{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3843", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class F V hZ\\nRonk W^^.", "height": "3664", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3664", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3756", "width": "2013", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3756", "width": "2013", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3756", "width": "2013", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2992", "width": "4512", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3648", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "DESCRIPTION\\nLOUISIANA,\\nHv FATIlKIl LOUIS HKNNKIMN,\\nRECOLLECT MISSIONARY.\\nIMANSlAIKIi KKOM IIIK IDiriON 0\u00c2\u00bb iTjX], AND COMI Alltl) WITH THE NOUVtl.I.I\\nDicOIIVtUTE, THE LA \u00c2\u00abAI.I.K IIOCUMENflJ ANIJ OTHEK\\nCONTEMPOHANEOUli PAI KUS.\\nBy JOHN OILMARY SriEA.\\nNEW YORK\\nO H N G. SHEA.\\n1880.", "height": "3756", "width": "2013", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "COPYRIGHT iSSo,\\nJOHN GILMARY CHEA.\\nf^^\\n^L\\n.H\\n^4", "height": "3686", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "Rt. Rev. JOHN IRELAND, D.D.,\\nJ. FLETCHER WILLIAMS,\\nruEsniEN r anp secretary of the Minnesota historical gociety,\\nt;ii3 workdje to their friendly compulsion is now dedicated.", "height": "3686", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3686", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nThe work of Father Louis Hennepin here\\ngiven is the most graphic account of La Salle s\\ncourse of exploration as far as Illinois, and the\\nonly detailed narrative of Hennepin s own voyage\\nup the Mississippi to the Sioux country during\\nwhich he visited and named the Falls of Saint\\nAnthony.\\nDoubts thrown upon Hennepin by the evident\\nfalsity of a later work bearing his name, have led\\nto a general charge of falsehood against him. In\\njustice to him, it must be admitted that there are\\ngrounds for believing that his notes were adapted\\nby an unscrupulous editor, and the second book\\naltered even after it was printed.\\nHis original work hsre given in full for the first\\ntime in English, is supported to a remarkable degree\\nby all contemporary authorities, by topography\\nand Indian life. The charge made by Margry\\nthat it is a plagiarism is utterly absurd.", "height": "3686", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "6 Pi^EFACE.\\nTo bring together in English matter scattered\\nin various volumes bearing on the questions in\\nregard to Hennepin, I have added the account\\nof the pretended voyage down the Mississippi in\\nthe Nouvelle Decouverte an account of Henne-\\npin s capture from the Margry documents the\\naccount given by La Salle in his letter of August\\n22, 1682 the account given in the work ascribed\\nto Tonty, and lastly the Report of Du Lhut to the\\nMarquis de Seignelay of his visit to the Sioux\\ncountry in v^hich he relieved or rescued Hennepin.\\nI must express my thanks for valuable aid re-\\nceived from Mr. H. A. Homes, George H.\\nMoore, LL.D., and Gen. J. Watts de Peyster.\\nJOHN GILMARY SHEA.\\nElizabeth, June 12, 1880.", "height": "3686", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS-\\nNotice on Father Louis Hennepin, g\\nOn the authenticity of Father Hennepin s works, 31\\nHennepin s Description of Louisiana 41\\nDedication to Louis XIV, 4-1\\nRoyal Privilege, 48\\nLa Salle s Earlier Explorations, 51\\nObtains grant of Fort Frontenac, 52\\nPrepares for his Western Exploration, 64\\nSends men to Niagara, 65\\nThe Great Lakes The Falls of Niagara, 6g\\nBegins fort and builds the Griffin, 73\\nLa Motte and Hennepin visit the Senecas, 74\\nLoss of La Salle s bark, 81\\nLaunching of the Griffin, 85\\nShe sails for the West, go\\nAt Lake St. Clare, 92\\nAt Missilimakinac, 97\\nAt Green Bay, 104\\nSails back, 106\\nLa Salle proceeds in canoes, 108\\nTrouble with Outagamis, 120\\nAt the mouth of the river of the Miamis, 129\\nBuilds a fort, i^i\\nJoined by Tonty, i^-?\\nAscends the river, 135\\nMakes the portage to the Seignelay (Illinois), 140\\nReaches Illinois village, 152\\nReaches Illinois camp, 156\\nBegins Fort Crevecoeur and vessel, 175\\nSets out to learn fate of the Griffin, 188\\nHennepin and Accault set out, 192", "height": "3686", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "8\\nCONTENTS.\\nReach the Mississippi, 104\\nAccount of the upper Mississippi, 196\\nCapture by Sioux, 205\\nReaches and names Falls of St. Antnony, 220\\nFound by Du Lhut, 253\\nReturn by way of the Wisconsin, 256\\nAt Michilimakinac, 259\\nReturns to Quebec and France, 264\\nLatest intelligence of La Salle, 271\\nThe Manners of the Indians, 273\\nApprobatory of the Description of Louisiana, pub-\\nlished on the Nouveau Voyage, Utrecht, 1698,... 340\\nAccount of a voyage down the Mississippi, from the\\nNouvelle Decouverte, 343\\nAccount of Hennepin s capture, from the Margry papers, 360\\nAccount of Hennepin s canoe exploration in La Salle s\\nLetter of August 22, 168^, 361\\nAccount of Hennepin s expedition in the work pub-\\nlished in 1697, as by the Chevalier Tonty, 372\\nDu Lhut s Report to Monseigneur the Marquis de\\nSeignelay, 374\\nDescription of Niagara Falls, from the Nouvelle De-\\ncouverte, 377\\nBibliography of Hennepin, 382\\nIndex, 393", "height": "3686", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "NOTICE OF\\nFATHER LOUIS HENNEPIN,\\nRecollect Missionary.\\nFather Louis Hennepin was the first popular\\nwriter on the French in America. Champlain,\\nLescarbot, the Jesuits in their Relations had\\nwritten indeed but their works found no currency\\nbeyond France. Hennepin s works caught the\\ngeneral fancy and were translated into almost\\nall the languages of Europe. But for him the\\nstory of La Salle would scarcely have been known\\neven in France.\\nOf his early life he gives us little information.\\nHe was born at Ath in Hainaut, as he assures us,\\nalthough Margry on the faith of documents, says\\nthat he was really born at Roy, of a family which\\ncame from Ath.\\nWhile still pursuing his studies he felt a strong\\ninclination to leave the world and to live in the\\n2", "height": "3686", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "to SKETCH OP\\nrule of pure strict virtue. With this view, says\\nhe, I entered the order of Saint Francis, in order\\nto spend my days there in a life of austerity. I\\naccordingly took the habit with several of my\\nfellow students, whom I inspired with the same\\ndesign.\\nHe made his novitiate in the Recollect Con-\\nvent at Bethune in the province of Artois, where\\nhis Master of Novices was Father Gabriel de la\\nRibourde, a man eminent alike for his high social\\nposition and for a most exemplary life f and who\\nwas destined at a later day to die for the\\nfaith, while laboring as a missionary in America.\\nAs I advanced in age, says he, an inclination\\nfor traveling in foreign parts strengthened in my\\nheart. One of my sisters who was married at\\nGhent, and for whom I entertained a very strong-\\naffection, used every argument indeed, to divert\\nme from this project, while I was in that great\\ncity to which I had gone in order to learn\\nNouvelle Decouverte, p. 8,\\nf Nouv. Decouv., pp. 488-9,", "height": "3778", "width": "2111", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 11\\nFlemish. But I was urged by several of my\\nAmsterdam friends to go to the East Indies, and\\nmy natural inclination to travel, supporting their\\nentreaties, shook my resolution greatly, and I\\nalmost resolved to embark in order to gratify this\\ndesire.\\nAll my sister s remonstrances could not divert\\nme from my first design. I accordingly set out\\nto see Italy and by order of the General of our\\norder, I visited the finest churches and the most\\nimportant convents of our order in that country\\nand Germany, in v^^hich I began to satisfy my\\nnatural curiosity. At last returning to our Nether-\\nlands, the Rev. Father William Herinx, a Re-\\ncollect, v^^ho died not long since Bishop of Ipres -j*\\nopposed my project of continuing my travels.\\nHe placed me in the convent of Halles in Hainaut\\nwhere I discharged the duty of a preacher for a\\nyear. After that with my superior s leave I went\\nlb., pp. 9, 10.\\nt He was bishop from Oct, 24, 1677, to Aug. 15, 1678,\\nGams, Series Episcoporum.", "height": "3778", "width": "2111", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "1 2 SKETCH OF\\nto Artois, and was thence sent to Calais, during\\nthe season for salting herrings.\\nIn this place my strongest passion was to listen\\nto the stories which sea captains told of their long\\nvoyages. I then returned to our convent of Biez\\nby Dunkirk but I often hid behind the tavern\\ndoors, while the sailors were talking over their\\ncruises. While thus endeavoring to hear them\\nthe tobacco smoke sickened me terribly yet I\\nlistened eagerly to all that these men told of their\\nadventures at sea, of the dangers they had en-\\ncountered, and the various incidents of their\\nvoyages in foreign parts. I would have passed\\nwhole days and nights without eating in this\\noccupation, which was so agreeable to me, because\\nI always learned something new about the manners\\nand mode of life of foreign nations, and touching\\nthe beauty, fertility and riches of the countries\\nwhere these men had been.\\nI accordingly was more and more confirmed\\nin my old inclination. With the view of grati-\\nfying it the more, I went as a missionary to most", "height": "3778", "width": "2111", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 13\\nof the cities of Holland, and at last halted at\\nMaestricht, where I remained about eight months.\\nThere I administered the sacraments to more\\nthan three thousand wounded. While there en-\\ngaged in this occupation, I was several times in\\ngreat danger among these sick people. I was\\neven myself taken down with purples and dysen-\\ntery, and was within an inch of the grave. But\\nGod at last restored me my former health by the\\ncare and aid of a very able Dutch physician.\\nThe following year, by an impulse of my zeal\\nI again devoted myself to labor for the salvation\\nof souls. I was then at the bloody battle of\\nSenefF (Aug. 11, 1674), where so many men\\nperished by fire and steel. There I had abundant\\noccupation in relieving and comforting the poor\\nwounded men. And at last after enduring great\\nhardships and encountering extreme dangers in\\nsieges of cities, in trenches and on the field of\\nbattle, where I exposed myself greatly for the\\nsalvation of my neighbor, while the soldiers\\nbreathed only blood and carnage, I beheld my-", "height": "3778", "width": "2111", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "F4 SKETCH OF\\nself in a condition to satisfy my first inclina-\\ntions.\\nCanada had become for a second time a field\\nof labor for the Recollect missionaries. The\\nCount de Frontenac, Governor General, was\\nespecially anxious to have them in the colony as\\na balance to the Jesuits and the Bishop, who with\\nhis secular clergy held very strict rules of morahty,\\nespecially on the point of selHng liquor to the\\nIndians.\\nThe King of France, Louis XIV, yielding to\\nthe appeal of the Count de Frontenac, wrote to\\nhim on the 22d of April, 1675. I ^^^e sent\\nfive Recollect religious to Canada to reinforce\\nthe community of these religious already estab-\\nlished there.\\nFather Hennepin was one of those selected. I\\nthen received orders, he continues, from my\\nsuperiors to proceed to Rochelle in order to em-\\nbark as a missionary for Canada. For two months\\nNouv. Decouv. pp. 10\u00e2\u0080\u009412.\\nt Margry i, p. 251,", "height": "3778", "width": "2111", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 15\\nI discharged the duties of parish priest two leagues\\nfrom that city, because I had been requested to\\ndo so by the pastor of theplace who was absent.\\nAt last, proceeds Father Hennepin, I\\nabandoned myself entirely to Providence and\\nundertook this great sea voyage of twelve or thir-\\nteen hundred leagues, the greatest and perhaps\\nthe longest that is made on the ocean.\\nI accordingly embarked with Messire Francis\\nde Laval, just then created Bishop of Petras a in\\npartibus infidelium and subsequently made Bishop\\nof Quebec the Capital of Canada. Another\\ndistinguished personage who made the voyage in\\nthe same vessel was Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la\\nSalle, to whom Louis XIV, on the 13th of May,\\n1675, granted Fort Frontenac and whose vanity\\nhe gratified with a patent of nobility.\\nThe See of Quebec was erected Oct. i, 1674, and Mgr.\\nLaval, had been Bishop of Petraea since 1658. This part of\\nthe Nouvelle Decouverte seems suspicious and in the same\\nparagraph is the blunder which misled Greenhow, where the\\ntext says that Hennepin was a missionary in Canada while\\nFenelon, afterwards archbishop of Cambray resided there. It\\nwas really Fenelon s brother. Hennepin himself could not\\nhave made these errors.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "l6 SKETCH OF\\nThe name of the vessel is not given nor the\\ndate of sailing.*\\nHennepin speaks of the perils of the voyage,\\nengagements in the Turkish vessels from Tunis\\nand Algiers which did all tliey could to capture\\nhis vessel, but which were defeated. He saw a\\ncombat between a sword fish and a whale, and\\nwas filled with astonishment when he beheld the\\nfishermen of many different countries taking cod\\noff Newfoundland.\\nThis sight, he adds, gave great pleasure to\\nour crew, who numbered about one hundred, to\\nthree-fourths of whom I administered the sacra-\\nments because they were Catholics. I performed\\nthe divine office every calm day, and we then\\nsang the Itinerary in French set to music, after\\nwe had said our evening prayers. j*\\nThe Avis au Lecteur p. 4, says that Hennepin came over\\nin 1676, but it is clear that he came in 1675, as Bishop Laval\\nwhose fellow voyager he was, reached Quebec, September 1675.\\nLe Clercq, ii, p. 121, attended a meeting of the Council\\nof Quebec, Oct. 7, 1675. Edits et Ordonnances ii, p. 64, and\\nthey must have sailed after May 19, 1675. See Edits et Ordon-\\nnances, i p. 81.\\nf Nouv. Decouv., p. 15.", "height": "3778", "width": "2111", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 17\\nBesides the sailors he had another Uttle flock.\\nThis was a number of girls sent over to settle in\\nCanada. His zeal for their spiritual good led to\\nan angry passage between him and La Salle.\\nThis charge one day obliged me, while we\\nwere at sea, to censure several girls who were on\\nboard and were sent to Canada. They made a\\ngreat noise by their dancing and thus prevented\\nthe sailors from getting their rest at night so\\nthat I was obliged to reprimand them somewhat\\nseverely, in order to oblige them to stop, and to\\nobserve due modesty and tranquility.\\nThis afforded the Sieur Robert Cavelier de la\\nSalle an occasion of anger against me, which he\\nnever forgot. He made a show of wishing to\\nuphold these girls in their amusement. He\\ncould not refrain from telling me one day\\nsomewhat angrily, that I acted like a pedant to-\\nwards him and all the officers, and persons of\\nquality who were on the vessel, and who enjoyed\\nseeing these girls dance, since I criticised them\\nfor trifles but Mgr Francis de Laval, created", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "I 8 SKETCH OF\\nfirst Bishop of Quebec, who made the voyage\\nwith us, having given me the direction of these\\ngirls, I thought I had a right to reply to the Sieur\\nde la Salle, that I had never been a pedant, a term\\nwhich, as all the world knows, signifies a man\\nof a foolish and impertinent turn of mind, and\\nwho affects to display on all occasions, an ill\\ndigested learning. I added moreover, that these\\ngirls were under my direction, and that I thus had\\na right to rebuke them and censure them as they\\ntook on themselves too much liberty.\\nThis answer which I made with no other\\nview than to show the said Sieur de la Salle that\\nI was doing my duty, made him livid with anger,\\nand in fact he raged violently against me. I\\ncontented myself with telling him, seeing him\\nthus disposed towards me, that he took things ill,\\nand th dt I had no intention of offending him, as\\nin fact it was not my design.\\nMonsieur de Barrois, who had formerly been\\nsecretary to the French ambassador in Turkey,\\nand who at this time filled the same post under", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 19\\nthe Count de Frontenac, seeing this affair, drew\\nme aside, and told me that I had inadvertently\\nput the Sieur de la Salle in a great passion, when\\nI told him that I had never been a pedant, be-\\ncause he had plied the trade for ten or eleven\\nyears while he was among the Jesuits and that\\nhe had really been regent or teacher of a class,\\namong these religious.\\nreplied to the Sieur de Barrois that I had\\nsaid this very innocently that 1 had never known\\nthat the Sieur de la Salle had lived in that famous\\norder that had I been aware of it, I should\\ndoubtless have avoided uttering that word pedant\\nin addressing him that I knew it to be an offen-\\nsive term, that, in fact, men generally expressed\\nby it an ill polished savant according to the\\nFrench expression of the Gentlemen of Port\\nRoyal that thus I should have avoided using that\\nterm, had I been better informed than I was\\nin regard to the life of the said Sieur de la Salle.*\\n*:Nouv. Dec. Avis an Lecteur.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "2G SKETCH OF\\nTo this affair Hennepin attributes a life long\\nhostility of La Salle towards him, although we\\nsee no traces of it in his Relation of Louisiana.\\nOn reaching Canada he assures us that Bishop\\nLaval considering that during the voyage I had\\ndisplayed great zeal in my sermons and in my\\nassiduity in performing the divine office, and had\\nmoreover prevented several women and girls, who\\nwere sent over with us, from taking too much\\nliberty with the young men of our crew, to whose\\nhostility I thus frequently exposed myself, these\\nreasons and several others obtained for me the\\nencomiums and good will of this illustrious bish-\\nop. He accordingly obliged me to preach the\\nAdvent and Lent in the cloister of the Hospital\\nNuns of St. Augustine, in Quebec.\\nHowever, my natural inclination was not\\nsatisfied with all this. I accordingly often went\\ntwenty or thirty leagues from our residence to\\nvisit the country. I carried on my back a little\\nlb,, p. 17, Mother Juchereau, in her Histoire de I Hotel\\nDieu says nothing of Hennepin under this year.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. ^I\\nchapel service and walked with large snow shoes,\\nbut for which I should often have fallen into\\nfearful precipices where I should have been lost.\\nSometimes, in order to relieve myself, I had my\\nlittle equipage drawn by a large dog that I took\\nalong, and this I did the sooner to reach Three\\nRivers, Saint Anne, Cap Tourmente, Bourg\\nRoyal, Pointe de Levi and the Isle of St. Laurent.*\\nThere I gathered in one of the largest cabins of\\nthese places as many people as I could. Then I\\nadmitted them to confession and holy communion.\\nAt night I had usually only a cloak to cover me.\\nThe frost often penetrated to my very bones. I\\nwas obliged to light my fire five or six times\\nduring the night for fear of being frozen to death\\nand I had only in very moderate quantities, the\\nfood I needed to live, and to prevent my perish-\\ning with hunger on the way,\\nDuring the summer I was forced to travel in\\nBesides the places here enumerated he mentions elsewhere\\nIsle Percee where I lived in quality of a missionary a whole\\nsummer for the benefit of the fishermen who came there every\\nyear with several ships.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "2\u00c2\u00b1 SKETCH Ot^\\na canoe to continue my mission, because there\\nare no practicable roads in that country. I\\nwas sent as it were to try me, to a mission more\\nthan ahundredand twenty leagues fromQuebec. f\\nHis voyage to Fort Frontenac is described in\\nthe following pages but in the Nouvelle De-\\ncouverte he says\\nI made several different voyages, sometimes\\nwith Canadian settlers, whom we had drawn to\\nour Fort Catarokouy to live, sometimes with\\nIndians whom I had become acquainted with.\\nAs I foresaw that they would excite the suspicion\\nof the Iroquois in regard to our discoveries, I\\nwished to see the Indians of their five Cantons.\\nI accordingly went among them with one of our\\nsoldiers from said fort, making a journey of about\\nseventy leagues, and both having large snowshoes\\non our feet, on account of the snow which is\\nabundant in that country during winter. I had\\nNouv. Dec, pp. 17-19.\\nt lb., p. 23.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 23\\nalready some little knowledge of the Iroquois\\nlanguage.\\nWe thus passed to the Honnehiouts Iroquois\\nand to the Honnontagez,j who received us very\\nwell. This nation is the most warlike of all the\\nIroquois.\\nAt last we arrived at the Ganniekez or Agniez. J\\nThis is one of the five Iroquois nations situated a\\ngood day s journey from the neighborhood of\\nNew Netherland, now called New York.\\nWe remained sometime among this last\\nnation and we lodged with a Jesuit Father, born\\nin Lyons, in order to transcribe a little Iroquois\\ndictionary. The weather having cleared off, we\\none day saw three Dutchmen arrive on horseback\\nwho came to the Iroquois as ambassadors for the\\nbeaver trade. They had gone there by order of\\nMajor Andris. These gentlemen dis-\\npp. 25-6, I can find nothing in Canadian documents as to\\nhis labors.\\nf Oneidas and Onondagas.\\nX Mohawks.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "2^ SKETCH OF\\nmounted from their horses to make us get on them\\nand take us with them to New Orange in order\\nto regale me there. When they heard me speak\\nFlemish they showed me much friendship.\\nThey then assured me that they would have been\\nglad to see me reside among them for the spiritual\\nconsolation of several Catholics from our Low\\nCountries, who were in their settlements. I would\\nhave done so willingly since they requested it,\\nbut I feared to give umbrage to the Jesuits, who\\nhad received me very well, and moreover I\\nfeared I might injure the colony of Canada in its\\nbeaver and fur trade with the Indians, whom I\\nknew. We accordingly thanked these worthy\\nHollanders, and returned to our ordinary abode\\nat Catarokouy, with less difficulty than in going.\\nThis visit to the Mohawks and encounter with the Dutch\\nwas in April, 1677, and is confirmed by N. Y. Col. Doc, iv,\\np. 689, ix, p. 720. It has generally been inferred from the\\nlanguage that he visited Albany, but this is controverted by\\nBrodhead, History of New York ii, p. 307. Historical Maga-\\nzine 10, p. 268. The Jesuit missionary whom he visited was\\nFather James Bruyas, and he copied his Racines Agnieres,", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 25\\nFrom Fort Catarocouy his subsequent journey-\\nings are given in the following pages which\\ndescribe La Salle s expedition to Niagara, Mich-\\nilimakinac, Green Bay, the Fort of the Miamis,\\nand Crevecoeur. Then after La Salle s departure,\\nhis own expedition with Ako down the Illinois to\\nthe Mississippi and up to the falls of St. Anthony,\\ndescending then to the Wisconsin, thence by way\\nof Green Bay back to the Saint Lawrence, and\\nQuebec.\\nTaking passage to France he reached that\\ncountry again in 1681 or 1682. He wrote the\\nfollowing work in the latter year. It was regis-\\ntered September 10, 1682, and the printing com-\\npleted on the 5th of January, thereafter.\\nDuring this time he was apparently at the\\nconvent at St. Germain-en-Laye. After this he\\nwas Vicar and Acting Superior of the Recollects\\nMohawk Radical Words, which nearly ttvo centuries after\\nI also copied and published in 1863. This work is the source\\nof Hennepin s Iroquois, and an example in one of Bruyas\\nworks, is made a ground of accusation against the Jesuits. See\\nMargry i, p. 321, 394\\n3", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "26 SKETCH OF\\nat Chateau Cambresis, where he was visited by\\nhis old companion Father Zenobius Membre.\\nHe was, he tells us in the Nouvelle Decouverte,\\nGuardian of the Recollects at Renti in Artois for\\nthree years, and during that time almost rebuilt\\nthe convent, but having declined to return to the\\nAmerican mission at the request of F. Hyacinth\\nle Fevre, Commissary Provincial of the Recollects\\nof Paris, who claimed jurisdiction as Royal Com-\\nmissary over all the Recollects in the Netherland\\nprovinces captured from Spain, that Superior be-\\ncame his enemy. He prevented F. Hennepin\\nfrom accompanying F. Alexander Voile, pro-\\nminister of the Recollects of Artois to Rome to\\nattend a chapter of the order, and then ordered\\nhim to return to the Recollect convent at St.\\nOmer. This was followed by an order obtained\\nfrom Mr. de Louvois, first minister of State,\\nordering Hennepin to leave French territory and\\nreturn to the dominions of his own sovereign, the\\nKing of Spain.\\nHennepin appealed to King Louis XIV, pre-", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 27\\nsenting a placet to him, detailing his trials, while\\nthe king was encamped at the chapel of Harle-\\nmont. Louis XIV, placed it in the hands of the\\nGrand Provost of the Court and it was lost sight of.\\nAfter this Father Hennepin was, he tells us.\\nConfessor of the Recollect Nuns (Penitents) at\\nGosselies. During his nearly five years stay here,\\nhe states that he built a very fine church, doubly\\nvaulted, a very convenient parlor, and several\\nother edifices. This was attested, he declares, by\\na certificate of the nuns and by their letters to the\\nGeneral Chapter.\\nHe was not however left in peace. F. Louis\\nle Fevre wished to incorporate him in the\\nprovince of Flanders, declaring that Gosselies\\nwas in French territory. This he denies and\\naffirms that he was there by virtue of a lettre de\\ncachet of the King of Spain.\\nHe gained the friendship of Blaithwayt, Sec-\\nretary of War to William IK who obtained a\\nsafeguard for the nuns, which saved their con-\\nvent from pillage on several occasions.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "28 SKETCH OF\\nBlaithwayt wrote in the name of William III,\\nto the Father Rennere de Payez, Commissary\\nGeneral of the Recollects at Louvain, asking him\\nto send Hennepin to the American mission, but\\nas there was no immediate response, Hennepin\\nsolicited the blessing of Monsignor Scarlati, in-\\nternuncio at Brussels, and receiving it at Ath, pro-\\nceeded to Louvain with a letter from Father\\nBonaventure Poerius, General of his order (Mar.\\n31, 1696), assuring the Father that the Commis-\\nsary would do all that was fair.\\nThe Commissary wrote to the Baron de Mal-\\nquenech, and to Mr. de Coxis and sent Hennepin\\nto the Recollect Convent at Antwerp, where Mr.\\nHill, envoy extraordinary of his Britannic Maj-\\nesty, furnished him money to purchase the\\nordinary clothing of gentlemen.\\nSome allude to this as though Hennepin aban-\\ndoned his order, but he seems to have acted with\\nthe express permission of his superiors.\\nHe then set out for Amsterdam in company\\nwith a Venetian ship captain, but they were", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 29\\nStopped between Antwerp and Mordick by six\\nhorsemen who robbed them of all their money.\\nBy the help of some friends he managed how-\\never to reach Loo, and the Hague, where he\\nwas very well received by Blaithwayt and had an\\naudience with William III. He finally reached\\nAmsterdam and endeavored to obtain a publisher,\\nbut the volume, that was to prove one of the most\\npopular yet issued on America, did not seem a safe\\nventure and with the consent of the Earl of\\nAthlone, Hennepin journeyed to Utrecht. There\\nWilliam Broedelet undertook the work, and it\\nappeared in 1697, in a duodecimo of 586 pages\\nwith an engraved title page, in which as though\\nhe claimed the nobility that La Salle obtained\\nfor all his men, he is styled Louis de Hennepin,\\nalthough on the printed title he is still the modest\\ncommoner Louis Hennepin.\\nHe dedicates the work to William HI in terms\\nof flattery as extravagant as those with which he\\nplaced his former volume under the protection of\\nLouis XIV.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "3C SKETCH OF\\nWilling now to return to America as a mission-\\nary, he sought the support of William III, not as\\nthe overthrower of the Catholic King of England,\\nbut as the ally of Catholic Spain and Catholic\\nBavaria, and the protector of the Spanish Nether-\\nland.\\nAfter publishing a third book at Amsterdam,\\nin 1698, in which he complains of the hostility\\nto him of some people in that city, he apparently\\nmade new efforts to return to Canada, ac a dis-\\npatch of Louis XIV, to the Governor of the\\nprovince in 1699, orders that officer to arrest\\nHennepin and send him back to Rochefort.*\\nThe last allusion to him now traced is in a\\nletter of J. B. Dubos to Thouinard, written at\\nRome, March i, 1701, in which Father Henne-\\npin is said to have been then at the convent of\\nAracoeli in Rome, and to have induced Cardinal\\nSpada, whose favor he enjoyed to found a new\\nmission in the Mississippi country, where Father\\nHennepin hoped to renew his earlier labors.^*\\nN. Y, Col. Doc, ix, p. 701.\\nI Brunei, 2 p. 539. Historical Magazine, i p. 316.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 31\\nJ. B. Foppens, a bibliographer of the last\\ncentury in his Bibliotheca Belgica, Brussels, 1739\\n(vol. ii, pp. 832-3) says that Hennepin wrote also\\nLa Morale Pratique du Jansenisme avec un\\nAppel comme d abus au Pope Innocent XIL\\nResearches in Belgium, Holland and Rome have\\nfailed to throw any further light on his personal\\nhistory. The annalists of his order have gathered\\nnothing, and the local histories of the places in\\nwhich he passed an occasional term of years pre-\\nserve no details as to him.\\nMy own efforts, like those of the Hon. Henry\\nC. Murphy some years since, have been fruitless.\\nHennepin was from the first very freely\\nattacked, and in our day scholars have impeached\\nhis character for truth with very little ceremony.\\nLa Salle in his letter of August, 1682, which\\ngives no very high idea of his own veracity, wish-\\ning to forestal any representations of Hennepin\\nthat would make him a prisoner among the Sioux\\nrescued by Du Lhut, when he wished him to\\nappear as an explorer of the Sioux country before", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "32 SKETCH OF\\nDu Lhut, says It is necessary to know him\\nsomewhat, for he will not fail to exaggerate every-\\nthing it is his character yet La Salle else-\\nwhere appeals to his testimony,! letter\\nshows a disposition to sacrifice Hennepin s cha-\\nracter to further his own interested views.\\nThe eminent Sulpitian, the Rev. Mr. Tronson,\\nwriting to the Abbe Belmont at Montreal,\\nspeaking of Father Membre, says, in 1683 I\\ndo not know whether men will believe all he\\nsays, any more than they will all that is in the\\nprinted Relation of Father Louis, which I send\\nyou that you may make your reflections on it. J\\nThe ^cfa Eruditorum, Leipsic, 1683, pp. 374,\\netc., gives a long summary of the Description de\\nla Louistane, and raises no charge against it.\\nFather Le Clercq refers to Hennepin and his\\nfirst work in terms of praise in 1691 but De\\nlb,, p. 230.\\nt Margry ii, p. 259.\\nX Margry ii, p. 305.\\nEtablissement de la Foi, ii, pp. 114, 160, 161.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 33\\nMichel, the editor of Joutel in 171 3, says:\\nFather Hennepin, a Fleming, of the same order\\nof Recollects, who seems to know the country\\nwell, and who took part in great discoveries\\nalthough the truth of his Relations is very much\\ncontested. He is the one who went northward\\ntowards the source of the Missicipi, which he\\ncalled Mechasipi, and who printed at Paris a Re-\\nlation of the countries around that river under the\\nname of Louisiana. He should have stopped there\\nand not gone on, as he did in Holland, to issue\\nanother edition much enlarged, and perhaps not\\nso true, which he dedicated to William HI,\\nPrince of Orange, then king of Great Britain, a\\ndesign as odd as it was ridiculous in a religious,\\nnot to say worse. For after great long eulogies\\nwhich he makes in his dedication of this Pro-\\ntestant prince, he begs and conjures him to think\\nof these vast unknown countries, to conquer them,\\nsend colonies there and obtain for the Indians, the\\nknowledge of the true God and of his worship\\nand to cause the gospel to be preached. This", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "34- SKETCH OF\\ngood religious whom many on account of his\\nextravagance, falsely believed to have become an\\napostate, had no thought of such a thing. So he\\nscandalized the Catholics and set the Huguenots\\nlaughing. For would these enemies of the\\nRoman church pay Recollects to go to Canada\\nto preach Popery as they called it? Or would\\nthey carry any religion but their own And\\nFather Hennepin, can he in that case offer any\\nexcuse.\\nStill later Father Charlevoix savs of his works\\nAll these works are written in a declamatory\\nstyle, which offends by its turgidity and shocks by\\nthe liberties which the author takes and his un-\\nbecoming invectives. As for the substance of\\nmatters Father Hennepin thought he might take\\na traveler s license, hence he is much decried in\\nCanada, those who had accompanied him having\\noften protested that he was anything but veritable\\nin his histories. f\\nJournal Historique, p. 363.\\nf Histoire de la Nouvelle France, i, p. liv.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN.\\nIn our own time and country, Sparks showed\\nhow the Nouvdle Decouverte was made up from\\nLe Clercq, and Bancroft, Parkman, and most\\nof our historical students agree in impeach-\\ning his veracity. This charge rested on the\\nNouvelle Decouverte^ while the Description de la\\nLouisiave was as generally received as authentic.\\nThomassy, in his Geologie Pratique de la Lou-\\nisiane gave a narrative of the voyage down the\\nMississippi as La Salle s, which coincided with\\nthat given by Le Clercq, as written by Father\\nZenobius Membre. Then Margry gives a narra-\\ntive covering the whole ground of Hennepin s\\nfirst book, which he ascribes to La Salle, and he\\nsays It is certain that Father Hennepin knew\\nthis document, from which he made many ex-\\ntracts, but this could be no reason for our not\\npublishing it, first because the author of the Des-\\ncription de la Louisiane often intermingles error\\nwith his statements* and also because he left\\nAfter studying the work carefully, I cannot discover the\\nerrors, unless the misprint ot peroquets for pirogues justified the\\ncharge. But Margry s own blunders are even worse.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "36 SKETCH OF\\nCavelier de la Salle about twenty-two months\\nbefore the time when our manuscript closes.\\nThere was moreover a real interest in verifying\\nthe plagiarisms of the man who was subsequently\\nto attempt to deprive the discoverer of the honor\\nof his labors, etc.* Subsequently f in conse-\\nquence of a misprint in Hennepin of perroquets\\nfor pirogues he repeats the charge of plagiarism,\\nthough as he himself prints Gamier for Gravier,\\nLe Noble for Zenobe, and embuscade for ambass-\\nade he ought not to be too severe.\\nThis charge that the Description de la Louisiane\\nwas copied from the document now given by\\nMargry has been taken up in this country with-\\nout sufficient examination but it is really too\\nshallow even for such an utterly uncritical mind\\nas Margry s to be pardoned for putting forth.\\nThis Relation des Descouvertes is anonymous\\nand undated. Margry himself asks whether it\\nwas written by La Salle himself or only by a\\nMargry ii, p. 435 n.\\nt P- 467.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. rs n\\nlearned ecclesiastic, by means of letters addressed\\nby the discoverer to some one of his friends or\\nassociates. Elsewhere he gives his opinion that\\nit is the work of the Abbe Bernou but as he\\nwas never in America, he could only be a com-\\npiler, and must have used Hennepin s work, and\\nit is necessary only to read a letter of Bernou in\\nMargry iii, p. 74, to see what an unscrupulous\\nintriguer Bernou was. If we analyze this\\nMargry document we find it forms three dis-\\ntinct divisions, ist an account of LaSalle s ope-\\nrations down to his and Hennepin s departure\\nfrom Fort Crevecceur 2d an account of Hen-\\nnepin s voyage up the Mississippi and through\\nthe Wisconsin to Green Bay. 3d an account of\\nLa Salle s return to Fort Frontenac, his second\\nvisit to Illinois and his operations to 1681.\\nNow as Hennepin was with La Salle or his\\nparty during the first period, he was competent\\nto keep a journal of events, that might be written\\nout in one form as La Salle s official report, and\\nin another as the missionary s report to his own", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "38\\nSKETCH OF\\nsuperiors. As to the second part Margry asks us\\nto accept the preposterous idea that La Salle\\npossessed by some supernatural means the know-\\nledge of all that Hennepin saw and did after\\nleaving him at Fort Crevecceur, that La Salle\\ncommitted this knowledge to writing, and that\\nHennepin, instead of describing what he saw and\\ndid as an eye witness, stole his account from this\\nwonderful document of La Salle. La Salle him-\\nself acknowledges the receipt of letters from\\nHennepin and insists on the reality of his dis-\\ncovery and to uphold it as against Du Lhut in-\\nsists that Hennepin exaggerated in making out\\nthat he was a prisoner. As La Salle himself\\nadmits that his knowledge of this part came from\\nHennepin, he has already refuted Margry*s\\nabsurd idea that Hennepin stole this from him.\\nAs to the third part, there is nothing of it in\\nHennepin, so that Margry s charge depends en-\\ntirely on the first part and he utterly fails to\\nexplain how Hennepin refrained from any pla-\\ngiarism of the third part.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 39\\nThe reader will see in the following pages that\\nMargry s document in the first part agrees pretty\\nclosely with Hennepin, omitting comparatively\\nlittle, while it abridges the second part greatly.\\nThe whole question is confined therefore to\\nthe first part, and as to that there is a simple test.\\nIf the narrative describes in detail events that\\nbefel the party while La Salle was absent and\\nalludes briefly to what La Salle did, the narrative\\nis Hennepin s if on the contrary it follows La\\nSalle s actions day by day and alludes generally\\nto what the party was doing in his absence, it\\nmust be La Salle s.\\nNow the Margry Relation follows the party\\nin which Hennepin was from Fort Frontenac\\nto Niagara, gives La Motte s visit to the Senecas\\nand then alludes briefly to La Salle s having been\\nwrecked, but does not mention the fact that he\\nhad previously visited the Senecas and efl^ected\\nwhat La Motte had failed to accomplish. Every\\nperson of sense will admit that this is not La\\nSalle s account but Hennepin s.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "4-0 SKETCH OF\\nLater on La Salle s return to Fort Frontenac,\\nhis troubles with his creditors, his visit to the\\ncolony are all noticed briefly, while the affairs on\\nthe Niagara are detailed. This part is evidently\\nnot La Salle s.\\nThe account of the portage leading to the\\nIllinois river, where La Salle was separated from\\nhis party is not his personal account, but of one\\nlike Hennepin with the main body.\\nThese cases and minor ones all tend to show\\nthat it is not La Salle s narrative but Hennepin s.\\nLa Salle apparently took the Recollects to\\nchronicle his doings. Hennepin kept a journal;\\nMembre did also, as Le Clercq assures us Joutel\\ntells us that he seized and destroyed memoirs of\\nFather Maxime le Clercq.* Why La Salle\\nalways had such an array of priests with him is a\\nmystery. If from first to last he was led by\\nPeiialosa s curious account of his journey to\\nthe Mississippi from New Mexico, to attempt\\nthe conquest of some of the rich mines, as he\\nLe Clercq ii, p. 167. Joutel p. 148.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN 41*\\nundoubtedly was aiming at, when he landed in\\nTexas, we can understand that the priests would\\nhelp to relieve the expedition from suspicion, and\\nprevent harsh measures on the part of the Spani-\\nards, as the priests were all Spanish subjects.*\\nOtherwise it is not easy to understand why,\\nwhen Frontenac was appealing for Recollects to\\nserve in the colony and be more indulgent\\nspiritual guides than the Jesuits and the secular\\nclergy, he should send five off to accompany an\\nexploring expedition thousands of miles. While\\nCanada was suffering for want of priests. La\\nSalle s grand army of eleven men including him-\\nself and his valet, sailed from Green Bay with\\nthree Recollect priests, to minister to their\\nspiritual wants.\\nEvery view of the question confirms the\\nopinion that the narrative is really Hennepin s\\nThe charge made by Hennepin that La Salle was aiming\\nat the Santa Barbara mines was long put down as a falsehood\\nand a slander on La Salle. Yet now with the official docu-\\nments of the French government, the papers of Beaujeu and\\nDainmaville s account, it is evident that Hennepin was right.\\n4", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "42* SKETCH OF\\nand that the document in Margry was compiled\\nfrom it by an unknown hand.\\nOnly one question remains, and that is whether\\nMargry s anonymous compiler plagiarized from\\na document drawn up by Hennepin in America,\\nor from his printed work.\\nHennepin publishing his book at Paris, very\\nnaturally mentions the fact that his fellow trave-\\nler Antoine Auguelle, known by the soubriquet\\nof Le Picard du Gay, was at that time actually\\nin Paris, appealing as it were to his testimony in\\nconfirmation of his statements. Yet in the\\nMargry Relation (i, p. 478), it mentions that\\nthe Picard is at present in Paris. Now how\\ncould La Salle who did not see Hennepin or\\nAuguelle after their return, know exactly in\\nwhat part of France Auguelle was The state-\\nment is perfectly irreconcileable with the idea\\nthat this document was written by La Salle in\\nAmerica and the fact that it appears in the\\nMargry Relation seems to show that its compiler\\nused Hennepin s book without giving credit, and", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN 43*\\nused, not a draft or copy made in America, but\\nthe edition printed in Paris but had not the\\nhonesty to cite Hennepin and refer to him. A\\ncareful comparison of the first and second parts\\nof Margry s Relation with Hennepin s Descrip-\\ntion de la Louisiane, 1683, will satisfy any one\\nthat the vaunted Margry document is a mere\\nplagiarism from Hennepin s first work as far as\\nit goes.\\nNow what is the credit to be given to Henne-\\npin s work here given It will not do to assert\\nthat it is not trustworthy and say that Margry s\\nRelation is. They are so near alike that if one\\nis not trustworthy, the other is not.\\nIn the following pages references are made to\\ndocuments of La Salle, Tonti and others relating\\nto the same events. In not a single case is Hen-\\nnepin contradicted or shown to be in error. Mr.\\nParkman alluding to the claims set up in the\\nNouvelle Decouverte says they are not in the\\nearly editions of Hennepin which are compara-\\ntively truthful. Hennepin s account of the", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "44* SKETCH OF\\nfalls and river of Niagara, especially his second\\naccount on his return from the west, is very\\nminute and on the whole very accurate. His\\ndistances on the Niagara are usually correct,\\nHennepin s account of the buffalo is interesting\\nand true. Fortunately there are tests by which\\nthe earlier parts of his book can be tried and\\non the whole they square exceedingly well with\\ncontemporary records of undoubted authenticity.\\nBating his exaggerations respecting the Falls of\\nNiagara, his local descriptions, and even his\\nestimates of distance are generally accurate.\\nAs for his ascent of that river (Mississippi) to\\nthe country of the Sioux, the general statement\\nis fully confirmed by allusions of Tonty and other\\ncontemporary writers. For the details of the\\njourney, we must rest on Hennepin alone\\nwhose account of the country and of the peculiar\\ntraits of its Indians afford, as far as they go, good\\nevidence of truth.\\nSuch is the testimony of Parkman given at\\nvarious points of his work.\\nDiscovery of the Great West p. 124, 126, 133, 155, 228.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN 45*\\nHennepin is certainly the first who gave Da-\\nkota words and he gives them accurately as\\nwill be seen by the reference to Riggs Dakota\\nDictionary. Parkman who lived for some weeks\\nin a Sioux lodge says that a variety of trivial in-\\ncidents mentioned by Hennepin are perfectly in\\naccordance with usage. In regard to Hennepin s\\nDakota terms he says: These words as far as\\nmy information reaches, are in every instance\\ncorrect. Even the word Louis, which Hennepin\\nsays signifies the sun, is no invention. The\\nYankton band of this people, however, call the\\nsun oouee^ which, it is evident, represents the\\nFrench pronunciation of Louis, omitting the\\ninitial letter.