth canon of the Third Lateran Council\\n(held by Alexander III.) denounced both those prac-\\ntices in very strong terms, as in direct violation of", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0564.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "INDIVIDUAL REFORMERS.\\n557\\nthence it emanated and swelled the bosoms\\nof its ministers and the more devoted was\\nthe individual to the service of that Church,\\nthe more thoroughly was his soul impregnat-\\ned with the venom.\\nIt was not, that even these Ecclesiastics\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2were necessarily destitute of private virtues,\\nor that they lost, in the exercise of official\\nbarbarity, all sense of justice and all feeling\\nof mercy. They might be compassionate,\\nthey might even be charitable. It might be,\\nthat they were only cruel and unjust, and\\ntuicharitable, in as far as they were imbued\\nwith the high ecclesiastical principle in as\\nfar as they identified the religion of the Gos-\\npel with their own modification of it in as\\nfar as they mistook the interests of their order\\nfor the honor of Christ.\\nA practice sanctified by the authority, and\\nenforced by the zeal of the sacred body,\\nfound innumerable advocates among the laity,\\nand it was never in more general favor, than\\nat the end of the fifteenth century. Even\\nthe philosophers of that age were hostile to\\ntlie exercise, or perhaps ignorant of the name,\\nof tolerance. The Popes pressed with unre-\\nlenting rigor the hereditary usage and the\\narm of the Inquisition was lengthened, and\\nits ingenuity sharpened and refined. In the\\nrarit} of Christian victims for the Hussites\\ntlie ancient canons and added: Cum igitur eccle-\\nsia, vel ecclesiasticum ministerium committi debuerit,\\ntalis ad hoc persona qiiaeratur, quae residere in loco,\\net curam ejus per seipsum valeat exercere on the\\npenalty of deprivation to the minister, and loss of\\npatronage to the patron. Innocent III., thirty -six\\nyears afterwards, published a canon (the twenty-\\nninth) in the Fourth Lateran, on the same subject.\\nHerein, he referred to the law of Alexander, men-\\ntioned the little fruit which it had produced, and\\ndecreed in confirmation of it, ut quicunque receperit\\naliquod beneficium habens curam animarum annex-\\nam, si prius tale beneficium obtinebat, eo sit jure ipso\\nprivatus: et si forte illud retinere contenderit, alio\\netiam spolietur. He added, moreover, that no one\\nshould hold two dignities in the same church, even\\nwithout cure of souls. But then he concluded with\\na salvo, which Alexander had not interposed, in\\nI favor of the Pope s dispensing power j Circa sub-\\nj limes tamen et literatas personas, qute majoribus sunt\\nbeneficiis honorandee, cum ratio postulaverit, per\\naedem apostoHcam poterit dispensari.\\ni It should not, however, be forgotten that the\\nVaudois suffered several severe outrages during this\\nperiod. In 1400 they were attacked in the Valley\\nof Pragela and driven to the summits of the moun-\\ntains, where many died from starvation. In 1460\\nthe Separatists in the Val Fressiniere (on the French\\nside) were persecuted by a Franciscan, under the\\nauthority of the Archbishop of Ambrun. Every\\nthing tliat fraud and calumny could invent seems on\\nwere not victims, but enemies and warriors-\\nattention was turned to the perversity of the\\nJews; and Sixtus IV., Innocent VIII. and\\nAlexander VI. added to their other offences\\nthe crime of persecution. Persecution was,\\nindeed, at this time almost the only proof\\nwhich the Court of Rome affected to exhibit\\nof its attachment to religion. It was become\\nthe apparent object of the spiritual govern-\\nment and the perpetrator of every enormity\\nsought atonement for his guilt in the blood\\nof the misbeliever. It was become a part\\nof ecclesiastical morality; and it was now\\nfounded not so much on hostility to any par-\\nticular opinion, or any bigoted belief in the\\nopposite, as on the determination, that no new\\nopinion should be broached with impunity.\\nIt was not against the results of thought, but\\nagainst the liberty of thinking, that the bolts\\nwere now really levelled. The rebellion\\nwas more detestable than the heresy and\\nthe wretches, who dared to plead their Bible\\nagainst their Church, were marked out, not\\nfor conversion, but for massacre.* The end,\\nbeing holy, sanctified the means and in pur-\\nsuing the details of religious warfare, we\\nshall commonly observe, that, if the deeds\\nof pure atrocity are equally balanced, the\\nsuperiority in fraud, perfidy and perjury, is\\nwithout any comparison on the side of the\\nCatholics.\\nIV. Some individual Reformers of the Fif-\\nteenth Century. It is needless here to re-\\nthat occasion to have been practised against them.\\nIn 1487 and 1488 fresh bulls were issued, followed by\\nmilitary violence. Albert de Capitaneis, Archdeacon\\nof Cremona, was deputed by Innocent VIII. to com-\\nmand the attack. But the fortune of war appears\\nfor this time to have favored tlie oppressed. See\\nMilner, Cent, xiii. chap, iii,\\nOn ne voulait point convertir les Bohemiens\\n(says Sismondi,) on voulait les trainer sur le bucher,\\nWe may plead the authority of that historian for the\\njustice of some of these last remarks. See likewise\\nSemler, Secul. xv, cap. iii, p. 51, c. c. Still it\\nshould be observed, that a certain latitude of private\\njudgment, on certain subjects, was generally indulg-\\ned to the members of the Church, as, for instance,\\nto many Mystics; but this was either when the\\nLatitudinarians were in themselves deemed inno-\\ncent, or when the opinions touched none of the essen-\\ntials of the ecclesiastical system, none of the sources\\nof dignity, revenue, c. Thus, for example, in the\\ndispute between Luther and Cardinal Carvajal, there\\nwere two grand subjects of difference, indulgences\\nand justification. Luther was disposed to attach by\\nfar the highest importance to the latter; but the\\nCardinal assured him, that if he would retract his\\nerror respecting indulgences, the other affair could\\nbe easily arranged.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0565.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "558\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\n1\\npeat the names of the anti-papal adherents of\\nLouis the Bavarian, or of the more eminent\\nreformers of Constance and Basle. Nor shall\\nwe recur to the premature, but not fruitless,\\nefforts of Wiclif and Huss. But it is proper\\nto make some mention of those individuals\\nwho were distinguished for their opposition\\nto ecclesiastical abuses during the latter part\\nof the fifteenth century. These were the\\nimmediate precursors of Luther; and though\\ndiffering on many matters fifom each other\\nand from him and though his inferiors\\nin evangelical wisdom, in intellectual power\\nand personal character, they were not with-\\nout their use in preparing the path for his\\ntriumph.\\nJohn of Wesalia. In 1479, John of Wes-\\nalia incurred, by some opinions unfavorable\\nto the pretensions of the hierarchy, the in-\\ndignation of the Monastic Orders. He pro-\\nnounced indulgences to be of no avail that\\nthe Pope, bishops and priests were not instru-\\nments for the obtaining of salvation. He\\nspoke with disparagement of the fasts, of the\\nholy oil, of pilgrimages, of the Pope and his\\nCouncils. He advocated the Greek doctrine\\non the procession of the Holy Ghost. More-\\nover, he was a zealous Nominalist, at a mo-\\nment when the violence of the rival scholastics\\nequalled any recorded display of theological\\nrancor. He was brought to trial among his\\njudges Monks and Realists preponderated\\nif Christ (said he) were now present, and ye\\nwere to treat him as ye treat me, He might\\nbe condemned by you as a heretic He was\\npronounced guilty and, in spite of a tardy\\nretractation, was committed to penitential\\nconfinement in a monastery, where he pre-\\nsently died.\\nJoh7i Wesselus. John Wesselus, of Gron-\\ningen, was more eminent in genius and learn-\\ning, and more fortunate in the circumstances\\nof his fate since he enjoyed the friendship\\nof Sixtus IV., and died in peace (in 1489)\\nin his native city. His general attainments\\nwere such as to acquire for him the title of\\nthe Light of the World and among the\\nnumerous witnesses of the truth,* it is he\\nThe Catalogus Testium Veritatis, by Flacius,\\nis intended, we presume, to contain every name and\\nthing which has in any age and by any means done\\nany ill to Papacy. Out of the various particulars of\\nthis Catalogue (which begins with Sacra Scriptura\\nand ends with Concilia XV. Seculi,) we select as\\nspecimens the following names: Constantine, Greg-\\nory the Great, Bede, Charlemagne, Claudius of Turin,\\nHincmar, Paschasius Radbertus, Otho Frisingensis,\\nNicholaus Orem., Scotus, Occam, Dante, Petrarch,\\nWiclif, Gerson, Ziska, Peter of Luna, iEneas Syl-\\nwho has been more peculiarly designated the\\nForerunner of Luther. The resemblance\\nbetween them was, indeed, remarkable, not\\nonly as to the conclusions at which they\\narrived, but as to the steps by which they\\nreached them. Insomuch, that Luther him-\\nself, in a preface, in which he recommended\\nto more general attention some of the works\\nof Wesselus, used the following expressions:\\nIt is very plain that he was taught of God,\\nas Isaiah prophesied that Christians should\\nbe and as in my case, so with him, it can-\\nnot be supposed that he received his doctrines\\nfrom men. If I had read his works before,\\nmy enemies might have supposed that I had\\nlearnt every thing from Wesselus, such a\\nperfect coincidence there is in our opinions.\\nAs to myself, I not only derive pleasure, but\\nstrength and courage from this publication.\\nIt is now impossible for me to doubt, whether\\nI am right in the points which I have incul-\\ncated, when I see so entire an agreement in\\nsentiment, and almost the same words used\\nby this eminent person, who lived in a dif-\\nferent age, in a distant country^ and in cir-\\ncumstances very unlike my own. I am\\nsurprised that this excellent Christian writer\\nshould be so little known the reason may\\nbe that he lived without blood and contention,\\nfor this is the only thing in which he differed\\nfrom me This was WTitten in 1522,\\nwhen Luther had made some progress to-\\nwards evangelical perfection. His testimony\\nmakes it unnecessary to particularize the\\nopinions of Wesselus; but we may relate one\\nanecdote respecting him, which proves that\\nthe humble, unambitious spirit of the Gospel\\nhad penetrated to his heart, and influenced\\nhis conduct under powerful temptation.\\nWhen Sixtus IV. was raised to the chair,\\nnot forgetful of his ancient friendship with\\nWesselus, he offered to grant him any re-\\nquest. Wesselus replied by a solemn exhor-\\ntation to the Pontiff, faithfully to discharge\\nhis weighty duties. That (replied Sixtus)\\nshall be my care: but do you ask something\\nfor yourself. Then (rejoined Wesselus), I\\nbeg you to give me out of the Vatican library,\\na Greek and a Hebrew Bible. You shall\\nhave them (said Sixtus) but, is not this folly\\nWhy do you not ask for some Bishopric, or\\nsomething of that sort Because I want\\nnot such things. It is recorded, that the He-\\nbrew Bible, which was given in consequence\\nvius, Platina, Trithemius, Wesalia, Wesselus, Savo-\\nnarola, Machiavel, and above all GermanicB vulgus\\nReasons are alleged under each of these names for its\\ninsertion in the honorable list.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0566.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "INDIVIDUAL REFORMERS.\\n559\\nof this dialogue, was long preserved in the\\nlibrary at Groningen.*\\nJohn Laillier. John Laillier, licentiate in\\ntheology, advanced, at Paris, in July, 1485,\\nvarious offensive positions, derogating from\\nthe power and primacy of St. Peter assert-\\ning an equality of ranks in the ecclesiastical\\nhierarchy, the uselessness of even pontifical\\nindulgences, and the human institution of\\nconfession. He argued, that the decrees and\\ndecretals were mere mockeries, that the Ro-\\nman Church was not the key of the other\\nchurches, with other matters of a like nature,\\nand he defended his opinions in public dis-\\nputation against the doctors of the Sorbonne.