*\\nThe only charges that remain are that he was\\nvain, boastful and exaggerated.\\nHis vanity must be admitted. Not even\\nsuperior of thelittle band of missionaries, he makes\\nhimself a kind of joint commander with La Salle:\\nand his vanity leads him to exaggerate his own\\nlb., p. 228-9.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "4-6* SKETCH OF\\ndeeds. But except in the estimate of the height\\nof Niagara Falls, where Tonty is equally in error,\\nhis figures are accurate.\\nThe Description de la Louisiane is valuable,\\nthough we must bear in mind the real position\\nof the writer.\\nHis next book the Nouvelle Decouverte\\ncontains the famous addition where he claims to\\nhave descended to the mouth, before going up to\\nthe Sioux country.\\nA careful examination of this volume, which\\nis in the following pages compared closely with\\nthe Description reveals some points heretofore\\noverlooked.\\nThe book was not published, as originally\\nprinted, and seems to have been set up in two\\ndifferent offices. From page 313 where the\\naccount of his voyage up to the Sioux begins, the\\nchapters have arabic numbers, while in the pre-\\nvious part of the book, they have Roman numerals\\nthe line at the top of the page omits a letter and\\nan accent, and the type generally seems more", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 47*\\nworn and the spacing is different. Practical\\nprinters and bibliographers alike agree that the\\ntwo portions have every appearance of being\\nprinted in different offices.\\nBefore this point there are ten pages all num-\\nbered 313*; so that certainly these were printed\\nafter the book was complete, and there is nothing\\nto show but what much more was printed as an\\nafterthought.\\nThis much is clear regarding the Nouvelle De-\\ncouverte merely from the mechanical point of view.\\nExamining the matter, we find that the book\\nintroduces a great deal of personal detail and\\ngenerally expands the narrative, but it substan-\\ntially follows the Description de la Louisiane down\\nto p. 216. Then with no apparent reason six\\npages are taken from La Clercq s Etablissement\\nde la Foi (ii, pp. 173- 181), when Hennepin him-\\nself could have given a better account. It then\\nfollows his first work to p. 247-8, where the pre-\\ntended voyage down is introduced and the voyage\\ndescribed in terms taken from Le Clercq (ii, p.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "4^ SKETCH OF\\n2 1 6). This matter continues to the last of the\\npages marked 3 1 3*, and may all have been printed\\nafter the book had actually been completed in its\\noriginal form. On its very face Hennepin can\\nscarcely be held absolutely responsible for a book\\nthus tampered with.\\nHennepin had been on the Mississippi and had\\nheard reports of the lower river from the Indians,\\nhe might easily have drawn up a plausible account\\nof a voyage down he would have had no reason\\nto take Membre s account and garble it. There\\nare, moreover, actual errors in the book that\\nHennepin would not have made. He knew the\\ncountry too well to make a nation Ouadebache,\\nto give name to the river he would not have\\nmade sasacouest, the Algonquin word for war-\\ncry which the French had adopted, pass muster\\nas a Chickasaw word meaning Who goes\\nthere Hennepin might like La Salle dispute\\nJoUiet s priority, but he would scarcely make\\nJolliet disavow having sailed down the Mississppi.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "HENEPIN. 49*\\nThe place where he refers to his girdle as being\\nworn as a cord of St. Francis would scarcely be\\nwritten by a Franciscan.\\nThis intrusive matter cannot therefore abso-\\njutely be ascribed to Hennepin, and he be called\\na liar because it is false.\\nHennepin was disappointed in finding a pub-\\nlisher at Amsterdam, and at Utrecht may have\\nbeen required by Broedelet to put his book\\nwith the additional matter into the hands of some\\nliterary hack to edit. The whole book has been\\nre-written and there are traces of another\\nhand in various parts, in some cases making what\\nis accurate and clear in the first book, unintelli-\\ngible in the second. On p. 14 it reads: I\\nthen embarked with Messire Francis de Laval\\nthen created Bishop of Petrsa in partibus injide-\\nliumy In the Avis au Lecteur it reads I was\\nsent to Canada as a missionary in the year 1676.\\nI made it (.ny travels) in North America from", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "50* SKETCH OF\\nthe year 1679 to 1682, when I returned to\\nQuebec. I published a part of my voyage at\\nParis, in the year 1688.\\nNow he really came over in 1675 Mgr. Laval\\nhad just been made Bishop of Quebec, and as\\nHennepin came in the same vessel he could not\\nforget the fact. He returned to Quebec in\\n1681, and published his first book in 1683. We\\ncannot suppose that Hennepin himself could\\npossibly make such a series of blunders. He would\\nnot apply the recognized Protestant term yasteur\\nto a Catholic cure^ nor would he have altered his\\naccurate account of the cove where the Griffin\\nanchored at Michilimakinac, so as to lose all\\nvalue in the second book.\\nAt this time English projects of expeditions\\nto the mouth of the Mississippi were attracting\\nattention,* and the careless irresponsible editor\\nwhose additions had already injured the work,\\nSee Coxe s Carolana, London 1727. Preface.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 51*\\nmay have sought to increase the popularity of\\nthe book, by suppressing part and inserting a\\nvoyage down to the mouth of the Mississippi, so\\nas to make the volume bear directly on a question\\nof the day.\\nThat this addition really helped to commend\\nit to public favor, will be readily seen by the\\nresult.\\nThe Nouvelie Decouverte was reprinted at\\nAmsterdam in 1698, in French, and issued in\\nDutch in 1698 and 1699. The Nouveau Voyage\\nunder his name came out at Utrecht in the same\\nyear 1698, made up from Le Clercq and con-\\ntaining the Indian matter of the Description de\\nla Louisiane omitted in the Nouvelie Decou-\\nverte.\\nThe two books are embraced in the New\\nDiscovery, of which two editions appeared in\\nLondon in 1698, and another edition in 1699, in\\nwhich year also a Spanish summary of the\\nNouvelie Decouverte appeared.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "52* SKETCH OF\\nTo sum up all, the case stands thus The\\nDescription of Louisiana by Father Hennepin,\\nis clearly no plagiarism from La Salle s account,\\nand on the contrary the so called La Salle Re-\\nlation, is an anonymous undated plagiarism from\\nHennepin s book, and moreover the Description\\nof Louisiana, is sustained by contemporary evi-\\ndence and by the topography of the country, and\\nour knowledge of the language and manners of\\nthe Sioux. It shows vanity in its author, but no\\nfalsification. So far as it goes it presents Henne-\\npin as truthful and accurate.\\nA later work shows a suppression after print-\\ning, introduction of new and untrue matter, and\\nthe evident hand of an ignorant editor. For this\\nbook as finally published, Hennepin cannot be\\nheld responsible, nor can he justly be stigmatized\\nas mendacious by reason of its false assertions.\\nThe third book is evidently by the same editor\\nas the second, and the defence which it puts", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN. 53*\\nforward in Hennepin s name cannot alter the\\nfacts, or make the original author responsible.\\nIn view of all this, it seems that now at least\\nthe case of Hennepin should be heard with more\\nimpartiality and we call for a rehearing in the\\nview of documents now accessible, under the\\nconviction that our earlier judgments were too\\nhasty.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "DESCRIPTION\\nOF\\nLOUISIANA", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "DESCRIPTIOJN\\nDE LA\\nLOUISIANE,\\nNOUVELLEMENT DECOUVERTfi\\nau Sud Oiirrt de la Nouvclle Prance,\\nPAR ORDRE DU ROY.\\nAvetla Carte du, Fays: Lei Maurf\\nU Meniere de vivre\\ndes i auvages.\\nDEDIE E A 5A MAJESTE*\\nP ir/rR. P.Louis Hennepin,\\nMifftonnaire Recollet\\nNotAtre jipQJlaUqHe,\\nA PARIS,\\nChez la Vcuyc Sebastien Huri ru^\\nSaint Jacques, a J lmagc S. Jerome,\\nprcs S. Scvcrin,\\nM. DC L XXX II I.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "DESCRIPTION\\nOF\\nLOUISIANA,\\nRECENTLY DISCOVERED SOUTHWEST OF\\nNEW FRANCE,\\nBY ORDER OF THE KING.\\nWITH A MAP OF THE COUNTRY THE MANNERS AND MODE\\nOF LIFE OF THE INDIANS.\\nDEDICATED TO HIS MAJESTY,\\nBy THE Rev. FATHER LOUIS HENNEPIN,\\nRECOLLECT MISSIONARY AND\\nNOTARY APOSTOLIC.\\nPARIS.\\nThe Widow of Sebastian Hure, Rue\\nSt. Jacques, at the Picture of St.\\nJerome near St. Severin.\\n1683\\nWITH THE ROYAL PRIVILEGE.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "TO THE KING.\\nSire\\nI never should have ventured to take the\\nliberty of offering to your Majesty the Relation\\nof a new Discovery which the Sieur de la Salle,\\nGovernor of Fort Frontenac, my Companions and\\nmyself, have just made southwest of New France,\\nhad it not been undertaken by your orders, and\\nhad not the glory of obeying so glorious a\\nMonarch, in an employment having in view the\\nconversion of the heathen, led me into this enter-\\nprize.\\nIt is in this thought, Sire, that I undertook so\\nlong and so painful a voyage, without fearing the\\ngreatest dangers. I even venture to assure your\\nMajesty, that the bloody death of one of my Re-\\ncollect companions, massacred by those savages, a\\ncaptivity of eight months in which I have seen my\\nlife cruelly exposed, could not weaken my courage,\\nhaving always made it a consolation amid my", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "44 EPISTLE.\\nhardships, to labor for a God, whom I wished to\\nsee known and adored by these nations, and for\\na King whose glory and whose virtues are un-\\nbounded.\\nIt is clear, Sire, that as soon as we have been able\\nto tame them and win their friendship, the par-\\ntial account we have given them of your Most\\nChristian Majesty s heroic virtues, your surprizing\\nactions in your conquests, the happiness and love\\nof your subjects, has inclined them to receive\\nmore readily the principles of Gospel truths and\\nto reverence the cross which we have carved on\\ntrees above your Arms, as a mark of the con-\\ntinual protection which you give the Christian\\nreligion, and to make them remember the prin-\\nciples which we have happily taught them.\\nWe have given the name of Louisiana to this\\ngreat Discovery, being persuaded that your\\nMajesty would not disapprove that a part of\\nAs for the credit of naming Louisiana, see La Salle s Grant\\nof an island to Francois Daupin, Sieur de la Forest, June lO,\\n1679. Margry ii, p. 21, where the term Louisiana is used.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "EPISTLE. 45\\nthe earth watered by a river more than eight\\nhundred leagues in length, and much greater than\\nEurope, which we may call the Delight of Ame-\\nrica and which is capable of forming a great\\nEmpire, should henceforth be known under the\\naugust name of Louis, that it may thereby have\\nsome show of right to aspire to the honor of your\\nprotection, and hope for the advantage of belong-\\ning to you.\\nIt seems. Sire, that God had destined you to be\\nits Master, by the happy correspondence that there\\nis between your glorious name and the Sun, which\\nthey call Louis in their language, and to which\\nin token of their respect and adoration, they\\nextend their pipe before smoking, with these\\nwords Tchendiouba Louis, that is to say\\nSmoke O Sun. Thus your Majesty s name\\nRiggs gives in his Dakota Dictionary pp. 40-1, Chandu-\\nhupa, a Dakota pipe, evidently Hennepin s word and wi, the\\nsun or moon, lb. p. 240, equivalent to the French out; in Yank-\\nton uw^i, Parkman s Discovery, p. 229; equivalent to the\\nFrench outs (00-we) and approaching nearer to Louis.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "46 EPISTLE.\\nis every moment on their lips, as they do nothing\\ntill they have rendered homage to the Sun under\\nthis name of Louis.\\nAfter that, Sire, no one will doubt that it is a\\nsecret mystery of Providence which has reserved\\nto your care and your piety, the glory of causing\\nthe Light of Faith to be borne to these blind\\nones, and of drawing them from the darkness in\\nwhich they would always have lived, had not\\nyour Majesty, more devoted to the service of God\\nand religion than to the government of your States,\\nhonored us with this pious task, while you labor\\nsuccessfully for the destruction of heresy.\\nI implore of heaven, Sire, that the happiness\\nwhich attends the justice of your actions, may\\ncrown such noble, grand and holy undertakings.\\nThese are the prayers and vows which all the\\nRecollects of your kingdom offer to God at the\\nfoot of the Altars, and especially myself, who\\nonly desire to have the happiness of continuing\\nto render your Majesty the service which I vowed", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "EPISTLE. 47\\nto you at the time of the Campaigns in Holland,\\nwhere I had the happiness of following your\\nsacred person as a missionary, my greatest passion\\nbeing to worship my God, to serve my King and\\nto give him marks of the zeal and the most\\nprofound respect with which I am, Sire,\\nYour Majesty s most humble, most\\nobedient and most faithful subject\\nand servant.\\nF, Louis Hennepin,\\nRecollect Missionary.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "Extract From The Royal Privilege.\\nBy the grace and privilege of the King, given\\nat Chaville, September 3d, 1682, signed by the\\nKing in his Council, Junquieres, it is permitted\\nto the Widow of Sebastian Hure, late book-\\nseller at Paris, to cause to be printed a book en-\\ntitled Description of Louisiana, a Country\\nnewly discovered in North America, composed\\nby the Rev. Father Louis Hannepin, Recollect\\nMissionary and Apostolic Notary, for the time\\nand space of twenty consecutive years, to date\\nfrom the day when the printing of said book is\\ncompleted for the first time. And prohibition\\nto all publishers and others to print, sell and cir-\\nculate, under any pretext whatever, even of\\nforeign edition or otherwise, without the con-\\nsent of the said publisher or her representatives,\\nunder the penalty of 3,000 livres fine, payable\\nwithout deposits, by each offender, confiscation\\nof copies, counterfeits, and all expenses, damages", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "4-9\\nand interest, as is more amply set forth in said\\nprivilege.\\nRegistered on the book of the Community of\\nBooksellers and Printers of Paris, September\\nloth, 1682, according to the Arret of Parliament,\\nApril 8, 1653, and that of the King s Privy\\nCouncil, Feb. 27, 1665.\\n(Signed) Angot, Syndic.\\nPrinting for the first edition completed January 5th, 1683.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "DESCEIPTION\\nOF\\nNEWLY DISCOVERED SOUTHWEST OF NEW FRANCE,\\nBY ORDER OF HIS MAJESTY.\\nIt is some years* since the Sieur Robert Cave-\\nlier de la Salle was convinced from the informa-\\ntion which he had derived from several Indians\\nof various nations that important establishments\\nmight be made in a southwesterly direction,\\nbeyond the great lakes, and that even by means\\nof a great river which the Iroquois call Hohio,\\nThis is followed closely by the Relation des descouvertes\\net des voyages du Sieur de la Salle, seigneur et gouverneur du\\nfort de Frontenac, au dela des grands lacs de la Nouvelle\\nFrance, faits par I ordre de Monseigneur Colbert 1679-80-81.\\nMargry i, p. 435, etc.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "52 A DESCRIPTION\\nwhich empties into Meschasipi, which in the\\nlanguage of the Islinois means great river,* one\\ncould penetrate even to the sea.\\nWith this design he purchased a house on the\\nIsland of Montreal, at the spot called la Chine,\\nwhere they embark to ascend higher up along\\nthe great river St. Lawrence; he subsequently\\nimparted his idea to Monsieur de Courcelles,\\nGovernor of New France, who found it well\\ngrounded, and who for this reason encouraged\\nhim to carry it out he made several voyages,\\nsometimes with Frenchmen, sometimes with\\nIndians, and even for a distance of a hundred\\nleagues, to the end of Lake Frontenac with Mes-\\nsrs. Dolier and Galinee, priests of St. Sulpice, in\\nthe year 1669, but a violent fever compelled the\\nlatter to leave them as they entered Lake de\\nComty, and the former sometime afterwards were\\ncompelled by other unforeseen accidents to lay up\\namong the Onttaouactz and to return to Canada\\nThe Relation in Margry gives none of these interpretations.\\nIt says some Indians call Ohio, others Mississipi.\\nf Ottawas.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 53\\nwithout their having ever since dreamed of carry-\\ning out their first design, the Providence of God\\nhaving thus permitted it and reserved it to the\\nreligions of our order.*\\nThe Sieur de Courcelles and the Sieur Talon,\\nthe very vigilant Intendant of New France, wrote\\nurging him to continue his discoveries, and a\\nfavorable opportunity offered.\\nAfter the Sieur Tracy sent by the King to\\nCanada in 1665, had forced the Iroquois to sue for\\npeace, he deemed it necessary in order to keep in\\ncheck these savages, to erect some forts in the\\nplaces by which the Iroquois had been accustomed\\nto pass, in order to come and attack our settle-\\nments. With this view. Forts Sorel and Cham-\\nbly were built on Richelieu river, which empties\\ninto the Saint Lawrence and some years later\\nFort Frontenac was erected one hundred and\\ntwenty leagues further South near the outlet of\\nP or this expedition see Faillon, Histoire de la Colonic\\nFran^aise, 3 pp. 286-306, Dollier de Casson, Histoire de Mon-\\ntreal, pp. 198-9. An anonymous document in Margrv (i, p.\\n377), misrepresents it most audaciously. See Margry s La\\nSalle Bubble Bursted.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "54 A DESCRIPTION\\nLake Frontenac or Ontario which means Beauti-\\nful Lake,*\\nThisf fort was sodded and surrounded by\\npalisades and four bastions by the care of the\\nCount de Frontenac, governor general of the\\ncountry, to resist the Iroquois and this gallant\\nnobleman for the ten years of his administration\\nhas made himself beloved, by the awe with which\\nhe inspired these savages, by planting Fort Fron-\\ntenac which is situated within their country, and\\nby this fortress he has revived in America the\\nname of his ancestors, who were the favorites of\\none of our greatest Kings, Henry IV, and gover-\\nnors of the castle of St. Germain en Laye, and\\nwithout disparaging the Governors General who\\npreceded him, this one has been the father of the\\npoor, the protector of the oppressed, and a perfect\\nmodel of piety and religion. Those who come\\nafter us in Canada will regret him and admire\\n*Ontara, lake Ontario, beautiful lake.\\nt This paragraph is not in Margry. The barracks near the\\nwestern end of Cataraqui bridge, at Kingston, mark the site of\\nthe French fort. Parkman, p. 83.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA.\\nhis wise administration and his zeal for the King s\\nservice in his perilous canoe voyages, on which\\nthis illustrious governor has often risked his life\\nfor the good and defense of the country.*\\nThe command of Fort Frontenac falling\\nvacant, the Sieur de la Salle, who had experienced\\ngreat difficulties in ascending the frightful falls\\nand rapids, which are encountered for more than\\nthirty leagues between Montreal and Fort Fron-\\ntenac, resolved to come to France to solicit this\\npost from the King.\\nHe arrived at Rochelle in i 675, f and offered\\nto complete this fort at his own expense, and to\\nmaintain a sufficient garrison and as the Count\\nde Frontenac had advanced more than 15000\\nlivres in establishing the fort and maintaining\\nthe garrison, he offisred besides to reimburse him,\\nprovided the Court would grant him, the gov-\\nernorship and ownership of the fort. His pro-\\nposals were accepted by Mr. Colbert, who caused\\nFather Gabriel de la Ribourde, was the first Chaplain at\\nFort Frontenac, LeClercq, Etablissment de la Foi 2 p, 112.\\nt Really in 1674.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "56 A DESCRIPTION\\nthe grants to be issued to him,* through the in-\\nfluence of Mr. de BeUzani, who greatly aided\\nthis noble enterprize, and the establishments that\\nwill be formed hereafter will owe him this\\nobligation.\\nAs soon as he had returned to Canada, the\\nCount de Frontenac proceeded to the spot, to\\naid him in demolishing the first fort, which was f\\nenclosed only by stout palisades and turf He\\nerected another three hundred and sixty fathom\\nin circumference, revested with four bastions of\\ncut stone. They worked so diligently on it that\\nit was brought to completion at the end of two\\nyears, although the Sieur de la Salle was not ob-\\nliged to make so great an outlay. J\\nThis fort stands on the north side and near\\nthe outlet of Lake Frontenac on a peninsula, the\\nisthmus of which he has dug through, the other\\nthree sides being surrounded by the lake and by\\nThe rest of this paragraph not in Margry. See Le Clercq.\\nEtablissement, 2 p. 117. The grant and patent of nobility are\\nin N. Y. Colonial Documents, ix pp. 123-5.\\nf Only 60 fathoms in circuit according to i Margry, i p. 437.\\nI Compare Nouvelle Decouverte, pp. 30-2,", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 57\\na large harbor, where vessels of all kinds can\\nanchor in safety. Lake Frontenac is eighty\\nleagues long and twenty-live or thirty wide it\\nabounds in fish, is deep and navigable in all parts.\\nThe five cantons of the Iroquois live mainly\\nsouth of this same lake, and some of them on\\nthe north.\\nThe Count de Frontenac having gone several\\nyears in succession to the fort escorted by soldiers\\nand by forty canoes, managed by men of great\\nresolution in action, his presence has impressed\\nfear and respect for the whole French nation on\\nthe mind of the haughtiest of these savages. He\\nannually convened the most influential of the\\nIroquois in council, explaining to them the means\\nthey should adopt in order to embrace Christianity,\\nexhorting them to hear the voice of the mis-\\nsionaries, giving them the bias that they should\\ntake to entertain friendly relations with him, and\\nto maintain trade with the French, whom after\\nthe mode of expression of the Indians, he called\\nhis nephews, and the Iroquois his children. It", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "8\\nA DESCRIPTION\\nis by these methods that this wise governor has\\npreserved peace as long as he has been in Canada,\\nmaking presents to the Indians in favor of the\\nMissionaries.*\\nThe situation of this fort is so advantageous,\\nthat by means of it, it is easy to cut off the Iro-\\nquois on their raids or their return, or to carry\\nthe war into their country in twenty-fc ur hours,\\nduring the time that they are out on war parties,\\nby means of barks from Fort Frontenac the\\nSieur de la Salle having built three, full decked,\\non the lake, has trained his men so well to manage\\ncanoes in the most frightful rapids, that they are\\nnow the most skillful canoemcn in America.\\nAs the land bordering on the lake is very fertile,\\nhe has cultivated several acres, where wheat, pulse\\nand potherbs have succeeded very well, although\\nthe wheat was at first injured by grasshoppers, as\\ngenerally happens in new clearings in Canada on\\naccount of the great humidity of the earth. He\\nhas raised poultry and horned cattle, of which he\\nhas now thirty-five head and as there are very\\nBriefly in Margry, i, p. 438.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 59\\nfine trees there fit for house and ship building,\\nand the winter is nearly three months shorter\\nthan in Canada, there is reason to believe that a\\nconsiderable colony will be formed, there being\\nalready thirteen or fourteen families and a mission*\\nhouse which I built with our dear Recollect\\nFather, Lake Buisset, with the help of Sieur de la\\nSalle, whereby we have attracted a pretty large\\nvillage of Iroquois, whose children we teach to\\nread with our little French children, and they\\nteach each other their language in turn. This\\nmaintains a good understanding with the Iro-\\nquois, who clear the land in order to plant Indian\\ncorn so as to subsist all the year except the hunt-\\ning season.\\nWhile the Sieur de la Salle was engaged in\\nbuilding his fort, men envious of him, judging\\nby this fine beginning what he might be able to\\ndo in the sequel,f with our Recollect missionaries,\\nThe rest of the paragraph is omittted in Margry s Relation.\\nThe Nouvelle D ecouverte^ p. 24, speaks of building a chapel, but\\non p. 60 calls it as here a mission house.\\nt To fort omitted by Margry.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "6o A DESCRIPTION\\nwho by their disinterested life, were attracting\\nseveral families which came to settle at the Fort,\\nput forward the Sieur Joliet to anticipate him in\\nhis discoveries. He went by the Bay of the\\nPuants to the river Meschasipi, on which he\\ndescended to the Islinois, and returned by the\\nLakes to Canada, without having then or after-\\nwards attempted to form any post or made any\\nreport to the Court.\\nAt the end of the year 1678 f the Sieur de la\\nSalle came to France to report to Monsieur Col-\\nbert, what he had done to execute his orders; he\\nthen represented to him that this Fort Frontenac\\ngave him great advantages for making discoveries\\nwith our Recollects, that his main object in build-\\nRest of sentence omitted by Margry. Joliet did make a\\nreport to Frontenac, see the letter of the Count to Colbert.\\nN. Y. Col. Doc, ix, p, 121. Joliet applied for a grant and\\nwas refused. Joliet knew of the Mississippi and the routes to\\nit before La Salle, and as early as i66g advised him and the\\nSulpitians, Dollier de Casson and Galinee, to go by way of the\\nWisconsin. Margry i, p. 144. Faillon, Histoire, iii, p. 286.\\nHennepin here follows the general story of the La Salle party\\nin regard to Joliet.\\nt 1677, Margry, i, p. 439.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 6l\\ning th ^t fort had been to continue these dis-\\ncoveries in rich, fertile and temperate countries,\\nwhere the trade merely in the skins and wool of\\nthe wild cattle, which the Spaniards call Cibola,\\nmight establish a great commerce, and support\\npowerful colonies that nevertheless, as it would\\nbe difficult to bring these cattle skins in canoes,\\nhe petitioned Monsieur Colbert to grant him a\\ncommission to go and discover the mouth of the\\ngreat river Meschasipi, on which ships could be\\nbuilt to come to France; and that in view of the\\ngreat expense that he had incurred chiefly for\\nbuilding and keeping up Fort Frontenac, he would\\ndeign to grant him the privilege of carrying on\\nexclusively the trade in bufl^alo skins, of which\\nhe had brought one as a sample. This was\\ngranted him.\\nHe set out from France in the month of July\\nin the year 1678 with the Sieurs la Motte and\\nTonty, a pilot, sailors and several others, to the\\nnumber of about thirty persons, anchors and rig-\\nLa Motte omitted in Margry i, p. 439. Compare Le Clercq\\nii, p. 139.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "62 A DESCRIPTION\\nging for the barks which he intended to build,\\nand the necessary arms and goods. At the close\\nof September he reached Quebec, whence he\\nsent on his men to transport the goods and pro-\\nvisions to Fort Frontenac. He brought* me\\nfrom France an order from our Reverend Father\\nGermain Allart, who is at present Bishop of\\nVence,*j and letters from the Very Reverend\\nFather Hyacinth le Fevre, now provincial of our\\nRecollects in Artois, by which he manifested to\\nme great zeal for the progress of our American\\nmissions^ and begged me to accompany the Sieur\\nde la Salle in his discoveries. Father Valentine\\nle Roux, our Commissary Provincial in Canada\\ngave me a complete chapel for my voyage. I\\nthen went to obtain the blessing of Monsieur\\nFrancis de la Valle, first Bishop of Quebec, and\\nhis written sanction. J We then dined at the\\n*This down to words Mission House does not appear in the\\nMargry Relation.\\nt He held the see from 1681 to 1685.\\nX Nouvelle Decouverte, p. 62. The Bishop s name is\\nFrancis de Laval de Montmorency.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 63\\ntable of the Count de Frontenac Governor of the\\ncountry, who during the repast did us the honor\\nto say to the company that he would report to\\nthe court the zeal of the Recollects and the cour-\\nage of our undertakings.\\nWe embarked to the number of three, in our\\nlittle bark canoe with our portable chapel, a\\nblanket and a rush mat which served as a bed.\\nThis composed our whole outfit.\\nThe people on the banks as we passed between\\nQuebec and Monreal, earnestly begged me to\\nsay mass for them and administer the sacraments,\\nexplaining to me that they could be present at\\ndivine service only five or six times a year, inas-\\nmuch as there were only four missionaries in a\\nstretch of fifty leagues of country. At Saint\\nHour I baptized a child, giving notice to the\\nmissionary who was absent. We continued our\\nroute by Harpentinie* where the Seigneur of the\\nplace would have given me one of his sons for\\nthe voyage, if our canoe had been large enough\\nSt. Ours, and Arpentigny.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "04 A DESCRIPTION\\nfor four men.* On my arrival at Monreal,-}-\\nthey debauched my canoemen from me, which\\ncompelled me to take advantage of the offer of\\ntwo other canoeman who gave me a little corner in\\ntheir frail vessel, and after surmounting the rapids\\nfor thirty leagues, we arrived at Fort Frontenac\\non All Souls Day, 1678, at eleven o clock at night.\\nFather Gabriel de la Ribourde and Father Luke\\nBuisset, missionaries, received me with extraordi-\\nnary zeal in our Mission house. J The Sieur de\\nla Salle arrived some time after us, as soon as he\\nhad completed his arrangements, and at the close\\nof the same year he sent on fifteen of his men\\nwith goods to the amount of six or seven thous-\\nWhile at La Chine he gave rise to the affaire Roland^ an\\necclesiastical case which embroiled Canada. See Margry i, pp.\\n3\u00c2\u00bb05 3131 315-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0j The Nouvelle Decouv. mentions his stopping at Three\\nRivers and officiating there, Oct i, p. 64.\\nNouvelle Decouv. p, 66. Le Clercq, Etablissement de la Foi,\\n2 p. 1 14, adds that Father Hennepin, made excursions among\\nthe Iroquois nations, attracted families to the fort and having\\nperfected himself in the know^ledge of their language and\\nthe means of gaining them to God, labored several years there\\nwith fruit. He eulogizes Father Luke.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 65\\nand livres, with orders to proceed in canoes, and\\nawait us at the Islinois, who Hve in the neigh-\\nborhood of Meschasipi, in order to begin by\\nestabhshing there a good understanding with\\nthese Indians, and to prepare provisions and\\nother things necessary for the continuation of\\nour discoveries.*\\nWef had a conference with our two ReUgious\\nat the Fort, on the measures necessary to be\\ntaken to extend the Kingdom of Jesus Christ\\namong these numerous nations which had never\\nheard the true God spoken of, or conversed with\\nEuropeans.\\nOn the 1 8th of November 1678 J I took leave\\nof these Fathers, who accompanied us to the\\nlake shore, and with sixteen men we entered a\\nMargry i, p. 440, says 7 or 8000. That Relation always\\nwrites Mississipi.\\nf This down to return to Fort Frontenac is not in Margry.\\nThere is merely a brief statement of the sending of carpenters\\nand other men under the direction of Sieur de la Motte and\\nF. Louis Hennepin. Margry i, p. 440. The Nouv. Dec, p.\\n68, amplifies.\\nX Le Clercq ii, p. 141.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "66 A DESCRIPTION\\nbrigantine. The autumn winds and cold being\\nthen very violent, our men were afraid to embark\\nin a craft of about ten tons. This obliged the\\nSieur de la Motte who commanded, to keep con-\\nstantly along the north shore of Lake Frontenac\\nso as to be sheltered from the Northwesters\\nwhich would have driven us on the so uthern\\nshore. On the 26th, our vessel being weather-\\nbound two good leagues from land, we were\\ncompelled to anchor all night, with sixty\\nfathoms of cable and in evident danger. At last\\nthe wind shifting from East to Northeast, we\\nreached the upper end of Lake Frontenac at an\\nIroquois village called Teiaiagon, situated on the\\nnorth about seventy leagues from Fort Frontenac*\\nWe bought some Indian corn of the Iroquois,\\nwho often came to visit us on our brigantine,\\nwhich we had run up a river, j and placed safely,\\nbut we ran aground three times before we got\\nin, and we were obliged to land fourteen of our\\nThe Nouv. Decouv. p. 73 here gives Skannadano as the\\nIroquois name of the lake.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Le Clercq, Etablissement, de la Foi, ii, p. 141, This\\nwas the Humber. Marshall, Building of the Griffon, p. 257.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 67\\nmen and throw our ballast overboard, to extricate\\nourselves. We were obliged to cut away with axes\\nthe ice that would have locked us in the river.\\nAs a suitable wind failed us, we could not pro-\\nceed till December 5th, 1678, and as we had fif-\\nteen leagues passage to make from the land at\\nthe extremity of the lake to Niagara, we succeeded\\nin making only ten leagues towards the southern\\nshore, where we anchored about three leagues*\\nfrom land, and were roughly tossed all night\\nby the stormy weather. On the 6th, St. Nicho-\\nlas day, we entered the beautiful river Niagara,\\nwhich no bark had ever yet entered. After the\\nTe Deum and ordinary prayers for thanksgiving,\\nthe Tsonnontouanj Indians of the whole lit-\\ntle village situated at the mouth of the river,\\nwith one draught of the seine, took more\\nthan three hundred white fish, larger than carp,\\nwhich are of excellent taste, and the least inju-\\nrious of all fishes in the world. These savages\\ngave them all to us, ascribing their luck in fish-\\ning to the arrival of the great wooden canoe.\\nFour or five. Nouv, Decouv. p. 257.\\nf Senecas.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "68 A DESCRIPTION\\nOn the seventh we ascended two leagues up\\nthe river in a bark canoe,* to seek a place\\nsuitable for building and being unable to go any\\nhigher up in a canoe, nor to surmount some very\\nviolent rapids, we proceeded to explore on land\\nthree leagues further, and finding no earth fit\\nto cultivate, we slept near a river which flows\\nfrom the west, one league above the great fall\\nof Niagara. j There was a foot of snow, which\\nwe removed to build a fire, and the next day we\\nretraced our steps. On our way we saw a great\\nnumber of deer, and flocks of wild turkeys and\\nafter the first mass that had ever been celebrated\\nin those places, the carpenters with other men\\nwere employed under the direction of the Sieur\\nde la Motte, who was never able to endure the\\nrigor of such a life of hardship. He was com-\\npelled to give up some time afterwards and return\\nto Fort Frontenac.J\\nAs far as the Mountain Ridge. Marshall, p. 258.\\nt Chippewa Creek, lb.\\nX Dec. II. Nouv. Decouv p. 76. He then continues, saying\\nthat the winds prevented their doing anything the three follow-", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 69\\nThe Sieur de la Salle not having been able to\\nbuild a bark at Fort Frontenac on account of a\\nportage of two leagues at the great Fall of Niag-\\nara, but for which, one might sail in a large bark\\nfrom Lake Frontenac to the end of Lake Dau-\\nphin, through lakes which may justly be styled\\nFresh Seas.\\nThe great river St. Lawrence takes its rise from\\nseveral large lakes, among which there are five\\nof extraordinary size and which are all badly\\nportrayed on the printed maps. These lakes\\nare, first, Lake Conde or Tracy second, Lake\\nDauphin or Islinois third. Lake Orleans or of\\nthe Hurons fourth. Lake Conty or Erie, and fifth\\ning days. The 15th the bark was towed up to the great rock,\\nhe steering. On the 17th a cabin of logs was made for a\\nstorehouse. The i8th and 19th they had to pour boih ng water\\nin the ground to drive posts in. From the 20 to 23d they were\\nengaged in drawing the bark ashore to save it from the ice and\\nThomas Charpentier of Artois effected it. Marshall, p. 258,\\nmakes Lewiston the site of this cabin. The Great Rock since\\nknown as Hennepin s, though less conspicious and no longer\\nseparated from the bank by water is to be seen under the\\nwestern end of the old Suspension Bridge, Marshall, p. 265.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "JO A DESCRIPTION\\nLake Ontario, called Frontenac* They are all\\nof fresh water very good to drink, abound in fish,\\nsurrounded hy fertile lands, except the first.\\nThey are of easy navigation, even for large vessels,\\nbut difficult in winter on account of the high\\nwinds which prevail there.\\nLake Conde and Lake Dauphin are the most\\ndistant westward. The former which runs from\\nEast to West is one hundred and fifty leagues\\nlong, about sixty wide and about five hundred\\nleagues in circuit. The latter which is situated\\nto the north and south, is one hundred and twenty\\nor one hundred and thirty in length, and forty to\\nfifty leagues in width, and nearly four hundred\\nleagues in circuit. These two lakes empty into\\nthat of Orleans, the former by a rapid full of\\nrocks, which you cannot navigate and the other\\nby the strait of Missilimakinac. Lake Orleans\\nMargry s Relation calls them simply, Lake Superior, Lake\\nof the Islinois, Lake of the Hurons, Lake Erie and Lake Fron-\\ntenac. i p. 440. They are described more at length in the\\nNouv. Decouv., p. 40, etc. He there calls them Lake Superior,\\nLake Illinois, Lake Huron, Lake Erie and Lake Frontenac or\\nOntario, Lake Illinois being the modern Michigan.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 7 1\\nempties by a long, very beautiful and navigable\\nchannel into Lake Conty, so that as these two latter\\nlakes, are about equal to Lake Dauphin and are\\nnot separated from each other by any inconvenient\\nrapid, you can sail by l-ark from the extremity of\\nLake Dauphin for a distance of four hundred\\nleagues to the end of Lake Conty, where naviga-\\ntion is interrupted by the great Fall of Niagara.\\nLake Conty empties into Lake Frontenac,\\nbut during ten leagues of this last lake it closes\\nin* at a great island which forms two channels,\\nand at some islets, and this narrowing in is called\\nthe Niagara River, which after a course of\\nfourteen leagues empties into Lake Frontenac at\\n40\u00c2\u00b0 20 N. The waters of this strait, or of this\\npart and river oi Lake Conty, have a current, and\\nare very diffi :ult to ascend by sail, especially one\\nleague from its issue from Lake Conty. Four\\nleagues from Lake Frontenac there is an incredi-\\nble Cataract or Waterfall, which has no equal.\\nThe Niagara river near this place is only the\\neighth of a league wide, but it is very deep in\\nAt a to islets omitted by Margry.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "72 A DESCRIPTION\\nplaces, and so rapid above the great fall, that it\\nhurries down all the animals which try to cross\\nit, without a single one being able to withstand its\\ncurrent. They plunge down a height of more than\\nfive hundred feet,* and its fall is composed of\\ntwo sheets of water and a cascade, with an island\\nsloping down. In the middle these waters foam\\nand boil in a fearful manner.\\nThey thunder continually and when the wind\\nblows in a southerly direction, the noise which\\nthey make is heard for from more than fifteen\\nleagues. Four leagues from this cataract or fall,\\nthe Niagara river rushes with extraordinary\\nrapidity especially for two leaguesf into Lake\\nSix hundred in Margry i, p, 441. Tonty in his Relation\\n(Margry i, p. 577), estimates it at 500 The Nouvelle\\nDecouv., has 600, p. 45. Charlevoix (iii, p. 233) supposed\\nthey counted the three ascents they had to make to reach the\\nriver above. Is may be too that this estimate is of the whole\\ndescent from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario, which is about 350\\nfeet. For Hennepin s fuller description, see Appendix.\\nt As far as the Great Rock. Nouv. Dec, p. 45, It adds\\nthat in the second two leagues the impetuosity diminishes.\\nVessels from Lake Ontario could ascend to this rock which\\nwas in the river on the west side.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 73\\nFrontenac. It* is during these two leagues\\nthat goods are carried. There is a very fine road,\\nvery Httle wood, and almost all prairies mingled\\nwith some oaks and firs, on both banks of the\\nriver, which are of a height that inspire fear\\nwhen you look down.\\nIt is at the mouth of Lake Frontenac, that a\\nfort was begun, which might have been able to\\nkeep the Iroquois in check and especially the\\nTsonnontonans, the most numerous and most\\npowerful of all, and prevent the trade which they\\ncarry on with the English and Dutch, for quan-\\ntities of furs which they are obliged to seek in\\nthe western countries, and pass by Niagara going\\nand coming, where they might be stopped in a\\nfriendly way in time of peace, and by force in\\ntime of war but the Iroquois excited by some\\npersons envious of the Sieur de la Salle, took\\numbrage, so that as they were not in a position\\nto resist them, they contented themselves with\\nNot in Margry i, p. 442, down to look down.\\nf Tsonnontouans, that is, Senecas.\\n9", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "74 A DESCRIPTION\\nbuilding there a house defended by palisades,\\nwhich is called Fort de Conty and the place is\\nnaturally defensive, and beside it there is a very\\nfine harbor for barks to retire to in security.\\nThere is also a very abundant fishery of several\\nkinds of fish, among others of white fish, admira-\\nbly good and with which you might supply one\\nof the best cities in Europe.\\nThe great Fall of the River Niagara, compelled\\nhim also to build his bark two leagues above\\nit, and six leagues from the mouth of this river.\\nBut I before beginning it, the Sieur de la Motte\\nhad orders to take his precautions and go to the\\ngreat village of the Tsonnontouans Iroquois, to\\nendeavor to dispel the umbrage which these en-\\nvious men had already impressed on their minds,\\nin regard to all our proceedings, and as I was\\nlaboring to build a cabin of the bark of trees\\nwhich was to serve me as a house and chapel,^ to\\nAfter palisades omitted in Margry down to Europe.\\nThe Nouv. Decouv., says that the fort was on the east side,\\np. 48.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0j The account of LaMotte and Hennepin s mission is given\\nbriefly in Margry i, 442-3.\\nJ Supply I had orders.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA.\\nsay the same thing to our people. The Sieur de\\nla Motte begged me to accompany him to the\\nIroquois, and during the whole time of his em-\\nbassy I begged him to leave me with the greatest\\nnumber of our men. He answered me that he\\nwas taking seven with him, that I knew some-\\nthing of the language, and of the customs of the\\nIroquois, that these Indians had seen me at Fort\\nFrontenac at the council which the Governor of\\nthe country had held with them that the King s\\nservice required it, and the Sieur de la Salle s\\nespecially, that he could not trust those whom he\\nwas taking. All these reasons compelled me to\\nfollow himf through the woods, on a march of\\nthirty-two leagues, over ground covered with\\nHennepin has already said that Frontenac went up to\\nFort Frontenac with La Salle. This may have been in 1677,\\nas he was there in September (Margry i, p. 296;) but we\\nhave no details of any council.\\nf Tonty mentions Hennepin s accompanying la Motte, Re-\\nlation ecrite de Quebec 14 Nov., 1684, Margry i, p. 576.\\nMargry oddly misprints embuscade for ambassade. Tonty s\\nMemoir is so brief as to all this that we need not refer to it.\\nSee translation in French s Louisiana Hist. Coll. i, p. 52.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "76 A DESCRIPTION\\nsnow. We all carried our blankets with our little\\nequipage, often passing the night in the open air,\\nand as we had only some little bags of roast\\nIndian corn, we met on the way Iroquois hunters\\nwho gave us some venison and fifteen or sixteen\\nblack squirrels very good to eat. After five days\\nmarch we arrived at Tegarondies,* a great village\\nof the Tsonnontoiians Iroquois, and as our French-\\nmen were then well supplied with arms and fine\\nclothes, the Indians led us to the cabin of the\\ngreat chief where all the women and children\\ncame to look at us, and after the cries made in\\nthe village by a sachem, according to the maxim\\nof the Indians, the next day after the mass and\\nsermon of New Year s Day, 1679,-j- forty-two\\nIroquois old men appeared in the council with us,\\nand although these Indians who are almost all\\nlarge men, were merely wrapped in robes of\\nbeaver or wolf skins, and some in black squirrel\\nOn Boughton Hill near Victor in Ontario Co., JVIarshall,\\nBuilding of the Griffon, p. 260. New York Col. Doc, iii,\\np. 251.\\nt Nouv. Decouv., p. 81 says he preached in the little bark\\nchapel, Fathers Gamier and Rafeix, being present.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 77\\nskins, often with a pipe in the mouth, no senator\\nof Venice ever assumed a graver countenance or\\nspoke with more weight than the Iroquois sachems\\nin their assemblies.\\nOne of our men named Anthony Brassart who\\nserved as interpreter, told them that we came to\\nvisit them in the name of Onnontio (which is\\nthe name that all the Indians give the Gover-\\nnors of the French), and to smoke their calumets\\non their mat that the Sieur de la Salle, their\\nfriend, was going to build a great wooden canoe,\\nto go and seek goods in Europe by a shorter way\\nthan that by the rapids of the St. Lawrence, in\\norder to supply them with them at a cheaper rate.\\nHe added several other reasons* to facilitate our\\nenterprise and we gave them in the name of the\\nwhole nation, about four hundred livres worth of\\ngoods according to the usage of this country,\\nwhere the best reasons are never listened to, if\\nthey are not accompanied by presents.\\nThe Sieur de la Motte before beginning the\\nThey promised to keep a blacksmith and armorer at\\nNiagara to mend their guns and aj{es. Nouv. Decouv. p. 84.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "78 A DESCRIPTION\\nspeech told the Iroquois, that he would not speak\\nto them till they had caused a Frenchman* who\\nwas suspicious to him, to leave the council. The\\nold men begged him to withdraw and that he\\nshould not receive the whole affront, for having\\npresented himself at an assembly to which he had\\nnot been invited, I went out with him to keep\\nhim company, dispensing myself on the first day\\nfrom the matters laid before the Iroquois. The\\nfollowing day the Iroquois replied to our pre-\\nsents, article by article. They put little sticks on\\nthe ground to recollect all that had been told them,\\nand at each reply the maker of the harangue held\\none of the little sticks in his hand, and threw down\\nto us in the midst of the assemblage, some white\\nand black wampum, which was strung and at\\nThe Nouvelle Decouv. says that this was the Jesuit Father\\nGarnier, and that Hennepin left to show the Sieur de la Motte\\nthat he had no business to bring him to the Council when he\\nintended to offer an affront of that kind to a Jesuit missionary\\nwho was among these Indians only to instruct them in the\\ntruths of the gospel, p. 86. LaMotte in a letter (Margry ii, p.\\n9), gives a brief account of what he did. La Salle complains\\nof La Motte s unfaithfulness and appeals to Hennepin,\\nMargry ii, p. 230.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 79\\neach present from the first to the last, one of the\\nsachems having begun at the top of his voice, all\\ntogether ended the last syllable three times by a\\ntone coming from the very pit of the stomach,\\nNiaova, which means, See, that is good, I\\nthank you.\\nAll the reasons that we gave the Iroquois, sat-\\nisfied them only in appearance, for entire in-\\ndifference to everything is a maxim with these\\nIndians; and a man among them would pass for\\nan ill regulated mind, if he did not agree to every-\\nthing, and if he contradicted the arguments made\\nto them in council even though one should go\\nso far as to utter the greatest absurdities and non-\\nsense, they will always say Niaova. See\\nthat is right my brother, you are right, but they\\nbelieve only what they please in private. The\\ngreatest part of the Indians, of all those whom I\\nhave examined carefully, show that the indiffer-\\nence which they entertain for all the maxims of\\nour Christian religion, as for everything else is\\nthe greatest obstacle to the faith which I have\\nknown among these Savages,", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "8o A DESCRIPTION\\nOn the last day of our assembly, the Iroquois\\nwarriors brought in a slave whom they had taken\\nfrom the Hontouagaha, which signifies in their\\nlanguage the Stammerers or great talkers;* and\\nI think that the Neros and Maximins have never\\nOntwagannha from Atwagannen, to speak a foreign\\nlanguage, Bruyas, Racines Agnieres p. 40 French Mk. Dicty.\\nIt is applied to the Maskoutens, Rel. 1660, p. 7; to the Shawnees\\nRel. 1672, p. 25; and is now the Mohawk term for the\\nOttawas, Mr. Marcoux in Hist. Mag. iv, p. 369.\\nIn the Nouv. Decouv. p. 90, he mentions a second prisoner.\\nThe other was of the nation of the Ganniessinga near whom\\nthere were Enghsh Recollect missionaries. The Iroquois spared\\nthe latter. No Franciscan mission in Maryland of that date\\nwas known till recently. I showed this to the Very Rev.\\nPamphilo de Magliano, Provincial of the Recollects in this\\ncountry as a specimen of Hennepin s misstatements. In a visit\\nto Europe he discovered some documents of the old Franciscan\\nprovince in England, including the record of the annual chapters\\nand they showed the sending of missionaries of the order to\\nMaryland from Oct. 1672 to Sept. 1720. Facts that have\\nsince came to light convince me that the Franciscans extended\\ntheir labors into Pennsylvania, and that Hennepin was correct.\\nUp to this point Hennepin s narrative is of what Hennepin saw\\nand La Salle did not see. To pretend as Margry does that the\\nLa Salle Relation, he gives, is the original and that Hennepin\\nplagiarized from a man who did not see, an account of what he\\nhimself did see, is about as absurd an idea as ever entered the\\nmind of man.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 8 I\\nfound out greater cruelty to exercise the patience\\nof the martyrs, than the torments which the\\nIroquois make their enemies undergo. And as\\nwe saw that their children each cut a bit of flesh\\nfrom the prisoner, whom their parents had put\\nto death with unheard of cruelties, and that these\\nlittle cannibals ate the flesh of this man before\\nour eyes, we withdrew from the chiefs cabin,\\nand would no longer eat there, and we retraced\\nour steps across the forests to the Niagara river.\\nThe Sieur de la Salle had come there in a\\nbark from Fort Frontenac to bring us some pro-\\nvisions, and rigging to equip a vessel at the en-\\ntrance of Lake Conty but that in which he\\nhad come with merchandize, was wrecked by\\nthe fault of two opposing pilots on the south\\nshore of Lake Frontenac, ten leagues from Nia-\\ngara, near a place which the sailors have named\\nCap Enrage. They succeeded in saving the\\nMargry i, p. 442, gives this more briefly. Hennepin,\\nNouv. Decouv. p. 92, says that La Motte and he reached their\\ncabin at Niagara Jan 14, and on the 20th he heard La Salle s\\nvoice on the bank on which he was.\\nt Mr. Marshall thinks Cap Enrage to be Thirty Mile\\nPoint.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "82 A DESCRIPTION\\nanchors and cables of the vessel. He also lost\\nsome canoes with a good deal of merchandize,\\nand had several reverses, which frequently would\\nhave made any one but him, abandon the under-\\ntaking.*\\nAfter he had given his orders and transferred\\nthe workmen to the shipyard, which was above\\nthe great Fall of Niagara, j- in order to build a\\nHe adds here in the Nouv, Decouv. p. 94, that La Salle\\ntold them that he had visited the Senecas before the loss of his\\nbark and had gained their consent to his enterprise. This is\\nconfirmed by Tonty in Margry i, p. 576, although in the Rela-\\ntion which we are asked to accept as La Salle s, this personal\\nfact is omitted. According to Tonty La Salle landed in a canoe\\nat the mouth of the river of the Senecas, went to their village\\nand then kept on by land to the Niagara. La Salle in a letter\\n(Margry ii, p. 35) mentions his visit to the Senecas.\\nf The site of the stocks where the Griffin was built was\\nfixed at various points by Bancroft, Sparks, Cass, Schoolcraft\\nand others. O. H. Marshall examining the matter by the\\nlight of documents and topography, decides it to have been at\\nthe mouth of Cayuga creek, on the American side. Building\\nof the Griffon, p. 264, Hennepin says in the Nouv, Dec. p.\\n94. The fort we were building at Niagara began to advance;\\nbut there was so much underhand work that this fort became an\\nobject of suspicion to these Indians. We had to suspend its\\nerection for a time, and we contented ourselves with building a", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 83\\nsecond bark, being anxious, he returned to Fort\\nFrontenac. He undertook this march of more\\nthan eighty leagues by land and on foot, with a\\nlittle bag of roast Indian corn, and that even\\nfailed him two days march from the fort, where\\nnevertheless he arrived safely, with a dog which\\ndragged his little baggage over the ice. J\\nThe greater part of the Iroquois had gone to\\nhouse there surrounded by palisades. (This was at the foot\\nof the mountain ridge on the side of Lewiston). On the 226\\n(Jany. 1679), we proceeded to a point two leagues above the\\ngreat falls of Niagara. There we put up stocks to build the\\nvessel we needed for our voyage. We could not construct it in\\na more convenient place than near a river, which descended\\ninto the strait, which is between Lake Erie and the great\\nfall. The mouth of Cayuga creek is five miles above the falls\\non the American side, and being covered by an island is well adapted\\nfor ship building and has been so used by our government. Fran-\\nquelin s maps of 1688, and 1689, note the spot on the American\\nside just above the falls. Cabane ou le Sr. de la Salle a fait\\nfaire une barque. Chantier oii le Sr. de la Salle a ft. fre. une\\nbarque, Marshall p. 268. Hennepin adds in the Nouv. Dec,\\nthat the keel was all ready on the 26th, and that La Salle\\nwished him to drive the first bolt, but he modestly declined.\\nI He was accompanied to Lake Ontario by Tonty and set\\nout after laying out the plan of Fort Conty at the mouth\\nof the river Feb. i. Tonty in Margry i, p. 577. In the\\nNouv. Decouv. p. 96, Hennepin says he accompanied him.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "84. A DESCRIPTION\\nwar beyond Lake Conty during the construction\\nof our bark, but although their absence ren-\\ndered those who remained, less insolent, never-\\ntheless, they did not fail to come frequently to\\nour shipyard, where they were working on the\\nvessel, and to manifest their displeasure, but one\\nof them pretending to be drunk wished to kill\\nthe blacksmith, but the resistance of the French\\n^and the preparations which they made to repulse\\nthe Iroquois, and the reproach which I made to\\nthese savages, compelled them to withdraw\\nquietly. Some time after a woman warned us\\nthat they wished to set the bark on fire on the\\nstocks, and they would have done so, had we not\\nkept a very strict watch.\\nThese frequent alarms, fear of running out of\\nprovisions, after the loss of the bark from Fort\\nFrontenac, and the refusal of the Tsonnontouans\\nIroquois to give us Indian corn on our paying\\nfor it, astonished our carpenters,* who were\\nDown to our subsistance not in Margry which says\\nThey would infallibly have deserted if the Sieur de la Salle\\nand Father Louis had not taken care to reassure them and en-\\ncouraged them to work with greater diligence to shake off this\\nuneasiness.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 85\\nmoreover suborned and solicited to leave us, by\\na dissolute fellow who had made several attempts\\nto go over to the Dutch. He would beyond\\ndoubt have seduced our workmen, if I had not\\nreas-ured them, by the exhortations I made them,\\nafter divine service on holidays and Sundays, show-\\ning them that our enterprise had in view purely\\nGod s glory, the good of the French colony and\\ntheir honor in this way I animated them to\\nlabor more diligently to banish these disquiets.\\nMoreover the orders which they saw me give the\\nIndians of the Wolf* nation to supply us with\\ndeer for our subsistance, made them pick up\\ncourage again, so that by applying themselves\\nwith more assiduity to their work, our bark\\nwas in a short time ready to be launched, and\\nhaving blessed it with the ceremonies prescribed\\nby the Church, it was launched into the water,\\nalthough it was not yet entirely finished, in order\\nto secure it from the fire with which it was\\nthreatened.\\nMohegans.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0j Nouv. Decouv., pp. 96-9.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "86 A DESCRIPTION\\nIt was named the Griffin.* We fired three\\nsalutes with our cannons, and sang the Te Deum\\nin thanksgiving, which was followed by several\\nVive le Roy.\\nThe Iroquois who stood wondering at this\\nceremony, shared in our rejoicing. A glass of\\nbrandy was given to all of them to drink, as well\\nas to the French.\\nFrom this time we left our bark cabins to\\nlodge in the vessel on water, where we slept in\\nrepose, and safe from insults of the Indians. The\\nIroquois on returning from their beaver hunt\\nwere extremely surprised. They said that the\\nFrench were spirits j and they could not under-\\nstand how they had been able to build in so short\\na time and with such ease so large a wooden\\nIn allusion to the arms of the Count de Frontenac which\\nhave griffins as supporters. Nouv. Decouv., p. 99, which adds\\nmoreover the Sieur de la Salle had often said of this vessel\\nthat he wished to make the griffin soar above the crows.\\nf Otkon in the Nouv. Decouv. Hennepin derives his Iro-\\nquois mainly from Bruyas Racines Agnieres, and makes\\nthe Senecas use the Mohawk dialect. See Marshall, p. 278,\\nParkman, Discovery, p. 123.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. Sj\\ncanoe, although this vessel was only of about\\nforty-five tons and which we might call an am-\\nbulant fort, and which made all the Indians\\ntremble, who extend over more than five hundred\\nleagues of country.*\\nMeanwhile the envious seeing the bark fin-\\nished, notwithstanding the difficulty of trans-\\nporting the rigging across so many rapids and the\\nopposition of the Iroquois, published that it was\\na rash enterprise, that we would never return,\\nand many other things of the kind. By this\\ntalk they roused up all the Sieur de la Salle s\\ncreditors, who without consenting to await his\\nreturn, and without warning him, seized all\\nhis property that he had in Montreal and in\\nQuebec, even to his secretary s bed, and they had\\nit adjudged to them at such price as they chose,\\nalthough Fort Frontenac of which he is\\nproprietor was alone enough to pay all his debts\\ntwice told and more.\\nThe Margry Re], give all this briefly omitting the blessing\\nof the vessel and even its name, which La Salle would scarcely\\ndo. Hennepin in his Nouv. Dec, p, loi, here states that\\nTonty took offense at his keeping a journal and tried to seize it.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "88 A DESCRIPTION\\nHe was then at Fort Frontenac, where he\\nreceived tidings of these disorders, but as he\\ndeemed this misfortune past help, and that they\\nhad no other design than to compel him to forego\\nan expedition, of which he had made the pre-\\nparations with such pains and cost, he gave what\\norders he deemed necessarv at the fort.*\\nOur boat being in the water out of reach of\\ninsult, I proceeded to the fort by Lake Frontenac,\\nin the little brigantine f in order to rejoin our\\nThe Margry relation instead of the following merely states\\nthat La Salle returned to Niagara early in August, 1679, 1\\nthe Nouv. Dec, Hennepin here claims to have twice ascended\\nthe Niagara to Lake Erie in a canoe, p. 102.\\nf Tonty says he sent Father Hennepin with 11 men. Margry,\\nI p. 578. Hennepin in the Nouv. Dec. p. 104, says he went\\nwith the Sieur Charon, a Canadian. They descended the\\nNiagara in a canoe making a portage at the falls. At the\\nmouth of the river they embarked in the brigantine under the\\nSieur de la Forest. They took on board a number of Indian\\nwomen and ran along to Aoueguen where they bought beaver\\nskins for liquor, then ran across to Kente and landed on Gull\\nIsland, Le Clercq, Etablissement de la Foy, 2 p. 145, says that\\nthe Commissary of the Recollects went up to Fort Frontenac,\\nto organize the projected mission, and made F. Gabriel de la\\nRibourde, Superior, stationing F. Luke Buisset at Fort Fron-\\ntenac, F. Melithon Watteau at Niagara.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIAiSTA. oQ\\nRecollects who resided there, in order to enjoy\\nspiritual consolation with them, obtain wine for\\nthe celebration of masses, and make the Sieur de\\nla Salle a report of affairs, and we proceeded with\\nhim,* we three Recollect missionaries, to Niagara,\\nin the beginning of the month of August in the\\nsame year, 1679. He found his bark ready to\\nsail, but his people told him that they had not\\nbeen able to make it ascend beyond the entrance\\nof Lake Conty, not having been able to stem with\\nsails the strong current of Niagara river.f We\\nThe Nouv. Decouv. mentions La Salle s assembling\\nthe missionaries, Hennepin, Ribourde, Membre and Watteau,\\nMay 27, 1679, and his grant of land for their residence and ceme-\\ntery. They reached the Niagara July (June) 30.\\nTonty confirms this. Margry i, p. 578. The Nouv. Decouv.\\nsays they found the Griffin anchored a league from Lake Erie,\\np. 112.\\nf The Nouvelle Dec. goes into details, describing the\\nvessel with its flag bearing a Griffin and an Eagle above it.\\nHe returned to Lake Ontario July, 16-17,\\nFrontenac went up to the Great Rock, where the portage was\\nmade. All the anchors, rigging and arms were carried around\\nthe falls. Father Gabriel toiled up the rocky path in spite of\\nhis age and with Hennepin and La Salle visited the falls. La\\n10", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "90 A DESCRIPTION\\nembarked to the number of thirty-two persons,\\nwith our two Recollect Fathers who had come\\nto join me, our people having laid in a good\\nsupply of arms, merchandise, and seven small iron\\ncannon.\\nAt last, contrary to the pilot s opinion we suc-\\nceeded in ascending Niagara river. He made\\nhis bark advance by sails when the wind was\\nstrong enough, and he had it towed in the most\\ndifficult places, and thus we happily reached the\\nentrance of Lake Conty.\\nWe made sail the 7th of the month of August,\\nin the same year 1679, steering west by south.\\nAfterJ the Te Deum we fired all the cannon\\nand wall pieces, in presence of several Iroquois\\nwarriors who were bringing in prisoners from\u00c2\u00a7\\nSalle tried to make Hennepin acknowledge having criticized the\\nJesuits, pp. 1 1 2-6, La Salle set men to clear ground near his\\npost for cultivation, Father Melithon Watteau was left as\\nchaplain. Divine service was offered on the Griffin, the people\\njoining in from the shore, pp. 118-9.\\nI Rest of the paragraph not in Margry.\\nTintonha, that is to say the Nation of the Prairies, Nouv.\\nDec. p. 120.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 9 1\\nthe nations on the prairies, situated more than five\\nhundred leagues from their country, and these\\nsavages did not neglect to give a description of\\nthe size of our vessel to the Dutch of New York,*\\nwith whom the Iroquois carry on a great trade in\\nfurs, which they carry to them in order to obtain\\nfire arms and goods to clothe themselves.\\nOur voyage was so fortunatef that on the\\nmorning of the tenth day, the feast of Saint\\nLawrence, we reached the entrance of the De-\\ntroit (strait) by which Lake Orleans empties into\\nLake Conty, and which is one hundred leagues\\ndistant from Niagara river. This strait is thirty\\nleagues long and almost everywhere a league wide,\\nexcept in the middle where it expands and forms\\na lake of circular form, and ten leagues in diame-\\nSee Andros to Blathwayt, N. Y. Col. Doc. iii, 278.\\nt The Nouv. Dec. says they ran 20 leagues the first night.\\nOn the 8th, 45 leagues, almost always in sight of land, the lake\\nbeing 15 or 16 leagues wide. He mentions three points running\\nout into the lake, the first and largest of which he named St.\\nFrancis (Long Point, Marshall, p. 280). On the 9th they\\npassed the other two points and saw an island at the mouth of\\nthe strait, seven or eight leagues from the north shore, pp. 121-2", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "92 A DESCRIPTION\\nter, which we called Lake St. Clare, on account\\nof our passing through it, on that Saint s day.\\nThe country on both sides of this beautiful\\nstrait is adorned with fine open plains, and you\\ncan see numbers of stags, does, deer, bears, by no\\nmeans fierce and and very good to eat, poules d inde\\nand all kinds of game, swans in abundance. Our\\nguys were loaded and decked with several\\nwild animals cut up, which our Indian and our\\nFrenchmen killed. The rest of the strait is cov-\\nered with forests, fruit trees like walnuts, chest-\\nnuts, plum and apple trees, wild vines loaded with\\ngrapes, of which we made some little wine.\\nThere is timber fit for building. Itf is the place\\nin which deer most delight.\\nWe found the current at the entrance of this\\nstrait as strong as the tide is before Rouen. We\\nascended it nevertheless, steering north and north-\\neast, as far as Lake Orleans. There is little\\ndepth as you enter and leave Lake St. Clare,\\nThese are not hen turkeys, as some have rendered it, nor\\nprairie hens, but evidently w^ater fowl. Charlevoix iii, p. 156;\\nLemoine, Ornithologie du Canada, p. 75.\\nf This sentence not in Margry. The Nouv. Dec, says he\\ntried to induce La Salle to establish a post here.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 93\\nespecially as you leave it. The discharge from\\nLake Orleans divides at this place into several\\nsmall channels, almost all barred by sand-\\nbanks. We were obliged to sound them all,\\nand at last discovered a very fine one, with a\\ndepth of at least two or three fathoms of water,\\nand* almost a league wide at all points. Our\\nbark was detained here several days by head\\nwinds and this difficulty having been surmounted,\\nwe encountered a still greater one at the entrance\\nof Lake Orleans, the north wind which had been\\nblowing some time rather violently, and which\\ndrives the waters of the three great lakes into the\\nstrait, had so increased the ordinary current there,\\nthat it was as furious as the bore is before Caude-\\nbec.f We could not stem it under sail, although\\nwe were then aided by a strong south wind\\nbut as the shore was very line, we landed twelve\\nof our men who towed it along the beach for\\nHere Margry inserts beyond the sand bars.\\nf Gravier refers to this mention of Caudebec as a proof that\\nHennepin took his matter from La Salle s Report, Decouvertes\\net Etablissements p. 104, as though Hennepin publishing at\\nParis could not refer to a French river.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "94 A DESCRIPTION\\nhalf a quarter of an hour, at the end of which\\nwe entered Lake Orleans* on the 23d of the\\nmonth of August, and for the second time we\\nchanted a Te Deum in thanksgiving, blessing\\nGod, who here brought us in sight of a great bayf\\nin this lake, where our ancient Recollects had\\nresided to instruct the Hurons in the faith, in the\\nfirst landing of the French in Canada, and these\\nIndians once very numerous have been for the\\nmost part destroyed by the Iroquois. J\\nThe same day the bark ran along the east coast\\nof the lake, with a fair wind, heading north by\\neast, till evening when the wind having shifted\\nto southwest with great violence, we headed\\nnorthwest, and the next day we found ourselves\\nin sight of land, having crossed by night a great\\nbay, called Sakinam,\u00c2\u00a7 which sets in more than\\nthirty leagues.\\nOn the 24th we continued to head northwest\\nMargry omits from here to Iroquois.\\nf Georgian Bay.\\nX Nouv. Dec. pp. 128-9.\\nSaginaw Bay.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 95\\ntill evening, when we were becalmed among some\\nislands, where there was only a fathom and a half\\nor two fathoms of water. We kept on with the\\nlower sails a part of the night to seek an anchor-\\nage, but finding none where there was a good\\nbottom and the wind beginning to blow from the\\nwest, we headed north so as to gain deep water\\nand wait for day, and we spent the night in\\nsounding before the bark, because we had\\nnoticed that our pilot was very negligent, and we\\ncontinued to watch in this way during the rest\\nof the voyage.\\nOn the 25th the calm continued till noon, and\\nwe pursued our course to the northwest, favored\\nby a good southerly wind, which soon changed\\nto southwest. At midnight we were compelled\\nto head north on account of a great Point which\\njutted out into the lake but we had scarcely\\ndoubled it, when we were surprised by a furious\\ngale, which forced us to ply to windward with\\nmainsail and foresail, then to lie to till daylight.\\nOn the 26th the violence of the wind obliged\\nus to lower the topmasts, to fasten the yards at", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "g6 A DESCRIPTION\\nthe clew, to remain broadside to the shore. At\\nnoon the waves running too high, and the\\nsea too rough, we were forced to seek a port in\\nthe evening, but found no anchorage or shelter.\\nAt this crisis, the Sieur de la Salle entered the\\ncabin, and quite disheartened told us that he\\ncommended his enterprise to God. We had\\nbeen accustomed all the voyage to induce all to\\nsay morning and evening prayers together on our\\nknees, all singing some hymns of the church,\\nbut as we could not stay on the deck of the\\nvessel, on account of the storm, all contented\\nthemselves with making an act of contrition.\\nThere was no one but our pilot alone, whom we\\nwere never able to persuade.\\nAt this time the Sieur de la Salle adopted in\\nunion with us Saint Anthony of Padua as the pro-\\ntector of our enterprises and he promised God if\\nHe did us the grace to deliver us from the\\ntempest, that the first chapel he should erect in\\nLouisiana should be dedicated to that great Saint.\\nThe wind having fallen a little we lay to, all\\nDown to great Saint not in Margry, i, p. 447.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 97\\nthe night and we drifted only a league or two at\\nmost.\\nOn the morning of the 27th we sailed north-\\nwest with a southwest wind, which changed\\ntowards evening into a light southeast trade wind,\\nby favor of which we arrived on the same day at\\nMissilimakinac,* where we anchored in six fathoms\\nof water in a bay, where there was a good bottom\\nof potter s clay. This bay is sheltered from south-\\nwest to north, a sand bank covers it a little on\\nthe northeast,-}- but it is exposed to the south\\nwhich is very violent.^\\nMissilimakinac is a point of land at the entrance\\nand north of the strait, by which Lake Dauphin\\nDerived according to Bishop Baraga, Diet., p. 243, from\\nMishinimakinago, a set of men in the woods, who are heard\\nbut seldom seen.\\nf Northwest, Nouv. Decouv.\\nJ The bay where the Griffin anchored is that which is over-\\nlooked by the Buttes, two steep and rocky bluffs famous in\\nIndian tradition and worshiped by the Indians who called them\\nthe He and She Rabbit. The former is also styled Sitting\\nRabbit or Rabbit s Back, Wabos Namadabid. The Kiskakons\\nOttawas were here in 1677 and their chapel is mentioned, Rel.,\\n1673-9, pp. 42, 56. Very Rev. E. Jacker,", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "9^ A DESCRIPTION\\nempties into Lake Orleans. This strait is a league\\nwide and three long, and runs west northwest.*\\nFifteen leagues east of Missilimakinac you find\\nanother point which is at the entrance of the\\nchannel by which Lake Conde empties into\\nLake Orleans. This channel has an opening of\\nfive leagues, and is fifteen in length. It is inter-\\nspersed with several islands, and gradually narrows\\nin down to Sault Sainte Marie, which is a rapid\\nfull of rocks, by which the waters of Lake Conde\\nare discharged and are precipitated in a violent\\nmanner. Nevertheless f they succeed in poling\\ncanoes up one side near the land, but for greater\\nsecurity a portage is made of the canoe and the\\ngoods which they take to sell to the nations north\\nof Lake Conde.\\nThere are Indian villages in these two places;\\nthose who are settled at Missilimakinac, on the\\nNouv. Dec, p. 133, has simply west.\\nf These sentences not in Margry, i, p. 448, with what\\nfollows down to hollowed out by fne. The Nouv. Decouv.,\\nadds Those settled at the Point of Land of Michilimakinak\\nare Hurons, and the others who are five or six arpents\\nbeyond are called the Outtaoiiactz.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 99\\nday of our arrival, which was August 26th, 1678,*\\nwere all amazed to see a ship in their country,\\nand the sound of the cannon caused an extraordi-\\nnary alarm. We went to the Outtaoiiactz to say\\nmass and during the service, the Sieur de la Salle,\\nvery well dressed in his scarlet cloak trimmed\\nwith gold lace, ordered the arms to be stacked\\nalong the chapel f and the sergeant left a sentry\\nthere to guard them. 1 he chiefs of the Outtaiio-\\nactz paid us their civility in their fashion, on\\ncoming out of the church. And in this bay\\nwhere the Griffin was riding at anchor, we looked\\nwith pleasure at this large well equipped vessel,\\namid a hundred or a hundred and twenty bark\\ncanoes coming and going from taking white fish,t\\nNouv. Dec, says 28th August, 1679.\\nf Which was covered with bark, Nouv. Dec, p. 195.\\nThis chapel is evidently not the mission church, nor the bark\\nchapel dedicated to St. Francis Borgia, erected in 1677, between\\nthe Kiskakons and the new Ottawa village. Relation 1673-9,\\npp. 58-9, but the chapel at the Kiskakon village near the Rabbit\\nButtes. Tonty in Margry, i, p. 579, mentions the two\\nchurches. The positions of all these points has been made a\\nspecial study by the careful antiquarian V. Rev. E. Jacker.\\nX And trout of 50 or 60 pounds, Nouv. Dec, p. 135.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "lOO A DESCRIPTION\\nwhich these Indians catch with nets, which they\\nstretch sometimes in fifteen or twenty fathoms\\nof water, and without which they could not\\nsubsist.\\nThe Hurons who have their village surrounded\\nby palisades twenty-five feet high and situated\\nnear a great point of land opposite the island of\\nMissilimakimac, proved the next day that they\\nwere more French than the Outtaoiiactz, but it\\nwas in show, for they gave a salute by discharging\\nall their guns, and they all have them, and renewed\\nit three times, to do honor to our ship, and to the\\nFrench, but this salute had been suggested to\\nthem by some Frenchmen, who come there, and\\nwho often carry on a very considerable trade with\\nthese nations, and who designed to gain the Sieur\\nde la Salle by this show, as he gave umbrage\\nto them, only in order better to play their\\nparts subsequently by making it known that the\\nbark was going to be the cause of destruction\\nVery advantageously on an eminence. lb., Pointe St.\\nIgnace. The Nouv. Dec, p. 135, erroneously makes more\\nthan one Huron village.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. lOI\\nto individuals, in order to render the one who\\nhad built her odious to the people.\\nThe Hurons and the Ouattaoiiactz form\\nalliances with one another in order to oppose with\\none accord the fury of the Iroquois, their sworn\\nenemy. They cultivate Indian corn on which\\nthey live all the year, with the fish which they\\ntake to season their sagamity. This they make\\nof water and meal of their corn which they crush\\nwith a pestle in a trunk of a tree hollowed out\\nby fire.\\nThe Indians of Sainte Marie du Long Sault are\\ncalled by us the Saulteurs on account of the place of\\ntheir abode, which is near the Sault, and where\\nthey subsist by hunting stags, moose or elk, and\\nsome beaver, and by the fishing of white fish,\\nwhich is very good, and is found there in great\\nabundance, but this fishery is very difficult to all\\nbut these Indians who are trained to it from\\nchildhood. These latter do not plant any Indian\\ncorn as their soil is not adapted to it, and the fogs\\non Lake Conde which are very frequent, stifle all\\nthe corn that they might be able to plant.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "I02 A DESCRIPTION\\nSault St. Marie and Missilimackinac are the\\ntwo most important passes for all the Indians of\\nthe west and north who go to carry all their furs\\nto the French settlements and to trade every year\\nat Montreal with more than two hundred loaded\\ncanoes.*\\nDuring our stay at Missilmakinac, we were\\nextremely surprised to find there the greater part\\nof the men whom the Sieur de la Salle had sent\\non ahead to the number of fifteen, and whom he\\nbelieved to be long since at the Illinois. Those\\nwhom he had known as the most faithful, re-\\nported to him that they had been stopped by the\\nstatements made to them on their way at Missili-\\nmakinac that they had been told that his enter-\\nprise was only chimerical, that the bark would\\nnever reach Missilimakinac, that he was sending\\nthem to certain destruction, and several other\\nthings of the kind, which had discouraged and\\nseduced most of their comrades, and that they\\nhad been unable to induce them to continue their\\nSentence not in Margry.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 163\\nvoyage that six of them had even deserted and\\ncarried oil more than 3,000 livres worth of goods,\\nunder the pretext of paying themselves, saying\\nthat they would restore the surplus over what\\nwas due them, and that the others had stupidly\\nwasted more than twelve hundred livresf worth,\\nor spent it for their support at Missilimakinac,\\nwhere they had been detained, and where provis-\\nions are very dear.\\nThe Sieur de la Salle was all the more pro-\\nvoked at this conduct of his men, as he had\\ntreated them well, and made some advances to\\nall, among the rest having paid on account of\\none of them 1200 livresj that he owed various\\npersons at Montreal. He had four of the most\\nguilty arrested without giving them any harsher\\ntreatment. Having learned that two of the six\u00c2\u00a7\\ndeserters were at Sault Sainte Marie, he detached\\nNamed Sainte Croix, Minime, le Barbier, Poupait, Hu-\\nnaut and Roussel dit la Rousseliere, Margry, i, p. 449.\\nt Margry gives the amounts 4000 liv., 1300 liv.\\nX La Rousseliere, 1800 liv. Margry, i, 449.\\nHunaut and la Rousseliere, lb.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "i04 A DESCRIPTION\\nthe Sieur de Tonty with six men who arrested\\nthem and seized all the goods which they had in\\ntheir hands, but he could not obtain any justice\\nas to the others. The* high winds at this season\\nlong retarded the return of the Sieur de Tonty,\\nwho did not reach Missilimakinac till the month\\nof November, so that we were dreading the ap-\\nproach of winter and resolved to set out without\\nwaiting till he arrived.\\nOn the 2nd*}* of the month of September, from\\nMissilimakinac we entered Lake Dauphin, and\\narrived at an island;}; situated at the entrance of\\nthe Lake or Bay of the Puants, forty leagues from\\nMissilimakinac, and which is inhabited by Indians\\nof the Poutouatami nation. We found some\\nFrenchmen there, who had been sent among the\\nIllinois in previous years, and who had brought\\nback to the Sieur de la Salle a pretty fair amount\\nof furs.\u00c2\u00a7\\nThis is all abridged in the Nouy. Dec. pp. 138-9. Com-\\npare Tonty, Ademoire, p. 6. La. Hist. Coll. i, p. 53.\\nt Margry has 12th, Le Clercq ii, p. 150, has 2nd. Tonty\\nreached Missilimakinac Sept. 17, Margry i, p. 579.\\nI Washington or Pottawatamie Island.\\n1200 livres, Margry i, p. 450. What follows to took\\nany one s advice, is not in Margry.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 105\\nThe chief of this nation who had all possible\\naffection for the Count de Frontenac, who had\\nentertained him at Montreal, received us as well\\nas he could, had the calumet danced to the Sieur\\nde la Salle by his warriors and during four days\\nstorm while our vessel was anchored thirty paces\\nfrom the bay shore, this Indian chief believing\\nthat our bark was going to be stranded, came\\nto join us in a canoe at the risk of his life and in\\nspite of the increasing waves, we hoisted him with\\nhis canoe into our vessel. He told us in a martial\\ntone that he was ready and wished to perish with the\\nchildren of Onnontio, the Governor of the\\nFrench, his good father and friend.\\nContrary to our opinion, the Sieur de la Salle\\nwho never took any one s advice, resolved to send\\nback his bark from this place,* and to continue\\nhis route by canoe, but as he had only four, he\\nwas obliged to leave considerable merchandise in\\nthe bark, a quantity of utensils and tools hc\\nTo Niagara loaded with all his furs to pay his creditors.\\nNouv. Dec. p. 141, which abridges all this.\\n11", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "Io6 A DESCRIPTION\\nordered the pilot to discharge every thing at\\nMissilimakinac, where he could take them again\\non his return. He also put all the peltries in the\\nbark with a clerk and five good sailors. Their\\norders were to proceed to the great fall of\\nNiagara, where they* were to leave the furs, and\\ntake on board other goods which another bark\\nfrom Fort Frontenac, which awaited them near\\nFort Conty was to bring them, and that as soon\\nas possible thereafter, they should sail back to\\nMissilimakinac, where they would find instruc-\\ntions as to the place to which they should bring\\nthe bark to winter.\\nThey set sail on the i8th of September, with\\na very favorable light west wind, making their\\nadieu by firing a single cannon and we were\\nnever afterwards able to learn what course they\\nhad taken, and though there is no doubt, but that\\nshe perished, we were never able to learn any\\nother circumstances of their shipwreck than the\\nfollowing. The bark having anchored in the\\nMargry has to the storehouse which he had built at the\\nend of Lake Erie.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 107\\nnorth of Lake Dauphin, the pilot* against the\\nopinion of some Indians, who assured him that\\nthere was a great storm in the middle of the lake,\\nresolved to continue his voyage, without consider-\\ning that the sheltered position where he lay,\\nprevented his knowing the force of the wind.\\nHe had scarcely sailed a quarter of a league from\\nthe coast, when these Indians saw the bark\\ntossing in an extraordinary manner, unable to\\nresist the tempest, so that in a short time they\\nlost sight of her, and they believe that she was\\neither driven on some sandbank, or that she\\nfoundered.\\nWe did not learn all this till the next year, and\\nit is certain that the loss of this bark costs more\\nthan 40000 livres in goods, tools and peltries as\\nwell as men and rigging which he had imported\\ninto Canada from France and transported from\\nMontreal to Fort Frontenac in bark canoes.\\nLuke who was a malcontent as we have remarked.\\nNouv. Dec. pp. 142-3.\\nf Margry has which are near the Huron islands, where\\nshe was swallowed up. The whole account of the loss of\\nthe Griffin is in La Salle s letter, Margry ii, p. 73.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "to8 A DESCRIPTION\\nThis would appear impossible to those who know\\nthe weakness of this kind of craft, and the weight\\nof anchors and cables,* on which he paid eleven\\nlivres per hundred pounds.\\nWe set out the next day, September I9th,f\\nwith fourteen persons in four canoes, I directing\\nthe smallest, loaded with five hundred pounds,\\nwith a carpenter just arrived from France, who\\ndid not know how to avoid the waves, during\\nrough weather, I had every difficulty to manage\\nthis little craft. These four bark canoes were\\nloaded with a forge and all its appurtenances,\\ncarpenter s, joiner s and pit sawyer s tools, arms\\nand merchandise.\\nWe took our course southerly towards the\\nmainland four good leagues distant from the\\nisland of the Poutouatamis.J In the middle of\\nthe traverse and amid the most beautiful calm\\nin the world, a storm arose which endangered\\nour lives, and which made us fear for the\\nThe rest not in Margry.\\nf Le Clercq who abridges the voyage says i8th.\\nJ Still called Pottawatomie Island.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 09\\nbark,* and more for ourselves. We com-\\npleted this great passage amid the darkness of\\nnight, calling to one another so as not to part\\ncompany. The water often entered our canoes,\\nand the impetuous wind lasted four days with a\\nfury like the greatest tempests of ocean. We\\nnevertheless reached the shore in a little sandy\\nbay, and stayed five days, waiting for the lake to\\ngrow calm. During this stay, the Indian hunter\\nwho accompanied us, killed while hunting only\\na single porcupine which served to season our\\nsquashes and the Indian corn that we had.\\nOn the 25th we continued our route all day,\\nand a part of the night favored by the moon,\\nalong the western shore of Lake Dauphin, but\\nthe wind coming up a little too strong, we were\\nforced to land on a bare rock, on which we\\nendured the rain and snow for two days, sheltered\\nby our blankets, and near a little fire which we\\nfed with wood that the waves drove ashore.\\nFor all from this to that we had Margry has only\\nbecause it lasted four days, with a fury like the greatest storms\\nat sea. He nevertheless gained the shore, where he remained\\nsix days for the lake to calm.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "IIO A DESCRIPTION\\nOn the 28th after the celebration of mass*\\nwe kept on until far into the night, and until a\\nwhirlwind forced us to land on a rocky point\\ncovered with bushes. We remained there two f\\ndays, and consumed the rest of our provisions,\\nthat is to say, the Indian corn and squashes that\\nwe had bought of the Poutouatamis and of which\\nwe had been unable to lay in a greater supply,\\nbecause our canoes were too heavily laden, and\\nbecause we hoped to find some on our route.\\nWe set out the first of October, and after\\nmaking twelve J leagues fasting, arrived near\\nanother village of the Poutouatamies\u00c2\u00a7. These\\nIndians all flocked to the lake shore to receive us\\nand to haul us in from the waves which rose to\\nan extraordinary height. The Sieur de la Salle\\nfearing that his men would desert, and that some\\nThese four words omitted in Margry.\\nf Three in Nouv. Decouv., p. 147.\\nI Ten in Margry, i, p. 452.\\nMargry adds The bank was high and steep, and exposed\\nto the northeast, which was then blowing and increased to such\\na degree that the waves broke on the shore in an extraordinary\\nmanner. What follows down to evident peril and is not\\nin Margry.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA, III\\nof them would carelessly waste some of the goods,\\npushed on and we were obliged to follow him\\nthree leagues beyond the village of the Indians,\\nnotwithstanding the evident peril, and he saw\\nno other alternative to take in order to land in\\nsafety than to leap into the water with his three\\ncanoemen, and all together take hold of the\\ncanoe and its load and drag it ashore in spite of\\nthe waves which sometimes covered them over\\ntheir heads.\\nHe then came to meet the canoe, which I\\nguided with this man who had no experience in\\nthis work, and jumping waist high into the water,\\nwe carried our little craft all at once, and went\\nto receive the other two canoes in the same\\nmanner as the former. And* as the waves break-\\ning on the shore formed a kind of undertow,\\nwhich drags out into the lake those who think\\nthey are safe, I made a powerful effort and took\\non my shoulders our good old Recollect who\\naccompanied us, and this amiable missionary of\\nSaint Francis, seeing himself out of danger, all\\nThe rest of this paragraph is not in Margry,", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "112 A DESCRIPTION\\ndrenched as he was with water never failed to\\ndisplay an extraordinary cheerfulness.\\nAs we had no acquaintance with the Indians\\nof this village, the Commandant first ordered all\\nthe arms to be got ready, and posted himself on\\nan eminence where it was difficult to surprise us,\\nand whence he could with a small force defend\\nhimself against a greater number. He then sent\\nthree of his men to buy provisions in the village,\\nunder the protection of the calumet of peace\\nwhich the Poutouatamis of the Island had given\\nthe Sieur de la Salle, and which they had pre-\\nviously accompanied with their dances and cere-\\nmonies, which they use in their feasts and public\\nsolemnities.