\\nWe find nine of his propositions expressly\\nspecified, together with the censure affixed\\nto each of them, and we shall here insert two\\nor three of the most curious: Proposition\\n(III.) Rich saints are now canonized and\\npoor saints abandoned wherefore I am not\\nobliged to believe that such are saints. If\\nthe Pope receives money, though he should\\nmount on twenty scaffolds to canonize a\\nsaint, I am not bound to believe him such\\nnor is he, who disbelieves, in sin. Censure.\\nThis proposition is false, offensive to pious\\nears, injurious to the holy apostolical See,\\ncontrary to the piety of the faithful, and the\\nthird part of it, according to the sense which\\nit presents, is heretical. Proposition (V.)\\nThe priests of the Eastern Church do no\\nsin in marrj^ng; and I think that we, in the\\nWestern Church, should be equally free from\\nsin, if we were to marry. Censure. The first\\npart of the proposition in the sense which it\\npresents, viz. that the Eastern priests marry\\nafter taking orders, is false. The second,\\nwhich is the profession of the author s faith,\\nmakes him guilty of error; if he adds obsti-\\nnacy, of heresy. Proposition (IX.) One is\\nno more obliged to believe the legends of the\\nsaints, than the chronicles of the kings of\\nFrance. Censure. This proposition is false,\\nand capable of offending pious ears; it dero-\\nHsec nobis erunt curae; tu pro te aliquod pete.\\nRogo, ergo, inquit Wesselus, ut mihi detis ex Bibli-\\nolheca Vaticana Grseca et Hebraea Biblia. Ea,\\ninquit Sextos, tibi dabuntur Sed tu stulte; quare\\nnon petis episcopatum aliquem, aut simile quidpiam\\nRespondit Wesselus, quia iis non indigeo. See\\nVita M^esseli inter Vitas Professorum Gronin-\\ngens. The story is there related as one, that was\\nfrequently told by Wesselus himself. Some valuable\\nabstracts from the writings of this reformer are given\\nby Milner, History of the Church, end of cent. xv.\\nand Semler, cent. xv. cap. iv. p. 212 219. Bayle\\ncalls him un des plus habiles hommes du quinzieme\\neieclfi.\\ngates from the authority of the Church, and,\\nif taken universally, is even heretical.\\nSentence of condemnation was passed m\\nthe following year, and the offender was com-\\nmanded to retract. He did so with perfect\\nhumility. The Bishop of Paris immediately\\ngi anted him full and unconditional absolution.\\nBut the faculty, less placable, prohibited him\\nfrom proceeding to his doctor s degree, and\\nappealed from the bishop s decision to the\\nPope. Innocent VIII. seems even to have\\nsurpassed the hopes of his* petitioners; for\\nhe issued an order that Laillier should be\\nthrown into prison. But whether the sen-\\ntence was executed, or whether the protec-\\ntion of the bishop availed to preserve hira\\nfrom it, does not appear from the records of\\nthis transaction.* They are sufficient, how-\\never, to show us, that the theological faculty\\nof Paris, notwithstanding the boasted Inber-\\nties of the Church, was very little disposed to\\nencourage, or even to endure any evangelical\\ntruth, which might endanger the spiritual\\ndespotism of Rome. Nor is this wonderful\\nsince Paris was the very centre and nursery\\nof the scholastic system.\\nJerome Savonarola. Such were the prin-\\ncipal Cisalpine f witnesses of that age; and\\ntheir obscurity may be ascribed to their own\\ntimidity or to the overwhelming power of\\nthe hierarchy. But Italy, at the same time,\\nproduced a far more celebrated champion of\\nreform such a man, so entiiusiastic in his\\npiety, so wild in his enthusiasm, so daring in\\nhis spiritual pretensions, as might have been\\nexpected to rise up in that country, where\\nthe vices of the Church were best known\\nand among that people, which has seldom\\ntempered religious zeal with any discretion\\nwhich loves to be addressed through the im-\\nagination rather than the reason, and whose\\nemotions, if strong, are always violent and\\ngenerally transient. Jerome Savonarola was\\nborn at Ferrara in 1452, the descendant of\\nan illustrious family. His early years gave\\nThis account is taken from the continuator of\\nFleury (liv. cxvi. s. 30 38) who refers to D Ar-\\ngentre Collectio. Judic, torn. i. p. 308. ann. 1484.\\nt Lest Spain should seem to have had no candidate\\nfor admission into this venerable host, we should\\nmention that one Peter of Osma, professor of theolo-\\ngy at Salamanca, published some anti-papal and anti-\\necclesiastical opinions in the year 1479. It is re-\\nmarkable, that the Pope, in condemning, refused to\\nspecify them, on account of their enormity to the\\nend, that those, who already know them, may the\\nsooner forget them; and that those, who know theiu\\nnot, may learn no new sin. See the continuator of\\nFinery, lib. cxv. s. 2, 3. c.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0567.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "560\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nindications of a profound religious feeling,\\nand he presently assumed the habit of a Do-\\nminican. In 1483 he first felt those impulses,\\nwhich gave the peculiar character to his mis-\\nsion he began to preach on prophecy, and\\nhimself assumed the mission of a prophet.\\nHis first effusions were delivered at Brescia\\nbut in 1489 he desu*ed a more extensive field\\nfor his powers, and proceeded to Florence.\\nMost of the Italian cities were distracted by\\npolitical factions, and none, perhaps, so fierce-\\nly as Florence.* These agitations reached\\ndown to the lowest classes, and in the bosom\\nof the meanest citizen there was a nerve ex-\\nquisitely sensible to all appeals, respecting his\\npublic rights. Thus, whether in the design\\nto enlai ge the range of his influence, or be-\\ncause he really shared the popular passion,\\nSavonarola combined the politician s with the\\nprophet s character,* and made each, as the\\ncircumstances of the moment required, sub-\\nservient to the other. Reforai was the sub-\\nject on which he preached, reform and peni-\\ntence reform in the discipline of the Church,\\nin the disorders of the clergy, in the morals\\nof the people reform instant and immediate,\\nere the tempest of divine vengeance, which\\nwas already impending over Italy, should de-\\nscend c md overwhelm it. He made no ap-\\npeals to reason, none to the ordinary princi-\\nles, or even passions of men it vi^as in the\\nname of heaven, that he commanded them to\\namend it was inspiration from above the\\nunerring prescience of imminent calamities\\nwhich filled him with eloquence, and armed\\nhis eloquence with authority and terror. It\\nwas no dew of persuasion that fell from his\\nlips it was the word of an offended God,\\nclothed in thunder and hail, announcing the\\napproach of desolation.\\nAt the same time he promised the divine\\nprotection to the republican party. He de-\\nnounced the usurpation of Lorenzo de Med-\\nici, and refused to acknowledge his power, or\\nshow deference to his person. He pursued\\nwith fierce anathemas the luxury and despo-\\ntism of the aristocracy and his genius was so\\nextraordinary and his enthusiasm so resistless,\\nas almost to give a color to his claims of su-\\npernatural communications. At least we need\\nII vouloit (as a French writer observes) jouer\\na la fois le rule de Jeremie et de Demosthenes.\\nWe may recollect that Arnold of Brescia, who, like\\nSavonarola, was an Italian, a reformer, and a martyr,\\nlike him also denounced, in the same breath, political\\nand ecclesiastical abuses. And we should remind the\\nreader, that Sismondi compares the sort of mixed\\ninfluence, acquired by Savonarola over the people of\\nFlorence, to that exercised by Calvin at Geneva-\\nnot discredit the accounts we read of his con-\\ntrolling influence over the people, and of the\\nvarious acts by which their devotion was dis-\\nplayed. Multitudes believed in his heavenly\\nmission and the effect of his moral exhor-\\ntations was speedily perceptible throughout\\nthe city. By the modesty of their dress,\\ntheir discourse, their countenance, the Flo-\\nrentines gave evidence, that they had embrac-\\ned the reform of Savonarola and it was easy\\nto forsee (says Sismondi) that the political\\nlessons of the preacher would not produce\\nless impression on his audience, than his\\nmoral instructions.\\nThe political impression was more violent,\\nand proportionally less beneficial. Savona-\\nrola had promised the citizens of Florence\\nor they understood him to have promised\\nthat a pure theocracy should be substituted\\nfor their actual government, and that Christ\\nhimself should deign to rule over them. On\\nthis, the popular fury rose beyond all restraint.\\nIt was in vain, that the Pope thundered from\\nthe Vatican. It was in vain, that the clergy\\nrefused to bury the bodies of any, who believ-\\ned the announcement of the prophet. The\\npeople thronged to listen to his sermons and\\nnot unfrequently, when the harangue was\\nconcluded, rushed forth from the churches\\nand assembled in the squares and public\\nplaces, with tumultuous cries of Viva Christo\\nThey would then dance in circles, formed by\\na citizen and a friar placed alternately, and\\ncommit every kind of absurdity, f\\nSavonarola s intei view with Charles VIII.\\nIn 1494, Savonarola conducted the Florentine\\nembassy to Charles VIII. at Lucca. It was\\nin Charles that his prophecies (as he confi-\\ndently declared) were accomplished Charles\\nwas the promised minister of vengeance,\\nIt seems probable that the enthusiasm for this\\nman we may even call it, the belief in him was\\nnot confined to the lowest classes. The story of his\\ninterview with Benvieni, (told by Nardi, Stor.\\nFiorent. lib. ii., and cited by Roscoe,) proves, at\\nleast, his authority over those in command. Nardi\\nlikewise mentions the hesitation, and even apprehen-\\nsion, with which the inquisitors themselves made the\\nfirst application of the torture.\\nf Roscoe (whom we have consulted with profit on\\nthe subject of Savonarola) cites from Girolamo Ben-\\nvieni, who composed songs for these occasions, the\\nfollowing specimen (it can scarcely be a fair speci-\\nmen) of the popular eflfiisions:\\nNon fii mai piu bel solazzo\\nPiu grande, ne maggiore,\\nChe per zelo e per amore\\nDi JESU diventar pazzo\\nOgnun gridi, com io grido,\\nSempre pazzo, pazzo, pazzo.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0568.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "INDIVIDUAL REFORMERS.\\n561\\ncommissioned to chastise the crimes of Italy.\\nThe monk presented himself before the vic-\\ntorious monarch, as the ambassador of a sup-\\npliant city but he did not lose in the char-\\nacter of the monk or of the envoy the con-\\nsciousness of his heavenly mission: he did\\nnot forget, that the man whom he addressed\\nwas the mere instrument sent to fulfil Ms pre-\\ndictions, and accomplish the work of Provi-\\ndence. Himself was the prophet of the Lord\\n-^he maintained the superiority, communi-\\ncated by a nearer intercourse with God, and\\npreserved his customary tone of admonition\\nand command.*\\nIn the meantime, the enemies of Savona-\\nrola, if less numerous and enthusiastic, were\\nmore constant and determined than his friends.\\nThe aristocracy of Florence, supported by\\nthe Pope and all the superior clergy, were\\npatiently watching for the moment to destroy\\nhim. A ready weapon was furnished by\\nmonastic dissension the Franciscans, already\\njealous of the fame of a rival, were eager to\\nenter the lists against him. At the proper\\nseason they commenced their attack and the\\nobject, of course, was to withdraw from their\\nadversary the only foundation of his strength,\\nthe confidence of the people.\\nIt was not by assailing him from the pulpit,\\nthat this could be eflTected his great powers\\nand irresistible authority forbade any hope\\nof overthrowing him in a field which was\\npeculiarly his own. Accordingly, the Francis-\\ncans proceeded by a very different method\\nagainst the popular impostor they made their\\nappeal to the grossest popular superstition.\\nA Franciscan challenged Savonarola to go\\nthrough his trial by fire, together with him-\\nself The prophet reserved his own person\\nfor greater occasions but a faithful Domini-\\ncan undertook the ordeal in his place and\\nhad he not thus anticipated the general devo-\\ntion, a multitude of citizens, of women, and\\neven of priests, would have pressed to the\\nflames with eagerness, as the substitutes of\\nSavonarola. The government gave its sanc-\\nCome, come with confidence, come with joy and\\ntriumph; for the Being who sends thee is even he,\\nwho, for our salvation, triumphed on the cross.