\\nThis calumet* is a kind of large pipe for\\nsmoking, the head of which is of a fine red stone\\nwell polished, and the stem two feet and a half\\nlong is a pretty stout cane adorned with feathers\\nof all sorts of colors, very neatly mingled and\\narranged, with several tresses of woman s hair,\\nThe Nouv. Dec, p. 149, prefaces this with some remarks\\non the esteem in which the calumet was held.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. II3\\nbraided in various ways, with* two wings, such\\nas are usually represented on the Caduceus of\\nMercury, each nation embellishing it according\\nto its especial usage. A calumet of this kind is a\\nsure passport among all the allies of those who\\nhave given it and they are convinced that great\\nmisfortunes would befall them, if they violated\\nthe faith of the calumet. AndJ all their enter-\\nprises in war and peace and most important\\nceremonies are sealed and attested by the calumet\\nwhich they make all smoke with whom they\\nconclude any matter of consequence.\\nThe rest of the sentence omitted in Margry.\\nfNouv. Decouv. adds This cane is inserted in necks of\\nHuars (loons) which are a kind of bird spotted white and black\\nas large as our geese or in necks of woodducks which build\\ntheir nests in the hollows of trees, although the water is their\\nusual element. These ducks are striped with three or four\\ndifferent colors, p. 150.\\nI This is omitted in Margry.\\nI should have perished several times during this voyage, if\\nI had not used the calumet. This will be seen in the sequel\\nof this history, where I shall have to speak of the monsters i\\nhad to overcome and the precipices where I have been obliged\\nto puss in this discovery. Nouvelle Decouv., p. 151.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "114 A DESCRIPTION\\nThese three men with this safeguard and\\ntheir arms, arrived at the little village of the In-\\ndians three leagues distant from the landing, but\\nthey found no one. These Indians, at the sight\\nof our canoes, perceiving that we had not landed,\\non passing them, had taken fright and abandoned\\ntheir village. Accordingly these men after using\\nall endeavors in vain to speak to some one of\\nthese Indians, took what Indian corn they could\\ncarry from their cabins, and left goods there in\\nplace of what they appropriated and then took\\nthe road to return to us.\\nMeanwhile twenty of these Indians armed with\\nguns, axes, bows, arrows, and clubs which are\\ncalled casse-tetes, approached the place where\\nwe were. The Sieur de la Salle advanced to\\naccost them with four of his men armed with\\nguns, pistols and sabres. He asked them what\\nthey wished seeing that they appeared perplexed,\\nhe told them to come on, for fear his men, who,\\nhe pretended were out hunting, might kill them,\\nif they found them out of the way. He made\\nRest of sentence not in Margry.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. II5\\nthem sit down at the foot of the rising ground\\non which we had camped, and from which we\\ncould watch all their movements. We began to\\noccupy them with different things, to amuse them\\ntill our three men got back from the village.\\nThese men appearing some time afterwards, as\\nsoon as the Indians perceived the peace calumet\\nwhich one of our men carried, they rose uttering\\na great cry of joy, and began to dance after their\\nfashion. Far from being angry about the Indian\\ncorn which they saw and which had been taken\\nfrom them, they on the contrary sent to the village\\nto bring more, and gave us some also the next\\nday, as much as we could conveniently put in our\\ncanoes.\\nIt was nevertheless deemed prudent to fell the\\ntrees around and to command our men to pass\\nthe night under arms, for fear of any surprise.\\nAbout ten o clock the next day, the oldmen of\\nthe village arrived with their peace calumet and\\nfeasted all the French. The Sieur de la Salle\\nthanked them by a present of some axes, knives\\nWe Nouv. Dec, p. 154.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "Il6 A DESCRIPTION\\nand some masses of beads for their women s\\nadornment, and left th^m very well satisfied.\\nWe set out the same day, October 2d, and we\\nsailed for four days along the shore. It was\\nbordered by great hills running abruptly down\\nto the lake, where there was scarcely place to\\nland. We were even forced every evening to\\nclimb to the summit, and carry up there our\\ncanoes and cargoes, so as not to leave them ex-\\nposed by night to the waves that beat the foot.\\nWe were also obliged by too violent headwinds,\\nduring these four days and very frequently after-\\nwards, to land with the greatest hardship. To\\nembark it required that two men should go waist\\nhigh into the water, and hold the canoe head on\\nto the wave, pushing it ahead or drawing it back\\nas the wave rolled in or ran out from land until\\nit was loaded. Then it was pushed out to wait till\\nthe others were loaded in the same way and we\\nhad almost as much trouble at the other land-\\nings. The Indian corn that we ate very\\nThe following to tJmely aid is almost all omitted in\\nMargry. In the brief reference to Father Gabriel his age 64 is\\nmentioned.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. II7\\nsparingly and provisions failing us, our good old\\nRecollect had several times fainting fits. I twice\\nbrought him to, with a little confection of\\nhyacinth, which I preserved preciously. For\\ntwenty-four hours we ate only a handfull of\\nIndian corn cooked under the ashes or merely\\nboiled in water, and during all this time we were\\nobliged to keep on towards a go ;d country and\\nto paddle with all our strength whole days.\\nOur men frequently ran for little haws and\\nwild fruit, which they ate with great avidity.\\nSeveral fell sick who thought that these fruits\\nhad poisoned them. The more we suffered, the\\nmore God seemed to give me especially strength,\\nand I often outstripped in paddling our other\\ncanoes. During this scarcity, He who cares for\\nthe smallest birds, allowed us to see several\\ncrows and eagles, which were on the lake shore.\\nPlying our paddles with redoubled zeal towards\\nthese carnivorous birds, we found there half a\\nvery fat deer which the wolves had killed and\\nhalf eaten. We recruited ourselves on the iiesh\\nof this animal, blessing Providence which had\\nsent us such timely aid.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "Il8 A DESCRIPTION\\nThus our little fleet advanced toward the\\nSouth where we found the country always finer\\nand more temperate.\\nOn the 1 6th of October we began to find a\\ngreat abundance of game, and our Indian, a very\\nexcellent hunter, killed stags and deer, and our\\nFrenchmen very fat poules d inde. And at last\\non the 28th of the month of October we reached\\nthe extremity of Lake Dauphin, where the heavy\\nwind forced us to land.\\nWe went out to scout, as we were accustomed\\nto do in the woods and prairies. We found very\\ngood ripe grapes, the berries of which were as\\nlarge as damson plums. To get this fruit we\\nhad to cut down the trees on which the vines\\nran. We made some wine f which lasted us\\nnearly three months and a half and which we\\nkept in gourds. These we put every day in the\\nsand to prevent the wine from souring, and in\\norder to make it last longer, we said mass only\\nNouv. Dec. p. 157 says i8th.\\nf For the rest of this sentence and the two following, Margry s\\nRelation says merely in order to say mass.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 19\\non holidays and Sundays, one after the other.\\nAll the woods were full of vines which grow wild.\\nWe ate this fruit to make the meat palatable\\nwhich we were forced to eat without bread.\\nFresh footprints of men were noticed at this\\nplace. This forced the Sieur de la Salle to keep his\\nmen on their guard, and without making any noise.\\nAll our men obeyed for a time, but one of them\\nhaving perceived a bear, could not restrain him-\\nself from firing his gun at it, which killed the\\nanimal and sent it rolling from the top of the\\nmountain to the bottom to the very foot of our\\ncabins.\\nThis noise revealed us to a hundred and twenty-\\nfive Indians of the nation of the Outouagamis,f\\nwho live near the extremity of the Bay of the\\nPuants J who were cabined in our vicinity. The\\nSieur de la Salle was very uneasy about the trails\\nwe had seen. He blamed our men for their\\nlack of prudence, and then to prevent surprises,\\nMargry s Relation for the rest of the sentence has a bear\\nand a stag, they could not forbear firing at them.\\nf The Foxes.\\nJ Green Bay.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "I20 A DESCRIPTION\\nhe placed a sentinel near the canoes, under which\\nall the goods were placed to protect them from\\nthe rain.*\\nThis precaution did not prevent thirty Outoua-\\ngamis, under cover of the rain which was falling\\nin torrents, and through the negligence of the\\nsentinel who was on duty, from gliding by night\\nwith their usual dexterity, along the hill where\\nour canoes were, and lying on their bellies near\\none another, succeed in stealing the f coat of the\\nSieur de la Salle s lackey,^and a part of what was\\nunder, which was passed from hand to hand.\\nOur sentinel hearing some noise and rousing us,\\neach one ran to arms.]}] These Indians seeing\\nthemselves thus discovered, their chief called out\\nthat he was a friend. He was told in answer,\\nAnd another near the cabins, Margry, i p. 456.\\nf For the coat etc., and a Margry s reads a good.\\nI For this sentence Margry s Relation gives a different state-\\nment. The Sieur de h Salle awoke at this moment and\\nhaving risen to ascertain whether his sentinels were discharging\\ntheir duty, he saw something move which induced him to call\\nhis men to arms, and with them he occupied an eminence\\nby which the Indians were compelled to pass.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 12 1\\nthat it was an unseasonable hour, and that people\\ndid not come in that way by night except to\\nsteal or kill those who were not on their guard.\\nHe replied that in truth, the shot that had\\nbeen fired, had made his countrymen all think\\nthat it was a party of Iroquois, their enemies, as\\nthe other Indians, their neighbors, did not use such\\nlire arms, and that they had accordingly advanced\\nwith the intent of killing them, but having dis-\\ncovered that they were Frenchmen whom they\\nregarded as their brethren, the impatience which\\nthey felt to see them, had prevented their waiting\\nfor daylight to visit us and to smoke in our\\ncalumet with us. This is the ordinary com-\\npliment of these Indians and their greatest marks\\nof affection.\\nWe pretended to credit these reasons, and they\\nwere told to approach to the number of four or\\nfive only, because their young men were given to\\nstealing and that our Frenchmen were in no\\nhumor to put up with it. Four or five old men\\nhaving advanced we endeavored to entertain them\\n12", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "122 A DESCRIPTION\\ntill daylight; when day came we left them at\\nliberty to retire.\\nAfter their departure our ship carpenters per-\\nceived that they had been robbed and as we knew\\nperfectly the disposition of the Indians, and we\\nknew that they would form similar enterprises\\nevery night, if we dissembled on this occasion,\\nwe resolved to insist on redress. The Sieur de la\\nSalle at the head of our men ascended an eminence\\nof peninsular form he tried in person to find some\\nIndian off by himself. He had scarcely marched\\nthree hundred paces, when he found the fresh\\ntrail of a hunter. He followed him pistol in\\nhand and having overtaken him soon after\\nopposite a hill where I was gathering grapes with\\nFather Gabriel, he called me and begged me to\\nfollow him. He seized and put him under\\nguard of his men, after having learned from him\\nall the circumstances of the theft. He again took\\nthe field with two of his men and having arrested\\none of the most important Indians of his nation,\\nFrom here to follow him omitted in Margry where\\nwe is generally he.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 123\\nhe showed him at a distance the one he already-\\nheld as a prisoner, and sent him back to tell his\\npeople, that he would kill their comrade, if they\\ndid not bring back all that they had stolen during\\nthe night.\\nThis proposition embarrassed these savages,\\nbecause they had cut the lackey s coat in pieces,\\nand taken some goods with the buttons to\\ndivide them among them. Thus unable to restore\\nthem whole, and not knowing by what means\\nto deliver their comrade, as they have a\\nstrong friendship for one another, they resolved\\nto rescue him by force.\\nThe next morning, 30th of the month of\\nOctober, they all advanced arms in hand to begin\\nthe attack. The peninsula where we were en-\\ncamped, was separated from the wood where the\\nIndians appeared, by a long sandy plain two gun\\nshots wide. At the end of this plain towards\\nthe wood we noticed that there were several small\\nmounds, and that the one nearest to us comman-\\nFor the lackey s coat the buttons Margry has, some\\ngoods.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "i2f4 A DESCRIPTION\\nded the others. This the Sieur de la Salle occu-\\npied and commanded five men who carried their\\nblankets half rolled around the left arm to shield\\nthemselves against the arrows of the Indians.*\\nHe followed his men immediately after, to sup-\\nport the former, but the youngest of the Indians\\nseeing the French approach to charge on them\\ndrew off and took to cover under a large tree\\non the hill. This did not prevent their chiefs\\nfrom continuing to remain near us.\\nThere were only seven or eight who had guns,\\nthe others had bows and arrows only and during\\nall these manoeuvres on both sides, we three\\nRecollects were there saying our office, and as I\\nwas the one of the three who had seen most in\\nmatter of war, having served as King s chaplain\\nunder the direction of the Very Rev. Father\\nHyacinth le Fevre, I camef out of our cabin to\\nMargry s Relation adds who had seized all these emi-\\nnences, and instead of what follows down to 125 Indians reads\\nBut these savages seeing the French approach to charge them\\nabandoned the nearest and gave the Sieur de la Salle time to\\nmount the highest. This action\\nf The Nouvelle Decouverte omits this name and adds in\\nsieges and battles. What precedes corresponds mainly in both\\neditions.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 125\\nsee what figure our men made under arms and to\\nencourage two of the youngest whom I saw grow\\npale, and who nevertheless made for all that a\\nshow of being brave and haughty as much as\\ntheir leader. I approached in the direction of\\nthe oldest Indians, and as they saw that I was\\nunarmed, they readily inferred that I approached\\nthem with a view to part the combatants and to\\nbecome the mediator of their differences. One\\nof our men seeing a band of red stuff, which\\nserved as a head band to one of these Indians,\\nwent and tore it off his head, giving him to\\nunderstand that he had stolen it from us.\\nThis bold act of eleven armed Frenchmen against\\na hundred and twenty-five Indians, so intimidated\\nthese savages that two of their old men near whom\\nI was, presented the peace calumet, and having\\nadvanced on the assurance given that they could\\ndo so without any fear, they said that they had\\nnot resorted to this extreme course, except from\\nthe inability* they were in to restore what they\\nhad stolen from us, in the condition in which\\nThe text has impatience evidently a misprint for impuissance.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "126 A DESCRIPTION\\nthey had taken it that they were ready to restore\\nwhat was whole, and to pay for the rest. At the\\nsame time they presented some beaver robes\\nto the Sieur de la Salle to dispose his mind\\nto peace, excusing themselves for the small value\\nof their present, as the season was too far advanced.\\nWe contented ourselves with their excuses, they\\nfulfilled what they had promised, and thus peace\\nwas restored.\\nThe next day was spent in dances, in feasts and\\nspeeches,* and the head chief of these Indians\\nturning towards the Recollects, said See, the\\nGrey Gowns, for whom we feel great esteem\\nthey go barefooted like us, they despise the beaver\\nrobes whi :h we wish to give them, without any\\nhope of return they have no arms to kill us\\nthey flatter and caress our little children, and give\\nthem beads f for nothing, and those of our nation\\nThe following is omitted in Margry down to He added\\nthat the connection being by the words in which they ex-\\nhorted the Sieur de la Salle to remain with them and not go\\namong the Illinois whom it wouid be impossible to resist, and\\nwho had resolved to massacre all the French.\\nt And little knives Nouv. Decouv., p. i66.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I27\\nwho have carried furs to the villages of the French\\nhave told us that that Onnotio the great chief of\\nthe French loves them, because they have left\\neverything that the French esteem most precious,\\nto come and visit us, and to remain with us.\\nYou who are the chief of those who are here,\\narrange so as to make one of the Gray gowns\\nremain with us. We will give them part of all\\nwe have to eat, and we will take them to our\\nvillage after we have killed some buffalo and\\nyou who are master, arrange so as to stay here\\nalso with us do not go to the Islinois, for we\\nknow that they wish to massacre all the French, j-\\nIt will be impossible for you to resist that numerous\\nnation. He added that since an Iroquois, whom\\nthe Islinois had burned, had assured them that the\\nOnontio, Nouv. Decouv. Huron and Onondaga word\\nmeaning Beautiful mountain. Ononta^ meaning mountain, and\\nio in composition meaning beautiful. The term was given\\noriginally to Montmagny, Governor of Canada, apparently\\nin the sense of Mont magnifique, Beautiful mountain\\nand was subseqnentlv given to all the governors of Canada.\\nThe Nouv. Dec. has Canadians for French throughout\\nthis part.\\nt Your followers. Nouv. Dec, p. 167.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "12 o A DESCRIPTION\\nwar which the Iroquois made on them, had been\\nadvised by the French, who hated the IsUnois.\\nThey added several like reasons which alarmed\\nalmost all our Frenchmen,* and greatly disquieted\\nthe Sieur de la Salle, because all the Indians whom\\nhe had met on our whole route, had told him\\npretty nearly the same thing.\\nNevertheless as he knew that these reason\\nmight have been have been inspired by those who\\nopposed our enterprise and by the jealousy of\\nthe Indians to whom the Islinois were formid-\\nable by their valor, and who feared that they\\nmight become still more haughty, when by\\nmeans of the Frenchf they had acquired the use\\nof fire arms, we resolved to pursue our course,\\ntaking all necessary precautions for our safety.\\nHe accordingly answering the Outouagamis,\\ntold them that he thanked them for the infor-\\nmation which they gave us, but that the French\\nwho are spirits (the Indians so style us, saying\\nthat they are only men, but that we are spirits)|\\nCanadians. Nouv. Dec, p. 167.\\nf By our means Nouv. Dec.\\nI For the French spirit Margry reads he For\\nFrench, the Nouv. Dec. has we.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 29\\ndid not fear the Islinois, and that we would\\nbring them to reason by friendship or by force.\\nThe next day, the first of the month of No-\\nvember, we all reembarked and we arrived at the\\nrendezvous, which we had arranged with* twenty\\nother Frenchmen who were to come and meet\\nus by the other side of the lake. It was at the\\nmouth of the river of the Miamis, which coming\\nfrom the south empties into Lake Dauphin.\\nWe were surprised to find no one there, be-\\ncause-]^ the French whom we expected, had had\\na much shorter route to make than we had, and\\ntheir canoes were not heavily laden J\\nWe had resolved to make the Sieur de la Salle,\\nsee that he ought not to expose us unseasonably\\nand not to wait for winter, to conduct us to the\\nMargry reads the Sieur de Tonty has had etc. See\\nLeClercq, Etablissment de la Foi 2 p. 151.\\nf Margry adds: nevertheless he profited by this conjunc-\\nture to gain time and carry out the design that he had formed.\\nHe had resolved not to expose himself unseasonably, etc.\\nI All the rest is omitted in Margry, which reads, and that\\nhaving been joined by the Sieur de Tonty who was to bring\\nhim 2vj men he would be able without danger, etc.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "130 A DESCRIPTION\\nIslinois, because during that season these nations,\\nin order to hunt more conveniently, break up\\ninto families or bands of two or three hundred\\npersons each,J and that the longer we lingered\\nin that spot, the greater difficulty we should find\\nin getting there. That as the hunting began to\\nfail where we were, his whole party ran a risk\\nof starving to death, and that among the Islinois\\nwe should find Indian corn for our food, and\\nthat we should live better, being only fourteen\\nmen by our route, than if we were thirty-two\\nthat if the rivers should freeze over, we would\\nnot be able of ourselves to carry all the equipage,\\nfor a hundred leagues. He answered us that\\nwhen the twenty men whom he expected had\\njoined us, he would be able without danger to\\nmake himself known to the first band of Islinois\\nwhom he should find hunting, and gain them by\\nkind treatment, and by presents, learning some\\ntincture of the Islinois language, and that by this\\nmeans he would easily form alliance with the\\nrest of the nation.\\nWe* understood by similar remarks, that he\\nThis sentence omitted in Margry.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I3I\\nregarded his own will alone as reason and he\\ntold us that if all his men deserted he would\\nremain with our Indian hunter, and that he\\nwould easily find means by hunting to enable\\nthe three Recollect missionaries to live.\\nIn this thought, he availed himself of the\\ndelay of the Frenchmen whom he expected\\nhe told his men that he was resolved to wait,\\nand to amuse them by some useful occupation,\\nhe proposed to them to build a fort, and a house\\nfor the security of the bark and of the goods\\nwhich she was to bring, in order to serve us as a\\nrefuge in case of need.\\nThere was at the mouth of the river of the\\nMiamis,*! an eminence with a kind of platform\\non top and naturally fortified. It was high and\\nsteep, of triangular figure, formed on two sides\\nby the river, and on the other by a deep ravine.\\nHe felled the trees by which it was covered and\\ncleared away the underbrush for two gun shots\\nin the direction of the woods. Then he began\\nOur men. Noiiv. Dec, p. 170.\\nf Now known as the St. Joseph s. The mouth forms\\nBenton Harbor. Beckwith s Historic Notes, p. 75.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "132 A DESCRIPTION\\na redoubt forty feet long by eighty broad,\\nfortified by squared beams and joists, and musket\\nproof, laid one on another his design being to\\nput inclined palisades around the two sides facing\\nthe river. He cut down palisades which he\\nwished to plant en tenaille twenty-five feet high\\non the land side.\\nThe month of November was spent in these\\nworks,! during which time we ate nothing but\\nbear meat that our hunter killed. There were\\nat this place many of these animals, that were\\nattracted to it, by the great quantities of grapes\\ngrowing everywhere there but our people seeing\\nthe Sieur de la Salle all unmanned by the fear\\nhe entertained of the loss of his bark, and utterly\\nannoyed also at the delay of his men, whom the\\nSieur de Tonty was to bring us, the rigorous set-\\nting in of winter as a climax disheartening them,\\nthe mechanics worked only reluctantly, storming\\nMargry has 30.\\nf Instead of what follows down to perseverance Mar-\\ngry reads except the holidays and Sundays, when all the party\\nattended divine service and the sermon which Fathers Gabriel\\nand Louis delivered alternately after Vespers.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I33\\nagainst the fat bear meat, and at their being de-\\nprived of liberty to go and kill deer to eat with\\nthe bear fat, but their aim all tended to deser-\\ntion.*\\nWe made a bark cabin during this halt, in\\norder to say mass more conveniently, and on holi-\\ndays and Sundays Father Gabriel and I preached\\nalternately, chosing the most impressive matters\\nto exhort our men to patience and perseverance.\\nFrom the commencement of the same month\\nwe had examined the mouth of the river. We\\nhad marked a sand bank there, and to facilitate\\nthe entrance of the bark, in case it arrived, the\\nchannel was marked out by two tall poles planted\\non either side of the entrance, with bear skinf\\npendants, and buoys all along. We had more-\\nover sent to Missilimakinac two of our men, in-\\nformed of all things to serve as guides to Lukef\\nthe pilot.\\nOn the 20th of November, the Sieur de Tonty\\nLe Clercq gives this briefly. Etablissement de la Foi. ii, p.\\n151.\\nt This word not in Margry.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "134 A DESCRIPTION\\narrived* with two canoes loaded with several\\nstags. This revived a little the drooping spirits\\nof our workmen, but as he brought us only half\\nof the men whom we expected, and had left the\\nrest at liberty three days from our works, this\\ngave the Sieur de la Salle some uneasiness our\\nnew comers said that the bark had not touched\\nat Missilimakinac, and that they had heard no\\ntidings of her from the Indians, coming from\\nall sides of the lakes, nor from the two men\\nwho had been sent to Missilimakinac and\\nwhom they had met on the way. He feared\\nand with reason that his bark had been wrecked.\\nNevertheless he kept his men working at the\\nFort of the Miamis, as he called it, and not\\nseeing her appear after waiting so long, he\\nresolved to set out, for fear of being stopped by\\nthe ice which began to close theriver,f and which\\nbroke up at the first light rain. Nevertheless we\\nInstead of the following to new comers, said. Margry\\nhas simply who said to the Sieur de la Salle. Tonty says\\nhe arrived Nov. 12. Margry i, p. 580.\\nThe rest of the sentence and down to deserted is not\\nin Margry.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 135\\nhad to wait for the rest of the men whom the\\nSieur de Tonty had left behind, and to repair the\\nfault that he had committed, he retraced his steps\\nto make them come on and join us at once.\\nOn the way he wished to hold a little, and re-\\nsist the highwind, against the opinion of Sieur\\nDautray and his other canoemen, and as he had\\nonly one hand and could not help his two men\\nthe waves made them yaw and threw them broad\\nside on the lake shore, where they lost their guns\\nand their little baggage. f This obliged them\\nto come back to us, and fortunately the rest of\\nour men followed soon after them, except two\\nwhom we most mistrusted and who, we believed,\\nhad deserted.\\nWe embarked on the 3d of December with\\nthirty men in eight canoes and ascended the\\nriver of the Miamis, taking our course to the\\nJohn Francis Bourdon, Sieur d Autray, son of John Bourdon,\\nAttorney General and Chief Engineer of Canada, born at\\nQuebec, Feb., 1647. Tanguay, Dictionaire, p. 78.\\nt Tonty in Margry i, p. 581. Tonty, Memoire p. 7. La\\nHist. Coll. I, p. 54.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "136 A DESCRIPTION\\nsoutheast for about twenty-five* leaguCvS. We f\\ncould not make out the portage which we were\\nto take with our canoes and all our equipage, in\\norder to go and embark at the source of River\\nSeignelay,J and as we had gone higher up in a\\ncanoe without discerning the place where we\\nwere to march by land to take this other river,\\nwhich runs to the Islinois, we halted to wait for\\nthe Sieur de la Salle, who had gone exploring on\\nland, and as he did not return, we did not know\\nwhat course to pursue. I begged two of our\\nMargry say twenty.\\nfThis down to He told us that the marshes is Henne-\\npin s account, the Margry Relation has One day the Sieur de\\nla Salle sent his canoes ahead and followed them on land accord-\\ning to his custom, hunting and seeking to make some profita-\\nble discovery. He gave chase to a stag that he had wounded\\nand that he could not overtake till he plunged 4 or 5 leagues\\ninto the wood. He thought that the two men whom he had\\nwith him were following his trail on the snow and would soon\\novertake him but they got astray and turned back to their\\nstarting place in the morning instead of following the path that\\nhe took. Accordingly after waiting sometime in vain, he\\ntook his route to come up to the canoes again. Marshes.\\nX The Nouv. Dec, say River of the Illinois. This river\\nempties and loses its name in the river Meschasipi which in the\\nlanguage of the Illinois means Great River, p. 176. It was\\nthe Theakiki, now Kankakee branch of the Illinois.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I37\\nmost alert men to penetrate into the woods, and\\nfire off their guns so as to give him notice of the\\nspot where we were waiting for him. Two others\\nascended the river but to no purpose, for the\\nnight obliged them to retrace their step.^.\\nThe next day I took two of our men on a\\nlightened canoe, to make greater expedition,\\nand to seek him by ascending the river, but in\\nvain, and at four o clock in the afternoon we\\nperceived him at a distance, his hands and face\\nall black with the coals and the wood that\\nhe had lighted during the night which was\\ncold. He had two animals of the size of\\nmusk rats, hanging at his belt, which had a\\nvery beautiful skin, like a kind of ermine,\\nwhich he killed with blows of a stick, with-\\nout these little animals taking flight, and which\\noften let themselves hang by the tail from\\nbranches of trees, and as they were very fat, our\\ncanoemen feasted on them. He told us that the\\nmarshes he met with obliged him to make a wide\\nsweep, and as moreover he was hindered by the\\nsnow which was falling rapidly, he was unable\\n13", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "13^ A DESCRIPTION\\nto reach the bank of the river before two o clock\\nat night. He fired two gun shots to notify us,\\nand no one having answered him, bethought that\\nthe canoes had gone on ahead of him, and kept\\non his way, along and up the river. After march-\\ning in this way more than three hours, he saw fire\\non a mound, which he ascended brusquely, and after\\ncalling two or three times, but instead of finding\\nus asleep as he expected, he saw only a little fire\\namong some brush, and under an oak tree, the\\nspot where a man had been lying down on dry\\nherbs, and who had apparently gone off at the\\nnoise which he had heard.* It was some Indian\\nwho had gone there in ambush to surprise and\\nkill some of his enemies along the river. He\\ncalled him in two or three languages, and at last\\nto show him that he did not fear him, he cried\\nthat he was going to sleep in his place. He\\nrenewed the fire and after warming himself well,\\nhe took steps to guarantee himself against sur-\\nprise, by cutting down around him a quantity of\\nbushes, which falling across among those that\\nTonty describes this adventure briefly, Margry i, p, 581.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 39\\nremained standing, blocked the way, so that no one\\ncould approach him without making considerable\\nnoise, and awakening him. He then extinguished\\nhis fire and slept although it snowed all night.\\nFather* Gabriel and I begged the Sieur de la\\nSalle, not to leave his party as he had done, show-\\ning him that the whole success of our voyage\\ndepended on his presence.\\nOur Indian had remained behind us to hunt,\\nand not finding us at the portage, he went higher\\nup, and came to tell us that we would have to\\ndescend the river. All our canoes were sent with\\nhim, and I remained with the Sieur de la Salle,\\nwho was very much fatigued, and as our cabiu\\nInstead of the following to their load of meat, the\\nMargry Relation reads\\nThe next day he went to seek Indian trails and he found\\nthat some had come three or four times to his rampart of brush-\\nwood, but that they had not dared to cross it for fear of being\\ndiscovered. He returned to the bank of the river, where find-\\ning no sign of the passage of the canoes, he retraced his trail\\nof the day before and was following the current when he met\\nFather Louis who was coming in search of him in his canoe,\\nin which he embarked to proceed to the spot where the rest of\\nhis little fleet awaited him.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "140 A DESCRIPTION\\nwas composed only of flag mats, it took fire at\\nnight and would have burnt us, had I not\\npromptly thrown ofF the mat which served as a\\ndoor to our little quarters, and which was all in\\nflames.\\nWe rejoined our party the next day, at the\\nportage where Father Gabriel had made several\\ncrosses on the trees, that we might recognize it.\\nWe found there a number of buffalo horns and\\nthe carcasses of those animals, and some canoes\\nthat the Indians had made, of buffalo skins to\\ncross the river with their load of meat.\\nThis place is situated on the edge of a great\\nplain, at the extremity of which on the western\\nside is a vUlage of Miamis, Mascontens* and\\nOiatinon gathered together.\\nThe river Seignelay f which flows to the\\nThe Nouv. Dec. has Miamis Mascouteins, p. 181. The\\nOuiatenon are the Weas.\\nf The portage was not far from the present city of South\\nBend, Indiana. West of the city is Lake Kankakee, from\\nwhich the Kankakee river takes its rise. The distance inter-\\nvening between the head of this little lake and the St. Joseph is\\nabout two miles, over a piece of marshy ground, where the", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I4.I\\nIslinois (Indians,) rises in a plain in the midst of\\nmuch boggy land, over which it is not easy to\\nwalk. This river is only a league and a half\\ndictant from that of the Miamis, and thus we\\ntransported all our equipage and our canoes by a\\nroad which J we marked for the benefit of those\\nwho might come after us, after leaving at the\\nportage of the Miami river as well as at the fort\\nwhich we had built at its mouth, letters to\\nserve as a guide to those who were to come and\\njoin us by the bark to the number of twenty-five.\\nThe river Seignelay is navigable for canoes to\\nwithin a hundred paces of its source, and it\\nincreases to such an extent in a short time, that\\nit is almost as broad and deeper than the Marne.||\\nIt takes its course through vast marshes, where it\\nelevation is so slight, that, says Levette in his report on the\\nGeology of St. Joseph County, in the year 1832, a Mr. A.\\nCroquillard dug a race and secured a flow of water from the\\nlake to the St. Joseph, of sufficient power to run a grist and\\nsaw mill. Beclcwith, Historic Notes, p. 24.\\nI This marking is not in Margry I, p. 463.\\nWhich were hung on trees at the pass. Nouv. Dec, p.\\n182.\\nII The Sambre and the Meuse. Nouv. Dec, p. 182.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "14-2 A DESCRIPTION\\nwinds about so, though its current is pretty strong,\\nthat after sailing on it for a whole day, we some-\\ntimes found that we had not advanced more than\\ntwo leagues in a straight line. As far as the eye\\ncould reach nothing was to be seen but marshes\\nfull of flags and alders. For more than forty\\nleagues of the way, we could not have found a\\ncamping ground, except for some hummocks of\\nfrozen earth on which we slept and lit our fire.\\nOur provisions ran out and we could find no\\ngame after passing these marshes, as we hoped to\\ndo, because there are only great open plains,\\nwhere nothing grows except tall grass, which is\\ndry at this season, and which the Miamis had\\nburned while hunting buffalo, and with all the\\naddress we employed to kill some deer, our hun-\\nters took nothing for more than sixty leagues\\njourney, they killed only a lean stag, a small deer,\\nsome swans, and two wild geese for the subsist-\\nance of thirty-two men.f If our canoe men had\\nfound a chance, they would infallibly have all\\nThe rest of the paragraph not in Margry.\\nf Thirty or thirty-two, Nouv. Dec, p. 184.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I43\\nabandoned us, to strike inland and join the Indians\\nwhom we discerned by the flames of the prairies\\nto which they had set fire in order to kill the\\nbuffalo more easily.\\nThese animals are ordinarily in great numbers\\nthere, as it is easy to judge by the bones, the horns\\nand skulls that we saw on all sides. The Miamis\\nhunt them at the end of autumn in the follow-\\ning manner\\nWhen they see a herd, j they gather in great\\nnumbers, and set fire to the grass every where\\naround these animals, except some passage which\\nthey leave on purpose, and where they take post\\nwith their bows and arrows. The buffalo, seek-\\ning to escape the fire, are thus compelled to pass\\nnear these Indians, who sometimes kill as many\\nas a hundred and twenty J in a day, all which they\\nThe Nouv. Dec, here introduces the paragraph We con-\\ntinued to cable which is in this edition after the account of\\nthe buffalo.\\nf When the Indians see a herd of these cattle or bulls, they\\ngather, etc. Nouv. Decouv., p. 186.\\nI Margry has two hundred in a day and omits rest of\\nparagraph.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "I/j.4. A DESCRIPTION\\ndistribute according to the wants of the families\\nand these Indians all triumphant over the massacre\\nof so many animals, come to notify their women,\\nwho at once proceed to bring in the meat. Some\\nof them at times take on their backs three hundred\\npounds weight, and also throw their children on\\ntop of their load which does not seem to burthen\\nthem more than a soldier s sword at his side.\\nThese cattle have very fine wool instead of hair,\\nand the females have it longer than the males.\\nTheir horns are almost all black, much thicker\\nthan those of cattle in Europe, but not quite so\\nlong. Their head is of monstrous size the neck\\nis very short, but very thick,* and sometimes six\\nhands j* broad. They have a hump or slight ele-\\nvation between the two shoulders. Their legs\\nare very thick and short, covered with a very long\\nwool. On the head and between the horns they\\nhave long black hair which falls over their eyes\\nand gives them a fearful look. The meat of\\nRest of sentence omitted in Margry.\\nf In the Nouv. Decouv., pants, apparently palmes or paumes.\\nJ All the description that follows down to as commonly as\\nin Europe, is omitted in Margry.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I45\\nthese animals is very succulent. They are very\\nfat in autumn, because all the summer they are\\nup to their necks in the grass. These vast\\ncountries are so full of prairies, that it seems this\\nis the element and the country of the buffalo.*\\nThere are at near intervals some woods where\\nthese animals retire to ruminate, and to get out\\nof the heat of the sun.\\nThese wild cattle or bulls change country\\naccording to the season and the diversity of cli-\\nmate. When they approach the northern lands\\nand begin to feel the beginning of winter, they\\npass to the southern lands. They follow one\\nanother on the way sometimes for a league. They\\nall lie down in the same place, and their resting-\\nground is often full of wild purslain, which we\\nhave sometimes eaten. j* The paths by which\\nthey have passed are beaten like our great roads\\nin Europe, and no grass grows there. They cross\\nThe element of the buffalo and the country of the deer.\\nNouv. Dec, p. 188.\\nt This leads to the conjecture that it is introduced into these\\nparts by the dung of these bulls and cows. Nouv. Dec, p.\\n189.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "14-6 A DESCRIPTION\\nrivers and streams.* The wild cows go to the\\nislands to prevent the wolves from eating their\\ncalves and j* even when the calves can run,\\nthe wolves would not venture to approach them,\\nas the cows would exterminate them. The\\nIndians have this forecast not to drive these\\nanimals entirely from their countries, to pursue\\nonly those who are wounded by arrows, and the\\nothers that escape, they suffer to go at liberty with-\\nout pursuing them further, in order not to alarm\\nthem too much. And although these Indians\\nof these vast continents are naturally given to des-\\ntroy the animals, they have never been able to\\nexterminate these wild cattle, for however much\\nthey hunt them these beasts multiply so that they\\nreturn in still greater numbers the following year.\\nThe Indian women spin on the distaff the\\nwool of these cattle, out of which they make\\nbags to carry the meat, boucanned and some-\\ntimes dried in the sun, which these women keep\\nThat they find in their way by swimming in order to pas-\\nture from one land to another. lb.\\nf But when once the calves are large enough to run after their\\nmothers, the wolves. lb.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I47\\nfrequently for three or four months of the year,\\nand although they have no salt, they dry it so\\nwell that the meat undergoes no corruption, four\\nmonths after they have thus dressed this meat,\\none would say on eating it that the animals had just\\nbeen killed, and we drank the broth with them\\ninstead of water which is the ordinary drink of all\\nthe nations of America, who have no intercourse\\nwith Europeans,\\nThe ordinary skins of these wild cattle weigh\\nfrom one hundred to a hundred and twenty pounds.\\nThe Indians cut off the back and the neck part\\nwhich is the thickest part of the skin, and they\\ntake only the thinnest part of the belly, which\\nthey dress very neatly, with the brains of all\\nkinds of animals, by means of which they render\\nit as supple as our chamois skins dressed with oil.\\nThey paint it with different colors, trim it with\\nwhite and red porcupine quills, and make robes\\nof it to parade in their feasts. In winter they\\nuse them to cover themselves especially at night.\\nIn which this meat had boiled, like the Indians. Nouv.\\nDec, p. 190.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "148 A DESCRIPTION\\nTheir robes which are full of curly wool have a\\nvery pleasing appearance.\\nWhen the Indians have killed any cows, the\\nlittle calves follow the hunters, and go and lick their\\nhands or fingers, these Indians sometimes take\\nthem to their children and after they have played\\nwith them, they knock them on the head to eat\\nthem. They preserve the hoofs of all these\\nlittle animals, dry them and fasten them to rods,\\nand in their dances they shake and rattle them,\\naccording to the various postures and motions of\\nthe singers and dancers. This machine somewhat\\nresembles a tambour.\\nThese little animals might easily be domesti-\\ncated and used to plough the land.\\nThese wild cattle subsist in all seasons of the\\nyear. When they are surprised by winter and\\ncannot reach in time the southern land and the\\nwarm country, and the ground is all covered with\\nsnow, they have the tact to turn up and throw\\naside the snow, to crop the grass hidden beneath.\\nThey are heard lowing, but not as commonly as\\nin Europe.\\nIn the Rel., it is argots but in the Nouv. Dec, ongles.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I49\\nThese wild cattle are much larger in body than\\nours in Europe especially in the forepart. This\\ngreat bulk however does not prevent their moving\\nvery fast, so that there are very few Indians who\\ncan run them down. These bulls often kill those\\nwho have wounded them. In the season you see\\nherds of two and even of four hundred.\\nMany other kinds of animals are found in these\\nvast plains of Louisiana, stags, deer, beaver and\\notter* are common there, geese, swans, turtles,*}*\\npoules d inde, parrots, partridges, J and many other\\nbirds swarm there, the fishery is very abundant,\\nand the fertility of the soil is extraordinary.\\nThere are boundless prairies interspersed with\\nforests of tall trees, where there are all sorts of\\nbuilding timber, and among the rest excellent\\noak full like that in France and very different\\nfrom that in Canada. The trees are of prodigious\\ngirth and height, and you could find the finest\\nThe rest of the sentence omitted in Margry.\\nf The French has tortues, evidently tourtres wild pigeons.\\nI There is a prodigious quantity of pelicans which have mon-\\nstrous beaks. Nouv. Dec, p. 193.\\nMore solid and dense than that in Canada. Ibid 194.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "150 A DESCRIPTION\\npieces in the world for ship building which can\\nbe carried on upon the spot, and wood could be\\nbrought as ballast in the ships to build all the\\nvessels of France, which would be a great\\nsaving to the State and would give the trees in\\nour nearly exhausted forests time to grow again.\\nSeveral kinds of fruit trees are also to be seen\\nin the forests and wild grape vines which produce\\nclusters about a foot and a half long which ripen\\nperfectly, and of which very good wine can be\\nmade. There are also to be seen fields covered\\nwith very good hemp, which grows there naturally\\nto a height of six or seven feet. To conclude,\\nby the experiments j* that we have made among\\nthe Islinois and the Issati, we are convinced that\\nthe soil is capable of producing all kinds of fruits,\\nherbs and grain, and in greater abundance than the\\nbest lands in Europe.