\\nNevertheless, listen to my words, most Christian\\nking, and engrave them in thy heart. The servant\\nof God, to whom these things have been revealed by\\ndivine communication, warns even thee, who art\\nsent by the Majesty of heaven, that, after his exam-\\nple, it is thy duty to show mercy every where, c.\\nSuch were the opening sentences of the prophet s\\nharangue. Sismondi (who displays even more than\\nhis usual eloquence in his account of this enthusiast)\\nhas translated the whole address, chap, xciii.\\n71\\ntion the day (April 17, 1498) was fixed for\\nthe trial the necessaiy preparations were\\nmade and the entire population of Florence\\nand the neighboring towns and villages\\nthronged to the spot, in devout expectation of\\nsome visible sign of the divine interposition.\\nThe two parties presented themselves the\\nflames were kindled but even then, in the\\npresence of the chiefs of the Republic and\\nthe impatient multitudes, a dispute arose,\\nwhich finally prevented the exhibition. The\\npeople dispersed, disappointed and irritated.\\nIt also happened, that the subject of the dis-\\npute had been such, as to raise a prejudice\\nagainst Savonarola. The Dominican, his\\nsubstitute, had, in the first instance, required\\nto enter the flames in his sacerdotal habits, to\\nwhich the Franciscans reasonably objected.\\nThe former then expressed his readiness to\\nenter naked, on the condition only that he\\nshould carry the host in his hand. The Fran-\\nciscans again refused their consent and, as\\nSavonarola persisted in that condition, the\\nordeal did not take place. Now, besides the\\nappearance of some secret design in his per-\\nseverance in this last demand, the people were\\neasily taught to believe that it contained no\\nslight mixture of impiety. To commit the\\nbody of Christ, under any human guarantee\\nfor its security, to the raging flames, was, to\\ntreat with irreverence, to profane, nay per-\\nhaps to expose to destruction, the most holy\\nof all things, Savonarola was not, indeed,\\nwithout his advocates but it was clear, that\\nthe popular current had turned. The advan-\\ntage was instantly pursued the prophet was\\nseized, imprisoned, tortured and immediate-\\nly on the arrival of two legates from Alexan-\\nder VI. he was condemned to death, and ex-\\necuted. His ashes, according to the usual\\nprecaution, were cast into the Arno and it\\ndoes not appear, that his exertions, either re-\\nligious or political, extraordinary as they cer-\\ntainly were, and for the time successful too,\\nimpressed any lasting trace of any description\\neven on the history of that city, to which they\\nwere exclusively confined.\\nReuchlin and Erasmus. John Reuchlin\\n(or Capnio, as he was called,) a German of\\ngreat reputation and integrity, lent his indi-\\nrect assistance to the cause of religion by his\\nlabors for the restoration of learning.* He\\nIt was Reuchlin (in the representation) who\\nthrew down the straight and crooked billets, which\\nErasmus tried in vain to accommodate: then came\\nLuther, and set fire to the crooked ones, c. Reuch-\\nlin was honored by the hatred of the monks, who would\\nwillingly have fixed upon him the imputation of heresy.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0569.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "662\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\ndied in 1522, and received his apotheosis from\\nthe pen of Erasmus, who had entered on the\\nsame career with still higher powers and\\ngreater celebrity. Of Erasmus much need\\nnot here be said, since his merits and weak-\\nnesses are generally known and not improperly\\nestimated. His writings rendered the highest\\nservice to the first reformers he had already\\nstigmatized numerous abuses he had reject-\\ned the Schdastic divinity, and recommended\\nand facilitated the study of the Bible and the\\nFathers; he had covered with ridicule and\\ncontempt the vices of the monks, and their\\nlove for the ignorance in which they groveled.\\nBy such means as these he had contributed\\nto the success of the Reformation, even more\\nperhaps than he had himself designed; for\\nhis predominant passion was that for litera-\\nture and though by no means indifferent to\\nthe interests of religion, he was fearful of all\\ngreat practical changes, and could never shake\\noff that irresolute timidity so commonly as-\\nsociated with literary habits.\\nV. TTie Abuses of the Church especially\\ndisplayed in Germany. If the oppression of\\nRome was now generally .felt and acknov/-\\nledged throughout Europe if the scandals of\\nthe court were now becoming every where\\nnotorious, and the vices of the monks and\\nclergy had inflamed the general hatred of\\nChristendom there was no country in which\\neither the tyranny or the licentiousness of the\\nChurch v/as so shamelessly exhibited and so\\ndeeply detested as in Germany. While the\\nfirst Othos imitated the policy of Charlemagne\\nin exalting the sacred order,* they even ex-\\nceeded his generosity and some of the lead-\\ning German ecclesiastics became at the same\\ntime bishops and powerful princes. Nor was\\nthere any region more pregnant with popular\\nsuperstition, and with the fruits so diligently\\ngathered from it by a worldly priesthood.\\nFrom these causes the wealth of the German\\nClergy had grown to an inordinate excess;\\nand their secular habits and vulgar vices f\\nTlieir motive too was the same, to counterpoise\\nthe power of the barons; and it is a deed, for which\\nthey are almost invariably praised by ecclesiastical,\\nand condemned by civil, historians.\\nt The Bavarian ambassador, addressing the Coun-\\ncil of Trent in 1562, asserted, respecting the morality\\nof his clerical fellow subjects, that there were not\\nmore than three or four in a hundred who were not\\neither secretly or openly married, or living, in a state\\nof concubinage (P. Paolo, Hist. Cone. Trident.\\nib. vi.) The saying of Pius H. on this subject,\\nthat if there were good reasons, for enacting the law\\nof celibacy, there were better for repealing it, was\\nBOW in every man s mouth-\\nare stigmatized in every age of history. The\\nproceedings of the Council of Vienne the\\nremonstrance of the Emperor Charles IV. to\\nthe archbishop of Mayence, and, above all,\\nthe prophetic denunciations of Cardinal Ju-\\nlian, at the Council of Basle, display at the\\nsame time the immorality and the insecurity\\nof the German Church.\\nFrom the time of Gregory VII. the politi-\\ncal interests of the empire and the Popedom\\nhad been at perpetual variance. And not\\nonly was Italy divided between their conflict-\\ning parties, but even the internal concord of\\nGermany had been incessantly disturbed by\\npontifical interference. Its emperors had\\nbeen insulted and deposed; Italian intrigues\\nhad distracted all its provinces; children had\\nbeen I aised up against their parents and the\\nbattles and miseries of four centuries had\\nbeen inseparably associated with the name\\nand enmity of Rome. It was the consequence\\nof this inveterate hostility, not only to nour-\\nish public animosity, but also to raise up pri-\\nvate opponents against the See, who had at\\nvarious times uncloked its abuses and de-\\nnounced them to the people. So that, when\\nthe appointed season at length arrived, the\\nprejudices of the lower classes had been in\\na great degi-ee removed and they listened\\nwithout repugnance, and frequently with in-\\ntense satisfaction, to any thing that reflected\\nupon the See or Court of Rome.\\nConcordats violated. The Germans had\\nendeavored to protect their Church against\\nthe pontifical depredators by the Concordats\\nof Constance and Aschaffenburg and how-\\never narrow the field of amendment which\\nthey comprehended, still, had they been strict-\\nly observed, some advantage would have been\\nproduced, and some irritation allayed. But\\nso far were the Popes from any desire to\\ncorrect usurpation, by timely concession, or\\nsincerely to conciliate those whom they had\\ninjured, and whom they ought to have feared*\\nthat they made it their policy to elude the\\nconditions which they had reluctantly accord-\\ned, and to resume in substance the spoils\\nwhich they had in semblance restored. By\\nthis conduct they not only nourished without\\nany remission the prevalent animosity against\\nthem, but they inflamed it still further, when\\nthey aggravated former oppressions by recent\\nperfidy. There was, indeed, no part of Chris-\\ntendom, wherein the whole machinery of the\\napostolical chancery* had worked with such\\nAbout the time of the Diet of Augsbouig (in\\n1518) an archbishop of Mayence declared, during\\nlias last moments, that his greatest regret in dying", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0570.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "ABUSES DISPLAYED IN GERMANY.\\n163\\npernicious efficacy as in Germany. The\\nprivileges of the Jubilee, so fruitful to the See\\nwhich granted, so expensive to the districts\\nwhich enjoyed them, were dispensed during\\nthe schism principally to that country the\\nfathers of Cons^tance and Basle published,\\nthough they failed to remove, its complaints\\nand the circumstances of its oppression and\\nthe Hundred Grievances which were af-\\nterwards presented to the Diet of Nuremberg\\n(in 1523) formed only a catalogue of heredi-\\ntary wrongs, the subjects of perpetual remon-\\nstrance, and of remonstrance which was per-\\npetually despised. _\\nThe People of Germany.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The papal usur-\\npations enumerated in that celebrated doc-\\nument are severally placed under three heads\\nsuch as tended to enthral the people such\\nas impoverished and despoiled them such\\nas withdrew them from the secular jurisdic-\\ntian. Thus the interests of the people were\\nbecome the foundation of the remonstrances\\nof their rulers thus, too, was it in their af-\\nfections that the Reformer had fixed his surest\\nasylum.f At a somewhat earlier moment\\n(on April 1, 1520,) Frederic, Elector of Sax-\\nony, addressed to his Envoy at Rome the fol-\\nlowing remarkable expressions Germany\\nis no longer such as it has been it is full of\\naccomplished men in all the sciences. The\\npeople exhibit an extraordinary passion for\\nreading the Scriptures and if the Court\\nwas to leave to his poor subjects the burden of buying\\nthe pallium of his successor. About 27,000 florins\\nappear to have been advanced on tliese occasions,\\nand it was chiefly levied upon the poor. Robertson\\nasserts (Hist. Charles V.) that companies of mer-\\nchants openly bought the benefices of different dis-\\ntricts from the Pope s agents, and retailed them at\\nadvanced prices.\\nThe Centum Gravamina comprehended the\\nfollowing abuses: Payments for dispensations and\\nabsolutions; sums of money drawn by. indulgences;\\nappeals to Rome reservations, commendams, annates\\nexemptions of ecclesiastics from the legal punish-\\nments; excommunications and unlawful interdicts;\\nsecular causes tried before ecclesiastical tribunals;\\ngreat expenses in consecrating churches and cemete-\\nries pecuniary penance fees for sacraments, burials,\\nc. P. Paolo, Hist. Concil. Trident, lib. i. n. 65.\\nt On Aug. 23, 1520, Luther wrote to Spalatin,\\nthat he dreaded neither censures nor violence that\\nhe had a safe asylum in the hearts of the Germans,\\nand that his enemies should beware, lest, in destroy-\\ning one adversary, they should give birth to many.\\nBeausobre, Hist, de la Reformation, liv. ii.\\nX The world (said Erasmus in 1521, in his Ad-\\nvice to the Emperor) is weary of the ancient theolo-\\ngy, which is only a mass of useless questions and\\nvain subtleties, in which the sophists exercise their\\ningenuity. The people are thirsting for the doc-\\nof Rome shall obstinately persist in rejecting\\nthe ofl ers of Luther and in treating the affair\\nvi ith haughtiness, instead of replying to his\\narguments, she must prepare herself for trou-\\nbles Vv^liich will hardly be appeased, and for\\nrevolutions which will be no less fatal to her-\\nself than to others. To this wise admonition\\nLeo X. addi-essed a reply, in which he desig-\\nnated Luther as the most wicked and detes-\\ntable of all heretics a man who had no other\\nmission than that which he had received from\\nthe Devil\\nThe condition of Germany being such as\\nthe Elector represented it, and the disposition\\nof the Vatican such as is betrayed in the an-\\nswer of the Pope, it is not difficult to com-\\nprehend the nature or the result of the con-\\nflict which followed. On the one side, we\\nare led to expect a succession of just demands\\ncommencing in moderation, and rising in ex-\\nact proportion to the contempt with which\\nthey were rejected on the other, a fierce and\\nselfish determination to maintain the estab-\\nlished system in its full hitegrity, without\\ndistinction of good or evil, of use or abuse,\\nof truth or fldsehood, of divine or human\\nauthority. And the conclusion was such as\\nmust certainly follow, sooner or later, from\\ncollision between such principles.\\nConclusion. When the train is thus pre-\\npared, the moment of explosion will com-\\nmonly depend on what is called accident;\\nand thus it will frequently arrive when it is\\nleast expected. Thus was it in the begin-\\nning of the Reformation. Never was the\\nCourt of Rome more confident in the sense\\nof security, than at that instant. The various\\nheresies which had so long disturbed the\\nChurch were, for the most part, dismayed and\\nsilenced the complaints and petitions of the\\nfaithful had long been rejected with insolent\\nimpunity the Council which had last been\\nheld had effaced by its subservience the\\nmemory of Basle and Constance; and the\\nwarnings of Julian Cesarini were despised\\nor forgotten. The temporal monarchy of\\nRome was more firmly established than at\\nany former period, and her power and influ-\\nence were still considerable in every part of\\nEurope her ecclesiastical agents were never\\nmore numerous or more zealous in her ser-\\nvice. The pillars of her strength were vis-\\nible and palpable, and she surveyed them\\nwith exultation from her goklen palaces but\\ntrine of the Gospel, and if it shall be attempted\\nto close the source against them, they tvill open it\\nfor themselves by force. This letter is translated\\nbv Beausobre. Hist. Ref. li*. iv.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0571.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "664\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH.\\nshe did not so readily discern the moral cau-\\nses which were combining for her dissolution,\\nand slowly and secretly sapping the founda-\\ntions of her pride.\\nThe qualities of Leo X., though not des-\\npicable, were not calculated for that crisis\\nfond of letters, devoted to pleasure, contemp-\\ntuous of morality ignorant of the science,\\ncareless of the duties, neglectful even of the\\ndecencies, of religion; vain, extravagant,\\nnecessitous and venal, he had not the char-\\nacter which could prevent the rebellion, or\\ncrush the rebel. Tempered in the schools\\nof courtly negotiation, the weapons of the\\nVatican were of no service against a popular\\nenemy and the Pope himself at length con-\\ndescended to complain,* that the present dis-\\nease was not in the princes and great prelates,\\nwith whom familiarity and interest prevailed,\\nbut in the people, v/ith whom it was neces-\\nsary to use reality, and make a true reforma-\\nPadre Paol .HJst\u00c2\u00bb ConciJ. Trident, liv. L\\ntion. In that people, so long the object of\\npontifical contempt and spoliation, new en-\\nergies bed insensibly replaced the incurious\\nand servile ignorance of former days. An\\noccasion and an instrument were alone re-\\nquired to bring them into action. The for-\\nmer was furnished by the vices and blindness\\nof the Church the latter was raised up by\\nProvidence in the person of Luther. Yet\\nLuther himself, endowed as he was with\\ngreat and ardent qualities, was but the voice\\nthat called the laborers to their office. The\\nabuses were so ripe and pregnant, and the\\nperception of them so deep and so general,\\nthat, even had Luther never been born, the\\nharvest could not long have needed bold\\nand holy ministers to gather it. I do not\\ndoubt, (they are the words of the Reformer\\nhimself addressed to Melancthon,) that if we\\nare unworthy to bring this work to its con-\\nclusion, God will raise up others, worthier\\nthan we are^ who will accomplish it.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0572.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "A CRONOLOGICAL TABLE\\nEMINENT MEN, AND OF THE PRINCIPAL COUNCILS.\\nPopes.\\nDied.\\nEminent Persons connected with\\nEcclesiastical History.\\nImportant Councila\\nLinus\\n78\\nAnacletus\\n_\\n91\\nClement\\nAlexander\\nSixtus\\n100\\n116\\n126\\nPliny the Younger. Ignatius.\\nTacitus.\\nTelesphorus\\n137\\nHyginus\\n_\\n141\\nJustin Martyr.\\nPius\\n_\\n157\\nPolycarp.\\nAnicetus\\nSoter\\nEleutherus*\\nVictor\\n_\\n168\\n177\\n192\\n196\\n219\\n224\\n231\\nMontanus.\\nPantaenus.\\nIrenaeus.\\nAmmonias Saccas.\\nClemens Alexandrinus.\\nZephyrinus\\nCallistus\\nUrban\\nTertullian.\\nOrigen. Celsus.\\nPontianus\\n_\\n235\\nAnterus\\n_\\n236\\nFabianus\\n251\\nSabellius.\\nA Synod at Rome\\nCornelius\\n_ _\\n253\\nCyprian.\\nagainst Novatian\\nA Schism between Corne-\\n(251).\\nhus and Novatian.\\nLucius\\nStephen\\nSixtus II. _\\n255\\n257\\n259\\n271\\n275\\n283\\n296\\nPaul of Samosata.\\nSynod at Carthage\\n(256), by Cyprian,\\non the Baptism of\\nHeretics.\\nDionysius\\nFefix\\nEutychianus\\nCaius\\nManes.\\nPorphyry.\\nSynod at Antioch\\n(269), against Paul\\nof Samosata.\\nMarcellinus\\n_\\n304\\nMarcellus\\nEusebius\\n309\\n311\\nLactantius.\\nMelchiades\\nt314\\nConstantine. Eusebius of Cae-\\nsarea. Arius. Eusebius of\\nNicomedia. Athanasius.\\nAries (314), against\\nthe Donatists.\\nL [General t.) The\\nSylvester\\n335\\nCouncil of JVice\\n(325).\\nMark\\n336\\nf^ nn \u00c2\u00ab!tn n 1 1 n Q\\nSynod of Tyre (335),\\nJulius\\n352\\nMartin of Tours.\\nagainst Athanasius.\\nCouncil of Seleucia\\nLiberius\\n367\\nJulian. Ainmianus Marcellinus.\\n(359), held by the\\nA Schism between Liber\\nChrysostom.\\nSemi-arians.\\nand Fehx.\\nGregory Nazianzenus.\\nBasil. Gregory of Nyssa.\\nPriscillian.\\nCouncil of Rimini\\n(360).\\nSynod of Saragossa\\n(380) against Priscil-\\nlian.\\nThe succession of the earliest Bishops of Rome and the duration of their government are involved in inexplica-\\nble confusion. We have followed Spanheim.\\nt The Indlction was a cycle of three lustres, or a revolution of fifteen years. It was instituted by Constantine soon\\nafter his victory over Maxentius (September 24, 312), and the financial accounts for the payment of tribute were reg-\\nulated by this term. At the Council of Nice the method of Indiction was substituted for that of Olympiads. The\\nyear of the first Indiction began January 1, 313 consequently, to find this Indiction, subtract 312 from the given\\nyear, or add three to it divide the difference, or sum by 15, and the remainder, if any, will be the year of the Indic-\\ntion. The Popes still use this cycle in their bulls and diplomas.\\nI The Italics designate the Councils held General by the Latin Church.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0573.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "5G6\\nA CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EMINENT MEN,\\nPopes,\\nDied.\\nEminent Persons connected with\\nEcclesiastical History.\\nImportant Councils.\\nDamasus _\\n385\\nTheodosius the Great.\\nII. First of Constanti-\\nSchism between Damasus\\nAmbrose of Milan.\\nnople (381), on the\\nand Ursicinus\\nSt. Martin, A. B., of Tours.\\nDivinity of the Holy\\nJerome. Jovinian.\\nGhost.\\nVigilantius.\\nCouncil of Milan (390),\\nAugustin. Donatus.\\nagainst Jovinian.\\nSiricius\\n398\\nJohn Cassian, author of the In-\\nCouncil of Carthage\\nstitutions.\\n(398), prohibited se-\\nAnastasius\\nInnocent\\nZosimus _\\n402\\n417\\n418\\nPeiagius and Celestius.\\nSulpicius Severus.\\ncular studies.\\nConference at Car-\\nthage, against the\\nBoniface _\\n423\\nSocrates.\\nDonatists (411).\\nSchism between Boniface\\nSozomen.\\nand Eulalius\\nNestorius.\\nin. Council of Ephe-\\nCelestine _ _\\n432\\nsus (431 against\\nTheodoret.\\nNestorius.\\nSixtusIII.\\n440\\nZosimus.\\nSecond (False) Coun-\\ncil of Ephesus (449).\\nLeo the Great\\nHilary\\nSimplicius\\nFelix IL\\nGelasius _ _ _\\n461\\n467\\n483\\n492\\n496\\nEutyches.\\nSidonius Apollinaris (Bishop\\nof Clermont).\\nPaulinu^ of Nola.\\nClovis.\\nVigilius Tapsensis.\\nIV. Council of Choice-\\ndon 451 against\\nEutyches.\\nAnastasius II.\\nSchism between Symma-\\n498\\nchus and Laurentius\\nSymmachus\\n514\\nBoethius.\\nOrleans (511), convok-\\nHormisdas\\n523\\ned by Clovis, chiefly\\nJohn _\\nFelix in.\\n526\\n530\\nBenedict of Nursia.\\nJustinian.\\non Disciplme. Oth-\\ners held there, on\\nBoniface II.\\n532\\nthe same subject, in\\nA Schism between Boni-\\n538, 541, and 549\\nface and Dioscoras.\\nJohnlL\\n535\\nAgapetus _\\n536\\nSylverius _\\n540\\nSchism between Sylverius\\nand Vigilhis.\\nV. Constantinople,\\nVigilius\\nPeiagius _\\n555\\n559\\nSt. Gregory, Bishop of Toui-s.\\n(553) agamst Origen\\nand others. On the\\nJohnllL\\n573\\nResurrection of the\\nBenedict\\n577\\nIsidore of Seville.\\nFlesh and Pre-ex-\\nJohn the Faster, Ph. of C. P.\\nistence of the Soul,\\nPeiagius II.\\n590\\nSt. Columban.\\nCouncil of Toledo\\n(589), against the\\nGregoiy the Great\\n604\\nSt. Austin, Apostle of England.\\nAi ians.\\nSabinianus\\n605\\nBoniface III.\\n606\\nBoniface IV.\\n614\\nOeodatus\\nBoniface V.\\n617\\n625\\nMahomet,\\nHonorius\\n638\\nSeverinus _ _\\nJohn IV.\\n639\\n641\\nSt. Eligius, Bishop of Noyon.\\nTheodore\\nMartin\\n648\\n655\\nFredegarius of Burgundy.\\nEugenius _\\n656\\nVitalianus _\\n669\\nAdi-odatus\\n676\\nDomnus\\n678\\nAgatho\\n682\\nHeraclius.\\nVI. Coyistantinopie,\\n(680), against the\\nMonotheiites.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0574.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "AND OF THE PRINCIPAL COUNCILS.\\n567\\nPopes.\\nDied.\\nEminent Persons connected with\\nEcclesiastical History.\\nImportant Councils.\\nLeo 11.\\n684\\nCouncil of Toledo\\nBenedict II.\\n685\\n(682), deposed Vam-\\nJohnV.\\n686\\nba, King of the Vis-\\nigoths.\\nConon\\n687\\nConstantinople, in\\nTruUo (692) (Qui-\\nSergius _\\n701\\nni-sextum)* on the\\nJohnVT.\\n704\\nmarriage of the Cler-\\nJohn VII.\\n707\\ngy, c.\\nSisinnius _\\n707\\nThe Venerable Bede.\\nThe last Council of\\nConstantine\\n714\\nSt. Boniface, the Apostle of\\nToledo (696).\\nGregory II.\\n731\\nGermany.\\nGregoiy III.\\n741\\nLeo the Isaurian.\\nZachary^\\n752\\nCharles Martel.\\nStephen II.\\n752\\nArchbishop Cuthbert.\\nStephen III.\\n757\\nPepin, king of France.\\nConstantinople (754),\\nPaul\\n7Q7\\nJohn Damascenus.\\nagainst Images.\\nSchism between Paul and\\nPaid the Lombard.\\nTheophylact.\\nStephen IV.\\nTl i\\nCliarlemagne.\\nVII. JVlce (787),\\nAdrian _ _ _\\n795\\nAlcuin. Egmhardt.\\nSeventh General,\\nfor the restoration\\n8898\\nof Images.\\nAix la Chapelle (789)\\nfor Reformation.\\nLeo III.\\n816\\nFrancfort (794),\\nagainst Image-wor-\\nship.\\nOthers at Aix la Cha-\\nStephen V.\\n817\\nBenedict of Aniane.\\nPaschal _\\n824\\npelle (m 797, 799,\\nLewis the Meek.\\n802, 809, 816, 817\\n818, 819).\\nEugenius II.\\n827\\nFive Councils, held\\nm 813, at Aries,\\nMayence, Rheims,\\n\u00c2\u00a7888^\\nTours, and Cha\\nIons.\\nValentine\\n827\\nClaudius Bishop of Turin.\\nParis (824), on Image\\nworship.\\nGregory IV.\\n844\\nRabanus Maurus.\\nAnsgarius.\\nMayence (848), against\\nPaschasius Radbertus.\\nGodeschalcus\\nSergius II.\\n847\\nR^Ltramn. John Scotus.\\nGodeschalcus. Rabanus Mau-\\nLeo IV.\\n854\\nrus.\\nPhotius raised to see of C. P.\\nCharles the Bald.\\nHincmar of Rheims.\\nf Benedict\\n858\\nLupus of Ferrara.\\nSchism.\\nPetrus Siculus.\\nNicholas\\n867\\nVIII. [Latin] Con-\\nAdrian II.\\n872\\nAnastasius the Librarian.\\nstantinople (869), for\\nJohn the Deacon.\\nthe condemnation of\\nPhotius.\\nJohnVIIL\\n882\\nConstantinople (879)\\nMartin II.\\n884\\nheld by Photius,\\nAdrian [II.\\n885\\nAlfred.\\ncalled by the Latins\\nStephen VL\\n890\\nthe False Eighth.\\nNeither the fifth nor sixth general council had published any canons respecting ecclesiastical discipline or re-\\nligious ceremonies. To supply this defect, Justinian II. assembled another in a hall of the Imperial Palace, called\\nTrulliLs (Cupola) and it was called Gluini-Sextum, as being supplementary to the fifth and sixth. It passed one\\nhundred and two laws, of which six are in opposition to certain rites and opinions of Rome on which account the\\nLatins do not hold it general. Mosh., cent. vii. p. 2, ch. 5.