^ The air there is very\\ntemperate and healthy, the country is watered\\nEurope, Nouv. Dec, p. 194.\\nf In Margry it reads by the essays which the Sieur de la\\nSalle made among the Miamis on returning from his second\\nvoyage we are convinced, etc.\\nJ As two crops can be gathered a year. Nouv. Dec, p. 195.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "OF Louisiana. ic;i\\nby countless lakes, rivers and streams, most of\\nwhich are navigable. One is scarcely troubled at all\\nby musquitoes or other noxious creatures,* and by\\ncultivating the ground, people could subsist there\\nfrom the second year, independent of provisions\\nfrom Europe.\\nThis vast continent will be able in a short time\\nto supply all our West India islands with bread,\\nwine and meat, and our French buccaneers and\\nfillibusters will be able to kill wild cattle in\\ngreater abundance in Louisiana than in all the\\nrest of the islands, which they occupy.\\nThere are mines of coal, slate, iron, and the\\nlumps of pure red copper which are found in\\nvarious places, indicate that there are mines and\\nperhaps other metals and minerals, which will\\none day be discovered, inasmuch as a salt and\\nalum f spring has already been found among the\\nIroquois.\\nWe continued our route on the river Seignelay\\nThe rest of this paragraph and the next omitted in Margry.\\nf Margry has salt, alum and sulphur, i p. 466. The\\nNouv. Dec, p. 196, reads salt of alum.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "152 A DESCRIPTION\\nduring the rest of the month of December and\\nat last after having sailed for a hundred and\\ntwenty or a hundred and thirty leagues from\\nLake Dauphin on the river Seignelay, we arrived\\nat the village of the Islinois towards the close of\\nthe month of December, 1679.* We killed on\\nthe river bank only a single buffalo, and some\\npoules d indei because the Indians having set fire\\nto the dry grass of all the prairies on our route,\\nthe deer had taken fright, and with all the\\nskill adopted in hunting, we subsisted only by a\\npure Providence of God, who gives strength at\\none time that he does not at another, and by the\\ngreatest happiness in the world, when we had\\nnothing any more to eat, we found an enormous\\nbuffalo mired on the bank of the river, that\\ntwelve of our men had difhculty in dragging to\\nsolid ground with a cable.\\nThis Islinois f village is situated at forty de-\\nMargry has January i, 1680. He says two buffalo, and\\nomits from because to cable,\\nf The Nouv. Decouv., inserts here The etymology of the\\nword Illinois comes as we have said from the term Illini, which", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 153\\ngrees of latitude in a somewhat marshy plain, and\\non the right bank of a river as broad as the Seine\\nbefore Paris, which is divided by very beautiful\\nislands. It contains four hundred and sixty cabins,\\nmade like long arbors and covered with double\\nmats of flat flags, so well sewed, that they are\\nnever penetrated by wind, snow or rain. Each\\ncabin has four or five fires, and each fire has one\\nor two families, who all live together in a good\\nunderstanding.^\\nAs we had foreseen, J we found the village\\nempty,\u00c2\u00a7 all the Indians having gone to pass the\\nin the language of this nation signifies a perfect or complete\\nman just as the word AUeman signifies all men, as though they\\nwished to intimate that a German has the heart and bravery of\\nall the men of any nation whatever. lliniwek means we\\nare men. In the form irini, lenni, itcnters into many names\\nof Algonquin tribes.\\nMeuse before Namur. Nouv. Dec, p. 197. For the\\nposition of the village, see Parkman s Disc, of the Great West\\np. 156. It was near the present village of Utica.\\nf As to the population, compare Marquette, Discovery of\\nthe Mississippi, p. 56 Voyages p. 98 Allouez. Rel 1673-9,\\np. 129 Discov., p. 74; Membre in LeClercq., ii, p. 173.\\nI This is supported by La Salle s Letter, Sept. 29, 1680,\\nMargry ii, p, 36.\\nDec. 31, Tonty in Margry, i p. 581. He makes lat. 39\u00c2\u00b0\\n14", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "154 DESCRIPTION\\nwinter hunting in various places according to\\ntheir custom. Their absence, nevertheless, put\\nus in great embarrassment; provisions failed and\\nwe durst not take the Indian corn which the\\nIslinois hide in trenches under ground to preserve\\nit, and use on their return from the hunt for\\nplanting and subsistence till harvest. This stock\\nis extremely precious in their eyes, and you could\\nnot give them greater offense than by touching\\nit in their absence. Nevertheless, as there was no\\npossibilitv of our risking a further descent without\\nfood, and the fire that had been set to the prairies\\nhad driven off all the animals, the Sieur de la\\nSalle resolved to take twenty bushels of Indian\\ncorn, hoping that he would be able to appease the\\nIslinois by some means.\\nThe same day we reembarked with this new\\nsupply, and for four days we descended the same\\nriver, which runs south by west.\\nOn f the first day of the year 1679, J discov-\\nMargry has 30, Tonty 40.\\nf This paragraph not in Margry.\\nJ 1680 in Nouv. Dec, p. 199, and down to winters\\nomitted.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 155\\nering one of our deserters, of whom I have here-\\ntofore spoken, and that he had returned to us, only\\nto seduce our men, who, moreover, were dis-\\nposed to abandon us, through the fear they had\\not suffering hunger during the winter, I made\\nan exhortation after the mass, wishing a Happy\\nNew Year to the Sieur de la Salle and all our\\nparty, and after the most touching words, I begged\\nall our malcontents to arm themselves with\\npatience, representing to them that God v/ould\\nprovide for all our wants, and that if we lived in\\nconcert, he would raise up means to enable us to\\nsubsist. Father Gabriel, Father Zenobius and I\\nembraced them with the most affectionate senti-\\nments, encouraging them to continue so important\\na discovery.\\nTowards the end of the fourth day, while\\ncrossing a little lake formed by the river,* we\\nobserved smoke, which showed us that the In-\\nLake Peoria. The Nouv. Dec. here abandons the original\\nnarrative and copies almost literally from Le Clercq, Etablisse-\\nment de la Foi, ii, pp. 153-9, beginning called Pimiteoui.\\nNouv. Decouv., pp. 200-7. See Discovery of the Mississippi,\\npp. 94-6, La Salle in Margry, ii, p. 37.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "156 A Description\\ndians were cabined near there. In fact, on the\\nfifth,* about nine o clock in the morning, we saw\\non both sides of the river a number of parrakeets *j\\nand about eighty cabins full of Indians, who did\\nnot perceive our canoes, until we had doubled\\na point, behind which the Islinois were camped\\nwithin half gun shot. We were in eight canoes,\\nabreast, all our men arms in hand, and allowing\\nourselves to go with the current of the river.\\nWe j first gave the cry according to the custom\\nof these nations, as though to ask whether they\\nwished peace or war, because it was very im-\\nportant to show resolution at the outset. At\\nfirst the old men, the women and children took\\nflight across the woods by which the river is\\nbordered, the warriors ran to arms, but with so\\nmuch confusion, that before they recovered them-\\nselves, our canoes had touched land. The Sieur\\nde la Salle was the first to leap ashore.\\nTonty in Margry, i p. 53, and Le Clercq., ii, p. 153, say\\nJan. 4, 1680, La Salle, ii, p. 37, has however 5th.\\nfThe French printer put peroquets, but Margry s Relation\\ngives the real word pirogues, canoes. Compare La Salle s\\nletter Margry ii, p. 37.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I57\\nThe Indians might have been routed in the\\ndisorder they were in but as this was not our\\ndesign, we halted in order to give the IsUnois\\ntime to regain confidence. One of their chiefs\\nwho was on the other side of the river and who\\nhad observed that we had refrained from firing\\non seven or eight Indians whom we might easily\\nhave killed, began a harangue to stop the young\\nmen who were preparing to discharge arrows\\nacross the river. Those who were encamped on\\nthe side where we had landed, and who had\\ntaken flight at first, having understood the situa-\\ntion, sent two of the chief men among them to\\npresent the calumet from the top of a hill, soon\\nafter those who were on tne other side did the\\nsame thing and then we gave them to understand\\nthat we accepted the peace and at the same\\ntime I proceeded in haste with Father Zenobius\\nin the direction of the Indians who had taken\\nflight, taking their children by the hand, who\\nThe following down to missionaries is not in Margry.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "15^ A DESCRIPTION\\nwere all trembling with fear we manifested\\nmuch affection for them, entering with the old\\nmen and the mothers into the cabins, taking\\ncompassion on these souls, which are going to\\ndestruction, being deprived of the word of God\\nand lacking missionaries. The joy of both was\\nas great as their fear had been violent; that of\\nsome having been such that it was two f days be-\\nfore they returned from the places to which they\\nhad gone to hide.\\nAfter ;j; the rejoicings, the dances and feasts to\\nwhich they devoted the day, we assembled the\\nchiefs of the villages, which wene on both sides\\nof the river we\u00c2\u00a7 made known by our interpreter,\\nthat we. Recollects, had not come among them to\\ngather beaver, but to give them a knowledge of\\nthe great Master of Life, and to instruct their\\nThe Nouv. Dec, p. 202, has Maitres, here for meres.\\nt Three in Margry, i p. 468, ii, p. 38.\\nI Down to friendship omitted in Margry.\\nWe told them that we had come among them only to make\\nknown to them the true God, to protect them against their ene-\\nmies and to bring them fire arms of which they had no knowl-\\nedge, and the other comforts of life. We heard, etc. Nouv.\\nDec, p. 203.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 159\\nchildren that we had left our country which was\\nbeyond the sea to come and dwell among them,\\nand to be of the number of their greatest friends.\\nWe heard a great chorus of voices, Tepatoui\\nNicka, which means See what is good, my\\nbrother, you have a mind well made to conceive\\nthis thought, and at the same time they rubbed\\nour legs down to the sole of the feet near the fire\\nwith bear s oil and buffalo grease to relieve our\\nfatigue. They put the first three morsels of meat\\nin our mouth with extraordinary marks of friend-\\nship.\\nImmediately after the Sieur de la Salle made\\nthem a present of tobacco and some axes. He\\ntold them that he had convoked them to treat of\\nan aifair, which he wished to explain to them,\\nbefore he spoke to them of any other that he\\nknew how necessary corn was to them that\\nnevertheless, the want of provisions in which he\\nfound himself on arriving at their village, and the\\nThe corn they had in reserve. Margry, i, p. 468, ii, p.\\n39. This account is substantially the same in La Salle s letter, ii,\\np. 32, etc.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "l6o A DESCRIPTION\\nimpossibility of finding any game on the prairies,\\nhad obliged him to take a certain quantity of In-\\ndian corn, which he had in his canoes, and which\\nhe had not yet touched; that if they were willing\\nto leave it in his hands, he would give them in ex-\\nchange axes and other things which they needed,\\nand that if they could not spare it, they were tree\\nto take it back but that if they could not supply\\nhim the provisions necessary for his subsistence\\nand that of his men, he would go to their neighbors\\nthe Osages, who would furnish him some on\\npaying for it, and that in return he would leave\\nwith them the blacksmith whom he had brought\\nto mend their axes and other instruments.!\\nHe spoke to them in this manner, because he\\nwas well aware that the Islinois would not fail to\\nbejealous of the advantages that the French might\\ngive their neighbors, and especially that they\\nThese words omitted in Nouv. Dec, p, 205.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Which we Europeans might give them in future. The\\nIndians granted Mr. de la Salle what he wished and we made\\nan alliance with them. To render this alliance firm and in.\\nviolable which we contracted with the Illinois, we had to tajce\\nseveral necessary precautions.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. l6l\\nwould derive from a blacksmith, of whom they\\nwere themselves excessively in need. They\\naccordingly accepted with great demonstrations\\nof joy the payment that he offered them for their\\nIndian corn. They even gave more and earnestly\\nbegged us to settle among them.\\nWe answered that we would do so willingly,\\nbut that as the Iroquois were subjects of the\\nking and consequently our brethren, we could\\nnot make war on them that for this reason we\\nexhorted them to make peace with that nation,\\nthat we would aid them to do so, and that if in\\nspite of our remonstrances, that haughty nation\\ncame to attack them, we would defend them\\nprovided they permitted us to build a fort, in\\nwhich we could make head against the Iroquois\\nwith the few Frenchmen that we had that we\\nwould even furnish them arms and ammunition,\\nprovided they used them only to repel their ene-\\nmies, and did not employ against the nations that\\nlived under the protection of the king whom the\\nIndians call the Great Chief who is beyond the\\ngreat lake.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "1 62 A DESCRIPTION\\nWe then added that we also intended to bring\\nover other Frenchmen who would protect them\\nfrom the attacks of all their enemies, and would\\nfurnish all that they needed that we were hin-\\ndered only by the length and difficulty of the way.\\nThat to surmount this obstacle, we had resolved\\nto build a great wooden canoe to sail down to\\nthe sea, and bring them all kinds of merchandise\\nby that shorter and more easy way. But as this\\nenterprise required a great outlay, we wished to\\nlearn whether their river was navigable to the\\nsea, and whether other Europeons dwelt near its\\nmouth.\\nThe Islinois replied that they accepted all our\\nproposals, and that they would assist us as far as\\nthey could. Then they gave a description of the\\nriver Colbert or Meschasipi they told us won-\\nders of its width, and beauty, and they assured us\\nthat the navigation was free and easy, and that\\nthere were no Europeans near its mouth; but\\nwhat most convinced us that this river was navi-\\ngable, is that they named four nations to us, of\\nwhom there is mention in the Relation of the", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 63\\nVoyage of Ferdinand Soto, in Florida these are,\\nthe Tula, Casquin,* Cicaca and Daminoia. They\\nadded that prisoners whom they had taken in war\\nin the direction of the sea, said that they had seen\\nships far out which made discharges, that re-\\nsembled thunder, but that they were not settled\\non the coast, because if they were there, they\\n(the Indians), would not neglect to go and trade\\nwith them, the sea being distant only twenty\\ndays in their canoes.\\nThe -j- day passed in this way to our mutual\\nsatisfaction, but things did not remain long in this\\nstate.\\nCasquia in Margry i p. 470. For these places see Smith s\\nNarratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto, Tula, pp. 305\\nCasqui, no, 250 Chicasa, 92, 247; Aminoya, 167. The\\nterm Chicasa is easily identified, as the tribe held the same\\nterritory from the days of De Soto to the present century.\\nCasqui may be Kaskaskia, but it is not easy to see how La\\nSalle recognized Tula and Aminoya in any Indian tribe of his\\ntime.\\nf Paragraph omitted in Margry, r p. 470, but appears partly\\nin La Salle s letter, ii, p. 41.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "164 A DESCRIPTION\\nThe next day one of the chiefs of the Miamis\\nnamed Monso, arrived accompanied by five or six\\nothers loaded with kettles, axes, and knives in\\norder by these presents to prepare the mind of the\\nIslinois to believe what he was to say to them. He\\nsecretly assembled the sachems and assured them\\nthat we j intended to go and join their enemies,\\nwho live beyond the great river Colbert, [j^that\\nwe would furnish them arms and ammunition,\\nand that after having assembled them we would\\njoin the Iroquois, and hem them in on all sides\\nto exterminate them entirely that we were\\nfriends of the Iroquois, that the French had a\\nfort in the midst of the Iroquois country, that\\nwe would furnish them arms and powder, and\\nthat there was no other means of avoiding their\\nruin, than by preventing our voyage or at least\\ndelaying it, because a part of our men would\\nFrom F. Allouez s mission according to LaSalle s letter,\\nMargry ii p. 41, lOO, where Monso is said to mean a Deer, but\\nthe Chippewa Mons, is our Moose, Baraga p. 252. The\\nNouv. Dec, calls him a Maskoutens.\\nf The Sieur de la Salle is here and generally in Margry\\nsubstituted for Hennepin s we.\\nI Omitted in Margry.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 65\\nsoon abandon us, and that they should not believe\\nanything we might tell them.\\nAfter having said many things of the kind, the\\nMiami chief returned by night with as much\\nsecresy as he came lest we might discover all this\\nmystery.\\nNevertheless one of the Islinois chiefs named\\nOmaouha whom we had gained on arriving by\\na present of two axes and three knives, came to\\nsee us the next morning and secretly informed us\\nof all that had passed. We thanked him and to\\ninduce him to keep us informed of all that went\\non, we made him a new present of powder and\\nlead,f easily judging that this Miamis had been\\nsent and instructed by other Frenchmen, jealous\\nof our success, because this Monso did not know\\nus, and had not even been within four hun-\\ndred leagues of Fort Frontenac, and that never-\\ntheless, he had spoken of our affairs with as\\nOmoahoha, in Margry 1 p. 471, ii p. 42, where La Salle\\ncalls him chief of the Koeracocnetanon. He is not mentioned\\nin the Nouv. Decouv.\\nf The Sieur de la Salle and all his men judged, etc., in\\nMargry, and us, our, reads him, his.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "r66 A DESCRIPTION\\nmuch detail and circumstantiality as though he\\nhad known us all his life.\\nThis affair gave us all the more uneasiness,\\nbecause we knew that Indians are naturally sus-\\npicious and because many bad impressions had\\nalready been made on our men to induce them to\\ndesert, as six of their comrades had already done\\nat one stroke.\\nIn the afternoon of the same day, Nicanape,\\nbrother of Chassagouasse, j* the most important\\nof the Islinois chiefs, who was then absent, invited\\nus all to a feast, and when all were seated in the\\ncabin, Nicanape took the word, and made us J\\nan address very different from those which the\\nsachems had made us at his arrival, saying that he\\nhad not invited us, so much to give us good\\ncheer as to cure our mind of the disease which\\nwe had, wishing to descend the great river,\\nTheir comrades had done at Missilimakinak, Margry.\\nf Chassagoac. lb. He accompanied F. Marquette from\\nGreen Bay. Disc, of the iVIississippi, p. 259.\\nX Margry has the Sieur de la Salle, and apparently this\\nwas Hennepin s original reading.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 167\\nwhich no one had ever yet done without perish-\\ning there, that its banks were inhabited by an\\ninfinite number of barbarous nations, who would\\noverwhelm the French by their numbers, what-\\never arms and whatever valor they might possess;\\nthat this river was full of monsters, tritons,*\\ncrocodiles, and serpents, and even if the size of\\nour canoe should protect us from this danger,\\nthere was another and inevitable one, that the\\nlower part of the river was full of falls and preci-\\npices with a current above them so evident,\\nthat men go down helplessly, and that all\\nthese precipices ended in a gulf where the\\nriver was lost under ground, without any\\none s knowing whither it went. He added to\\nthis so many circumstances and pronounced his\\naddress so seriously with so many marks of good\\nwill, that our men who were not all accustomed\\nto the manners of the Indians and two of whom\\nunderstood the language, were shaken by it. We\\nmarked their apprehension in their faces, but as\\nTritons, crocodiles omitted in Margry.\\nt Violent, in Margry.\\nJ Two or three, Margry i, p. 472.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "1 68 A DESCRIPTION\\nit is not the custom to interrupt Indians, and by\\ndoing so, we should only have increased the sus-\\npicion of our men, we let Iiim finish his speech\\nin peace, and then we replied without any emo-\\ntion, that we were very much obliged to him for\\nthe information he gave us, and that we should\\nacquire all the more glory, if we found difficulties\\nto overcome that we all served the great\\nMaster of the life of men, and him f who was\\nthe greatest of all the chiefs who commanded\\nbevond the sea that we esteemed ourselves\\nhappy to die, while bearing J the name of both\\nto the very end of the earth but that we feared\\nthat all that he had told us, was only an invention\\nof his friendship to prevent our leaving his nation,\\nor rather that it was only an artifice of some evil\\nspirit who had given them some distrust of our\\nDown to who was omitted. Margry.\\nf Of our chiefs that he commanded the sea and all the\\nworld that we should deem ourselves happy to die bearing the\\nname of the great chief of heaven and of him who had sent us\\nto the end of the world. Nouv. Dec, p. 210.\\nI His name. lb.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 169\\nplans, although they were full of sincerity that\\nif the Islinois had any real friendship for us, they\\nshould not dissemble the grounds of their uneasi-\\nness, from which we should endeavor to deliver\\nthem, that otherwise we should have reason to\\nbelieve, that the friendship they manifested for\\nus on our arrival was only on their lips.\\nNicanape remained unable to reply, and pre-\\nsenting us food changed his discourse.*\\nAfter the meal our interpreter f took up the\\nword again, and told him that we were not sur-\\nprised that their neighbors became jealous of the\\nadvantages, that they would receive from the\\ntrade which they were going to have with the\\nFrench, nor that they should spread reports to\\nour damage, but that he was astonished to see\\nthem so easy to give them credence, and that\\nthey concealed them from the French,J who had\\nso frankly revealed to them all their designs.\\nAll this is substantiated by La Salle s letter, Margry ii, p\\n43-4.\\nt The Sieur de la Salle, lb.\\nX A man, lb.\\n15", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "lyO A DESCRIPTION\\nWe were not asleep, brother, he added,\\naddressing Nicanape, when Monso spoke to you\\nin secret at night to the prejudice of the French,\\nwhom he depicted to you as spies of the Iroquois.\\nThe presents that he made you to convince you\\nof his lies are still secreted in this cabin. Why\\ndid he take flight immediately afterwards Why\\ndid he not show himself by day, if he had only\\ntruth to tell Have you not seen that at our\\narrival we might have killed your nephews, and\\nthat in the confusion prevailing among them, we\\nmight have done alone, what they wish to per-\\nsuade you, we will execute with the help of the\\nIroquois, after we are settled among you, and\\nhave formed a friendship with your nation At\\nthis moment that I am addressing you, could not\\nour French, kill all of you, old men that you are,\\nwhile your young men are off at the hunt do\\nyou not know that the Iroquois, whom you fear,\\nhave experienced the valor of the French, and\\nthat consequently we should not need their help,\\nif we intended to make war on you. But to cure\\nyour mind entirely, run after this imposter, whom", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I7I\\nwe will wait here to convict and confound. How\\ndoes he know us,* since he has never seen us, and\\nhow can he know the plots which he says we\\nhave formed with the Iroquois, whom he knows\\nas little as he does us? Look at our stores, they\\nare only tools and goods that can but serve us to\\ndo you good, and which are not suited either for\\nattacking or for retreating.\\nThese words influenced them and induced them\\nto dispatch runners after Monso to bring him\\nback, but the heavy snow that fell by night\\nbefore and which covered his tracks, prevented\\ntheir overtaking him nevertheless our French-\\nmen who had been alarmed already, were not\\nrelieved of their false fears. Six of them who\\nwere on guard, and f among them two pit-saw-\\nyers, without whom we could not make a bark\\nto go to the sea, fled the next night, after having\\ncarried off whatever they thought likely to be\\nnecessary to them, and exposed themselves to a\\ndanger of perishing and dying of hunger much\\nAll this is in the first person in Margry, my, my\\npeople, me.\\nj Margry omits to sea.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "172 A DESCRIPTION\\nmore certain than that which they sought to\\navoid.*\\nThe Sieur de la Salle having gone out of his\\ncabin in the morning and finding no one on duty,\\nhe entered the cabins of his men, and found one\\nwhere there was only a single man left, whom\\nhis comrades had not notified, because he was\\nsuspected by them. He called them all together\\nand asked for information in regard to these\\ndeserters. Then he expressed his displeasure\\nthat they should have deserted against the King s\\norders and all justice, and abandoned him at the\\ntime when they were most necessary to him,\\nafter he had done everything for them. To\\ncounteract the bad impression that this desertion\\nmight produce in the mind of the Islinois he\\nordered them to say that their comrades had gone\\noff by his order, and said that he was well able\\nto pursue and punish them as an example, but\\nthat he did not wish to let the Indians know how\\nlittle fidelity there was among the French. He\\nThe proceedings against these deserters will be fouud in\\nMargry 2 p. 103, etc.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 73\\nexhorted them to be more faithful to him than\\nthese runaways, and not to go to such extremes\\nthrough fear of the dangers which Nicanape had\\nfalsely exaggerated to them that he did not in-\\ntend to take with him any but those who would\\nwish to accompany him willingly, and that he\\nwould give them his word to leave the others at\\nliberty in the spring to return to Canada, whither\\nthey might go without risk and by canoe,\\nwhereas they could not then undertake it but\\nwith evident peril of their lives, and with the\\ndisgrace of having basely abandoned him, by a\\nconspiracy which could not remain unpunished\\non their arrival in Canada.\\nHe endeavored to reassure in this way, but\\nknowing their inconstancy, and dissembling the\\nchagrin he felt at their lack of resolution, he re-\\nsolved to remove them from the Indians, to pre-\\nclude any new subornations, and in order to make\\nthem consent without murmuring, he told them\\nthat they were not in security among the Islinois\\nthat moreover such a stay exposed them to the\\nAt Quebec, Margry i, p. ^75,", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "174 A DESCRIPTION\\narms of the Iroquois, who perhaps might come\\nbefore winter to attack the village, that the\\nIslinois were not capable of making any resistance\\nto them, that apparently they would take flight\\nat the first shock, and that the Iroquois would\\nnot be able to overtake them, because the Islinois\\nrun much faster than they do they would vent\\ntheir rage on the French whose small number\\nwould be incapable of making head against these\\nsavages that there was only one remedy, and\\nthat was to fortify themselves in some post easy\\nof defence that he had found one of this kind\\nnear the village, where they would be proof\\nagainst the insults of the Islinois and the arms of\\nthe Iroquois, who would not be able to storm them\\nthere, and who for this reason would not under-\\ntake to attack them.f\\nThese reasons and some others of that kind\\nwhich J I made them, persuaded them, and\\nMargry reads: During the, Villages.\\nf All this confirmed by La Salle s letter. Margry ii, p. 47\\nJ This clause not in Margry,", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 75\\nbrought all to work with a good grace in\\nbuilding a fort which was called Crevecoeur\\nsituated four days journey from the great village\\nof the Islinois descending towards the river\\nColbert.J\\nFor the rest of this sentence Margry reads on a very\\nsevere undertaking for so small a party. Tonty in Margry i,\\np. 583, makes the fort begun Jany. 15, 1680.\\nt The name is not given in the Nouv. Dec. The account\\nof this council there, pp. 207-216, is substantially the same as\\nhere given.\\nIt is commonly supposed that La Salle dejected at the loss\\nof the Griffin and his increasing difficulties called this fort\\nCrevecoeur, Broken Heart, on that account. The Tonty of 1697,\\nso asserts but at a moment when La Salle sought to encourage\\nhis men he would not be likely to do this. As Louis XIV,\\nhad recently demolished Fort Crevecoeur, a stronghold in the\\nNetherlands near Bois-le-Duc, captured by him, in 1672,\\nZedler s Univ. Lexicon vi, p. 161 2-3, the name may have been\\na compliment to that monarch and this would explain the\\nomission of the name in the Nouv. Decouverte published in\\nHolland. Parkman, Discovery, p. 168, says that the site of\\nthe fort is still recognizable a little below Peoria. It was on\\nthe east side of the river. Franqueiin s map.\\nI The Nouv. Decouv., pp. 217-222, here introduces matter\\nfrom LeClercq ii pp. 1 73-1 81. Discovery of the Miss-\\nissippi, pp. 150\u00e2\u0080\u00942, making however Miamis southwest of Lake\\nMichigan where LeClercq has south by east.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "176 A DESCRIPTION\\nA great* thaw having set in on the 15th of\\nJanuary, and rendered the river free below the\\nvillage, the Sieur de la Salle begged f me to\\naccompany him, and we proceeded with one of\\nour canoes to the place which we were going to\\nselect to work at this little fort. It was a little\\nmound about two hundred paces distant from the\\nbank of the river, which in the season of the\\nrains, extends to the foot of it two broad deep\\nravines protected two other sides and a part of\\nthe fourth, which we completely entrenched by\\na ditch which united the two ravines. Their\\nexterior slope which served as a counterscarp, was\\nfortified, we made J chevaux de frise and cut\\nthis eminence down steep on all sides, and the\\nearth was supported as much as was necessary\\nwith strong pieces of timber, with thick planks,\u00c2\u00a7\\nFrom this place to after our departure, is substantially\\nthe same in the Nouv. Decouv, pp. 223-9.\\nf Proceeded with all his canoes to the spot which he had\\nselected to build a fort. Margry i, p. 176.\\nJ For we made, Margry reads with good.\\nThe Nouv. Dec, omits to barracks.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 177\\nand for fear of any surprise, we planted a stockade\\naround, the timbers of which were twenty-five\\nfeet long and a foot thick.* The summit of the\\nmound was left in its natural figure, which formed\\nan irregular square, and we contented ourselves\\nwith putting on the edge a good parapet of earth\\ncapable of covering all our force, whose barracks\\nwere placed in two of -j* the angles of this fort, in\\norder that they might be always ready in case of\\nattack. Fathers Gabriel, Zenoble and I J lodged\\nin a cabin covered with boards, which we ad-\\njusted with the help of our workmen and in\\nwhich we retired after work,\u00c2\u00a7 all our people for\\nevening and morning prayer, and where, being\\nunable any longer to say mass, the wine which we\\nhad made from the large grapes of the country\\nhaving just failed us, we contented ourselves with\\nTwenty feet long and stout in proportion, Margry.\\nt Margry omits two of.\\nJ The Recollects were lodged in the third. The store house\\nsolidly constructed was placed on the fourth, and the forge\\nalong the curtain, which, etc., Margry i, p. 477, compare La\\nSalle s letter ii, p. 49.\\nSupply and gathered.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "178 A DESCRIPTION\\nsinging Vespers on holidays and Sundays, and\\npreaching after morning prayers.\\nThe forge was set up along the curtain which\\nfaced the wood. The Sieur de la Salle posted\\nhimself in the middle with the Sieur de Tonty\\nand wood was cut down to make charcoal for\\nthe blacksmith.\\nWhile they were engaged at this work, we\\nwere thinking constantly only of our exploration,\\nand we saw that the building of a bark would\\nbe very difficult on account of the desertion of\\nthe pit sawyers. It occurred to us one day, to\\ntell our people that if there was a man of good\\nwill among them, who was willing to try and\\nmake sheathing planks there was hope of succeed-\\ning, with a little more labor and time, and that at the\\nworst we should after all only spoil a few. Im-\\nmediately two of our men offered to work at it.\\nThe trial was made and they succeeded pretty\\nwell, although they had never before undertaken\\na similar piece of work. We began a bark of\\nforty-two feet keel, and only twelve broad. We\\nRest of sentence not in Margry.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 79\\npushed on the work with so much care, that not-\\nwithstanding the building of Fort Crevecoeur\\nthe sheathing was sawed, all the wood of the\\nbark ready and curved in the first of the\\nmonth of March. -j-\\nIt is to be remarked that in the country of the\\nIslinois, the winter is not more severe than in\\nProvence, but that of the year 1679, J the snow\\nHennepin reads en bois tors. Margry en chantier,\\non the stocks.\\nt Instead of the following down to confortetur cor tuum^ the\\nMargry Rel i p. 477, has merely At the same time the\\nSieur de la Salle proposed to have the route he was to take to\\nthe riverMississippi explored in advance, and the course of\\nthat river above and below the mouth of the Divine river or\\nof the Illinois. Father Louis Henpin offered to take this\\nvoyage in order to begin and make acquaintance with the nations\\namong whom he soon proposed to go and settle in order to\\npreach the faith there. The Sieur de la Salle was reluctant to\\nimpose this task on him, but seeing that he was resolute, he\\nconsented. He gave him a calumet and a canoe with two\\nmen, one of whom called le Picard is now in Paris, the other\\nnamed Michael Accault, understood moderately the Illinois\\nand Nadouessioux languages. He entrusted the latter with\\nsome goods intended to make presents and valued at 1000 or\\n1200 livres. Compare Margry 11, p. 246.\\nX 1680, in Nouv. Dec, p. 226.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "l8o A DESCRIPTION\\nlasted more than twenty days, which was an\\nextraordinary surprise to the Indians, who had\\nnot yet experienced so severe a winter, so that\\nthe Sieur de la Salle and I saw ourselves exposed\\nto new hardships, which will perhaps appear in-\\ncredible to those who have no experience in\\ngreat voyages and new discoveries.\\nFort Crevecceur* was almost completed, all the\\nwood had been prepared to complete the bark,\\nbut we had neither rigging nor sails, nor iron\\nenough we heard no tidings of the bark which\\nwe had left on Lake Dauphin nor of the men\\nwho had been sent to learn what had become of\\nher. Meanwhile the Sieur de la Salle saw that\\nsummer was approaching, and that if he waited\\nuselessly some months more, our enterprise\\nwould be retarded a year, and perhaps two or\\nthree, because being so far from Canada, he could\\nnot put his affairs in any order or cause the things\\nhe needed to be forwarded.\\nIn this extremity f we both adopted a resolu-\\nThis paragraph is substantially in Margry, i p. 483.\\nt Margry i, p. 484, has In this extremity, he adopted a", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. l8l\\ntion, as extraordinary as it was difficult to carry\\nout, I to go with two men into unknown coun-\\ntries, where one is at every moment in a great\\ndanger for his life, and he to proceed on foot to\\nFort Frontenac itself, a distance of more than\\nfive hundred leagues. We were then at the close\\nof winter which had been, as we have said as\\nsevere in America as in France, the ground was\\nstill covered with snow which was neither melted\\nnor able to bear a man in snow shoes. It was\\nnecessary to load ourselves with the usual equipage\\non these occasions, that is to say, a blanket, a\\nkettle, an axe, a gun, powder, and lead, dressed\\nskins to make Indian shoes, which often last only a\\nday, those which are worn in France being of no\\nuse in these western countries. Besides this he\\nmust resolve to push through bushes, to walk in\\nmarshes, and melting snow, sometimes waist high,\\nand that for whole days, sometimes even with\\nnothing to eat; because he and three others who\\nresolution as extraordinary as it was difficult to execute, namely\\nto proceed on foot to Fort Frontenac more than five hundred\\nleagues distant. We were there etc.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "1 82 A DESCRIPTION\\naccompanied him, could not carry provisions,\\nbeing compelled to depend for all their subsistence\\non what they might shoot, and expect to drink\\nonly the water they might find on the way. To\\nconclude he was exposed every day and especially\\nnight to be surprised by four or five nations which\\nmade war on each other, with this difference, that\\nthese nations where he was to pass, all know the\\nFrench, and that those where I was going had\\nnever seen Europeans. Nevertheless all these\\ndifficulties did not astonish him any more than\\nthey did me. Our only trouble was to find among\\nour force, some men robust enough to go with us\\nand to prevent the others, already greatly fluctua-\\nting, from all deserting after our departure.\\nSome f days after we fortunately found means\\nto disabuse our people of the false impressions\\nwhich the Islinois had produced on them at the\\ninstigation of Monso, chief of the Miamis.J\\nSome Indians arrived at the village of the Islinois\\nMargry continues and his only trouble was, etc.\\nfThis is virtually in Margry, i p. 485.\\nJ Maskoutens. Nouv. Dec, p. 230.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 183\\nfrom these remote nations, and one of them assured\\nus of the beauty of the great river Colbert or\\nMeschasipi. We were confirmed in it by the\\nreport of several Indians, and by a private Islinois,\\nw^ho told us in secret on our arrival that it was\\nnavigable. Nevertheless this account did not\\nsuffice to disabuse our people and completely\\nreassure them. We wished to make the Islinois\\nthemselves avow it, although we had learned\\nthat they had resolved in council always to tell\\nus the same thing. Soon after a favorable occasion\\npresented itself.\\nA young Islinois warrior who had taken some\\nprisoners in the direction of the south and who\\nhad come on ahead of his comrades, passed to our\\nshipyard. They gave him some Indian corn to\\neat. As he was returning from the lower part\\nof the river Colbert, of which we pretended to\\nhave some knowledge, this young man traced\\nfor us with coal, a pretty exact map, assuring us\\nthat he had been everywhere in his periagua\\nthat there was not down to the sea, which the\\nIndians call the great lake, either falls or rapids.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "184 A DESCRIPTION\\nBut that as this river became very broad, there\\nw^ere in some places sand banks and mud w^hich\\nbarred a part of it. He also told us the name of\\nthe nations that lived on its bank, and of the\\nrivers w^hich it receives. I wrote them down and\\nI will be able to give an account thereof in a\\nsecond volume of our Discovery.*\\nWe thanked him by a small present, for having\\nrevealed to us the truth, which the chief men of\\nhis Islinois nation had disguised from us. He\\nbegged us not to tell them, and an axe was given\\nto him to close his mouth after the fashion of the\\nIndians when they wish to enjoin secrecy.\\nThe next morning after our public prayers, we\\nwent to the village where we found the Islinois\\nassembled in the cabin of one of the most impor-\\ntant who was giving a bear feast, which is a meat\\nthat they esteem highly. They made place for\\nus among them on a fine mat of flags, which they\\nspread for us. We told them through one of\\ntheir men, who knew the language, that we\\nwished to make known to them, that He who\\nThis is in La Salle s letter. Margry, ii p. 54.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 85\\nhas made all, whom we call the great Master of\\nLife, takes a particular care of the French, that\\nhe had done us the favor to instruct us as to the\\ncondition of the great river, called by us Colbert,\\nas to which we had difficulty in ascertaining the\\ntruth, since they had rendered it impossible for us\\nto navigate, and then we informed them what\\nwe had learned the day before.\\nThese savages thought that we had learned\\nall these things by some extraordinary way and\\nafter having closed the mouth with their hand,\\nwhich is a way that they often employ to express\\ntheir surprise, they told us that it was only the\\ndesire which they had to retain our chief with\\nthe Greygowns or Bare feet (as all the Indians of\\nof America call our Religious of Saint Francis)\\nto remain with them, had obliged them to con-\\nceal the truth. They confirmed all that we had\\nlearned from the young warrior, and have since\\nalways persisted in the same opinion.\\nThis affair greatly diminished the fears of our\\nFrenchmen, and they were entirely delivered\\n16", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "1 86 A DESCRIPTION\\nfrom them by the arrival of several Osages,\\nCiccaca and Akansa,* who had come from the\\nsouthward in order to see the French and to buy\\naxes. They all bore witness that the river was navi-\\ngable to the sea, and that as the coming of the\\nFrench was made known,-]- all the nations of the\\nlower part of the river Colbert would come to\\ndance the Calumet of Peace to us, in order to\\nmaintain a good understanding, and trade with\\nthe French nation.\\nThe Miamis came at the same time to dance\\nthe calumet to the Islinois, and made an alliance\\nwith them against the Iroquois their common\\nenemy. The Sieur de la Salle niade some presents\\nto unite these two nations more firmly together.\\nSeeing that we were three Recollect mission-\\naries with the few Frenchmen whom we had at\\nFort Crevecoeur, and having no more wine to\\nThe Osages from the Missouri the Chickasaws and\\nAkansas or Quappas from the lower Mississippi. Akansa,\\nAlkansas, Arkansas is the Algonquin name for the Quappas a\\nDacota tribe driven from the Ohio river. Gravier s Journal.\\nThey would be very well received. Margry I, p. 487.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 87\\nsay mass. Father Gabriel who had need of relief\\nat his advanced age, declared that he would\\nwillingly remain alone at the fort with our\\nFrenchmen. Father Zenoble who had desired\\nto have the great mission of the Islinois, composed\\nof about seven or eight thousand souls, began to\\nweary of it, finding it difficult to adapt himself\\nto the importunate manners of the Indians, with\\nwhom he dwelt. We spoke about it to the Sieur\\nde la Salle, who made a present of three axes to\\nthe Father s host, by name Oumahouha, that is\\nto say, the Wolf, who was the chief of a family\\nor tribe, in order that he might take care to\\nmaintain the Father, whom this chief called his\\nson, and who lodged him and considered him as\\none of his children.\\nThis Father who was only half a league from\\nthe fort, came to explain to us the subject of his\\ntroubles, telling us, that he was not yet accustomed\\nto the ideas of the Indians, that nevertheless he\\nalready knew a part of their language. I offered\\nZenobe is frequently written thus in documents of this time.\\nMargry by a blunder in one place makes another man Le Noble,", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "1 88 A DESCRIPTION\\nto take his mission, provided he would go in my\\nplace to the remote nations of whom we had as\\nyet no knowledge, as that which the Indians had\\ngiven us was only superficial. This set the\\nFather thinking, and he preferred to remain with\\nthe Islinois, of whom he had some knowledge,\\nrather than expose himself to go among unknown\\nnations.