\\nt It is to this place that the fable of the female pope, Joan, seems properly to belong.", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0575.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "568\\nA CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EMINENT MEN,\\nPopes.\\nDied.\\nEminent Persons connected with\\nEcclesiastical History.\\nImportant Councils.\\nFormosus\\n897\\nSchism. _\\nBoniface VI.\\n897\\nStephen VII.\\n901\\nSchism.\\nJohn IX.\\n903\\nBenedict IV.\\n906\\nLeoV.\\n906\\nSchism.\\nChristopher\\n906\\nSchism.\\nSergius III.\\n910\\nAnastasius III.\\n912\\nLardo _\\n913\\nJohnX.\\n927\\nLeo VI.\\n928\\nStephen VIII.\\nJohn XI.\\n930\\n935\\nSt. Odo, Abbot of Cluni.\\nLeo VII.\\n939\\nStephen IX.\\n943\\nMartmllL\\n946\\nFrodoard, Canon of Rheims.\\nAgapetus II.\\n955\\nOtho the Great.\\nJohnXIL\\n963\\nBernhard of Thuringia.\\nSchism.\\nLiutprand, Otho s Legate at C.\\nBenedict V.\\n964\\nP.\\nLeoVm.\\n965\\nSt. Dunstan.\\nJohnXIIL\\n972\\nDomnus II.\\n972\\nBenedict VI.\\n974\\nBoniface VIL\\n975\\nBenedict VII.\\n984\\nJohn XIV.\\n985\\nJohn XV.\\n985\\nJohnXVL\\n.995\\nGregory V.\\n998\\nSchism.\\nSylvester II.\\n1003\\nJohn XVIIL\\n1003\\nJohnXIL\\n1009\\nSergius IV.\\n1012\\nCouncil at Orleans-\\nBenedict VIII.\\n1024\\nsome Heretics burnt\\nSchism.\\nJohn XX.\\n1033\\n(1017).\\nBenedict XL\\n1044\\nSchism.\\nGregory VI.\\n1046\\nClement II.\\n1048\\nDamasus 11.\\n1049\\nLeo IX.\\n1054\\nMichel Cerularius.\\nVictor II.\\n1057\\nStephen X.\\nBenedict X.-\\nNicholas II.\\nSchism.\\nAlexander II.\\n1058\\n1059\\n1061\\nCouncil of Nich. if.\\n(1059) regulating\\nPapal election.\\n1073\\nPetrus Damiani.\\nAt Rome, against Ber-\\nLanfranc.\\nenger.\\nGregory VIL\\n1086\\nBerenger.\\nSchism.\\nHenry IV. of Germany.\\nVictor IIL\\nUrban IL\\n1087\\n1099\\nSt. Bruno.\\nRoscellinus. Anselm.\\nPeter the Hermit.\\nPlacentia and Cler-\\nmont (1095) orig-\\ninate first crusade.", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0576.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "AISD OF THE PRINCIPAL COUNCILS.\\n569\\nPopes.\\nPaschal II.\\nSchism.\\nGelasius II.\\nCalixtus II.\\nHonorius II.\\nInnocent II.\\nCelestine II.\\nLucius II.\\nEugenius III.\\nAnastasius IV.\\nAdrian IV.\\nSchism.\\nAlexander III.\\nLucius III.\\nUrban III.\\nGregoiy VIII.\\nClement III.\\nCelestine III.\\nInnocent III.\\nHonorius III.\\nGregory IX.\\nCelestine IV.\\nInnocent IV.\\nAlexander IV.\\nUrban IV.\\nClement IV.\\nGregoiy X.\\nInnocent V.\\nAdrian V.\\nJohn XXL\\nNicholas III.\\nMartm IV.\\nHonorius IV.\\nNicholas IV.\\nCelestine V. (abdicted)\\nBoniface VIIL\\nBenedict XL\\nClement V.\\nJohnXXIL\\nBenedict XIL\\n1118\\n1119\\n1124\\n1130\\n1143\\n1144\\n1145\\n1153\\n1154\\n1159\\n1181\\n1185\\n1187\\n1188\\n1191\\n1199\\n1216\\n1227\\n1241\\n1243\\n1254\\n1261\\n1264\\n1268\\n1276\\n1276\\n1276\\n1277\\n1280\\n1285\\n1288\\n1292\\n1294\\n1303\\n1304\\n1314\\n1334\\n1342\\nEminent Persons connected with\\nEcclesiastical History.\\nPierre de Bruis.\\nPeter the Venerable.\\nAbelard.\\nBernard of Clairval.\\nHenri the Heretic.\\nOtho Frisingensis.\\nGratian of Bologna.\\nPeter the Lombard.\\nArnold of Brescia.\\nFrederic Barbarossa.\\nThomas a Becket.\\nPeter Waldus.\\nDominic.\\nSimon de Montfort.\\nFrancis d Assisi.\\nJohn of Parma.\\nRobert Grossetete.\\nFrederic 11.\\nLouis IX. of France.\\nRobert of Sorbonne.\\nThomas Aquinas.\\nBonaventura.\\nRoger Bacon.\\nMatthew Paris.\\nPhilip the Fair\\nDante.\\nLouis of Bavaria.\\nJohn Duns Scotus.\\nWilliam Occam.\\nMarsUius of Padua.\\nImportant Councils.\\nA Lateran Council\\n(1111), which can-\\ncelled Paschal s\\ntreaty with Henry\\nAt Worms (1122), on\\nquestion of Investi-\\ntures. Calixt. 11.\\nIX. [Latin). First\\nLateran Council\\n(1123), on Investi-\\ntures. Twenty-two\\ncanons.\\nCouncU of Pisa (1134).\\nX. [Latin). Second\\nLateran (1139),\\nagamst Heretics\\nfor the general\\nReformation of the\\nChurch. 30 can-\\nons are extant.\\nXL [Latin). Third\\nLateran (1179), for\\nthe aiTangement\\nof Papal Election\\nagainst Heretics\\nand for the Re-\\nformation of the\\nChurch.*\\nCouncil of Paris\\n(1212).\\nXIL [Latin). Fourth\\nLateran (1215), un-\\nder Innocent HI.\\nXIII. [Latin). First\\nCouncil of Lyons\\n(1245), under Inno\u00c2\u00bb\\ncent IV.\\nXIV. [Latin). Second\\nof Lyons (1274),\\nunder Gregory X,\\nXV. [Latin). Council\\nof Vienne (1311),\\nunder Clement V.\\nThe substance of the principal Canons of the First Lateran is briefly given at page 257. Of the Second, the Ninth\\nCanon prohibited Monks and Canons Regular from practising Civil Law or Medicine the Thirteenth was directed\\nagainst usurers the Fifteenth protected the persons of the Clergy and the right of Asylum. The condemnation of\\nPetrus Leonis and of Arnold of Brescia were separate Acts of Legislation. Of the Third, the First Canon ordained,\\nrespecting papal election, that if the Cardinals should not be unanimous in their choice, two-thirds of the votes,\\nand not less than two-thirds, should be sufficient. Of the Fourth, the most important Canons have been mentioned\\nin various places.\\n72", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0577.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "570\\nA CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EMINENT MEN, c.\\nPopes.\\nDied.\\nEminent Persons connected with\\nEcclesiastical History.\\nImportant Councils.\\nClement VI.\\n1352\\nJovanni and Matteo Villani.\\nInnocent VI.\\n1362\\nPetrarch.\\nSt. Brigida.\\nUrban V.\\n1370\\nJohn Vl^iclif.\\nGregory IX.\\n1378\\nSt. Catharine of Sienna.\\nUrban VI. {Rome.)\\n1389\\nTheodoric of Niem.\\nClement VII. {Avignon.)\\n1394\\nBoniface IX. {Rome.)\\n1404\\nInnocent VII. {Rome.)\\n1406\\nBenedict XIII. {deposed,\\nAvignon.)\\n1409\\nGregory XII. {deposed,\\nPierre d Ailly.\\nRome.)\\n1409\\nNicholas de Clemangis.\\nPisa (1407).\\nAlexander V.\\n1410\\nJohn Gerson.\\nXVI. {Latin). Con-\\nJohn XXIII.\\n1415\\nJohn Huss.\\nstance (1414).\\nDeposition and Vacancy till\\nJerome of Prague.\\n1417.\\nSigismond.\\nPoggio of Florence.\\nXVII. {Latin). Basle\\nMartin V.\\n1431\\nLeonardus Aretinus.\\nJulian Cesarini.\\n(1431).\\nEugenius IV.\\n1447\\nThe Cardinal of Aries.\\nSchism.\\nj^Sneas Sylvius.\\nLaurentius Valla.\\nNicholas V.\\nCalixtus III.\\n1455\\n1458\\nSt. Antoninus, A. B. of Flor-\\nPius II.\\nPaul 11.\\n1464\\n1471\\nence.\\nJohn of Wesalia.\\nJohn Wesselus.\\nSixtus IV.\\n1484\\nJohn Laillier.\\nInnocent VIII.\\n1492\\nJerome Savonarola.\\nAlexander VI.\\n1503\\nCardinal Ximenes.\\nXVIII. {Latin). Fifth\\nPiusIIL\\n1503\\nErasmus.\\nLateran, by Julius\\nJulius II.\\n1513\\nII. (1512.)\\nLeoX.\\nLuther,", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0578.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAbbesses, 324\\nAbbots, their office, 311\\nAbelard, account of, 270 his disputes with St.\\nBernard, 271\\nAdamites, the, a sect of Bohemian fanatics, 473\\nAdrian I., 195\\nIV. (Nicholas Breakspeare) 258\\niElia Capitolina, new city founded by Adrian\\nfrom the ruins of Jerusalem, 30\\n./Eneas Sylvius (Piccolomini) espouses the pre-\\ntensions of the pope after advocating the im-\\nperial claims, 502 account of him, 503 raised\\nto the pontificate on the death of Calixtus III.,\\nwith the name of Pius II., 503. convokes the\\ncouncil of Mantua for a crusade against the\\nTurks, 504 an embassy from the East arrives\\nat Rome, 504 Pius canonizes St. Catharine of\\nSienna, 505 discourages attempts at reform in\\nthe church, formerly advocated by him, 505\\nrecants his early opinions, 505 his exertions\\nagainst the Turks, 506; and death, 506\\nAgapse, or Love Feasts, 46\\nAilly, Pierre d cardinal of Cambrai,an advocate\\nfor reform in the church, 435\\nAlbigeois, or Albigenses, sect of, 291, Bossuet s\\nerror respecting them, 553, note\\nAlexander III. excommunicates Frederic Barba-\\nrossa, 260 encourages learning, 261\\nV. (Peter of Candia) elected by the\\ncouncil of Pisa in opposition to the two anti-\\npopes, 420 his death, 421\\nVI. (Roderic Borgia, nephew of Calix-\\ntus III.,) his infamous character, 511 elected\\non the death of Sixtus IV., 512; enters into\\nnegotiations with Bajazet against Charles VIII.\\nof France, 513; his donation of the Indies to\\nFerdinand and Isabella, 513 its validity con-\\ntested by the Portuguese, 513; he retires to\\nthe Castle of St. Angelo on Charles s entry into\\nRome, 514 is suspected of poisoning Zizini, the\\nbrother of Bajazet, 514 his death occasioned\\nby a scheme of his own for poisoning a cardi-\\nnal, 515\\nAlexandria, introduction of Christianity at, 37\\nAmbrose, St., account of, 128\\nAmmianus Marcellinus, account of, 115\\nAnchorets, 298\\nAndrew, St., his relics brought from Greece by\\nPalaeologus,\\nAngelo, St., cardinal of. See Cesarini.\\nAnnates, or first year s income of vacant bene-\\nfices, disputes relative to, between the pope\\nand the council of Constance, 446 restored\\nafter being abolished by the Pragmatic Sanc-\\ntion, 521 note,\\nAnselm, his writings, 270, note\\nAnsgarius introduces Christianity into Denmark\\nand Sweden in the ninth century, 229\\nAnte-Nicene Church, 177\\nAnthony, St., monachism instituted by, 298; also\\nnunneries, 303\\nAntioch, church of, 31\\nAntoninus Pius, his edicts in favor of the Chris-\\ntians, 61\\nMarcus, his strict persecution of the\\nChristians, 61 his character, 62\\nApocrisiarii, papal envoys, 143\\nApollinaris, bishop of Laodiceea, his opinions re-\\ngarding the Incarnation, 163\\nApostles Creed, AQ\\nAquinas, St. Thomas, 378\\nArian Controversy, 93; decided by the council\\nof Nice, 95\\nArians, divisions among them, 98 Semi-Arians,\\n98 character of the Arians, 102\\nArianism, opposed by Theodosius the Great,\\n100 spreads among the Goths, 101 extirpated\\nfrom Spain by the council of Toledo, 101\\nArius, account of, 93\\nAries, cardinal of, president of the council of\\nBasle, 454 his death, 501\\nArmenians, their negotiations with the pope, after\\nseparating from the Greek church, 495 Leo\\nexpresses to Innocent IV. a desire for a re-\\nunion with the Latin church, 496 doctrinal\\nerrors imputed to them by the pontiff, 496\\nArnold of Brescia, an early reformer, 258 put to\\ndeath, 259; political as well as religious re-\\nformer, 516, note\\nArtemon, his heresy, 76\\nAscetics, 297\\nAsia, the seven churches of, 31\\nAsylum, practice of, 547\\nAthanasian Creed, 192\\nAthanasius, bishop of Alexandria, account of,\\n97; banished by Constantius, 97; Julian s en-\\nmity to him, 114\\nAthens, progress of Christianity at, 34\\nAvignon, removal of the papal see to, by Cle-\\nment v., 381 decline of the papal power at\\nthis period, 393 one of its causes the profligacy\\nof the court of Avignon, 394\\nAugustin, St., bishop of Hippo, opposes the Do-\\nnatists, 153; account of him, 154; Erasmus s\\nparallel between him and St. Jerome, 155 his\\nprivate life, 156; opposes the doctrines of Ce-\\nlestius, 160; and those of Pelagianism, 161\\nhermits of, a religious order, 391\\nAuricular confession established, 228\\nAustin, St. introduces Christianity into England,\\n133; Jortin s character of him, 134, note\\nBajazet, offer of alliance made to him by Alexan-\\nder VI., 513 his brother Zizini detained as a\\nhostage by Alexander, and supposed to have\\nbeen poisoned by him, 514\\nBaptism, sacrament of, 46; efficacy imputed to\\nit, 54\\nBasil, St., archbishop of Ceesarea, introduces mo-\\nnachism into the Greek church, 300\\nBasle, council of, convoked, 447; its objects, 447;\\ncontentions with Eugenius IV., 448 its arti-\\ncles of reformation, 451 final breach with the\\npope, 453; the president, cardinal of St. An-\\ngelo, deserts to the pontiff, 453 questions as\\nto the legitimacy of the council, 453; it deposes\\nEugenius, 454 and elects Amadeus, duke of\\nSavoy (Felix V.,) 455; and dissolves itself,\\n455; general principles of this council and that\\nof Constance, 457\\nBeghards, a sect so called, 400\\nBenedict of Aniane, 227; founds a more rigid in-\\nstitution of monachism, 308\\nSt., of Murcia, founder of an order of\\nmonks, 306 its rule, 306\\nXII. attempts to reform some of the abu-\\nses in the church and the monastic orders. 388", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0579.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "572\\nINDEX.\\nBenedict XIII. (Peter of Luna, a Spaniard) elect-\\ned on the death of Clement VII, 414; refuses\\nto accede to the measures proposed for healing\\nthe schism in the church, 415 the French\\ncourt withdraws its obedience, 415; persists in\\nasserting his authority in opposition to the de-\\ncision of the council of Constance, 428; he is\\ndeposed, 429; his death and character, 430\\nBenefices, foundation of, 198\\nBenincasa, Ursula, the Ursuline nuns derive\\ntheir title from her, 325\\nBerenger, archdeacon of Angers, opposes the\\ndoctrine of transubstantiation, 247; twice re-\\ntracts his opinions, and again returns to them,\\n248\\nBernard, St., account of, 269; his writings, 269;\\nhis disputation with Abelard, 271; his zeal in\\nsupport of papal authority, 271 censures ap-\\npeal to the see of Rome, 273; declaims against\\nthe degeneracy of the clergy, 274 his char-\\nacter, 275 his character of the Romans, 279\\npreaches against Henry (founder of the Hen-\\nricians), 287; preaches the second crusade, 363\\nBishops, their office and authority in the early\\nchurch, 43 their oppressive conduct, 147\\ntheir gradual assumption of power, 190; trans-\\nlation of bishops prohibited in the ninth cen-\\ntury, 227\\nBohemia, religious insurrection in, 472; sect of\\nthe Thaborites, 473 the Adamites massacred\\nby Zisca, 473 embassy to the council of Basle\\nfor the purpose of healing religious dissensions,\\n473 the Calixtins, 474 renewal of the war,\\n474 the reformers concede most of their\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0claims by the compact of Iglau, 475; the pope\\nrefuses to agree to the concordat, 475 Pogebrac\\ndeposed by Paul II., 476; sect of the United\\nBrethren, 476; the schismatics of Bohemia in-\\nvited to enter into a union with the Greek\\nchurch, 494\\nBonaventura, St., theological writer, 379\\nBoniface VIII., his ambition and insolence, 348\\nhis tempora-1 pretensions, 349; lays claim to\\nScotland, 349 his disputes with Philip the\\nFair of France, 350 publishes a bull against\\nhim, which the other burns, 351 persists in\\nsummoning the French clergy to Rome, 352;\\nhis bull Unam Sanctam, 352 he is seized by\\nthe French, 353 his singular death,~354\\nIX. (Pietro Tomacelli) elected on the\\ndeath of Urban VI., 412; his avarice, 412;\\npermits Cologne and Magdeburg to hold a\\njubilee, 412; promises to resign on condition\\nof Benedict XIII. doing the same, 415; his\\ngovernment, 416; his death, 418\\nBorgia Rodrigo. See Alexander VI.\\nCcesar, natural son of the preceding, quits\\nthe ecclesiastical profession and is made duke\\nValentino, 514 in danger of being poisoned\\nat the same time with his father, 515 he pro-\\nmotes the election of Julius II., 516\\njBourges, council of, which fixes the liberties of\\nthe Galilean church, convoked by Charles\\nVII., 455 the Pragmatic Sanction passed by\\nit, 456\\nBrescia, Angela di, founder of the Ursuline\\nnuns, 325\\nBruno, St., founds the order of La Chartreuse, 310\\nBruys, Pierre de, an early reformer, and founder\\nof the sect of Petrobrussians, burnt alive, 287\\nBurgundians, converted to Christianity, llQ,note\\nCJalixtins, sect of reformers in Bohemia, 474\\nCalixtus II. appoints a Diet at Worms for set-\\nling the disputes regarding Investiture, 256\\nCalixtus III. (Alphonso Borgia.) succeeds Nicholas\\nv., 502; introduces the system of Nepotism,\\n502\\nCalumnies against the early Christians, 65\\nCambalu Pekin, see of, founded by Clement\\nV.,548_\\nCanonization, first instance of, 605 /note\\nCanons, regular and secular, 312\\nCapucines, order of, 321, note\\nCardinals, college of, 232 rise and progress of\\ntheir pov/er, 531 Muratori s explanation of\\nthe origin of the t tle, 531, note, institution of\\nthe conclave, 532\\nCarmelites, order of, 391\\nCatechumens, one of tiie two classes of a congre-\\ngation, 53\\nChathari, sect of, 288\\nCatharine, St., of Sienna, 324; her fanaticism,\\n391; sent on a mission to Gregory XL, 392;\\nsupports the claims of Urban VL against Cle-\\nment VII., 41P\\nCelestine V Pietro di Morone,) the hermit pope,\\nsucceeds Nicholas IV., 346; his character and\\nincapacity, 347; resigns his office, 347; kept\\nin prison for the rest of his life by his successor\\nBoniface VIII., 348\\nCelibacy, 55, note\\nof the clergy, 185\\nCesarini, Julian, cardinal of St. Angelo, presi-\\ndent of the council of Basle, refuses to transfer\\nit to Bologna, 448 his zeal for reform in the\\nCatholic church, 449; passes over to the papal\\nparty, 450 distinguishes himself at the coun-\\ncil of Ferrara, 490 killed at the battle of Var-\\nna, 493, note\\nCharlemagne, his liberality to the church, 149\\nhis Capitulary for the reform of the clergy,\\n150 extends their jurisdiction, 194 corrects\\nthe discipline of the church, 225\\nCharles Martel,his victory over the Saracens, 136\\nthe Bald, dispossesses his brother Lothaire,\\nwith the sanction of the council of Aix-la-Cha-\\npelle, 211 Adrian II. endeavors to exclude\\nhim from his succession, 212\\nVIII. of France, alliance against him be-\\ntween Alexander VI. and Bajazet, 513 he\\nenters Rome, 513 does homage to Alexander,\\n514 Savonarola s interview with him, 560\\nChartreuse, or Carthusian order, 310\\nChristians, the early, their unpopularity, and the\\ncalumnies and charges against them, 65, e.\\nChrysostom, St. John, account of, 130 his doc-\\ntrine, 131\\nChurch, difference between Eastern and West-\\ntern, 144; schism between the Greek and\\nLatin churches, 72 the Ante-Nicene church,\\n176; the church in connexion with the state,\\n187; its internal administration, 189 general\\nbenefits derived from the church, 202. See\\nRoman Catholic church. Church government,\\n41 at the beginning of the third century, 52;\\nditto fourth ditto, 85; alterations in it under\\nConstantine, and its alliance with the state, 86\\nabuses in the church in latter times, 383\\nCircumcellions, 152\\nCistercian order of monks, 310\\nClaudius, bishop of Turin, a reformer in the\\nninth century, 228\\nClement v., archbishop of Bourdeaux, conditions\\nimposed upon him by Philip the Fair, 381 re-\\nmoves the papal see to Avignon, 381 appoints\\na council at Vienne to inquire into the conduct\\nof the Templars, 382 his death and wealth,\\n384; 7iote", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0580.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n575\\nClement VI. shortens the period of the Jubilee to\\nfifty years, 389; his quarrels with Louis of\\nBavaria, 389 his profligate character, 390\\nVII. elected at Fondi by tiie cardinals, in\\nopposition to Urban VI., 409 acknowledged in\\nFrance, 410 his death, 414\\nClergy, origin of the distinction between them\\nand the laity, 42; Charlemagne s reform of\\nthe clergy, 150 jurisdiction of the clergy, 193;\\nextended by Charlemagne, 194 condition\\nand morals in the ninth century, 264 their\\ngeneral immorality, 546\\nClovis, king of the Franks, converted to Chris-\\ntianity, 116\\nCluni, monastic order of, founded, 310\\nCoenobites, 299\\nCommunion, the cup forbidden to the laity,\\n542\\nCommunity of property among the early Chris-\\ntians doubtful, 43\\nConclave, the, institution of, 532\\nConcubinage of the clergy, 546\\nConfession introduced by St. Leo, 120; estab-\\nlished, 228, 286\\nConstance, council of, convoked by John XXIII.\\nto settle the schism in tiie church and papacy,\\n422 it declares for the cession of the three\\npopes, 424 further account of the proceedings\\nof this council, 438 it appoints a college of\\nreform, 439 it is dissolved, 446\\nConstantine the Great, 82; his character, 83;\\nconstitution of the church in his time, 85; al-\\nterations introduced into it, 86 his division of\\nits administration, 87; state of Christianity and\\npaganism in his reign, 105 his edict of tolera-\\ntion, 105\\nConstantius patronises Arianism, 96 removes\\nAthanasius, 97; convokes the council of Rimini,\\n99\\nControversies, religious, their origin, 92\\nCorinth, establishment of Christianity at, 34\\nCouncils and Synods, origin of, 44\\nNice, 94 second ditto, 168 Rimini, 99\\nConstantinople, 100; Chalcedon, 120; fourth\\ncouncil of Carthage, 124; Toledo, 146; Pla-\\ncentia, 253 Clermont, 253 the first Lateran,\\n257; Vienne, 382; Constance, 422; Ferrara,\\n453\\ngeneral, remarks on, 169\\nCreeds, 45 the Apostles Creed, 46\\nCross, sign of, efficacy imputed to, 54\\ninscription of the true, pretended to be found\\nat Rome, 545\\nCrusades, origin of, 253 account of, 363 St.\\nBernard preaches the second crusade, 363;\\nsubsequent crusades, 365; those of St. Lewis,\\n365 causes of the crusades, 366 favored by\\nthe superstitious zeal of the times, 368 ob-\\njects of the first crusade, 369; of the others,\\n369; policy of the popes in regard to them, 370\\ndecline of the crusading spirit, 371 effects of\\nthe crusades, 371 privileges of crusades, 372,\\nnote; the crusades productive of intolerance,\\n373\\nCyprian, bishop of Carthage, 52 his zeal in\\nbehalf of episcopal power, 52; his martyrdom,\\n64\\nCyril, patriarch of Alexandria, opposes the doc-\\ntrine of Nestorius, 163\\nDcemoniacs, 180\\nDamascenus, John, last of the Greek fathers,\\n171\\nDancers, sect of, in Belgium, 433\\nDauphine, protestants in, 554, note\\nDeacons, their office, 42\\nDead, prayers for, first introduced, 54\\nDecretals, papal, 374 Gratian s collection of,\\n375 that of Circa, bishop of Faenza, 376 and\\nof Gregory IX., 376\\nthe false, 195, 242; rejected by the\\nGreek church, 483\\nDenmark, Christianity introduced into, in the\\nninth century, 229\\nDiocletian, his persecution, 64\\nDionysius, bishop of Corinth, his epistles, 35\\nDocetoe, sect of, 75\\nDominic, St., 315\\nDominicans, 316, 317 their dispute with the\\nuniversity of Paris, 318\\nDonation of Constantine, the forgery so called.\\n195\\nDonatists, the, 152; persecuted by Constans,\\n152 their influence lessened by Augustin, 153\\ndecision against them by the conference of\\nCarthage, 153; their doctrine, 154; frequency\\nof suicide among them, 154\\nDouble procession, the, account of, 174\\nDulcinus, his heresy, 401 and death, 401\\nEaster, disputes respecting the celebration of, 3\\nEbionites, their doctrines, 75\\nEclectics, sect of. 54\\nEducation and theological learning, 262\\nEcclesiastical property, 276\\nEgypt, monks of, 299\\nElection, papal, independence of, 205 regula-\\ntions regarding, passed by the second council\\nof Lyons, 344\\nEligius, St., bishop of Noyon, specimen of his-\\nsermons, 251\\nEncratites, sect of, 74\\nEngland, Christianity introduced into, 133 spirit^\\nual jurisdiction in, 535, note\\nEphesus, church of, 31 council of, 163\\nEpiphanius, bishop of Salamis, 104\\nEpiscopal government, earliest form of, 43\\nErasmus, 562\\nEucharist, sacrament of, 46\\nEuchites, a sect of mystics in the Greek churchy\\n480\\nEugenius IV. succeeds Martin V. 447 his char-\\nacter, 447.; his disputes with the council of\\nBasle, 448 the intrigues of his legate to thwart\\nits measures for reform, 452; he appoints a coun-\\ncil at Ferrara, 453 is deposed by that of Basle,\\n455\\nEusebius, account of, 90\\nEutyches, opposes Nestorius, 164 condemned by\\nthe council of Chalcedon, 165\\nExorcism, 180\\nFathers, the apostolical, 79\\nFehx V. (Amadeus, duke of Savoy) elected ont\\nthe deposition of Eugenius IV. by the council\\nof Basle, 455; but resigns after the election of\\nNicholas V., 455\\nFerrara, council of, convoked by Eugenius IV.\\nin opposition to that of Basle, 453 deputies\\nfrom the Greek church arrive to settle the\\ndifferences between the two churches, 490\\nFestivals, the two first, 45\\nFlagellants, the, account of, 402; eight thousand\\nmassacred by the Teutonic order, 402\\nForgeries, religious, 54, 180\\nFrance, Christianity introduced into, 37\\nFrancis, St., of Assisi, founder of the Franciscan\\norder, 316 his stigmata, 544\\nFranciscans, order of, 316; dissensions among:\\nthem, 319", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0581.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "574\\nINDEX.