\\nThe Sieur de la Salle left in Fort Crevecoeur\\nthe Sieur de Tonty as commandant, with some\\nsoldiers and the carpenters who were employed\\nbuilding the bark intended for the attempt to\\ndescend to the sea by the river Colbert, in order\\nto be by this means, protected from the arrows\\nof the Indians in this vessel. He left him powder\\nand lead, a blacksmith, guns and other arms to\\ndefend themselves, in case they were attacked by\\nthe Iroquois. He gave him instructions to re-\\nmain in his fort, and before returning to Fort\\nFrontenac, to go and get a reinforcement, cables\\nand rigging for the last bark, which he left built\\nup to the ribband, he begged me to consent\\nSee proceedings against Deserters. Margry ii, p. 103. It\\nhad four planks on each side.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 1 89\\nto take the pains to go and explore in advance\\nthe route which he would have to take to the\\nriver Colbert on his return from Canada,* but as\\nI had an abscess in the mouth, which suppurated\\ncontinually, and which had continued for a year\\nand a half, I manifested to him my repugnance,\\nand told him that I needed to return to Canada\\nto have it treated. He replied that if I refused\\nthis voyage, that he would write to my superiors,\\nthat I would be the cause of the want of success\\nof our new missions.\\nThe Reverend Father Gabriel de la Ribourde\\nwho had been my Father Master in the Novitiate,\\nbegged me to proceed, saying that if I died of\\nthis infirmity, God would be one day glorified\\nby my apostolic labors. It is true, my son,\\nsaid this venerable old man to me who had\\nwhitened more than forty years in the austerity\\nLa Salle, Margry ii, p. 54, says that Indians called Chaa\\nwho lived up the Mississippi visited him and invited him to\\ntheir country, and that Hennepin offered to go with two of his\\nbravest men. It is not easy to tell who the Chaa were, unless\\nwe take it to be a misprint for bisan, one Algonquin name for\\nthe Sioux.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "IQO A DESCRIPTION\\nof penance, that you will have many monsters\\nto overcome, and precipices to pass in this enter-\\nprise, which demands the strength of the most\\nrobust. You do not know a word of the language\\nof these nations, whom you going to try and gain\\nto God, but courage, you will gain as many\\nvictories as combats.\\nConsidering that this Father had at his age\\nvolunteered to come and aid me in my second\\nyear of our new discovery, in the view that he\\nhad to announce Jesus Christ to the unknown\\nnations, and that this aged man was the only\\nmale child and heir of his father s house, who\\nwas a gentleman of Burgundy, I offered to un-\\ndertake this voyage to endeavor to go and form\\nan acquaintance with the nations among whom I\\nhoped soon to settle in order to preach the faith.\\nThe Sieur de la Salle told me that I gratified him.\\nHe gave me a peace calumet and a canoe with\\ntwo men, one of whom was called the Picard du\\nGay, who is now in Paris, and the other Michael", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I9I\\nAko.* He entrusted this latter with some goods\\nintended to make presents, which were worth a\\nthousand or twelve hundred livres, and he gave\\nme ten knives, twelve awls, a small roll of tobacco,\\nto give the Indians, about two pounds of black\\nand white beads, and a small package of needles,\\nassuring me that he would have given me more,\\nif he had been able. In fact he is very liberal to\\nhis friends.\\nCompare La Salle s letter, Margry ii, p. 55. Moyse Hil-\\nlarct (lb. p. 108) says Aug. 17, 1680: Feb. 28, the\\nRecollect Louis and the said Accault and Picard went to\\ntrade with the Sioux, showing that this was the opinion in the\\nfort of the object of their voyage. Tonty in Margry i, p.\\n583, says Sometime after the Reverend Father Louis Hen-\\nnepin set out with Michael and Picard for the country of the\\nSioux. See too Tonty, Memoire, p. 8. La Salle in Margry\\nji, p. 245, etc., gives an account and justifies sending them, see\\nAppendix.\\nOf his two companions Michael Accault is deemed by some\\nthe real head of the party. After La Salle s force were ennobled\\nby his discoveries, this man became the Sieur d Accault, (d Alco\\nd acau, Dacan) just as honest Pierre You, blossomed out into\\nPierre You d Youville de la Decouverte. The Picard s real name\\nwas Anthony Auguelle. In this volume, printed at Paris, Henne-\\npin very naturally mentions Auguelle s being there. The Mar\\ngry document says the same, but La Salle would have referred\\nto Hennepin, not to Augnelle, had he known where they were.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "192 A DESCRIPTION\\nHaving received the blessing of the reverend\\nFather Gabriel and leave from the Sieur de la\\nSalle, and after having embraced all our men\\nwho came to escort us to our place of embarking\\nFather Gabriel finishing his adieus by these words\\nViriliter age et confortetur cor tuum,\\\\ we set out\\nfrom Fort Crevecoeur the 29th of February, 1680,\\nand toward evening, while descending the river\\nSeignelay, we met on our way several parties of\\nIslinois returning to their village in their periaguas\\nor gondolas, loaded with meat. They would have\\nobliged us to return, our two boatmen were\\nstrongly influenced, but as they would have had\\nto pass by Fort Crevecoeur, where our Frenchmen\\nwould have stopped them, we pursued our way\\nthe next day, and my two men afterward con-\\nfessed the design which they had entertained.\\nThe river Seignelay on which we were sailing,\\nis as deep and broad as the Seine at Paris, and in\\ntwo or three places widens out to a quarter of a\\nfThis from Some days after is reproduced with some ab-\\nridgment in the Nouv. Dec, ch. xxxv, pp. 230-240.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I93\\nleague.* It is skirted by hills, whose sides are\\ncovered with fine large trees. Some of these hills\\nare half a league apart, leaving between them a\\nmarshy strip, often inundated, especially in the\\nautumn and spring, but producing, nevertheless,\\nvery large trees. On ascending these hills, you\\ndiscover prairies further than the eye can reach,\\nstudded, at intervals, with groves of tall trees,\\napparently planted there intentionally. The\\ncurrent of the river is not perceptible, except in\\ntime of great rains it is at all times navigable\\nfor large barks about a hundred leagues,f from its\\nmouth to the Islinois village, whence its course\\nalmost always runs south by west.\\nOn the 7th of March, we found, about two\\nleagues from its mouth, a nation called Tamaroa,\\nor Maroa, composed of two hundred families.\\nThey would have taken us to their village lying\\nwest of the river Colbert, six or seven leagues\\nbelow the mouth of the river Seignelay but our\\ntwo canoemen, in hopes of still greater gain, pre-\\nOne or two leagues. Margry i, p. 478. The Nouv. Dec.\\nsays at the Meuse at Namur.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "194- A DESCRIPTION\\nferred to pass on, according to the advice I then\\ngave them. These* last Indians seeing that we\\ncarried iron and arms to their enemies, and unable\\nto overtake us in their periaguas, which arc\\nwooden canoes, much heavier than our bark one,\\nwhich went much faster than their boats, des-\\npatched some of their young men after us by land,\\nto pierce us with their arrows at some narrow part\\nof the river, but in vain for soon after discover-\\ning the fire made by these warriors at their am-\\nbuscade, we promptly crossed the river, gained\\nthe other side, and encamped in an island, leaving\\nour canoe loaded and our little dog to wake us,\\nso as to embark more expeditiously, should the\\nIndians attempt to surprise us by swimming across.\\nSoon after leaving these Indians, we came to\\nthe mouth of the river Seignelay, fifty leagues\\ndistant from Fort Crevecoeur, and about a hun-\\ndred f leagues from the great Islinois village. It\\nlies between 36\u00c2\u00b0 and 37\u00c2\u00b0 J N. latitude, and\\nOmitted in Margry.\\nt Ninety, Margry i, p. 479, ii, p. 247.\\nI 35\u00c2\u00b0 and 36\u00c2\u00b0. Nouv. Dec, p. 245.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I95\\nconsequently one hundred and twenty or thirty\\nleagues from the gulf of JNIexico.\\nIn the angle formed on the south by this river,\\nat its mouth, is a flat precipitous rock, about forty\\nfeet high, very well suited for building a fort.\\nOn the northern side, opposite the rock, and on\\ntha west side beyond the river, are fields of black\\nearth, the end of which you can not see, all ready\\nfor cultivation, which would be very advantageous\\nfor the existence of a colony.\\nThe ice which floated down from the north\\nkept us in this place till the i 2th of March, whence\\nwe continued our route, traversing J the river and\\nsounding on all sides to see whether it was navi-\\ngable. There are, indeed, three islets in the\\nmiddle, near the mouth of the river Seignclay,\\nwhich stop the floating wood and trees from the\\nnorth, and form several large sand-bars, yet the\\nchannels are deep enough, and there is sufficient\\nwater for barks large flat-boats can pass there at\\nall times.\\nI Ascending along the river concludes the paragraph, in\\nMargry i, p. 479.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "196 A DESCRIPTION\\nThe River Colbert runs south southwest, and\\ncomes from the north and northwest it runs\\nbetween two chains of mountains, very small\\nhere, which wind with the river, and in some\\nplaces are pretty far from the banks, so that be-\\ntween the mountains and the river, there are large\\nprairies, where you often see herds of wild cattle\\nbrowsing. In other places these eminences leave\\nsemi- circular spots covered with grass or wood.\\nBeyond these mountains you discover vast plains,\\nbut the more we approach the northern side\\nascending, the earth did not appear to us so fertile,\\nnor the woods so beautiful as in the Islinois\\ncountry.\\nThis great river is almost everywhere a\\nshort league in width, and in some place, two\\nleagues it is divided by a number of islands\\ncovered with trees, interlaced with so many vines\\nas to be almost impassable. It receives no con-\\nsiderable river on the western side except that of\\nthe Otontenta,-! and another, which comes from\\nOne or two leagues in width and is dii^ided, etc. Margry\\nI, p. 479.\\nf Outoutanta, in Margry who omits the rest of the sentence.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. I97\\nthe west northwest, seven or eight leagues from\\nthe Falls of St. Anthony of Padua.*\\nOn the eastern side you meet first an j incon-\\nsiderable river, and then further on another,\\ncalled by the Indians Onisconsin, or Misconsin,\\nwhich comes from the east and east-northeast.\\nSixty leagues up you leave it, and make a portage\\nof half a league to reach the Bay of the Puans\\nby another river which, near its sourse, meanders\\nmost curiously. It is almost as broad as the river\\nSeignelay, or Islinois, and empties into the river\\nColbert, a hundred leagues above the river\\nSeignelay.\\nTwenty-four J leagues above, you come to the\\nBlack river called by the Nadouessious, or Islati,\\nChabadeba, or Chabaoudeba, it seems inconsider-\\nAfter this paragraph the Nouv. Decouv. introduces the\\nvoyage down the Mississippi and then repeats the paragraph, p.\\n313, after an introductory statement. Appendix B.\\nf Margry omits to another and has first the river\\ncalled, etc. The Nouv. Dec. has Ouisconsin, LaSalle (Margry\\nii, p. 249) gives also the name Meschetz Odeba and mentions\\nthe rock at the south and prairie north of its mouth.\\nt Twenty-three or twenty-four. Margry.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "198 A DESCRIPTION\\nable. Thirty leagues higher up, you find the\\nlake of Tears,* which we so named, because the\\nIndians who had taken us, wishing to kill us,\\nsome of them wept the whole night, to induce\\nthe others to consent to our death. This lake\\nwhich is formed by the river Colbert, is seven\\nleagues long, and about four wide there is no\\nconsiderable current in the middle that we could\\nperceive, but only at its entrance and exit.f\\nHalf a league below the lake of Tears, on the\\nsouth side, is Buffalo river, full of turtles. It is\\nso called by the Indians on account of the\\nnumbers of buffalo found there. We followed\\nit for ten or twelve leagues it empties with\\nrapidity into the river Colbert, but as you ascend\\nit, it is always gentle and free from rapids. It is\\nskirted by mountains, far enough off in some\\nplaces to form prairies. The mouth is wooded on\\nLake Pepin.\\nf Margry omits down to Buffalo river. The Nouv.\\nDec. has twenty five leagues, Issati. It makes the Lakes\\nof Tears three leagues wide and the distance to the River of\\nWild Bulls a good league.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. IQQ\\nboth sides, and is full as wide as that of the Seig-\\nnelay.\\nForty leagues above is a river full of rapids,\\nby which, striking northwest, you can proceed\\nto Lake Conde, as far as Nimissakouat river,\\nwhich empties into that lake. This first river\\nis called Tomb river, f because the Issati left\\nthere the body of one of their warriors, killed\\nby a rattlesnake, on whom according to their cus-\\ntom, I put a blanket. This act of hu-\\nmanity gained me much importance by the\\ngratitude displayed by the men of the deceased s\\ntribe, in a great banquet which they gave me in\\ntheir country, and to which more than a hundred\\nIndians were invited.\\nContinuing to ascend this river ten or twelve t-\\nNemitsakouat, Margry. Nisslpikouet, Nouv. Dec.\\nThis is probably the St. Louis of the map of the Jesuit Relation\\nof j6yo-ji^ marked as the way to the Sioux, sixty leagues\\nwest, being nearly the distance here given by Hennepin between\\nMille Lake and Lake Superior.\\nt St. Croix.\\nX Margry i, (p. 480,) says 80.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "200 A DESCRIPTION\\nleagues more, the navigation is interrupted by a\\ncataract which I called the Falls of St. Anthony\\nof Padua, in gratitude for the favors done me by\\nthe Almighty through the intercession of that\\ngreat saint, whom we had chosen patron and\\nprotector of all our enterprises. This cataract is\\nforty or fifty feet high, divided in the middle\\nof its fall by a rocky island of pyramidal form.j^\\nThe high mountains which skirt the river Colbert\\nlast only as far as the river Onisconsin, about\\none hundred and twenty leagues at this place\\nit begins to flow from the west and northwest\\nwithout our having been able to learn from the\\nIndians, who have ascended it very far, the spot\\nwhere this river rises. They merely told us,\\nthat twenty or thirty leagues below, j there is a\\nsecond fall, at the foot of which are some villages\\nof the prairie people, called Thinthonha,\u00c2\u00a7 who\\nMargry says 30 or 40. The Nouv. Dec. 50 or 60, p. 313.\\nf Margry carries the mountains up to the falls of St. Anthony.\\nX For below (dessous) the Nouv. Dec. has above\\n(dessus).\\nThe Titonwan, Minnesota Hist. Coll. i, p. 297.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 20I\\nlive there a part of the year. Eight leagues\\nabove St. Antliony of Padua s falls on the right,\\nyou find the river of the Issati or Nadoussion,*\\nwith a very narrow mouth, which you can ascend\\nto the north for about seventy j- leagues to Lake\\nBuade or of the Issati J where it rises. We gave\\nthis river the name of St. Francis. This last lake\\nspreads out into great marshes, producing wild\\nrice, like many other places down to the ex-\\ntremity of the Bay of the Puans. This kind of\\ngrain grows in marshy places without any one\\nsowing it it resembles oats, but tastes better,\\nand the stalks are longer as well as the ear. The\\nIndians gather it in due season. The women tie\\nseveral ears together with white wood bark to\\nprevent its being all devoured by the flocks of\\nduck and teal found there. The Indians lay in\\nRum River.\\nt Fifty, Margry.\\nI Here the Nouv. Dec. strangely adds where I was made\\na slave by these savages. The lake is Mille Lake.\\n17", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "202 A DESCRIPTION\\na stock for part of the year, and to eat out of the\\nhunting season.*\\nLake Buad-e, or Lake of the Issati, is situated\\nabout seventy f leagues west of Lake Conde it is\\nimpossible to go from one to the other by land on\\naccount of the marshy and quaggy nature of the\\nground you might go, though with difficulty\\non the snow in snowshoes by water there are\\nmany portages and it is a hundred and fifty\\nleagues, on account of the many turns to be\\nmade. From Lake Conde, to go conveniently\\nin canoe, you must pass by Tomb river, where\\nwe found only the skeleton of the Indian whom I\\nmentioned above, the bears having eaten the flesh,\\nand pulled up poles which the deceased s relatives\\nhad planted in form of a monument. One of\\nour boatmen found a war-calumet beside the\\ngrave, and an earthen pot upset, in which the\\nIndians had left fat buffalo meat, to assist the\\ndeparted, as they say, in making his journey to\\nthe land of souls.\\nAbridged in Margry.\\nt Sixty in Margry and he omits the rest of the paragraph.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 203\\nIn the neighborhood of Lake Buade are many\\nother lakes, whence issue several rivers, on the\\nbanks of which live the Issati, Nadouessans,\\nTinthonha (which means prairie-men), Ouade-\\nbathon River People, Chongaskethon f Dog,\\nor Wolf tribe (for chonga among these nations\\nmeans dog or wolf), and other tribes, all which\\nwe comprise under the name Nadonessiou.J\\nThese Indians number eight or nine thousand\\nwarriors, very brave, great runners, and very good\\nbowmen. It was by a part of these tribes that I\\nand our two canoemen were taken in the follow-\\ning way.\\nWe scrupulously said our morning and evening\\nprayers every day on embarking, and the Angelus\\nat noon, adding some paraphrases on the Response\\nof St. Bonaventure, Cardinal, in honor of St.\\nOnadebaton, Margry. The Warpetonwan. Minn. Hist.\\nColl., I, p. 296.\\nf The Sissitonwan. Minn. Hist. Coll, 1, p. 296.\\nJ Nadouessiou is not a Dakota word, but the Chippewa\\nname for this tribe. Nadowessiwag, Baraga, Diet. p. 250. The\\nAlgonquin name for the Iroquois Nadowe, Nottoway, is nearly\\nthe same and probably means Cruel.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "204- A DRSCRIPTION\\nAnthony oi P:uhi;i. In tins way wc begged of\\nCJod to incot iIr sc IiuliaiivS by day, (or wlieii they\\ndiscover pc-oplc at night, they kill them as\\nenemies, to rol those whom they murder secretly\\nol some axes or knives which they v;due more\\nth;iii we do golil ami silver they even kill their\\nown allies, when they can ct)nceal their death, so\\nas aiterward to hoast ol having killed men, and\\nthus piiss lor soldiers.\\nWc had e(Misidei(Hl the river Colbert with\\ngreat pleasme, and without hindrance, to know\\nwhether it was navigable up and down we\\nwere K)adeil with seven or eight large turkeys,\\nwhich midtiply ol themselves in these parts. We\\nwanted neither butialo nor deer, nor beaver, nor\\nlish, nor bear meal, iov we killeil those animals\\nus they swam across the river.\\nOur prayers were hearil when, on the i ith of\\nThis pai; gr;i| li oiniidil by Margiy. I hc narrative ot the\\ncapiivity ai)il deliver. uuc as |;iven in Margry, will be toiiiui in\\nthe .ippeiuiix H.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "OK r.OUISIANA. 205\\nApril, 1680,* at two o cloik in tin- allci iiooti,\\nvvc suddenly perceived thirty-three hark cain)es,\\nmanned hy a hundred aiui twenty Indians, loin-\\ning down with extraonlinary speeil, to make war\\non the Miamis, Islinois, and IV[aroha.| These\\nIndians surroundeii us, and while at a distance,\\ndischarged some arrows at us; hut as they ap-\\nproached our canoe the i)l(l men seeing us with\\nthe c alumet ol peace in owv hands, prevented the\\nyoung men Irom killing us. These hrulal men\\nleaping from their canoes, some on laiul, others\\ninto the water with Irightiid cries and yells, wp-\\nproachcd us, and as we made no rc^sistance, hc-ing\\nonly three against so great a nund)(r, one of\\nthem vvrencheil oui caliunet Irom oui- hands,\\nwhile oiu- canoe and theirs were made last to the\\nThe Nouv. I^ecouv. says I2tli. His men were cookinjf a\\nturkey and he was patching the caiioe^ p. 314. He says 50\\ncanoes. La Salle in liis letter ol Aii|;. 22, 1682, makes iheni\\nmeet the Si()ux above Si. Anthony s I alls As Ilcniiepin says\\nhxtcr that they had made 200 leagues since leaving the Illinois\\nIndians, anil makes the Illinois camp one hundred from the\\nMioiiili, A like distance on (he Mississippi will hiing the c.ipiinc\\nabout the l^esmoines.\\nI Tamaroas.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "2o6 A DESCRIPTION\\nshore. We first presented them a piece of Petun\\nor French tobacco, better for smoking than theirs,\\nand the eldest among them uttered these words\\nMiamiha, Miamiha. As we did not understand\\ntheir language, we took a little stick, and by-\\nsigns which we made on the sand, showed them\\nthat their enemies, the Miamis whom they sought,\\nhad fled across the river Colbert to join the\\nIslinois when then they saw themselves dis-\\ncovered and unable to surprise their enemies,\\nthree or four old men laying their hands on my\\nhead, wept in a lugubrious tone, and I with a\\nwretched handkerchief I had left, wiped away\\ntheir tears. These savages would not smoke our\\npeace-calumet. They made us cross the river\\nwith great cries, which all shouted together with\\ntears in their eyes they made us paddle before\\nthem, and we heard yells capable of striking the\\nmost resolute with terror. After landing our\\ncanoe and our goods, some part of which they\\nhad been already stolen, we made a fire to boil\\nour kettle we gave them two large wild turkeys\\nthat we had killed. These savages having called", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 207\\ntheir assembly to deliberate on what they were\\nto do with us the two head chiefs of the party\\napproaching, showed us, by signs, that the\\nwarriors wished to tomahawk us. This com-\\npelled me to go to the war chiefs with one of\\nmy men, leaving the other by our property, and\\nthrow into their midst six axes, fifteen knives,\\nand six fathom of our black tobacco, then bowing\\ndown my head, I showed them, with an axe,\\nthat they might tomahawk us, if they thought\\nproper. This present appeased several individuals\\namong them, who gave us some beaver to eat,\\nputting the three first mors.^ls in our mouth\\naccording to the custom of the country, and\\nblowing on the meat which was too hot, before\\nputting their bark dish before us, to let us eat as\\nwe liked we spent the night in anxiety, because\\nbefore retiring at night, they had returned us our\\npeace-calumet. Our two canoemen were, how-\\never, resolved to sell their lives dearly, and to\\nresist if attacked they kept their arms and\\nswords ready. As for my own part, I deter-\\nmined to allow myself tQ be; killed without", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "208 A DESCRIPTION\\nany resistance, as I was going to announce to\\nthem a God, who had been falsely accused,\\nunjustly condemned, and cruelly crucified, with-\\nout showing the least aversion to those who put\\nhim to death. In our uncertainty, we watched\\none after the other, so as not to be surprised\\nasleep.\\nIn the morning, April 12th,* one of their cap-\\ntains named Narrhetoba, with his face and bare\\nbody smeared with paint, asked me for our peace-\\ncalumet, filled it with tobacco of his country,\\nmade all his band smoke first, and then all the\\nothers who plotted our ruin. He then gave us\\nto understand that we must go with them to\\ntheir country, and they all turned back with us\\nhaving thus broken off their voyage. I was not\\nsorry in this conjuncture! to continue our dis-\\ncoveries with these people. But the greatest\\ntrouble I had was, that I found it difficult to say\\nmy office J before these savages, many of whom\\nNouv. Decouv. p. 319 has 13th.\\nt Conjecture in the text.\\nI Daily portion of the Breviary which priests have to read.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 209\\nseeing me move my lips said, in a fierce tone,\\nOuackanche and as we did not know a word\\nof their language, we believed that they were\\nangry at it. Michael Ako, all out of counte-\\nnance, told me, that if I continued to say my\\nbreviary we should all three be killed, and the\\nPicard begged me at least to conceal myself for\\nmy devotions, so as not to provoke them further.\\nT followed the latter s advice, but the more I\\nconcealed mvself, the more I had the Indians at\\nmy heels, for when I entered the wood, they\\nthought I was going to hide some goods under\\nground, so that I knew not on what side to turn\\nto pray, for they never let me out of sight. This\\nobliged me to beg pardon of my two canoemen,\\nassuring them that I ought not dispense with\\nsaying my office, that if we were massacred for\\nthat, I should be the innocent cause of their\\ndeath, as well as of my own. By the word\\nOuakanche, these savages meant that the book I\\nwas reading was a spirit but by their gesture\\nWakan-de, This is wonderful. Minn. Hist. Coll., i p.\\n308.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "2IO A DESCRIPTION\\nthey nevertheless showed a kind of aversion, so\\nthat to accustom them to it, I chanted the Litany\\nof the Blessed Virgin in the canoe with my book\\nopen. They thought that the breviary was a\\nspirit which taught me to sing for their diversion,\\nfor these people are naturally fond of singing.\\nThe outrages done us by these Indians during\\nour whole route were incredible, for seeing that\\nour canoe was much larger and more heavily\\nladen than theirs (for they have only a quiver\\nfull of arrows, a bow, and a wretched dressed\\nskin, to serve two as a blanket during the night,\\nwhich was still pretty cold at that season, always\\ngoing north), and that we could not go faster than\\nthey, they put some warriors with us to help us\\nrow, to oblige us to follow them. These Indians\\nsometimes make thirty or forty leagues by water,\\nwhen at war and pressed for time, or anxious to sur-\\nprise some enemy. Those who had taken us were\\nof different villages and of different opinions as to\\nus we cabined every night by the young chief\\nwho had asked for our peace-calumet, and put\\nourselves under his protection but jealousy arose", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 211\\namong these Indians, so that the chief of the\\nparty named Aquipaguetin, one of whose sons\\nhad been killed by the Miamis, seeing that he\\ncould not avenge his death on that nation which\\nhe sought, turned all his rage on us. He wept\\nthrough almost every night him he had lost in\\nwar, to oblige those who had come out to avenge\\nhim, to kill us and seize all we had, so as to be\\nable to pursue his enemies but those who liked\\nEuropean goods were much disposed to preserve\\nus, so as to attract other Frenchmen there and\\nget iron, which is extremely precious in their\\neyes but of which they knew the great utility\\nonly when they saw one of our French canoemen\\nkill three or four wild geese or turkeys at a single\\ngun shot, while they can scarcely kill even one\\nwith an arrow. In consequence, as we afterward\\nlearned, that the words Manza Ouackange,*\\nmean iron that has understanding, and so these\\nnations called a gun which breaks a man s bones,\\nwhile their arrows only glance through the flesh\\nHennepin uses the French nasals. In the notation now\\nadopted it is Maza Wakande, that is The supernatural metal.\\nMinn. Hist. Socy., i p. 308. Rigg s Dakota Diet., p. 138.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "212 A DESCRIPTION\\nthey pierce, rarely breaking the bones of those\\nwhom they strike, and consequently producing\\nwounds more easily cured than those made by\\nour European guns, which often cripple those\\nwhom they wound.\\nWe had some design of proceeding down to\\nthe mouth of the river Colbert, which more\\nprobably empties into the gulf of Mexico than\\ninto the Red sea but these tribes that seized us,\\ngave us no time to sail up and down this river.\\nWe had made about two hundred leagues f by\\nwater since our departure from the Islinois, and\\nwe sailed with these Indians who took us during\\nnineteen days, sometimes north, sometimes north-\\nwest, according to the direction which the river\\ntook. By the estimate which we formed, since\\nthat time, we made about two hundred and fifty\\nleagues, or even more on Colbert river for these\\nIndians paddle with great force, from early in\\nthe morning till evening, scarcely stopping to eat\\nf This clause of course is omitted in the Nouv. Decouverte.\\nThe Red Sea, in Spanish Mar Bermejo, was the Gulf of Cali-\\nfornia. Compare this clause with the conclusion of the volum e", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 213\\nduring the day. To oblige us to keep up with\\nthem, they gave us every day four or five men to\\nincrease the paddling of our little vessel, which\\nwas much heavier than theirs. Sometimes we\\ncabined when it rained, and when the weather\\nwas not bad, we slept on the ground without any\\nshelter. We had all the time to contemplate\\nthe stars and the moon when it shone. Not-\\nwithstanding the fatigue of the day, the youngest\\nof these Indian warriors danced the calumet to\\nfour or five of their chiefs till midnight, and the\\nchief to whom they went, sent a warrior of his\\nfamily in ceremony to those who sang, to let them\\nin turn smoke his war calumet, which is distin-\\nguished from the peace- calumet by different\\nfeathers. The end of this kind of pandemonium\\nwas terminated every day by two of the youngest\\nof those who had had relations killed in war\\nthey took several arrows which they presented by\\nthe points all crossed to the chiefs, weeping\\nbitterly they gave them to them to kiss. Not-\\nwithstanding the force of their yelling, the fatigue\\nof the day, the watching by night, the old men", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "214- A DESCRIPTION\\nalmost all awoke at daybreak for fear of being\\nsurprised by their enemies. As soon as dawn\\nappeared one of them gave the cry, and in an\\ninstant all the warriors entered their bark canoes,\\nsome passing around the islands in the river to\\nkill some beasts, while the most alert went by\\nland, to discover whether any enemy s fire was\\nto be seen. It was their custom always to take\\npost on the point of an island for safety sake,\\nfor their enemies have only periaguas, or wooden\\ncanoes, in which they cannot sail as fast as they\\ndo, on account of the weight of their craft. Only\\nnorthern tribes have birch to make bark canoes\\nthe southern tribes who have not that kind of\\ntree, are deprived of this great convenience. The\\nresult is that birch bark wonderfully faciUtates the\\nnorthern Indians in going from lake to lake, and\\nby all rivers to attack their enemies, and even\\nwhen discovered, they are safe if they have time\\nto get into their canoes, for those who pursue\\nthem by land, or in periaguas, cannot attack or\\npursue them quickly enough.*\\nThe Nouv. Decouv. p. 328, here introduces a paragraph\\non Indian ambuscades.", "height": "3751", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 2 I 5\\nDuring one of these nineteen days of our very-\\npainful navigation, the chief of a band by name\\nAquipaguetin, resolved to halt about noon in a\\nlarge prairie having killed a very fat bear, he\\ngave a feast to the chief men, and after the repast\\nall the vs^arriors began to dance. Marked in the\\nface, and all over the body, with various colors,\\neach being distinguished by the figure of different\\nanimals, according to his particular taste or in-\\nclination some having their hair short and full\\nof bear oil, with white and red feathers others\\nbesprinkled their heads with the down of birds\\nwhich adhered to the oil. All danced with their\\narms akimbo, and struck the ground with their\\nfeet so stoutly as to leave the imprint visible.\\nWhile one of the sons of the master of ceremo-\\nnies, gave each in turn the war-calumet to smoke,\\nhe wept bitterly. The father in a doleful voice,\\nbroken with sighs and sobs, with his whole body\\nbathed in tears, sometimes addressed the warriors,\\nsometimes came to me, and put his hands on my\\nhead, doing the same to our two Frenchmen,\\nsometimes he raised his eyes to heaven and often", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "2l6\\nA DESCRIPTION\\nUttered the word Louis, which means sun, com-\\nplaining to that great luminary of the death of\\nhis son. As far as we could conjecture this cer-\\nemony tended only to our destruction in fact,\\nthe course of time showed us that this Indian had\\noften aimed at our life but seeing the opposition\\nmade by the other chiefs who prevented it, he\\nmade us embark again, and employed other\\ndevices to get by degrees the goods of our canoe-\\nmen, not daring to take them openly, as he\\nmight have done, for fear of being accused by\\nhis own people of cowardice, which the bravest\\nhold in horror.\\nThis wily savage had the bones of some im-\\nportant deceased relative, which he preserved with\\ngreat care in some skins dressed and adorned with\\nseveral rows of black and red porcupine quills\\nfrom time to time he assembled his men to give\\nit a smoke, and he made us come several days in\\nsuccession to cover the deceased s bones with\\ngoods, and by a present wipe away the tears he\\nhad shed for him, and for his own son killed by\\nthe Miamis. To appease this captious man, we", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 2 17\\nthrew on the bones of the deceased several\\nfathoms of French tobacco, axes, knives, beads,\\nand some black and v^hite wampum bracelets.\\nIn this way the Indian stripped us under pretexts,\\nwhich we could not reproach him with, as he\\ndeclared that what he asked was only for the de-\\nceased, and to give the warriors. In fact, he dis-\\ntributed among them all that we gave him. By\\nthese feints he made us believe that being a chief,\\nhe took nothing for himself, but what we gave\\nhim of our own accord. We slept at the point\\nof the lake of Tears, which we so called from\\nthe weeping and tears which this chief shed there\\nall night long, or which were shed by one of his\\nsons, whom he caused to weep when tired him-\\nself, in order to excite his warriors to compassion,\\nand oblige them to kill us and pursue their ene-\\nmies to avenge his son s death.\\nThese Indians at times sent their best runners\\nby land to chase the herds of wild cattle on the\\nwater side as these animals crossed the river,\\nthey sometimes killed forty or fifty, merely to\\n18", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "2l8 A DESCRIPTION\\ntake the tongue, and most delicate morsels, leav-\\ning the rest with which they would not burthen\\nthemselves, so as to travel more rapidly. We\\nsometimes indeed eat good pieces, but without\\nbread, wine, or salt, and without spice or other\\nseasoning. During our three years travels we\\nhad lived in the same way, sometimes in plenty,\\nat others compelled to pass twenty-four hours,\\nand often more, without eating because in\\nthese little bark canoes you cannot take much of\\na load, and with every precaution you adopt, you\\nare, for most part of the time, deprived of all\\nnecessaries of life. If a religious in Europe un-\\nderwent as many hardships and labors, and prac-\\ntised abstinences like those we were often obliged\\nto suffer in America, no other proof would be\\nneeded for his canonization. It is true that we\\ndid not always merit in such cases and if we suffered\\nit was only because we can not help it.\\nDuring the night some old men came to weep\\npiteously, often rubbing our arms and whole\\nThe Nouvelle Decouv., p. 334, has duriiip; the four vears\\nof nearly twelve that I remained in America,", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 2lC)\\nbodies with their hands, which they then put on\\nour head. Besides being hindered from sleeping\\nby these tears, I often did not know what to\\nthink, nor whether these Indians wept because\\nsome of their warriors would have killed us, or\\nwhether they wept out of pure compassion at the\\nill treatment shown us.\\nOn another occasion, Aquipaguetin relapsed\\ninto his bad humor he had so gained most of\\nthe warriors that one day when we were unable\\nto encamp near Narhetoba, who protected us, we\\nwere obliged to go to the very end of the camp,\\nthese Indians making it appear to us, that this\\nchief insisted positively on killing us. We accord-\\ningly drew from a box twenty knives and some\\ntobacco, which we angrily flung down amid\\nthe malcontents the wretch regarding all his\\nsoldiers one after another hesitated, asking their\\nadvice, whether to refuse or take our present and\\nas we bowed our head and presented him with an\\naxe to kill us, the young chief who was really or\\npretendedly our protector took us by the arm,\\nand all in fury led us to his cabin. One of his", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "2 20 A DESCRIPTION\\nbrothers taking some arrows, he broke them all\\nin our presence, showing us by this action, that\\nhe prevented their killing us.\\nThe next day they left us alone in our canoe,\\nwithout putting in any Indians to help us, as they\\nusually did all remained behind us. After four\\nor five leagues sail another chief came to us, made\\nus disembark, and pulling up three little piles of\\ngrass, for us to sit upon, he took a piece of cedar\\nfull of little round holes in one of which he put\\na stick, which he spun round between the two\\npalms of his hands, and in this way made fire to\\nlight the tobacco in his great calumet. After\\nweeping some time, and putting his hands on my\\nhead, he gave me his peace-calumet to smoke,\\nand showed us that we should be in his country\\nin six days.\\nHaving arrived on the nineteenth day of our\\nnavigation five leagues below the Falls of St.\\nAnthony, these Indians landed us in a bay and\\nassembled to deliberate about us. They distri-\\nbuted us separately, and gave us to three heads of\\nfamilies in place of three of their children who", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0248.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 22 1\\nhad been killed in war. They first seized all our\\nproperty, and broke our canoe to pieces, for fear\\nwe should return to their enemies. Their own\\nthey hid all in some alders to use when going to\\nhunt; and though we might easily have reached\\ntheir country by water, they compelled us to go\\nsixty leagues by land, forcing us to march from\\ndaybreak to two hours after nightfall, and to swim\\nover many rivers, while these Indians, who are\\noften of extraordinary height, carried our habit\\non their head and our two canoemen, who were\\nsmaller than myself, on their shoulders, because\\nthey could not swim as I couM. On leaving the\\nwater, which was often full of sharp ice, I could\\nscarcely stand our legs were all bloody from the\\nice which we broke as we advanced in lakes which\\nwe forded, and as we eat only once in twenty-\\nfour hours some pieces of meat which these\\nbarbarians grudgingly gave us, I was so weak\\nthat I often lay down on the way, resolved to die\\nthere, rather than follow these Indians who\\nmarched on and continued their route with a\\ncelerity which surpasses the power of Euro-", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0249.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "2 22 A DESCRIPTION\\npeans. To oblige us to hasten on, they often set\\nfire to the grass of the prairies where we were\\npassing, so that we had to advance or burn. I\\nhad then a hat which I reserved to shield me\\nfrom the burning rays of the sun in summer, but\\nI often dropped it in the flames which we were\\nobliged to cross.\\nAs we approached their village, they divided\\namong them all the merchandise of our two\\ncanoemen,* and were near killing each other for\\nour roll of French tobacco, which is very pre-\\ncious to these tribes, and more esteemed than\\ngold among Europeans. The more humane\\nshowed by signs that they would give many\\nbeaver-skins for what they took. The reason of\\nthe violence was, that this party was made up\\nfrom two different tribes, the more distant of\\nwhom, fearing lest the others should retain all\\nthe goods in the first villages which they would\\nhave to pass, wished to take their share in ad-\\nvance. In fact, some time after they offered\\npeltries in part payment; but ourcanoemen would\\nMargry, i p. 482. See Appendix B.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0250.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. ^23\\nnot receive them, until they gave the full value\\nof all that had been taken. And in course of\\ntime I have no doubt they will give entire satis-\\nfaction to the French, whom they will endeavor\\nto draw among them to carry on trade.\\nThese savages also took our brocade chasuble,\\nand all the articles of our portable chapel, except\\nthe chalice, which they durst not touch for\\nseeing that glittering silver gilt, they closed their\\neyes, saying that it was a spirit which would kill\\nthem.* They also broke a little box with lock\\nand key, after telling me, that if I did not break\\nthe lock, they would do so themselves with\\nsharp stones the reason of this violence was that\\nfrom time to time on the route, they could not\\nopen the box to examine what was inside, having\\nno idea of locks and keys besides, they did not\\ncare to carry the box, but only the goods which\\nwere inside, and which they thought more numer-\\nous but they found only books and papers.\\nAfter five days march by land, suffering hunger,\\nthirst, and outrages, marching all day long with-\\nMargiy i^ p. 482. Nouv, Pecouveite, p. 344.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0251.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "2 24 DESCRIPTION\\nout rest, fording lakes and rivers, we descried a\\nnumber of women and children coming to meet\\nour little army. All the elders of this nation\\nassembled on our account, and as we saw cabins,\\nand bundles of straw hanging from the posts of\\nthem, to which these sa ^ages bind those whom\\nthey take as slaves, and burn them and seeing\\nthat they made the Picard du Gay sing, as he\\nheld and shook a gourd full of little round\\npebbles and seeing his hair and face were filled\\nwith paint of different colors, and a tuft of white\\nfeathers attached to his head by the Indians, we\\nnot unreasonably thought that they wished to kill\\nus, as they performed many ceremonies, usually\\npractised, when they intend to burn their enemies.\\nThe worst of it was, too, that not one of us three\\ncould make himself understood by these Indians\\nnevertheless, after many vows, which every Chris-\\ntian ought to make in such straits,* one of the\\nprincipal Issati chiefs gave us his peace-calumet\\nto smoke, and accepted the one we had brought.\\nHe then gave us some wild rice to eat, presenting\\nConjectures in text, for conjonctures.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0252.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 225\\nit to US in large bark dishes, which the Indian\\nwomen had seasoned with whortleberries, which\\nare black berries that they dry in the sun in\\nsummer, and are as good as currants.* After\\nthis feast, the best we had had for seven or eight\\ndays, the heads of families who had adopted us\\ninstead of their sons killed in war, conducted us\\nseparately each to his village, marching through\\nmarshes, knee deep in water, for a league, after\\nwhich the five wives of the one who called me\\nMitch inchij j that is to say, his son, received us\\nin three bark canoes, and took us a short league\\nfrom our starting place to an island where their\\ncabins were.\\nOn our arrival, which was about the Easter\\nOur Flemings call them in their language Clakebesien.\\nNouv. Decouv., p. 347. It then says there was a great con-\\ntest between Aquipaguetin and the rest in regard to them\\nAquapaguetin succeeded, gave him the calumet to smoke,\\nadopted him as his son, while Narhetoba and another took away\\nthe canoemen. The Picard du Gay went to confession but\\nit adds I should have been charmed to see Michael Ako in\\nsimilar dispositions, p. 348. Compare Gravier, Illinois Re-\\nlation, p. 20. Jesuit and Recollect agreeing as to Ako.\\nf Not in the Nouv. Dec.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0253.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "2 2b A DESCRIPTION\\nholidays in the year 1680,* one of these Indians\\nwho seemed to me decrepid with age, gave me\\na large calumet to smoke, and weeping bitterly,\\nrubbed my head and arms, showing his com-\\npassion at seeing me so fatigued, that two men\\nwere often obliged to give me their hands to help\\nme to stand up. There was a bearskin near the\\nfire, on which he rubbed my thighs, legs and the\\nsoles of my feet with wild-cat oil.\\nAquipaguetin s son, who called me his brother,\\nparaded about with our brocade chasuble on his\\nbare back, having rolled up in it a dead man s\\nbones, for whom these people had a great venera-\\ntion. The priest s girdle made of red and white\\nwool, with two tassels at the end, served him for\\nbraces, carrying in triumph what he called\\nPere Louis Chinnien,f which means, as I after-\\n*This is somewhat vague; Easter Sunday, in 1680, fell on\\nthe 2ist of April he v/as taken on the nth of April, traveled\\nnineteen days in canoe, and five by land, which brings him to\\nthe 5th of May. The Nouv. Dec, says, that he arrived at the\\nbeginning of May, and enters into long explanations.\\nfShinna or Shina, a blanket. Rigg s Dakota Diet., p. 189.\\nShinna or Shinnan means a buffalo robe. Minn. Hist., Coll.\\nI, p. 310.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0254.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 227\\nwards ascertained the robe of him who is called\\nthe sun. After these Indians had used this cha-\\nsuble as an ornament to cover the bones of their\\ndead in their greatest ceremonies, they presented\\nit to some of their allies, tribes situated about five\\nhundred leagues west of their country, who\\nhad sent them an embassy and danced the calumet.\\nThe day after our arrival, Aquipaguetin, who\\nwas the head of a large family, covered me with\\na robe made of ten large dressed beaver-skins,\\ntrimmed with porcupine quills. This Indian\\nshowed me five or six of his wives, telling them,\\nas I afterward learned, that they should in future\\nregard me as one of their children J He set\\nbefore me a bark dish full offish, and ordered all\\nthose assembled, that each should call me by the\\nname I was to have in the rank of our new rela-\\ntionship; and seeing that I could not rise from\\nthe ground but by the help of two persons, he\\n*Four or five hundred. Nouv. Dec, p. 352.\\nf Dressed buffalo belly skins, Nouv. Dec, p. 352, and adds\\nthat he gave him one of ten beaver skins. The wives become\\nsix or seven.\\nJ Nouv. Voy. (Voy, au Nord., v. p. 284.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0255.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "2 28 A DESCRIPTION\\nhad a sweating cabin made, in which he made\\nme enter quite naked with four Indians who all\\ntied the end of their yard with white wood bark\\nbefore beginning to sweat. This cabin he cov-\\nered with buffalo-skins, and inside in the middle\\nhe put stones heated to a red heat. He made me\\na sign to do like the others before beginning to\\nsweat, but I merely concealed my nakedness with\\na handkerchief. As soon as these Indians had sev-\\neral times drawn their breath very violently, he\\nbegan to sing in a thundering voice, theothers sec-\\nonded him, all putting their hands on my body, and\\nrubbing me, while they wept bitterly. I began to\\nfaint, but I came out of the cabin, andcould scarcely\\ntake my habit to put on. When he had made\\nme sweat thus three times in a week, I felt as\\nstrong as ever.\\nI often spent wretched hours among these\\ncavages for, besides their only giving me a little\\nwild rice and smoked fish roes to eat five or six times\\nweek, which they boiled in water in earthen\\npots, Aquipaguetin took me to a neighboring\\nisland with his wives and children to till the", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0256.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 229\\nground, in order to sow some tobacco seed, and\\nseeds of vegetables that I had brought, and which\\nthis Indian prized extremely. Sometimes he\\nassembled the elders of the village, in whose\\npresence he asked me for a compass that I always\\nhad in my sleeve seeing that I made the needle\\nturn with a key, and believing justly that we\\nEuropeans went all over the habitable globe,\\nguided by this instrument, this chief, who was\\nvery eloquent, persuaded his people that we were\\nspirits, and capable of doing anything beyond their\\nreach. At the close of his address, which was\\nvery animated, all the old men wept over my\\nhead, admiring in me what they could not under-\\nstand. I had an iron pot with three lion feet,\\nwhich these Indians never dared touch, unless\\ntheir hand was wrapped up in some robe. The\\nwomen had it hung to the branch of a tree, not\\ndaring to enter the cabin where this pot was.\\nI was some time unable to make myself under-\\nstood by these people, but feeling myself gnawed\\nby hunger, I began to compile a dictionary of\\ntheir language by means of their children, with", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0257.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "230 A DESCRIPTION\\nwhom I made myself familiar, in order to learn.\\nAs soon as I could catch the word Taketchi-\\nabihen,* which means in their language, How\\ndo you call that, I became, in a little while,\\nable to converse with them on familiar things.\\nAt first, indeed, to ask the word run in their\\nlanguage, I had to quicken my steps from one\\nend of their large cabin to the other. The chiefs\\nof these savages seeing my desire to learn, often j*\\nmade me write, naming all the parts of the human\\nbody, and as I would not put on paper certain\\nindelicate words, about which these people have\\nno scruples, it afforded them an agreeable amuse-\\nment among themselves. They often put me\\nquestions, but as I had to look at my paper, to\\nanswer them, they said to one another When\\nwe ask Pere Louis (for so they had heard our\\ntwo Frenchmen call me), he does not answer\\nTakn kapi he, Minn. Hist. Coll., i p. 311. Takn kipan\\nhe. Riggs Dakota Diet., p, 130, 194,\\nf Often said to me t^atchhon egagah e^ that is to say Spirit\\nyou take great pains, put black on the white. Nouv. Decouv,,\\np. 359, (Perhaps, wotehike, trouble icagopi, mark. Riggs\\nDiet., p. 334, 310.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0258.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 2 3I\\nUS but as soon as he has looked at what is white\\n(for they have no word to say paper), he answers\\nus, and tells us bis thoughts that white thing,\\nsaid they, must be a spirit which tells Pere\\nLouis all we say. They concluded that our two\\nFrenchmen had not so much intelligence as I,\\nbecause they could not work like me on what\\nwas white. In consequence the Indians believed\\nthat I could do everything when the rain fell\\nin such quantities as to incommode them, or pre-\\nvent their going to hunt, they told me to stop it\\nbut then I knew enough to answer them by\\npointing to the clouds, that he who was great\\nchief of heaven, was master of everything, and\\nthat what they bid me do, did not depend on me.\\nThese Indians often asked me how many wives\\nand children I had, and how old I was, that is,\\nhow many winters, for so these nations always\\ncount. These men, never illumined by the light\\nof faith, were surprised at the answer I made\\nthem for pointing to our two Frenchmen whom\\nI had then gone to visit three leagues from our\\nvillage, I told them that a man among us could", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0259.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "232 A DESCRIPTION\\nhave only one wife till death that as for me, I\\nhad promised the Master of life to live as they\\nsaw me, and to come and dwell with them to teach\\nthem that he would have them be like the\\nFrench that this great Master of life had sent\\ndown fire from heaven, and destroyed a nation\\ngiven to enormous crimes, like those committed\\namong them. But that gross people till then,\\nlawless and faithless, turned all I said into ridicule,\\nHow, said they, would you have those two\\nmen with you get wives Our women would\\nnot live with them, for they have hair all over\\nthe face, and we have none there or elsewhere/ -j\\nIn fact, they were never better pleased with me,\\nthan when I was shaved and from a complais-\\nance certainly not criminal, I shaved every week.\\nAll our new kinsfolk seeing that I wished to\\nleave them, made a packet of beaver skins worth\\nmore than six hundred livres among the French.\\nFrom this to abundant country is omitted in the Nouv.\\nDecouverte.\\nf Brother Sagard, a Recollect like Hennepin, but whose\\nworks Hennepin seems not to have used, gives a similar remark\\nas made by the Hurons. Histoire. du Canada, p. 377.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0260.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 233\\nThese peltries they gave me to induce me to re-\\nmain among them, to introduce me to strange\\nnations that were coming to visit them, and in\\nrestitution for what they had robbed me of; but\\nI refused these presents, telling them that I had\\nnot come among them to gather beaver-skins,\\nbut only to make known to them the will of the\\ngreat Master of life, and to live wretchedly with\\nthem, after having left a most abundant country.\\nIt is true, said they, that we have no game\\nin these parts, and that you suffer, but wait till\\nsummer, then we will go and kill buffalo in the\\nwarm country. I should have been satisfied had\\nthey fed me as they did their children, but they\\neat secretly at night unknown to me. Although\\nwomen are, everywhere more kind and com-\\npassionate than men, they gave what little\\nfish they had to their children, regarding me as\\na slave made by their warriors in their enemies\\ncountry, and they reasonably preferred their\\nchildren s lives to mine.\\nThere were some old men who often came to\\n19", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0261.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "2 34 A t)ESCRiPTION\\nweep over my head in a sighing voice, one saying,\\nmy grandson, another, my nephew, I feel sorry\\nto see you without eating, and to learn how badly\\nour warriors treated you on the way they are\\nyoung braves, without sense, who would have killed\\nyou, and have robbed you of all you have. Had\\nyou wanted buffalo or beaver-robes, we would\\nwipe away your tears, but you will have nothing\\nof what we offer you.\\nOuasicoude, that is, the Pierced-pine,* the\\ngreatest of all the slati chiefs, being very indig-\\nnant at those who had so maltreated us, said, in\\nopen council, that those who had robbed us of\\nall we had, were like hungry curs that stealthily\\nsnatch a bit of meat from the bark dish, and then\\nfly so those who had acted thus toward us, de-\\nserved to be regarded as dogs, since they insulted\\nmen who brought them iron and merchandise,\\nwhich they had never had for their use; that he\\nwould find means to punish the one who had so\\nWazikute, The Shooter of the Pines. Minn, Hist. Coll.,\\ni p. 316. Long in 1823, met a Dakota at Red Wing who bore\\nthis same name. Long s Travels. Wazi, pine kute, to shoot.\\nRiggs Dakota Diet. pp. 239, 134.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0262.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 235\\noutraged us. This is what the brave chief showed\\nto all his nation, as we shall see hereafter.\\nAs I often went to visit the cabins of these last\\nnations, I found a sick child, whose father s name\\nwas Mamenisi having a moral certainty of its\\ndeath, I begged our two Frenchmen to tell me\\ntheir opinions, informing them I believed myself\\nobliged to go and baptize it. Michael Ako would\\nnot accompany me, the Picard du Gay alone\\nfollowed me to act as sponsor, or rather as witness of\\nthe baptism.* I christened the child Antoinette in\\nhonor of St. Anthony of Padua, as well as from\\nthe Picard s name which was Anthony Auguelle.\\nHe was a native of Amiens, and a nephew of Mr.\\nde Cauroy, procurator -general of the Premon-\\nstratensians,* both now at Paris. Having poured\\nnatural water on the head of this Indian child,\\nand uttered these words Creature of God, I\\nbaptize thee in the name of the Father, and of\\nthe Son, and of the Holy Ghost, I took half an\\naltar cloth which I had wrested from the hands\\nAnd afterwards Abbot of Beaulieu. Nouv. Decouv., p.\\n365. Margry i p. 478, mentions the Picard s being at Pisar.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0263.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "236 A DESCRIPTION\\nof an Indian who had stolen it from me, and put\\nit on the body of the baptized child for as I\\ncould not say mass for want of wine and vest-\\nments, this piece of linen could not be put to a\\nbetter use, than to enshroud the first Christian\\nchild among these tribes. I do not know\\nwhether the softness of the linen had refreshed\\nthis newly baptized one because she was smiling\\nthe next day in her mother s arms, who believed\\nthat I had cured her child, but she died soon\\nafter to my great consolation/\\nDuring our stay among the Issati or Nadou-\\nes iou, we saw Indians who came as ambassadors\\nfrom about five hundred leagues to the west.\\nThey informed us that the Assenipovalacs f were\\nthen only seven or eight days distant to the north-\\neast of us all the other known tribes on the\\nwest and north-west inhabit immense plains and\\nprairies abounding in buffalo and peltries, where\\nHe expatiates on this subject in the Nouv. Decouv,, p.\\n367, as he does on Michael Ako s religious indifference.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0j- Assiniboins.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0264.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 237\\nthey are sometimes obliged to make fires with\\nbuffalo dung, for want of wood.*\\nThree months f after, all these nations assembled,\\nand the chiefs having regulated the places for\\nhunting the buffalo, they dispersed in several\\nbands so as not to starve each other. Aquipa-\\nquetin, one of the chiefs, who had adopted me as\\nhis son, wished to take me to the west with about\\ntwo hundred families I made answer that I\\nawaited spirits (so they called Frenchmen), at the\\nriver Oiiiscousin, which empties into the river\\nColbert, who were to join me to bring them\\nmerchandise, and that if he chose to go that way,\\nI would continue with him he would have gone\\nthere but for those of his nation. In the be-\\nginning of July, 1680, we descended in canoe\\nJ This paragraph is in Margry i, p. 483. See Appendix B.\\nThe Nouv. Decouv,, says thev were four moons on the way\\nwithout stopping and knew no strait like that of Anian, or sea,\\np. 369. He enters into details of what they saw and offers to\\naccompany an English or Dutch expedition and reach the\\nPacific by the rivers he discovered.\\nI Two months, Nouv. Decouv., p. 374.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0265.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "238 A DESCRIPTION\\nsouthward with the great chief named Ouasi-\\ncoude,* that is to say, the Pierced-pine, with about\\neighty cabins, composed of more than a hundred\\nand thirty families, and about two hundred and\\nfifty warriors. Scarcely would the Indians give\\nme a place in their little craft, for they had only\\nold canoes. They went four days journey lower\\ndown to get birch bark t^) make some more.\\nHaving made a hole in the ground to hide our silver\\nchalice and our papers till we returned from the\\nhunt, and keeping only our breviary, so as not to\\nbe burthensome, I stood on the bank of a lake\\nformed by the river we had called by the name of\\nSt. Francis, and stretched out my hand to the canoes\\nas they rapidly passed in succession; our French-\\nmen also had one for themselves, which the\\nIndians had given them they would not take me\\nin, Michael Ako saying that he had taken me long\\nenough to satisfy him. I was much hurt at this\\nIn the Nouv. Voy. (Voy. au Nord,, v. p. 286, this chie\\nis said to have adopted Hennepin as a brother. His power was\\nabsolute, and was acquired by valor in vvar against seventeen or\\neighteen hostile tribes.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0266.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 239\\nanswer, seeing myself thus abandoned by Chris-\\ntians, to whom I had always done good, as they\\nboth often acknowledged but God having never\\nabandoned me in that painful voyage, prompted two\\nIndians to take me in their very small canoe, where\\nI had no other employment than to bale out with a\\nlittle bark platter the water which entered by little\\nholes. This I did not do without getting all wet.\\nThis boat might, indeed, be called a coffin, from\\nits lightness and fragility. This kind of canoe\\ndoes not generally weigh over fifty pounds the\\nleast motion of the body upsets them, unless you\\nare long habituated to that kind of navigation.\\nOn disembarking in the evening, the Picard, as\\nan excuse, told me that their canoe was half\\nrotten, and that, had we been three in it, we\\nshould have run a great risk of remaining on the\\nway. Notwithstanding this excuse I told him,\\nthat being Christians, they should never act so,\\nespecially among savages, more than eight hundred\\nThe Nouv. Dec, has canoemen or some similar term to\\navoid the vvord French, but here says meii of ray ovya naiion\\nand religion, p. 376.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0267.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "24-0 A DESCRIPTION\\nleagues from the French settlements that if they\\nwere well received in this country, it was only\\nin consequence of my bleeding some asthmatic\\nIndians, and my giving some orvietan and other\\nremedies which I kept in my sleeve, and by\\nwhich I had saved the lives of some of these\\nIndians who had been bit by rattlesnakes, and\\nbecause I had neatly shaved their tonsure, which\\nIndian children wear to the age of eighteen or\\ntwenty, but l^.ave no way of making it themselves\\nexcept by burning the hair with flat stones heated\\nred hot. I reminded them that by my ingenuity\\nI had gained the friendship of these people, who\\nwould have killed us or made us suffer more, had\\nthey not discovered about me those remedies\\nwhich they prize, when they restore the sick to\\nhealth. However, the Picard only, as he retired\\nto his host s, apologised to n}e.f\\nAn antidote for poison said by some to have been invented\\nby Orvietano an Italian.\\nf According to the Nouv. Decouv., Ouasicoude was indig-\\nnant and vi^as going to punish and even kill Hennepin s com-\\npanions for their treatment of him.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0268.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 24 I\\nFour days after our departure for the buffalo\\nhunt, we halted eight leagues above the Falls of\\nSt. Anthony of Padua on an eminence opposite\\nthe mouth of the river St. Francis here the\\nIndian women made their canoe frames, while\\nwaiting for those who were to bring bark to make\\ncanoes. The young men went to hunt stag, deer,\\nand beaver, but killed so few animals for such a\\nlarge party, that we could very rarely get a bit of\\nmeat, having to put up with a broth once in every\\ntwenty-four hours. The Picard and myself went\\nto look for haws, gooseberries, and little wild\\nfruit, which often did us more harm than good\\nwhen we ate them this obliged us two to go\\nalone, as Michael Ako refused, in a wretched\\ncanoe to Oviscousin* river, which was more than\\na hundred f leagues off, to see whether the sieur\\nde la Salle had not sent to that place a reinforce-\\nment of French men, with powder, lead, and other\\nWisconsin.\\nf Onr hundred and thirty. Nouv. Dec p. 382.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0269.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "242 A DESCRIPTION\\nmunitions, as he had promised us on our departure\\nfrom the Islinois.*\\nThe Indians would not have suffered this voy-\\nage, had not one of the three remained with them\\nthey wished me to stay, but Michael Ako abso-\\nlutely refused. Our whole stock was fifteen\\ncharges of powder, a gun, a wretched little earthen\\npot which the Indians had given us, a knife, and\\na beaver robe, to travel about two hundred f\\nleagues, thus abandoning ourselves to Providence.\\nAs we were making the portage of our canoe at\\nthe Falls of St. Anthony of Padua, we perceived\\nfive or six of our Indians who had taken the start\\none of whom had cli Tibed an oak opposite the\\ngreat fall where he was weeping bitterly, with a\\nwell-dressed beaver robe, whitened inside and\\ntrimmed with porcupine quills which this savage\\nwas offering as a sacrifice to the falls, which is in\\nitself admirable and frightful. I heard him while\\nshedding copious tears say, addressing this great\\ncataract Thou who art a spirit, grant that\\nHe mentions this arrangement with La Salle. Nouv. Dec,\\npp. 375 and 382. It is also in Margry s Rel., ii, p. 257.\\nI Two hundred and fifty. Nouv. Dec, p. 383.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0270.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 243\\nthe men of our nation may pass here quietly\\nwithout accident, that we may kill buffalo in\\nabundance, conquer our enemies, and bring slaves\\nhere, some of whom we will put to death before\\nthee; the Messenecqzf (so they call the tribe\\nnamed by the French Outouagamis), have killed\\nour kindred, grant that we may avenge them.\\nIn fact, after the heat of the buffalo-hunt, they\\ninvaded their enemies country, killed some, and\\nbrought others as slaves. If they succeed a\\nsingle time, even after repeated failures, they ad-\\nhere to their superstition. This robe offered in\\nsacrifice served one of our Frenchmen, who took\\nit as we returned.^\\nA league below the Falls of St. Anthony of\\nPadua, the Picard was obliged to land and get his\\nAfter making them suffer greatly. Nouv. Decouv., p.\\n384-\\nt Riggs in his Dakota Diet., p. 34, gives Besdeke, the Fox\\nIndians. If Hennepin s qz. was the old fashioned contraction\\nfor que, the word is almost identical except in the first letter.\\nJ Parkman, Discovery, p. 246, makes this an offering to\\nOanktayhee, the principal deity of the Sioux, who was supposed\\nto live under these falls. See Carver,", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0271.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "244- DESCRIPTION\\npowder-horn which he had left at the falls. On\\nhis return, I showed him a snake about six feet*\\nlong crawling up a straight and preciptous moun-\\ntain and which gradually gained on some swallow s\\nnests to eat the young ones at the foot of the\\nmountain, we saw the feathers of those he had\\napparently eaten, and we pelted him down with\\nstones.\\nAs we descended the river Colbert, we found\\nsome of our Indians cabined in the islands, loaded\\nwith buffalo-meat, some of which they gave us,\\nand two hours after our landing, fifteen or sixteen\\nwarriors of the party whom we had left above the\\nFalls of St. Anthony of Padua, entered tomahawk\\nin hand, overthrew the cabin of those who had\\ninvited us, took all the meat and bear s oil that\\nthey found, and greased themselves with it from\\nhead to foot we at first took them to be enemies,\\nbut one of those who called himself my uncle,\\ntold me, that having gone to the bufi^alo-hunt\\nbefore the rest, contrary to the maxims of the\\ncountry, any one had a right to plunder them,\\nIn the Nouv. Dec, p. 385, seven or eight feet.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0272.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 245\\nbecause they put the buffaloes to flight before the\\narrival of the mass of the nation.\\nDuring sixty leagues that we sailed down the\\nriver, we killed only one deer, swimming across,\\nbut the heat was so great that the meat spoiled\\nin twenty-four hours. This made us look for\\nturtles, which we found hard to take, as their\\nhearing is so acute, that as soon as they hear the\\nleast noise, they jump quickly into the water.\\nWe, however, took one much larger than the\\nrest, with a thinner shell and fatter meat. While\\nI was trying to cut off his head, he all but cut off\\none of my fingers. We had drawn one end of\\nour canoe ashore, when a violent gust of wind\\ndrove it into the middle of the great river the\\nPicard had gone with a gun into the prairie to\\ntry and kill a buffalo so I quickly pulled off our\\nhabit, and threw it on the turtle with some stones\\nto prevent its escaping, and swam after our canoe\\nwhich went very fast down the stream,as the current\\nwas very strong at that point. Having reached\\nit with much difficulty, I durst not get in for fear\\nof upsetting it, so I either pushed it before me,", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0273.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "240 A DESCRIPTION\\nor drew it after me, and thus little by little reached\\nthe shore about one eighth of a league from the\\nplace where I had the turtle. The Picard finding\\nonly our habit, and not seeing the canoe, naturally\\nbelieved that some Indian had killed me. He\\nretired to the prairie to look all around whether\\nthere were no people there. Meanwhile I re-\\nmounted the river with all diligence in the canoe,\\nand had just put on my habit, when I saw more\\nthan sixty buffalo crossing the river to reach the\\nsouth lands I pursued the animals, calling the\\nPicard with all my might he ran up at the\\nnoise and had time to reenter the canoe, while the\\ndog which had jumped into the water had driven\\nthem into an island. Having given them chase\\nthere, they were crossing back when he shot one,\\nwhich was so heavy that we could get it ashore\\nonly in pieces, being obliged to cut the best\\nmorsels, while the rest of the body was in the\\nwater. And as it was almost twice twenty-four\\nhours since we had eaten, we made a fire with\\nthe drift-wood we often found on the sand and\\nwhile the Picard was skinning the animal, I", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0274.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 247\\ncooked the pieces of this fat meat in our little\\nearthen pot we eat it so eagerly that we both\\nfell sick, and had to stay two days in an island\\nto recover. We could not take much of the\\nmeat with us, our canoe was so small, and besides\\nthe excessive heat spoiled it, so that we were all\\nat once deprived of it, as it was full of worms\\nand when we embarked in the morning, we did\\nnot know what we should eat during the day.\\nNever have we more admired God s providence\\nthan during this voyage, for we did not always\\nfind deer, and could not kill them when we\\nwould but the eagles, which are very common\\nin these vast countries, sometimes dropped from\\ntheir claws bream, or large carp, which they were\\ncarrying to their nests. Another time we found\\nan otter on the bank of the river Colbert eating\\na large fish, which had, running from the head,\\na kind of paddle or beak,* five fingers broad and\\na foot and a half long, which made our Picard\\nsay, that he thought he saw a devil in the paws\\nof that otter but his fright did not prevent our\\nThe spade fish.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0275.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "248 A DESCRIPTION\\neating this monstrous fish which we found very\\ngood.\\nWhile seeking the Oviscousin river, Aquipag-\\nuetin, that savage father, whom I had left, and\\nwhom we believed more than two hundred\\nleagues away, suddenly appeared with ten warriors,\\non the nth of July, 1680. We believed that\\nhe was coming to kill us, because we had left\\nhim, with the knowledge indeed of the other\\nIndians, but against his will. He first gave us\\nsome wild-rice, and a slice of buffalo-meat to eat,\\nand asked whether we had found the Frenchmen\\nwho were to bring us goods but not being sat-\\nisfied with what we told him, he started before us,\\nand went himself to Oviscousin to try and carry\\noff what he could from the French this savage\\nfound no one there, and came and rejoined us\\nthree days after. The Picard had gone in the\\nprairies to hunt, and I was alone in a ittle cabin\\non the bank of the river, which I had made to\\nscreen us from the sun, with a blanket that an\\nIndian had given me back. Aquipaguetin seeing\\nAbout the middle. Nouv. Dec, p. 395.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0276.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 249\\nme alone canie up, tomahawk in hand I laid\\nhold of two pocket-pistols, which the Picard had\\ngot back from the Indians, and a knife, not in-\\ntending to kill this would be Indian father of\\nmine but only to frighten him, and prevent his\\ncrushing me, in case he had that intention.\\nAquipaguetin reprimanded me for exposing my-\\nself thus to the insults of their enemies, saying\\nthat I should at least take the other bank of the\\nriver for greater safety. He wished to take me\\nwith him, telling me that he was with three hun-\\ndred hunters, who killed more buffalo than those\\nto whom I had abandoned myself. I would have\\ndone well to follow his advice, for the Picard\\nand myself* ascending the river almost eighty\\nleagues on the way, ran great risk of perishing a\\nthousand times.\\nWe had only ten charges of powder left which\\nwe were obliged to divide into twenty to kill\\nwild pigeons, or turtle-doves but when these\\nAccording to the Nouv. Decouv. p. 396, they kept on to\\nthe Wisconsin, but not finding La Salle s men, sailed up again,\\nas is implied here.\\n20", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0277.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "250 A DESCRIPTION\\nat last gave out we had recourse to three hooks,\\nwhich we baited with bits of putrid catfish\\ndropped by an eagle. For two whole days we\\ntook nothing, and were thus destitute of all sup-\\nport when, during night prayer, as we were re-\\npeating these words addressed to St. Anthony of\\nPadua,\\nPereunt pericula, cessat et necessitas,\\nthe Picard heard a noise, left his prayers, and ran\\nto our hooks which he drew from the waters\\nwith two catfish so large that I had to go and\\nhelp him.* Without cleaning the slime from\\nthese monstrous fish we cut them in pieces, and\\nroasted them on the coals, our only little earthen\\npot having been broken. Two hours after night-\\nfall, Mamenisi, the father of the little Indian\\ngirl, that I had baptized before she died, joined\\nus and gave us buffalo meat at discretion.\\nThe next day the Indians whom we had left\\nwith Michael Ako, came down fromf Buffalo\\nIn the Nouv. Decouv p. 398, they first took a small turtle,\\nand took the catfish after reaching Buffalo liver.\\nt Instead of from the Nouv. Dec, has this.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0278.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 25 1\\nriver with their flotilla of canoes loaded with\\nmeat. Aquipaguetin had, as he passed, told how\\nexposed the Picard and I had been while on our\\nvoyage, and the Indian chiefs represented to us the\\ncowardice of Michael Ako, who had refused to\\nundertake it, for fear of dying by hunger. And\\nhad I not stopped him, the Picard would have\\ninsulted him.\\nAll the Indian women hid their stock of meat\\nat the mouth of Buffalo river, and in the islands,\\nand we again went down the river Colbert about\\neighty leagues way to hunt with this multitude of\\ncanoes from time to time the Indians hid their\\ncanoes on the banks of the river and in the is-\\nlands then struck into the prairies seven or\\neight leagues beyond the mountains, where they\\nkilled, at different times, as many as a hundred and\\ntwenty buffaloes. They always left some of\\ntheir old men on the tops of the mountains to be\\non the lookout for their enemies. One day when\\nI was dressing the foot of one who called him-\\nself my brother, and who had run a splinter deep\\ninto his foot, an alarm was given in the camp.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0279.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "2^2 A DESCRIPTION\\ntwo hundred bowmen ran out and that brave\\nIndian, ahhough I had just made a deep incision\\nin the sole of his foot to draw out the wood, which\\nhad been driven in, left me and ran even faster\\nthan the rest, not to be deprived of the glory of\\nfighting, but instead of enemies, they found only\\nabout eighty stags,which took flight. The wounded\\nman could scarcely regain the camp. During\\nthis alarm, all the Indian women sang in a lugu-\\nbrious tone. The Picard left me to join his host,\\nand I remaining with one called Otchimbi, was\\nsubjected to carrying in my canoe an Indian woman\\nmore than eighty years old. For all her great age,\\nthis old woman threatened to strike with her\\npaddle three children who troubled us in the\\nmiddle of our canoe. The men treated me well\\nenough, but as the meat was almost entirely at\\nthe disposal of the women, I was compelled, in\\norder to get some, to make their children s ton-\\nsures about as large as those worn by our religious,\\nfor these little savages wear them to the age of\\nfifteen or sixteen, and their parents make them\\nwith red hot stones.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0280.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 253\\nWe had another alarm in our camp the old\\nmen on duty on the top of the mountains an-\\nnounced that they saw two warriors in the\\ndistance; all the bowmen hastened there with\\nspeed, each trying to outstrip the others but\\nthey brought back only two women of their own\\nnation, who came to report that a party of their\\npeople who were hunting near the extremity of\\nLake Conde, had found five spirits (so they call\\nthe French) who, by means of one of their\\nslaves, had expressed a wish to come on,\\nknowing us to be among them, in order to find\\nout whether we were English, Dutch, Spaniards,\\nor Frenchmen, being unable to understand how\\nwe could have reached those tribes by so wide a\\ncircuit.\\nOn the 25th f of July, 1680, as we were\\nascending the river Colbert after the bufi^alo-hunt,\\nto the Indian villages we met the Sieur de Luth,\\nOmitted in Nouv. Dec.\\nf Nouv. Dec, p. 407, says 28th., Du L hut confirms\\nHennepin s account and the Jesuit Father RafFeix in 1688,\\nrefers to it as a fact. See Appendix, C, Du L hut, gives no\\ndate. He makes his party four.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0281.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "2 54 A DESCRIPTION\\nwho came to the Nadoussious, with five French\\nsoldiers they joined us about two hundred and\\ntwenty leagues distant from the country of the\\nIndians who had taken us;* as we had some\\nknowledge of their language, they begged us to\\naccompany them to the villages of those tribes,\\nwhich I did readily, knowing that these French-\\nmen had not approached the sacraments for two\\nyears. The Sieur de Luth, who acted as captain,\\nseeing me tired of tonsuring the children, and\\nbleeding asthmatic old men to get a mouthful of\\nmeat, told the Indians that I was his elder\\nbrother, so that, having my subsistence secured,\\nI labored only for the salvation of these Indians.\\nWe arrived at the villages of the Issati on the\\n14th of August, 1680. I found our chalice and\\nour papers still there which I had hidden in the\\nground the tobacco which I had planted, had\\nThis would make him meet de L hut s party some where\\nbelow the Illinois, according to his description of the river. In\\nthe Nouvelle Decouverte, p. 408, be says, one hundred and\\ntwenty which would bring it just below the Wisconsin. In an\\naccount in the appendix it becume one hundred and fifty leagues.\\nDe L hut himself says eighty leagues below the St. Croix, that\\nis about the mouth of Black River.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0282.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 255\\nbeen choked by the weeds the turnips, cabbages,\\nand other vegetables were of extraordinary size.\\nThe Indians durst not eat them. During our\\nstay, they invited us to a feast where there were\\nmore than a hundred and twenty men all naked.\\nThe first chief,* a relative of the one whose body\\nI had covered with a blanket, brought me a bark\\ndish of food which he put on a buffalo-robe,\\ndressed, whitened, and trimmed with porcupine\\nquills on one side, and the curly wool on the\\nother. He afterward put it on my head, saying\\nHe whose body thou didst cover, covers thine\\nhe has borne tidings of thee to the land of souls.\\nNoble was thy act in his regard all the nation\\npraises thee for it. He then reproached the\\nSieur du Luth, for not having covered the de-\\nceased s body, as I did. He replied that he\\ncovered only those of captains like himself; but\\nthe Indian answered, Pere Louis is a greater\\ncaptain than you for his robe (meaning our bro-\\ncade chasuble), which we have sent to our allies,\\nOuasiconde Nouv. Decouv., p, 4H.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0283.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "256 A DESCRIPTION\\nwho dwell three moons from this country, is\\nmore beautiful than that which you wear.\\nToward the end of September, having no im-\\nplements to begin an establishment, we resolved\\nto tell these people, that for their benefit, we\\nwould have to return to the French settlements.f\\nThe great chief of the Issati, or Nadouessiouz\\nconsented, and traced in pencil on a paper I gave\\nhim, the route we were to take for four hundred\\nleagues of the way. With this chart, we set out,\\neight Frenchmen, in two canoes, and descended\\nthe rivers St. Francis and Colbert. Two of our\\nmen took two beaver-robes at the Falls of St.\\nAnthony of Padua, which these Indians had hung\\nin sacrifice on the trees J\\nWe stopped near Ouscousin river to smoke\\nsome meat three Indians coming from the\\nnations we had left, told us that their great chief\\nThe Nouv. Dec, explains that this means three months,\\nand reckons 15 leagues a day s march.\\nf The Noui Dec, details the deliberations, pp., 413-6.\\nt The Nouv. Dec, pp. 417-20, gives details as to a quarrel\\nabout these robes between Du L hut and the men. Accault\\nremained in the Sioux country. La Salle, lettre Aug. 22, 1682.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0284.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 2^7\\nnamed the Pierced-pine, having heard that one of\\nthe chiefs of his nation wished to pursue and kill\\nus, had entered his cabin and tomahawked him,\\nto prevent his pernicious design. We regaled\\nthese three Indians with meat, of which we\\nwere in no want then.\\nTwo days after, we perceived an army of one\\nhundred and forty canoes, filled with about two\\nhundred and fifty warriors we thought that\\nthose who brought the preceding news were\\nspies, for instead of descending the river on\\nleaving us, they ascended to tell their people.\\nThe chiefs of this little army visited us and\\ntreated us very kindly, the same day they de-\\nscended the river and we kept down to\\nOuscousin.* We found that river as wide as the\\nSeignelay with a strong current. After sailing\\nup sixty J leagues, we came to a portage of half\\na league, which the Nadonessiouz chief had\\nmarked for us we slept there to leave marks\\nIn the Nouv. Dec, Father Hennepin saves the party by\\nhis calumet.\\nf Seventy. Nouv. Dec, p. 427.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0285.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "258 A DESCRIPTION\\nand crosses on the trunks of the trees.* The\\nnext day we entered a river which winds won-\\nderfully, for after six hour s sailing, we found\\nourselves opposite the place where we had em-\\nbarked. One of our men wishing to kill a swan\\non the wing, capsized his canoe, fortunately he\\ntouched bottom.\\nWe passed four lakes, two of them pretty large\\non the banks of which the Miamis formerly lived*\\nwe found Maskoutens, Kikapous, andOutaougamy\\nthere, who plant Indian corn for their subsistence.\\nAll this country is as fine as that of the Islinois.\\nWe made a portage at a rapid called the\\nCakalin, and after about four hundred leagues\\nsail from our leaving the country of the Issati,\\nand Nadouessious, we arrived safely at the ex-\\ntremity of the bay of the Puans, where we found\\nFrenchmen trading with the Indians contrary\\nto orders. They had some little wine in a pewter\\nThis was the route taken by Marquette. The Kakalin\\nrapid had been explored by Allouez, and mentioned in the Rel.\\n1669-70.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0j- This was the Jesuit mission at Green Bay. Tidings of\\nHennepin s safe arrival there, reached La Salle through the\\nOutagamis or Foxes in March, 168 1. Margry i, p. 530.\\nHennepin here wrote to La Salle. Margry ii, p. 259.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0286.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 259\\nflagon, which enabled me to say mass I had\\nthen only a chalice and altar stone bat Provi-\\ndence supplied me with sacerdotal vestments,\\nfor some Islinois flying from the tyranny of the\\nIroquois, who had destroyed a part of their nation,\\ntook the vestments of the chapel of Father\\nZenobius Membre, Recollect, who was with the\\nIslinois in their flight. These savages gave me\\nall, except the chalice, which they promised\\nto restore in a few days for a present of tobacco.\\nI had not celebrated holy mass for over nine\\nmonths for want of wine; I had still some altar\\nbreads. We remained two days to rest, sing the\\nTe Deum, high mass, and preach. All our\\nFrenchmen went to confession and communion,\\nto thank God for having preserved us amid so\\nmany wanderings and perils.\\nOne of our Frenchmen gave a gun for a canoe\\nlarger than ours, with which, after sailing a\\nhundred leagues in the Bay of the Puants, we\\nreached Missilimakinac, where we were obliged\\nto winter. To employ the time usefully, I\\npreached every holyday, and on the Sundays of", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0287.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "26o A DESCRIPTION\\nAdvent and Lent.* The Outtaouctz and Hurons\\nwere often present,t rather from curiosity than\\nfrom any inclination to live according to our\\nChristian maxims. These last Indians said, to\\nus speaking of our discovery, that they were men,\\nbut that we Frenchmen were spirits, because,\\nhad thev gone so far as we had, the strange nations\\nwould have killed them, while we went fearlessly\\neverywhere.\\nDuring this winter, we took w^hitefish in Lake\\nOrleans, in twenty or twenty-two fathoms water.\\nThey served to season the Indian corn, which\\nwas our usual fare. Forty-t\\\\^ o Frenchmen who\\nwere there trading with these Indians all begged\\nme to give them the cord of St. Francis, which I\\nreadily did, making an exhortation at each\\nceremony.\\nWe left Missilimakinac in Easter week,\\nThe Xouv. Decouv., p. 435, tells us that he enjoyed, dur-\\ning the winter, the hospitality of Father Pierson, a Jesuit and a\\nfellow-townsmen of his own.\\nt In a church covered with flags and some boards which the\\nCanadians had built. Nouv, Dec, p. 434.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0288.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 26 1\\ni68i, and were obliged to drag our provisions\\nand canoes on the ice, more than ten leagues on\\nLake Orleans having advanced far enough on\\nthis fresh water sea, and the ice breaking, we\\nembarked after the solemnity of Low Sunday,\\nwhich we celebrated, having some little wine\\nwhich a Frenchman had fortunately brought,\\nand which served us very usefully the rest of the\\nvoyage. After a hundred leagues way on Lake\\nOrleans, we passed the strait for thirty leagues\\nand Lake St. Clare, f which is in the middle and\\nentered Lake Comty, where we killed, with sword\\nand axe, more than thirty sturgeon which came\\nto spawn on the banks of the lake. On the way\\nwe met an Outtaouact chief called le Talon, six\\nDu L hut says March 29, 1681, see Appendix C. His\\nrescue of Hennepin is attested by RafFeix s Map, where that\\nJesuit Father says Mr. Du Lude who first was among the\\nSioux or Nadouesiou in 1678, and who was near the source of\\nthe Mississippi, and who then came to rescue F. Louis, who\\nhad been taken prisoner among the Sioux. Harrisse, Notes,\\np. 181, 208. La Salle s letter and Margry s Rel. deny any\\ncaptivity.\\nf This name is now written St, Clair, but we should either\\nretain the French form Claire, or take the English Clare, It\\nreceived its name in honor of the founder of the Franciscan\\nnuns, from the fact that La Salle reached it on her day.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0289.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "262\\nA DESCRIPTION\\npersons of whose family had died of starvation,\\nnot having found a good fishery or hunting-ground.\\nThis Indian told us that the Iroquois had carried\\noff a family of twelve belonging to his tribe, and\\nbegged us to deliver them, if yet alive.\\nWe sailed along Lake Conty, and after a hun-\\ndred and twenty leagues we passed the strait of\\nthe great falls of Niagara, and Fort Comty, and\\nentered Lake Frontenac. We proceeded along\\nthe southern shore some thirty leagues from Fort\\nComty, to the great Seneca village about the\\nWhitsuntide holidays in the year 1681. We\\nentered the Iroquois council and asked them, why\\nthey had enslaved twelve of our Outtaouactz allies,\\ntelling them that those whom they had taken,\\nwere children of the governor of the French, as\\nwell as the Iroquois, and that by this violence,\\nthey declared war on the French. To induce\\nthem to restore our allies, we gave them two\\nbelts of wampum.\\nThe next day the Iroquois answered us by two\\nNouv. Dec, p 443 has 140. He gives an extended de-\\nscription of the FaL A hich will be found in our appendix.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0290.