\\nFrederic Barbafossa, his jealousy of the papal\\nauthority, 259; sets up the antipope Octavian,\\n259\\nII. engages to make a crusade, 336; his\\nletter to Henry III. of England, accusing the\\nRoman see of rapacity, 336 proceeds to Pa-\\nlestine, 336; deposed by Innocent IV., his\\nformer adherent, 338 his death and character,\\n338\\nFrisingensis, Otho, introduces the scholastic\\nmethod into Germany, 378, note\\nGalilean church, it independence founded by\\nLewis IX., 362\\nGermany, progress of Christianity in, 134 the\\nabuses of the church particularly displayed in,\\n562\\nGerson, chancellor of the university of Paris,\\nexposes the vices of the clergy, 436 attacks\\nthe decretals, c., 438; exhorts to severity\\nagainst the Bohemian schismatics, 455, note\\nGladiatorial games abolished by Honorius, 112\\nGnosticism, 72\\nGnostics, their doctrines, 73\\nGodeschalcus, his opinions, 221 tried before a\\ncouncil at Mayence, 222\\nGospel, the Eternal, account of the vi^ork so\\ncalled, 404\\nGoths, early converts to Christianity, 116\\nGratian, his collection of decretals, 375\\nGreek church, its history after its separation from\\nthe Latin, 477 persecution against the Pauli-\\ncians, 478; heresies imputed to them, 478;\\nprevalence of mysticism in the east, 479;\\nEuchites, or Messalians, 480; Hesychasts, or\\nQuietists, 480 the sect of Bogomiies founded\\nby Basilius, 481 distinctions between the\\nGreek and the Latin church, 482; the reverence\\nof the former for antiquity, 483 dominion of\\nthe Latins in Constantinople, 484 the Latin\\ncommunion established there, 485; the chief\\nof the Greek church retire to Nice, 486 Latin\\nmission to Nice, 487\\nGregory Nazianzen, 128\\nthe Great, 138; Jortin s character of him,\\n138, note maintains the doctrine of purga-\\ntory, 140, 186; his reverence for relics, 140;\\ncanon of the mass instituted by him, 141;\\nVII. (see Hildehrand) interdicts the mar-\\nriage of the clergy, 235 and simony, 236\\nexcommunicates the Emperor Henry IV., 238\\nhis temporal usurpations, 240 his objects in\\nthe interna] administration of the church, 242;\\navails himself of the false decretals, 242; his\\ndouble scheme of universal dominion, 243;\\nliberated from Henry who enters Rome, by\\nRobert Guiscard, 244; dies at Salerno, 244;\\nhis character, 245 the Latin liturgy estab-\\nlished by him, 249\\nIX., his splendid coronation, 335; ex-\\ncommunicates Frederic II. for not proceeding\\nto his crusades, 336 persists in persecuting\\nhim, 336\\nX. elected while in Palestine, 343 en\\ndeavors to reconcile the Greek and Latin church,\\n343 his death, 344\\nIX., St. Catharine of Sienna sent on a mis-\\nsion to him, 391 violence of the populace, and\\nof party in conclave after his death, 406\\nXII., Angelo Corrario, titular patriarch\\nof Constantinople, succeeds Innocent VII.,\\n418 refuses to heal the schism in the church,\\ncaused by the pretensions of the antipopes, 419;\\nthe cardinals convoke the council of Pisa, 419;\\nand elect Alexander V., 420\\nHale, Albert, the irrefragable doctor, 3 ^9, note\\nHenricians, the sect of, 2d7\\nHenry IV., emperor, calls a council at Worms,\\nwhich deposes Gregory VII., 238; is excom-\\nmunicated by him, 238; does penance at Can-\\nossa, 239; elects an antipope, Clement III.,\\n243 enters Rome, but is expelled by the Nor-\\nmans, 244 his misfortunes and death, 244\\nv., son of the preceding, quarrels with\\nPaschal II and takes him prisoner, 255\\nHeresy, origin of the term, 459\\nHeretics, early, their numbers, 70 three classes\\nof, 72 various heretical sects in the twelfth\\ncentury, 287 treatment of heretics, 555 canon\\nof the fourth Lateran council against, 556\\nHermits of St. Augustin, order of, 391\\nHesychasts, or Quietists, sect of, in Greece, 480\\nHierapolis. bishops of, 32\\nHilary, bishop of Poictiers, 104\\nHildebrand, a monk of Cluni, carried to Rome\\nby Leo IX., 232 his policy for extending the\\npapal power, 234 succeeds Alexander II.,\\n235; See Gregory VII.\\nHincmar, archbishop of Rheims, asserts the inde-\\npendence of the church against Lewis III., 213\\nhis character, 217\\nHonorius, gladiatorial games abolished by, 112\\nHI., 335\\nHost, elevation of the, 542\\nHungary, Christianity first introduced into, 230\\nHuss, John, account of, 462; summoned by the\\nCouncil of Constance, 464 bis opinions and\\nattachment to those of Wiclif, 464.; imprisoned\\nby the Council of Constance, 466; accused,\\n466; his trial; 467; condemnation, 469; and\\nexecution, 470\\nIconoclasts, 168\\nIgnatius, St., bishop of Antioch, 31 his epistle\\nto the Smyrnians, 32; his writings, 80\\nImages, use of, 139; controversy on, 167; edict\\nof Constantine Copronymus against, 168\\nrestored by the empress Irene, 168; the em-\\nperor Michael attempts to discard them, 170;\\ntheir worship restored by Theodora, 170\\nImmorality, general, of the clergy, 546\\nIncarnation, the. controversy on, 162\\nIndulgence, plenary, traffic in, 373\\nadopted by Boniface IX., 412; remarks\\non, 529\\nInfallibility of the Pope, 529\\nInnocent III., his pontificate, 276; lays France\\nunder interdict, for Philippe Auguste refusing\\nto take back his divorced bride, 282 excom-\\nmunicates the English king, John, 284 impo-\\nses the Saladin tax, 284 convokes the fourth\\nLateran council, 285 urges Simon de Mont-\\nfort against the heretics, 293 his death and\\ncharacter, 294 his policy in regard to the cru-\\nsades, 370 his apprehension of the mystics,\\n555\\nIV., excommunicates and deposes\\nFrederic II. in the Council of Lyons, 338\\nhis conduct, 341 and character, 342 estab-\\nlishes the Inquisition in the North of Italy,\\n359\\nVI., his dispute with the German\\nClergy, 390\\nVIII. succeeds Sixtus IV., 510 vio-\\nlates the engagements made at his election,\\n511; pensions his illegitimate children on the\\nApostolical treasury, 511; succeeded by Alex-\\nander VI., 511\\nInquisition, the, 359; the title of Inquisitors first\\ngiven to the emissaries of Innocent III., 358", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0582.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n575\\nInterdicts, papal, 282, note\\nIntolerance of the ancient Romans, 58\\nInvestiture, 237 right of, extorted from Paschal\\nII. by Henry V., 255; conclusion of the\\nquarrels regarding it, 256\\nIrenasus, bishop of Lyons, account of, 81\\nJames, St., first bishop of Jerusalem, 29\\nJerome, St., account of, 131 Erasmus s parallel\\nbetween him and St. Augustin, 155\\nJerome of Prague, disciple of Huss, tried before\\nthe council of Prague, 471 and executed, 471\\nJerusalem, the Latin kingdom of, 484\\nchurch of, 30\\nJohn XXII., succeeds Clement V., after a lapse\\nof two years, 384 his avarice and rapacity,\\n384 he extends the power of the Apostolical\\nChancery, 385 his contest with Louis of Ba-\\nvaria, who appoints a new pope, Nicholas V.,\\n385; John formally charged with heresy, by\\nthe assembly of Milan, 386; his death, 387\\nXXIII., (Baltazar Cossa) succeeds Alexan-\\nder V, 421; consents to a council for deciding the\\nschism in the church, 422; and abdicates, 425;\\nescapes from Constance, 425; is given up by\\nthe duke of Austria, 426 is deposed, 426\\nacknowledges Martin V., 432 his character,\\n432\\nJortin, his character of St, Austin, 134, note; of\\nGregory the Great, 138; note\\nJovinian, his attempt to reform monastic asceti-\\ncism, 158\\nJubilee, institution of the, 374\\nJulian the Apostate, 106 his efforts to restore\\npaganism, 107; and to reform it, 107; attempts\\nto rebuild the temple of Jerusalem, 108 his\\nwritings, 113\\nJulius II., (Julian della Rovera) a candidate for\\nthe papal crown, with Roderic Borgia, 512\\nattaches himself to Charles VIII., 514; succeeds\\nPius III., 516 his military character, 517; his\\npatronage of the arts, 518; he excommunicates\\na council convoked by same cardinals at Pisa,\\n519 convokes the fifth Lateran council, 519;\\ndies, 519; his character and policy, 526\\nJustin Martyr, 81\\nJustinian, account of, 121 his edict against the\\nschools at Athens, 125\\nKnights of the Hospital, 314\\nTemplars, 314\\nof the Order of the Virgin, 314; note\\nLactantius, his character as a writer, 127\\nLaillier, John, a reformer, his disputations with\\nthe Sorbonne, 559\\nLateran councils, 276; the fourth, 285; the fifth\\nconvoked by Julius II., 519 its canons of re-\\nformation, 519; its decree against the press,\\n520 the council dissolved, 521\\nLay brethren in monasteries, institution of, 311\\nLearning, state of, after tlie subversion of the\\nwestern empire, 263\\nLeo the Great, 119 introduces private confession\\n120\\nthe Isaurian, (emperor) attempts to abolish\\nidolatrous worship, 167\\nIX., attempt at church reform by, 232\\nX., (see Medici, Giovmmi de) succeeds\\nJulius II 519 his decree against the press,\\n520 he abolishes the Pragmatic Sanction, 520\\ndegradation of the sacred college, 522 Leo s\\nunfitness for stemming the reformation, 564\\nLewis the Meek, deposed by his sons, and subject-\\ned to ignominious ecclesiastical penance, 2J0\\nLewis IX., (St.) account of, 355 obtains the orig-\\ninal crown of thorns, 356; his death, 357 j\\ncanonized by Boniface VIII., 357\\nLibanius, his apology for paganism. 111, note\\nLiterature, decline of, 122; the clergy interdic-\\nted from secular literature, 124 state of\\nlearning before the tenth century, 224\\nChristian, in the third century, 56,\\ntheological, three psras of, 267\\nLiturgy, the Latin, established by Gregory VII.,\\n249\\nLollards, their origin and opinions, 400; horri-\\nble doctrines imputed to them, 400, note\\nLouis of Bavaria, his contest with John XXII.,\\nagainst whom he sets up another pope, 385\\nhis disputes with Clement VI., 389; patroni-\\nses the enemies of papacy, 399\\nLyons, first council of, deposes Frederic II., 337;\\nsecond ditto, 344 law respecting the election\\nof popes, 344\\nsecond council for reconciling the Greek\\nand Latin churches, 488\\nLucian, his account of the early Christians, 48\\nMahomet, his conquests, 135\\nManes, his system, 555, note\\nMantua, council of, convened by Pius II., to form\\na crusade against the Turks, 504\\nManuscripts, scarcity of, in the middle age\u00c2\u00bb,\\n266\\nMark, St., preaches at Alexandria, 37\\nMaronites, the, account of, 498\\nMarriage of the clergy prohibited, 235\\nMartin, St., (pope) carried captive to Constanti-\\nnople, 148\\nSt., (of Tours) 157\\nIV., miracles said to be worked at his tomb,\\n345\\nv., elected during the session of the council\\nof Constance, 441 he eludes the articles of\\nreform proposed by it, 444\\nMartyrs, veneration for, 111\\nMass, canon of the, instituted by Gregory the\\nGreat, 141\\nMasses, private, 541\\nMayence, diet of, 455\\nMedici, Lorenzo de excommunicated by Sixtus\\nIV., 509\\nGiovanni, son of the preceding, made\\ncardinal by Innocent VIIL, at the age of thir-\\nteen, 511, note; succeeds Julius 11., by the\\ntitle of Leo X., 519\\nMelito, bishop of Sardis, his works, 32\\nMendicants, order of, 315 their early merits, and\\nsubsequent degeneracy, 320 dispute in Eng-\\nland between them and the clergy, 320, note\\ntheir contest with the cures about confession,\\n404\\nMetropolitans, decline of their power, 146\\nMillennium, opinions regarding, 56 general ex-\\npectation of, in the tenth century, 223\\nMinimes, order of, founded by Francisco of Pau-\\nla, and confirmed by Sixtus IV., 510\\nMinorites, or Fratricelli, the, condemned by John\\nXXII. as heretics, 397; persecuted by the In-\\nquisition, 398\\nMiracles, pretended, 40, note; remarks on the\\ncessation of miracles, 40 ditto false miracles^\\n543\\nMiraculous claims of the early church, 40\\nMissionaries, the mendicants distinguished as,\\n549,\\nMonachifem, its origin, and progress in the East,\\n297 monks of Egypt, 299 of Syria, 300", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0583.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "676\\nINDEX.\\nearly forms of monachism, 302 character of\\nit in the East, 302 introduced in the West,\\n304} its prevalence and character there, 305;\\naccount of the Rule of St. Benedict, 305 pro-\\ngress of monachism in the West, 307 order\\nof Cluni, 309; general remarks on monachism,\\n326 successive reformations in the system,\\n327 advantages produced by it, 328 super-\\nstition encouraged by it, 332; the monastic\\norders gradually become dependent on the\\npope, 333 their wealth, 334 principles of\\nmonachism, 547\\nMonothelites, 166\\nMontanists, their doctrines, 78\\nMonte Cassino, celebrated monastery of, 307\\nMontfort, Simon de, commissioned to extirpate\\nthe heretics, 293\\nMorality of the primitive church, 47 begins to\\ndecline, 53\\nMorals, state of, during the fourth and fifth cen-\\nturies, 126\\nMosheim, his garbled extracts from St. Eligius,\\n251\\nMysticism, prevalence of in the East, 479 re-\\nmarks on, 549 the mystics oppose the schol-\\nastics, 549 mysticism prevails in the Catholic\\nchurch, 555\\nNepotism, system of, 502\\nNero, his persecution against the Christians, 58\\nNestorianism, spread of, 164\\nNestorius, bishop of Constantinople, 163; ex-\\ncommunicated by Cyril and the council of\\nEphesus, 164\\nNice, council of, 94\\nNicholas II., elected in opposition to the Roman\\nnobility, c., 232 his edict in regard to future\\nelections, 232\\nIII., 344\\nv., (Thomas of Sarzana) elected on\\nthe death of Eugenius IV., the deposed pope,\\nand Felix V. resigns, 455 his patronage of\\nliterature and the arts, 500 founds the Vati-\\ncan library, 500.; makes a concordat vi^itli the\\nGerman church, 500 his efforts to recover\\nConstantinople from the Turks, 501 his death,\\n501\\nNogaret, William of, seizes Boniface VIII., 353\\nNormans, converted to Christianity, 231\\nNovations, sect of, 78\\nNunneries, institution of, attributed to St. An-\\nthony, 303\\nNuns, establishment of, 322 origin of the name,\\n323, note their vov/ of chastity 323 Bene-\\ndictme nuns, 323 canonesses. 324 nuns of\\nthe hospital, 324 of the Holy Trinity, 324 of\\nSt. Dominic, 324 of St. Brigida, 325 Ursuli-\\nnes, 325\\nOlive, Pierre d his w^ork against the Romish\\nChurch, 404\\nOrders, monastic, St. Benedict, 305 Cluni, 309\\nCistercian, 310 La Chartreuse, 310 St. Do-\\nminic, 315; St. Francis, 316\\nmilitary, 313 knights of the hospital, 314\\nTemplars, 314 Teutonic order, 314\\nOrdination, rite of, in the early church, 43,\\nnote\\nOrip-en, account of, 51; his theological system,\\n5!\\nOsma, Peter of, a Spanish reformer, 559, note\\nOtho the Great, reassumes the imperial authori-\\nty in regard to papal elections, 206 bestov^ s\\necclesiastical investiture, 237\\nPaganism, its decline and fall, 104 Julian s at-\\ntempt to revive it, 107 a decisive blow given\\nto it by Theodosius s edict, 110 its extinction,\\n113 its influence on Christianity, 187\\nPapacy, elements of, 154 the papal principle,\\n148\\nPapal power, increase of, 195 pretensions of\\nthe popes for interfering w^ith the succession to\\nthe imperial throne, 213 internal usurpation\\nof the Roman see, 215\\nPapias, the father of traditions, and the origina-\\ntor of the doctrine of the millennium, 56\\nParis, University of, 376\\nPaschal II., 254 his dispute v^^ith the emperor\\nHenry V., 255 made prisoner by him, 255\\nPaul II. succeeds Pius II., 507; diverts the war\\nagainst the Turks to persecution of the Huss-\\nites, 508; discourages literature as dangerous to\\nthe church, 508 his death, 508\\nPaulicians, sect of heretics in the Greek church,\\n288, 477 numbers of them destroyed in the\\nreign of Theodora, 477 their opinions, 478\\nPelagian controversy, the, 159\\nPelagianism, 161\\nPelagius, account of, 159\\nPepin, his donation to the church, 148\\nPersecutions against the Christians Nero s, 58\\nDomitian s, 60 Trajan s rescript favorable to\\nthem, 60; Marcus Antoninus s, 61 Severus\\n62; Decius 63; Valerian s, 64; Diocletian s,\\n64 indirect advantages of these persecutions,\\n69\\nPeter, the Lombard theological writer, 378 his\\nbook of the sentences, 378\\nPetrobrussians, followers of Pierre de Bruys, 287\\nPhilip the Fair of France, his disputes with Boni-\\nface VIIL, 350 he burns the Pope s bull, 351\\nconditions imposed by him on Clement V.\\nwhose election he favors, 381 causes all the\\nTemplars in his dominions to be seized, 382\\nand several to be burnt alive, 382\\nPhotius succeeds Ignatius as patriarch of Con-\\nstantinople, 175 charges the Romish church\\nwith heresy, 175 deposed and recalled, 175\\nPiccolomini, JEneas Sylvius, (Pius II.) see\\nJEneas.\\nPilgrimages, 199, note, 366\\nPisa, council of, convened by the Cardinals, to\\nsettle the schism in the church, 419; it elects\\nAlexander V., in opposition to Benedict XIII.,\\nand Gregory XII. 420 character and results\\nof this assembly, 437\\nPius II., see JEneas Sylvius.\\nPius III., elected as successor to Alexander VI.,\\nbut dies almost immediately afterwards, 516\\nPlatonics, new, sect of, 55\\nPlenary Indulgence, 373\\nPliny the younger, his account of the early\\nChristians, 33\\nPoland, Christianity first introduced into, 230\\nPolycarp, bishop of Smyrna, 32\\nPolytheism, character of, 57; its intolerance\\namong the Romans, 58\\nPopes, when they first assumed new names on\\ntheir election, 228; regulations as to their\\nelection, 232 which becomes independent of\\nthe imperial sanction, 233\\nPragmatic Sanction, the, passed by the Council\\nof Bourges, 456 annulled and afterwards res-\\ntored by Louis XL, 509 abolished by Leo X.j\\n520\\nPraxeas, his heresy, 77\\nPriscillian, Spanish bishop, put to death, 157\\nPriscillianists, the, 157\\nProphets, class of ministers so called, 42", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0584.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n577\\nProtestantism, attempts to trace its opinions\\nback to the apostolical times, 552 no histori-\\ncal proofs in their favor, 555\\nProvincial Synods, 52\\nPrussia, Christianity introduced into, by the\\nTeutonic order, 315\\nPurgatory, belief in, inculcated by Gregory the\\nGreat, 140, 186 disputation on at the Council\\nof Ferrara, 490 doctrine of, 529, 540\\nRadbert, Paschasius, his doctrine of the real pre-\\nsence, 220\\nRatramn, appointed to examine the opinions of\\nRadbert, 220\\nReform, college of, appointed by the council of\\nConstance, 439\\nReformation attempts at self-reformation in the\\nRomish church, 434 general complaints\\nagainst abuses, 435 council of Pisa appointed\\nfor measures of reform, 437 of Constance,\\nditto, 438 college of reform appointed by it,\\n439 futility of the plan of reform, 441 arti-\\ncles of reformation, 442, 450 restrictions upon\\nthe pope, 450 this scheme of reformation elu-\\nded by Martin V., 445 council of Basle, 447\\nits contest with Eugenius IV., 448 its articles\\nof reformation, 451 final breach with the\\npope, 453; nature of the reform attempted by\\nthe church itself, 500\\nReformers, early papal, Claudius of Turin, 228;\\nBerenger, 248 Arnold of Brescia, 258 John\\nof Wesalia, 558 Wesselus, 558.,- Laillier, 559\\nSavonarola, 559 Reuchlin, 561 Erasmus, 502\\nRelics, superstitious reverence for, 140\\nReuchlin a reformer, 561\\nRevenues of the church, 190\\nRiario, Pietro, favorite nephew of Sixtus IV., his\\nprodigality, 510\\nRoman people, their character in the middle\\nages, 278\\nRoman Catholic church, its power and constitu-\\ntion, 525 secular authority of the popes, 520\\nspiritual supremacy of Rome, 520; infallibility\\nof the pope, 529 his dispensing power, 529\\npenance and purgatory, 529; claims of the popes\\nto universal temporal supremacy, 530 the\\ncardinals and conclave, 531 relative power of\\nthe cardinals and the pope, 533 general coun-\\ncils, 533; various causes of the influence of\\nRomanism, 533; policy of the Vatican, 535,\\nmediatorial character of the Romish priesthood,\\n530 power arising to the church from a ple-\\nbeian order of clergy, 537 doctrines of the\\nRomish church, 539; penance, 539; indulgen-\\nces, 539; purgatory, 540 discipline and morals,\\n540 benefits conferred by the Roman Catho-\\nlic church, 540\\nRome, persecutions at, under Nero, 35; empe-\\nrors favorable to Christianity, 51, note\\nRome, church of, authority early claimed by, 50\\ncauses of the increase of the authority of the\\nRoman see, 190\\nRussia, Christianity first introduced into, 230\\nSabellius, his heresy, 77\\nSaccas, Ammonius, founder of the Eclectics or\\nnew Platonics, 55\\nSacraments of the primitive church, 40\\nSaladin tax, the, imposed by Innocent III. on\\nchurch property, 284\\nSarabaites, a kind of oriental monks, 300\\nSaracens, their conquests, 130\\nSavonarola, Jerome, Italian reformer, 559; his\\ninterview with Charles VIII. 560; and execu-\\ntion, 561\\n73\\nSchism of the Roman Catholic church, account\\nof, 405\\nSchools, Christian, 45\\nScotus, John, appointed to examine the opinions\\nof Radbert, 221\\nScotus, John Duns, 380\\nScriptures, the reading them prohibited, 542\\nSemi-Arians, 98\\nSemi-Pelagians, 162\\nSigismond, recommended as emperor by John\\nXXIII., 422; he appoints Constance as the\\nplace for a council to decide the schism in the\\npapal see, and on the two antipopes, 422 his\\ncharacter, 424 opposes John s interest, 425\\nSimon Magus, the heresiarch, 73\\nSimony, edict against, 236\\nSixtus IV. succeeds Paul II., 508 lays Florence\\nunder interdict, and excommunicates Lorenzo\\nde Medici, 509; his nepotism, 509 confirms\\nthe order of Minimes, 510, his character, 510 j\\nand death, 510\\nSocrates, the historian, 103\\nSorbonne, Robert de, 376\\nSozomen, Hermias, 103\\nSpiritual courts, their j urisdiction 277, note\\nin England, 535, note\\nSylvester II., his encouragement of learning, 225\\noriginates the scheme of the crusades, 253\\nSymeon the Styhte, 118\\nSynesius, a platonic philosopher, made bishop,\\n112, note\\nSylvius, yEneas. See M,ncas.\\nTartary, Christianity introduced into, 135\\nTatian founds the sect of the Encratites, 74\\nTemplars, knights, 314 council appointed by\\nClement V., to inquire into their conduct, 382;\\nPhilip the Fair causes all in his dominions to\\nbe seized, 382 their probable innocence,\\n386\\nTertullian, account of, 52\\nTeutonic order, the, 314\\nTheodoret, ecclesiastical historian, 104\\nTheodosius the Great, his edict against paganis\\n110 compelled by St. Ambrose to perform\\npenance, 129\\nTheological writers, 377\\nTherapeutJB or Essenes,\\nThomists and Scotists, 380\\nTithes, 200 the first legally established by Char-\\nlemagne, 201 their payment not universally\\nenforced till the end of the twelfth century,\\n202\\nToledo, councils of, 146\\nToulouse, councils of, 293\\nTransubstantiation, Radbert s doctrine of, 220\\nopposed by Berenger, 248 the doctrine of,\\nconfirmed by Innocent III., 285\\nTruce of God, 540\\nTurks, exertions of Pius II. against, 506 and\\nof other popes, 523\\nUlphilas, bishop, spreads the tenets of Arianisra\\namong the Goths, 101, 115\\nUnited Brethren, sect in Bohemia, 476\\nUniversity of Paris, 370 it condemns Aristotle s\\nmetaphysical works, 378 its projects for heal-\\ning the schism in the church, 413\\nUrban II., 253\\nUrban V. restores the papal residence from Avig-\\nnon to Rome, 391\\nUrban VI., archbishop of Bari, his election, 407,\\narraigns the bishops for their misconduct, 408\\nthe cardinals cancel his election, 409; his\\ncause espoused by St. Catharine of Sienna, 410", "height": "4637", "width": "2758", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0585.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "578\\nINDEX.\\nimprisons six cardinals, 411 dies at Rome,\\n412\\nUrsuline Nuns, 325\\nValentinian I., 110\\nVaudois, or Waldenses, 289 crimes alleged\\nagainst them by Rainer, 290, 291, note account\\nof them, 554; persecutions, 556, note\\nVenturius of Bergamo, founder of a sect of fana-\\ntics,\\nVienne,, council of, to inquire into the conduct of\\nthe Templars, c., 382\\nVigilantius, boldly inveighs against the supersti-\\ntious practises of the church, 159\\nVirgin, office instituted to the, 544\\nWaldenses, the, account of that sect, 289\\nWaldus, Peter, account of, 289 his death, 292\\nWesalia, John of, a reformer, account of, 558\\nWesselus, John, a reformer, 558 designated the\\nforerunner of Luther, 558\\nWhite Penitents, a sect of religious enthusiasts\\n434\\nWiclif, John, account of, 560 his bones dug up\\nby order of the council of Constance, 461 his\\nopinions, 461 his doctrines carried into Bohe-\\nmia, 462\\nWilfrid, St., 134, note\\nWinfrid, an English missionary in Germany, 134\\nXimenes, cardinal, 546\\nZeno, emperor, his Henoticon, or edict of union\\n165\\nZisca, heads the insurgent reformers in Bohemia\\n473\\nZosimus, the historian, 115", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0586.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4542", "width": "2610", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0587.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process.\\nNeutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide\\nTreatment Date: April 2005\\nPreservationTechnologies\\nA WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATION\\n1 1 1 Thomson Park Drive\\nCranberry Township, PA 16066\\n(724) 779-21 1 1", "height": "4402", "width": "2689", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0588.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4402", "width": "2689", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0589.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n014 023 161 7", "height": "4630", "width": "2733", "jp2-path": "historyofchurch00wadd_0590.jp2"}}