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 263\\nOther wampum belts, that the Outtaouactz had\\nbeen carried off by some mad young warriors\\nthat we might assure the governor of the French,\\nthat the Iroquois would hearken to him in all\\nthings that they wished to live with Onnontio\\nlike real children with their father (so they call\\nall the governors of Canada), and that they would\\nrestore those whom they had taken.\\nA chief named Teganeot, who spoke for his\\nwhole nation in all the councils, made me a\\npresent of otter and beaver-skins, to the value of\\nover twenty-five crowns. I took it with one\\nhand, and gave it with the other to his son,\\ntelling him that I presented it to him to buy goods\\nof the other Frenchmen that as for us, Bareteet,\\nas the Iroquois call us, we would receive\\nneither beaver nor furs, that I would assure the\\nGovernor of the French of their good will this\\nIroquois chief was surprized at my refusal of his\\npresent, and told the people of his tribe that the\\nother French did not act so. We took leave of\\nthe most influential men and proceeded after\\nNouv. Dec, p. 461 has 30.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0291.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "264 A DESCRIPTION\\nabout eighty leagues navigation on this lake, to\\nFort Frontenac where the dear Recollect Father\\nLuke was very much surprised to see me, for it\\nhad been currently reported for two years that\\nthe Indians had hung me with our cord of St.\\nFrancis. All the settlers French and Indian,\\nwhom we had attracted to Fort Frontenac, gave\\nme an extraordinary welcome, rejoicing at my\\nreturn, the Indians calling me Otkon,* laying\\ntheir hand on their mouth, which means to say\\nBarefoot is a Spirit, to have made so long a\\njourney.\\nAt the mouth of Lake Frontenac the current\\nis strong, and increases in velocity as you\\ndescend. The rapids are frightful. In two days\\nand a half we descended this river St. Lawrence,\\nwith so much speed that we reached Montreal,\\nwhich is sixty leagues from the said fort,f where\\nthe Count de Frontenac, Governor General of all\\nNew France then was. This Governor received\\nme as well as a man of his probity can receive a\\nAtkon, a demon, a spirit. Bruyas, Racines, p. 36.\\nf In less than two days. Nouv. Dec, p. 470.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0292.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 265\\nmissionary, as he believed me killed, by the Indians,\\nhe was for a time thunderstruck, believing it to be\\nsome other Religious.* He beheld me extenuated,\\nwithout a cloak, in a habit patched with bits of\\nbuffalo skin. He took me with him for twelve\\ndays to recruit me, and himself gave me the\\nmeat I was to eat, in the fear he experienced that\\nI might fall sick, by eating too much after such\\nlong fasts.\\nI made him an exact report of my voyage, and\\nshowed him the advantages to result from our\\nnew discovery. f\\nNouv. Dec, p. 471, says Frontenac mistook Hennepin for\\nhis chaplain, Father Luke Fillatre, or a Recollect from Virginia,\\nwhere we have English Recollects.\\nf The Nouv. Dec, p. 473, says he concealed his voyage\\ndown from Frontenac as his two canoemen did, because they\\nwould have been punished for making it against the ordinance\\nand their furs would have been seized. It states, p. 474, that\\ndu L but remained among the Ottawas, and that in a letter to\\nFrontenac, the date of which is not given, he said that he had\\nbeen unable to learn any tidings of Father Hennepin, his\\ncanoemen or their voyage. He states that while descending to\\nQuebec with Count Frontenac, he met Bishop Laval near the\\nriver leading to Fort Champlain.\\n21", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0293.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "266 A DESCRIPTION\\nWhile I was recruiting at Mr. de Frontenac s\\ntable, he received letters from Father Zenobius\\nMembre, Recollect, whom I had left in the\\nIllinois, who informed him that the progress of\\nour discovery was interrupted by the Iroquois,\\nand by an inexplicable fatility of some French-\\nmen who had abandoned Fort Crevecceur, that\\nthe commandant, the Sieur de Tonty, had left\\nthat post to go to the villages of the Islinois for\\nIndian corn, and that during his abseiice, all the\\nFrench whom he had left at that fort had de-\\nserted and abandoned the Recollect Father\\nGabriel, who remained alone on the bank of the\\nriver Seignelay till an Islinois, who was returning\\nfrom the hunt took the good old man to his village.\\nThe Sieur de la Salle before returning to Fort\\nFrontenac had left the Miamis perfectly united\\nwith the Islinois, but the Iroquois who are\\ncunning people, men of war and of deep designs,\\ngained the Miamis by presents, which was\\naccomplished just about the time that the French\\nwho had abandoned us at the Islinois, had taken\\nrefuge among the Miamis the next Autumn\\nSept. 12, 1680, Nouv. Dec, p. 479.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0294.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 267\\nthe Iroquois with about eight hundred men armed\\nwith guns joined the Miamis and fell upon the\\nIslinois who had only bows and arrows to defend\\nthemselves. The noise of the Iroquois guns so\\nalarmed them, that these men who are great\\nrunners, took flight towards the river Colbert\\nin this confusion, it was not difficult for the\\nIroquois, joined to the Miamis, to carry off\\nabout eight hundred slaves, including women and\\nyoung boys. These cannibals ate on the spot some\\nold Islinois men, and burned several others, who\\nwere not strong enough to follow them to the\\ncountry of the Iroquois, a journey of more than\\ntour hundred leagues.\\nA little before the great onset of these savages\\nsome young Iroquois warriors, seeing the Sieur\\nde Tonty, who had remained among the Islinois,\\nwith Fathers Gabriel and Zenobius, Recollects,\\nand two other young Frenchmen, rushed upon\\nhim, taking him for an enemy. They gave him\\na stab with a knife, the point fortunately meet-\\ning a rib but the older Iroquois recognizing\\nhim as a Frenchman, separated them, and seeing", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0295.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "268 A DESCRIPTION\\nhim slightly wounded, made him a present of a\\nwampum belt, in the Indian fashion, to heal his\\nwound, and wipe away his tears, assuring the two\\nRecollects that they did not wish to kill the\\nchildren of Onnontio, that is, the Governor of\\nthe French they asked from them a paper, in\\norder to testify on their return to the whole\\nFrench nation, the sincerity of their intention.\\nThey made the French embark to return to\\nCanada. The Reverend Father Gabriel, Recol-\\nlect, seeing the canoe loaded with beaver, threw\\nseveral to the Iroquois, giving them to understand,\\nthat he was not there to amass furs their canoe\\nbreaking, the French were forced to land about\\neight leagues from the Islinois and light a lire in\\norder to repair it. Father Gabriel retired a little\\nway into the prairie to say his breviary. A panic\\nhaving seized the Sieur de Tonty, who thought\\nhe had the Iroquois at his heels, he made Father\\nZenobius and the two young Frenchmen embark\\nwith such precipitation, that he crossed from one\\nbank of the Seignelay river to the other, which is\\nwide at this point, and left that good old man on", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0296.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 269\\nthe other bank, doing nothing but fire a gun\\nabout eight o clock in the evening as a signal,\\nbut in vain. Father Zenobius wrote to the\\nReverend Father Valentine le Roux, Commissary\\nProvincial of the Recollects in Canada, that he\\nhad implored the Sieur de Tonty not to embark\\nwithout Father Gabriel, and that he had replied,\\nthat if he did not embark who would answer for\\nhim to the Governor of the country. Father\\nZenobius not having vigor enough or words\\nsufficiently strong to persuade the Sieur de Tonty\\nto wait a little, he was forced to follow him,\\nalthough they perceived no enemies. The next\\nday they crossed the river to the spot where they\\nhad left him, they saw foot prints in the grass of\\nthose beautiful plains, and not finding that good\\nold man who undoubtedly was looking for them,\\nthe Sieur de Tonty took up his route for Canada\\nby way of the Bay of the Puants.\\nWe have subsequentl} learned by investigations\\nmade by order of the Count de Frontenac, Gov-\\nernor of Canada, that the Onnontaguez Iroquois\\nThe Nouv. Dec p. 494-5, and La Salle, Margry ii, p.\\n124, makes F. Gabriel killed by a band of Kickapoos. In the\\nproceedings against the deserters, Margry ii, p. 103, Petit Blca\\nand Boisdardenne vyere accused of deserting F. Gabrie", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0297.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "270 A DESCRIPTION\\nseeing the French canoe abandon this old man,\\nhid in the grass, fearing the guns which the\\nFrench might have discharged at them, and as\\nthe canoe moved away, they advanced stealthily\\nand tomahawked that man of God, whom we\\ncan style the Apostle of Louisiana.\\nOur Recollect Fathers informed me last year\\nfrom New France, that the Islinois after their\\ndefeat, pursued in great haste after the Iroquois\\nwho were all returning home triumphant, and\\nthat they found the body of Father Gabriel with\\nhis habit, that they carried him to their villages\\nand buried him in their manner, doing honor to\\nhim who had gone among them to preach the\\nfaith to them, and for their consolation. Others\\nhave wished to assure us that the Kikapous had\\nkilled him and carried off his habit of Saint\\nFrancis to the village of the Miamis but the\\nCount de Frontenac will give us all authentic\\ninformation on his return.\\nNotwithstanding all to traverse our plans, we\\nFrom Fort Champlain, he went down to Quebec in a\\ngayly painted canoe belonging to Count Frontenac, paddled by\\ntwo of his guards. He proceeded at once to the Recollect\\nconvent to confer with F. Valentine le Roux, his Commissary\\nProvincial. Nouv, Dec, p. 501. He charges this Father\\nwith copying his voyage down the Mississippi (p. S ^S)-", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0298.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "OF LOUISIANA. 271\\nhave been more than eight hundred leagues be-\\nyond the capital of New France, where I was\\nfor nearly eight months a slave among the Issati,\\nand the Sieur de la Salle has succeeded in build-\\ning three barks, the last two of which one-\\nof about fifty tons and the other of eighty, are dis-\\ntant from one another nearly five hundred lea-\\ngues, in advancing in canoes beyond the three\\ngreat lakes which are fresh water seas, and in\\npursuing his enterprise with Fathers Luke Brisset,\\nZenobius Membre, Recollects, and about fifty\\nmen.\\nThey wrote me this year (1682), from New\\nFrance, that the Sieur de la Salle seeing that I\\nhad made peace with the nations on the north\\nand northwest, situated more than five hundred\\nleagues up the river Colbert, who were making\\nwar on the Islinois, and on the nations of the\\nsouth, this brave captain, governor of Fort Fron-\\ntenac, who exalts by his zeal and courage the\\nnames of the Caveliers his ancestors, descended\\nlast year with his force and our Recollects, as far\\nas the mouth of the great river Colbert, and to", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0299.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "272 A DESCRIPTION\\nthe sea, and that he passed among unknown\\nnations, some of which are somewhat civiUzed.\\nIt is beHeved that he is on his way to France to\\ngive the Court an ample knowledge of all Louis-\\niana which we may call the Delight and Earthly\\nParadise of America. 1\\nThe King may form there an empire which\\nwill soon become flourishing, without any foreign\\npower being able to prevent him, and his Majesty\\nby the Religious Ministry of Saint Francis may\\neasily extend the kingdom of Jesus Christ among\\nthose many nations, which have hitherto been\\ndeprived of the advantages of Christianity, and\\nthe French colonies may thence derive great\\nbenefits in future.\\nEND", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0300.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "THE MANNERS OF THE INDIANS.*\\nOn the Fertility of the Indian Country.\\nBefore entering here into details as to the\\nmanners of the Indians, it is well to say a word\\nas to the fertility of their country it can\\nthus be judged how easy it is to found great\\ncolonies there. There are indeed many forests\\nto clear, but these uncultivated parts are none the\\nless advantageous. There are scarcely any in\\nthe world more fertile Nothing is wanting\\nthat is necessary for life every thing is in abun-\\ndance, the lands there are very well adapted for\\nsowing. In the vast countries of Louisiana, beau-\\ntiful prairies are discovered as far as the eye can\\nsee, and to enter a little into detail as to things\\nwhich grow among the Indians, there are many\\ngrape vines, very much like those we have in\\nEurope, which bear grapes, somewhat sour, but\\nThis part of the Description is not reprinted in the Nou-\\nvelle Decouverte^ but appears considerably enlarged in the\\nNouveau Voyage^ Utrecht 1698 reprinted in the Voyages au\\nNord, vol. 5.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0301.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "274 THE MANNERS\\nthe wine goes very well with ours, it even pre-\\nvents it from spoiling. In Louisiana and the\\nsouthern country, the grape is as good as in France\\nbut the seeds are larger. In both parts are found\\nhops, plums, cherries, citrons, apples, pears, nuts,\\nfilberts, gooseberries of all kinds and a thousand\\nother fruits of that nature delicious in taste. In\\nboth parts grow Indian corn, French wheat,\\nturnips, very fine melons, enormous squashes,\\ncabbages and a host of other vegetables, of which\\nI do not here recall the names. In the forests\\nthere are great numbers of wolves, monstrous\\nbears, deer, stags, and all kinds of animals of\\nwhich I do not know the names, among others\\nwild cats, beavers, otters, porcupines, turkeys, and\\nall these animals are of extraordinary size there.\\nThey catch there sturgeon, salmon, salmon trout,\\npike, carp, eels, armed fish, gold fish, bass,\\ncatfish, and all kinds of other fish.* There is\\nplenty of exercise too for our French sportsmen.\\nThere you can kill patridges, ducks of all kinds,\\nwild pigeons, cranes, herons, swans, wild geese,\\nNouv. Voyage. (Voy. on Nord., v, p. 348.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0302.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 275\\nand other game in abundance. In Louisiana,\\nbesides all these animals, there are also wild\\ncattle whicli the inhabitants of the country have\\nnever been able to exterminate entirely, on\\naccount of the great number of these animals\\nwhich change their country according to the\\nseason. Several medicinal herbs are found there\\nwhich are not in Europe, which have an infallible\\neffect, according to the experience of the Indians\\nwho use them daily to heal all kinds of wounds,\\nfor quartain and tertian fevers, to purge and to\\nallay pains in the kidneys and other like troubles.\\nThere are also many poisons which these people\\nemploy for self destruction. Snakes are common,\\nparticularly the adders, asps and another kind of\\nserpent, which has a kind of rattles on its tail,\\nand is called on that account rattlesnake. They\\nare of prodigious length and bulk. They bite\\npassers-by dangerously but wherever thev are,\\nthere are found also sovereign remedies against\\ntheir bites. Frogs are seen there too of strange\\nsize, whose bellowing is as loud as the lowing of\\ncows. The same trees are found here as in", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0303.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "276 THE MANNERS\\nEurope, and there are others also namely red\\npine, red cedar, spruce, cotton wood, sh,\\nboisdier and others. All these trees strike i oot\\ndeeply and become extremely high, which\\nsufficiently attests the fertility of the soil. The\\ngreat river St. Lawrence of which I have already\\ngiven a description in the Relation of Louisiana,\\nruns through the middle of the Iroquois country\\nand there forms a large lake which the Indians\\ncall Ontario, and the French Frontenac, in\\nmemory of the Count de Frontenac, Governor\\nof all New France. The river St. Lawrence\\nhas on the north side a branch which comes from\\na nation who are called Nez-persez orOntaonatz.f\\nOn the north-east is the country of the Algon-\\nquains, which the French occupy. On the east\\nthe nation of the Wolf J and New Netherland or\\nJortz. On the south New England or Baton.\\nOn the southwest Virginia, which is called New\\nSweden. On the west the country of the Hurons,\\nNouveau Voyage (Voyages au Nord, v., p. 349.^\\nt Misprint for Outaouatz, Ottawas.\\nJ Mohegans.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0304.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 277\\nwhich is now almost entirely abandoned, and\\nwhich has been destroyed by the Iroquois. The\\nfirst post which we have there is Fort Frontenac.\\nOrigin of the Indians.\\nI am no longer surprised at the avowal of our\\nhistorians, that they can not tell how the Indian\\ncountry has been populated, since the inhabitants\\nwho ought to be the best informed, know\\nnothing about it themselves. Besides which, if\\nin Europe, we were like them deprived of writ-\\ning, and if we had not the use of that ingenious\\nart, which brings the dead back to life, and\\nrecalls past times and which preserves for us an\\neternal memory of all things, we should not be\\nless ignorant than they. It is true that they re-\\ncount some things about their origin but when\\nyou ask whether what they say about it is true,\\nthey answer that they know nothing about it,\\nthat they would not assure us of it, and that they\\nbelieve them to be stories of their old men, to\\nwhich they do not give much credit. If all\\nNorth America had been discovered, we might", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0305.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "278 THE MANNERS\\nperhaps learn the spot where these persons came\\nover to it, which would contribute not a little to\\nthrow light on some points of ancient history.\\nA rather curious story is related among them.\\nThey say that a woman descended from heaven\\nand remained sometime fluttering in the air, un-\\nable to find a spot to rest her foot. The fish of\\nthe sea having taken compassion on her, held a\\ncouncil to deliberate which of them should re-\\nceive her the Tortoise presented himself and\\noffered his back above the water. This woman\\ncame there to rest and made her abode there.\\nThe unclean matter of the sea having gathered\\naround this tortoise, a great extent of land was\\nformed in time, which now constitutes America.\\nBut as solitude did not at all please this woman,\\nwho grew weary of having no one to converse with,\\nin order to spend her days a little more agreeably\\nthan she was doing, a spirit descended from on\\nhigh, who found her asleep from sorrow. He\\napproached her imperceptibly, and begot by her\\ntwo sons, who came out of her side. These two\\nchildren could never, as time went on, agree.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0306.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 279\\nbecause one was a better hunter than the other,\\nevery day they had some quarrel with each other,\\nand they came to such a pitch that they could\\nnot at all bear one another especially one who\\nwas of an extremely fierce temper, conceived a\\ndeadly envy of his brother, whose disposition was\\ncompletely mild. This one unable to endure the\\nill treatment which he continually received, was\\nat last obliged to depart from him and retire to\\nheaven, whence as a mark of his just resentment,\\nhe from time to time makes the thunder roar\\nover the head of his unhappy brother. Some-\\ntime after the spirit descended again to this\\nwoman and had by her a daughter, from whom\\nhave come the mighty nation which now occupies\\none of the largest parts of the world. There are\\nsome other circumstances, which I do not re-\\nmember, but fabulous as this story is, you can\\nnot fail to discern in it some truths. The\\nwoman s sleep has some analogy with that of\\nAdam the estrangement of the two brothers\\nbears some resemblance to the irreconciliable\\nhatred which Cain had for Abel, and the thunder", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0307.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "28o THE MANNERS\\npealing from heaven, shows us very clearly the\\ncurse which God pronounced upon that merci-\\nless fratricide.* One might even doubt whether\\nthey are not of Jewish origin, because they have\\nmany things in common with them. They\\nmake their cabins in the form of a tent like the\\nJews. They anoint themselves with oil, they\\nare superstitiously attached to dreams, they be-\\nwail the dead with lamentations and horrible\\nbowlings, women wear mourning for their near\\nrelatives for a whole year, abstain from dances\\nand feasts, and wear a kind of hood on their\\nhead. Usually the father of the deceased takes\\ncare of the widow. It seems too that the curse\\nof God has fallen on them, as on the Jews, for\\nthey are brutal and extremely stubborn. They\\nhave no fixed and settled abode.f\\nPhysical Condition of the Indians.\\nThe Indians are very robust, men, women\\nand even children are extremely vigorous for\\nNouv. Voyage. Voy. au Nord., v., p. 264-6.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Voyages au Nord. v., p. 268.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0308.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 20 1\\nthis reason they are rarely sick, they know\\nnothing about treating themselves delicately,\\nhence they are not subject to a thousand ailments\\nwhich too great effeminacy draws down on us.\\nThey are not gouty or dropsical, gravel or fever-\\nvexed, they are always in movement, and take\\nso little rest, that they escape maladies which\\nbeset most of our Europeans for want of exercise\\nappetite scarcely ever fails them, even when they\\nare far advanced in years they are as a rule so\\ngiven to eating, that they rise in the night to eat,\\nunless they have meat or sangamity near them,\\nfor then they eat like dogs without getting up.\\nYet on the other hand they undergo great absti-\\nnences, which would beyond doubt be unsupport-\\nable to us. They go two or three days without\\neating, when such an occasion befals them, with-\\nout on that account discontinuing their work,\\nwhether they are engaged in hunting, fishing or\\nwar. Their children are so inured to cold, that in\\nmid winter they run bare naked on the snow, and\\nroll in it like little pigs, without being in any\\n22", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0309.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "282 THE MANNERS\\nway injured, and in summer when the air is full\\nof musquitoes, they also go naked, and play\\nwithout feeling the stings of these little insects.\\nI admit that the fresh air to which they are con-\\nstantly exposed contributes somewhat to harden\\ntheir skin to fatigue, but this great insensibility\\nmust also come from an extremely robust con-\\nstitution, in as much as our hands and face are\\nalways exposed to the air, without being for all\\nthat less sensitive to cold. When men are hunt-\\ning especially in the spring time, they are almost\\nalways in water, although it is very cold, and\\nthey return from it cheerfully to their cabins\\nwithout complaining. When they go to war,\\nthey sometimes remain three or four days behind\\na tree, eating almost nothing. They are un-\\nwearied in their hunts they run very fast and\\nfor a very long time. The nations of Louisiana\\nrun faster than the Iroquois, so that there is not\\na buffalo that they cannot run down. They sleep\\non the snow in a scanty blanket, without a fire\\nand without cabin. The women act as porters,\\nand have so much vigor, that there are few men", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0310.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 283\\nin Europe who have as much as they. They\\ncarry burthens that two or three of us would find\\nit difficult to raise. The warriors undertake\\njourneys of three or four hundred leagues, as\\nthough it was only to go from Paris to Orleans.\\nThe women bear children without great pain,\\nsome of them leave the cabin and withdraw into\\nthe wood apart, and afterwards return with their\\nchildren in their blanket. Others if labor comes\\non in the night, bring forth the children on their\\nmats, without making the least noise, and in the\\nmorning rise and work as usual, inside and out-\\nside the cabin, as if nothing ailed them. Remark\\nalso that while they are pregnant, they do not\\ncease to be active, to carry very heavy loads, to\\nplant Indian corn, and squashes, to go and come,\\nand what is a wonder, their children are very\\nwell formed, humpbacks are very rare among\\nthem. To conclude, they have no natural bodily\\ndefects, which leads us to believe that their mind\\nwould easily adapt itself to this external disposi-\\ntion, if they were civilized and had much inter-\\ncourse with the French.*\\nNouveau Voyage, (Voy. au Nord. v. pp. 295-7.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0311.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "284 THE MANNERS\\nRemedies against Diseases.\\nWhen they are weary they enter a vapor bath\\nto strengthen their limbs, and if their legs or\\narms pain, they take a well sharpened knife and\\nmake incisions in the part where the pain is.\\nWhen the blood flows they scrape it with their\\nknives or a stick till it ceases to flow. Then\\nthey cleanse the wound and rub it with oil or\\nthe fat of some animals. This is a sovereign\\nremedy. They do the same when they have a\\npain in the head or arms. To cure tertian and\\nquartan fevers, they make a medecine with a bark\\nwhich they boil and give to drink immediately\\nafter the fever. They know roots and herbs\\nwith which they cure all kinds of diseases. They\\nhave sure remedies against the poison of toads,\\nsnakes and other animals, but have none against\\nthe small pox. There are charlatans whom they\\ncall jugglers. These are certain old men who\\nlive at other people s expense, by counterfeiting\\nphysicians in a superstitious manner. They do\\nnot use remedies, but when one of them is", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0312.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 285\\ncalled to a sick man, he makes them entreat\\nhim, as if it were for some affair of great impor-\\ntance and very difficult. After many solicitations\\nhe comes, he approaches the patient, touches\\nhim all over the body, and after he has well\\nconsidered and handled him, he tells him that\\nhe has a spell in such or such a part, for example,\\nin the head, leg or stomach, which must be re-\\nmoved, but that this can be done only with great\\ndifficulty, and many things must be done pre-\\nviously. This spell is very malicious, he says;\\nbut it must be made to come out at any cost.\\nAll the sick man s friends who fall into the trap,\\nsay T. Chagon, T. Chagon, courage,* courage\\ndo what you can, spare nothing. The juggler\\nsits down, deliberates for a time on the remedies\\nwhich he wishes to employ, then rises as if com-\\ning out of a deep sleep, and cries out. See the\\nthing is done! Listen, such a one, your wife or\\nTsiagen good courage, Bruyas, Mohawk Diet. ms.\\nTchiguen, Courage, Onondaga Diet. p. 36. The Indian\\nwords cited in these remarks are Mohawk, the language of\\nwhich Hennepin acquired some knowledge at Fort Frontenac,\\naided by Bruyas works.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0313.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "2 86 THE MANNERS\\nchild s life is at stake, so spare nothing, you\\nmust give a feast, to day, give such or such a\\nthing, or do something else of the kind. At the\\nsan^e time that these orders of this juggler are\\ncarried out, the men enter the vapor bath and\\nsing at the top of their voice, rattling tortoise\\nshells or gourds full of Indian corn, to the sound\\nof which the men and women dance. Some-\\ntimes even they all get intoxicated, so that they\\nmake frightful orgies. While all are thus en-\\ngaged, this superstitious old man is near the\\npatient, whom he torments, holding his feet or\\nlegs, or pressing his chest, according to the spot\\nwhere he has said the spell is, in such a way that\\nhe makes him undergo pain sufficient to kill\\nhim. He often makes the blood issue from the\\ntips of his fingers or toes. At last after making\\na hundred grimaces, he displays a piece of skin\\nor a lock of hair or something of the kind, mak-\\ning them believe it to be the spell which he has\\ndrawn from the patient s body, which is however,\\nonly a pure trick.\\nI one day baptized a little child which seemed", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0314.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 287\\nto be in danger of death, but the next day, it\\nwas cured. Some days after its mother related\\nto the others, in my presence, how I had cured\\nher child. She took me for a juggler, saying\\nthat I was wonderful, that I knew how to cure\\nall sorts of diseases by putting water on the fore-\\nhead. They often have recourse to our mede-\\ncines, because they find them very good, but\\nwhen we do not succeed, they ascribe the cause\\nto the medecine and not to the wretched state of\\nthe patient.*\\nThe Dress of the Indians.\\nThe Northern Indianc, from the statement of\\ntheir old men, have always been covered, and\\nbefore they had ever had any intercourse with\\nEuropeans, for they dressed in skins, both men\\nand women. They now still cover themselves\\nsometimes with skins, but most generally they\\nwear a shirt, a coat with a hood, a strip of cloth\\n*Nouveau Voyage, (V. au Nord v. ,pp. 292-4).", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0315.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "288 THE MANNERS\\nwhich covers them to the knees, and which is\\ntied before and behind with a Httle belt, then\\nthey have footless stockings, which our French\\ngenerally call leggins, and shoes which are merely\\nof dressed skins. When they come in from their\\nhunts in the Spring there are some who buy\\nFrench body coats, shoes and stockings some\\nwear hats out of the respect they have for the\\nFrench. Sometimes they carry blankets in which\\nthey wrap themselves, holding the ends in their\\nhands. When they are in their cabins, they\\nvery frequently remain stark naked, even in\\nwinter time, except a single band of cloth with\\nwhich they are girt. They daub their faces\\nwith red and black colors, they redden their\\nhair which they cut in every fashion. The\\nsouthern nations do not burn them except to the\\nears, and those of the North often let them hang\\ndown on one side, and cut them on the other\\naccording to their fancy. Sometimes they stick\\nlittle feathers all over the head, and sometimes\\nlarge ones behind the ears. There are some\\nwho make themselves crowns of flowers others", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0316.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 289\\nof birch bark, some of skins, very prettily worked.\\nThe women are dressed like the men except a\\nband of cloth, wrapped around like a petticoat,\\nwhich they fasten to their girdle and which does\\nnot hang down below the knees. When they\\ngo to entertainments to dance, they take their\\nfineries, and paint their temples and cheeks and\\nthe tip of the chin.\\nYoung boys go naked till they are capable of\\nmarriage, and when they cover themselves, if\\nthey have no shirt, they always show what nature\\ndoes not permit to uncover. Little girls at the\\nage of four or live years, begin to gird a piece of\\ncloth around them. When we went into their\\ncabins to instruct them, we obliged them to cover\\nthemselves, which produces a good effect, because\\nthey now feel a little ashamed of their nakedness,\\nand cover their persons a little more frequently\\nthan they did before.\\nMen and women, especially the young ones,\\nwear on the neck beads and sea shells of all kinds\\nof shapes. They have also some of these shells,\\nas long as the finger, made in the form of a little", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0317.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "290 THE MANNERS\\ntube, which are used as earrings. They have\\nalso belts, some made of beads, others of porcu-\\npine hair, some of bear s hair, others of both\\ninterwoven. The most important men among\\nthem wear on the back a small bag in which\\nthey carry their pipe, tobacco, steel and flint and\\nother trifles.\\nThey are skilful in making a kind of cloak\\nwith dressed skins of the bear, beaver, otter,\\nsquirrel, wolf, lion, and other animals, in which\\nto appear in their assemblies.*\\nMarriages of the Indians,\\nThe marriage of the Indians is not a civil\\ncontract because they have no intention of bind-\\ning themselves, but they cohabit, till they disagree\\nwith one another. Girls are married at the age\\nof nine or ten years, not for marriage, because\\nthey know well that they are incapable, but\\nbecause the parents of this girl expect some profit\\nfrom their son in law. In fact when he comes\\nNouv. Voyage, (Voy. au. Nord v. pp. 297-9).", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0318.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 29I\\nin from the hunt, the girl s father has the disposal\\nof the furs and the meat, but on the other hand\\nthe girl carries the sagamity or porridge made of\\nIndian corn, for all her husband s meals, rlthough\\nshe does not live with him. Some act thus five\\nor six years. On the day when they marry,\\nthey give feasts with pomp and rejoicing. Some-\\ntinies the whole village goes there, and every one\\nmakes good cheer. After the meal they sing\\nand dance. Very frequently they marry without\\nany noise, and for this only a word is needed, for\\nthe Indian who has no wife goes in search of a\\nwoman who has no husband, and says to her\\nWill you come with me. You shall be my\\nwife. She makes no answer at first, but thinks\\nfor sometime holding her head in her two hands.\\nWhile she is thus thinking, the man holds his\\nhead in the same posture without uttering a\\nword. When she has deliberated sometime she\\nlifts up her head and says Niau, lam willing,\\nthe man rises at once, and says to her; One\\nthat is settled. f In the evening the woman\\nNis, Yes, Bruyas, Mohawk Dicty. ms.\\nf Onne, That is settled, lb.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0319.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "292 THE MANNERS\\ntakes her hatchet, and goes to cut a load of fire\\nwood on reaching the door of her husband s\\ncabin, she throws the wood on the ground, goes\\nin and sits down near the Indian, who gives her\\nno caress. When they have been thus long\\ntogether without speaking, the man says to her\\nSentaony, lie down, and a little while\\nafter this man lies down near her.\\nYou see very few who make love like Euro-\\npeans, laughing and flirting.\\nThey leave each other very easily and without\\nany publicity, for they have only to say I leave\\nyou, and the thing is done. They then regard\\neach other no more than if they had never met.\\nThey sometimes fight with each other before\\nseparating, but this occurs very rarely. Some\\nhave two wives, but it is not for a long time.\\nWhen they separate the woman sometimes carries\\noff all the goods, and all the furs sometimes\\nnothing at all but the short piece of cloth that\\nforms her petticoat, and her blanket. They\\ngenerally divide the children, if they have had\\nImperative of Gasataon, To lie down on the back, lb.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0320.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 293\\nany together, so that some follow the father and\\nsome the mother. Some leave them all to their\\nwives, saying that they do not believe they belong\\nto them. In fact they very often say the truth,\\nbecause there are very few who are proof against\\na coat and any other present that may be offered.\\nIf these children are of a French father, you can\\ndetect it in the tace and eyes. Those of the\\nIndians are entirely black, and they can see\\nfurther than Europeans, and they have a more\\npiercing eye. If the Indian women were capable\\nof contracting marriage, we might marry as many\\nas we would to our Frenchmen, but they have\\nnot the necessary dispositions, they have not the\\nfaith necessary for that, nor the will never to\\nseparate from their husband, as experience teaches\\nus, and the conversations they hold on the point,\\nshow us clearly. When a man who has no wife\\npasses through a village he hires one for a night\\nor for two according to his fancy, and the parents\\nfind nothing to censure in this; very far from\\nthat, they are very glad to have their daughters\\nearn some clothes or some furs. Among them", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0321.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "294 THE MANNERS\\nthere are men of all kinds of dispositions as in\\nEurope; some love their wives a great deal, others\\nentirely despise them, some beat them and ill\\ntreat them but this does not last, as the wives\\nleave them. There are some too who are jealous.\\nI saw one who had beaten his wife, for having\\ngone to the dance with other men.\\nThose v/ho are good hunters chose the hand-\\nsomest the others have only the ugly ones, and\\nthe cast-off. When they are old, they never\\nabandon each other except in rare cases, and for\\ngrave reasons. There are some, although very\\nfew, who remain from twenty to thirty years\\nwith their wives. The women grow desperate\\nwhen the husband who is a good hunter leaves\\nthem they even poison themselves sometimes,\\nas I saw one whose life I saved with treacle.\\nWhen these Indians go beaver hunting in the\\nspring, they often leave their wives in the village\\nto plant Indian corn, and squashes, and hire\\nanother to go with them when they return\\nhome they give her a beaver or two, and send\\nher home in that way and go back to the first", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0322.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 295\\nwife. If however the last pleases them better,\\nthey change the first without any ado. They\\nare surprised that the Frenchmen do not act\\nlike them.\\nOne day while the husband of one of our\\nFrench women settlers had gone off twenty or\\nthirty leagues, the Indian women went to see\\nthis woman, and said to her You have no sense,\\ntake another man for the present, and when your\\nhusband comes, leave this one. This great\\ninconstancy and changing of wives, is a great\\nopposition to the maxims of Christianity, which\\nwe wish to impart to the Indians, and one of the\\nmost considerable obstacles to the faith.\\nIt is not the same with the southern nations\\namong whom poligamy reigns, for in all the lands\\nof Louisiana, there are Indians, who have as many\\nas ten or eleven wives, and are often married to\\nthree own sisters, alleging as a reason that they\\nagree better among themselves.\\nWhen a man makes presents to the father and\\nmother of a girl, she belongs to him as his own\\nfor her whole life if he wishes sometimes the", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0323.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "296 THE MANNERS\\nparents take back children from their son-in-law,\\nrestoring the presents which they have received\\nfrom him, but this is very rare. If a woman\\nshould be unfaithful, her husband would cut off\\nher nose, ear or would give her a slash in the\\nface with a stone knife, and if he should kill\\nher, he would clear himself by making a present\\nto the dead woman s kindred to dry up their tears.\\nI have seen several badly marked on the face,\\nwho had nevertheless children by some scurvy\\nfellows. The men in the warm countries are\\nmore jealous of their wives than those of the\\nnorth. The former are so sensitive in matters\\nof this kind, that they wound and sometimes\\nkill one another, through some love madness.\\nThe young warriors do not often approach\\nwomen till they reach the age of thirty years,\\nbecause they say that intercourse with women\\nprevents their running. The men there go en-\\ntirely naked, but the women are partly covered\\nwith very neat skins, especially at the dances and\\nceremonies. The girls curl their hair and the\\nwomen wear theirs after the gypsy fashion.*\\nNouveau Voyage, (Voy. au Nord, v. pp. 286-291.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0324.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 297\\nIndian Feasts.\\nThey have several kinds of feasts, war, death\\nand marriage feasts, feasts to cure the sick they\\nalso have ordinary ones They formerly gave\\nobscene ones, where men and women associated\\npell mell, but if they do so now, it is very rarely.\\nWhen they wish to go to war, it is for some\\nwrong which, they pretend, has been done them\\nsometimes in consequence of a dream, and often\\nbecause this fancy has come to them, or because\\nothers ridicule them in these terms You have\\nno courage, you have never been to war, you\\nnever killed a man. When they wish to go\\nalone, in such a case they make no feasts, but\\nthey merely say to their wife: Make me some\\nmeal, I am going to war. When they wish to\\nhave companions they go through the whole\\nvillage to invite the young men to the feast.\\nThese take each his kettle or platter and go to\\nthe cabin of the one who has invited them,\\nwhere he awaits them singing. His songs all\\n23", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0325.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "298 THE MANNERS\\nturn on war. I am going to war, I am going\\nto avenge the death of my kinsman. I will slay,\\nI will burn, I will bring back slaves, I will eat\\nmen, and other things of the kind, which\\nbreathe only cruelty. When all have come the\\nkettles are filled and they begin to eat. And\\nwhile the giver ot the feast continues his singing\\nall the while, exhorting all to follow him, they\\ndo not say a word, and they eat all that they have\\nwithout speaking, unless from time to time some\\none or other will say Netho, or Togenska,\\nYes, you are right. After they have eaten all,\\nthis master of the feast makes them a harangue,\\nand thev reply from time to time Netho,\\nYes. When he closes the speech, he says\\nSee it is settled. I start to morrow, or in two\\ndays, three days, in a month, as his fancy dictates.\\nOn the morrow or some other day, those who\\nchose to accompany him, go to him and say I\\ngo to war with you. He says There, that is\\nsettled. Let us get ready for such a day. They\\nEtho, Yes. Bruyas, iMuhawk Dicty. ms. Neto, Yes.\\nOnondaga Diet., p. 76.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0326.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 299\\nsometimes give ten such feasts before setting out.\\nFormerly they gave very obscene ones before\\ngoing to war. For if a girl failed to give her-\\nself up to the one whom the leader of the party\\nhad prescribed for her, all the misfortunes that\\nhappened in the warlike enterprises was ascribed\\nto her, so ingenious is the devil in matter of lust.\\nWhen they marry their children, they give no\\nfeasts sometimes they do, when they observe\\ncertain ceremonies. The first thing they do is\\nto think of the eating; for this purpose they fill\\ngreat kettles with meat, according to the number\\nof those whom they wish to invite, when the\\nmeat or sangamity is cooked, they go to invite\\ntheir guests, saying as they place a little billet of\\nwood in the hand I invite you to my feast.\\nNo sooner said than done, it is unnecessary to\\nreturn a second time there. All proceed thither\\nwith their kettles and platters. The master of\\nthe house makes the distribution of the portions\\nvery fairly, and the giver of the feast or some\\nother in his stead sings constantly, till all is eaten.\\nAfter the meal they sing and dance, and each", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0327.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "3CO\\nTHE MANNERS\\none returns hoire without uttering a word, except\\nsome who thank him who has invited them.\\nFeasts to heal a sick person are given almost in\\nthe same way.\\nThe death feasts are sad and mournful. There\\nno one sings or dances but the relatives of the\\ndead remain in deep silence, and show a downcast\\ncountenance, in order to move the invited to\\ncompassion. All who come to this feast bring\\npresents and throwing them to the nearest rela-\\ntives they say Hold, this is to wipe away your\\ntears, to dig the deceased s grave, to cover him,\\nto build a cabin. Hold, here is to make a fence\\naround his grave. After they have thus given\\ntheir presents, and emptied their kettles, they\\nreturn home without saying a word. As for\\ncommon feasts, they are conducted in all sorts of\\nmanners, according to their fancy.*\\nGames of the Indians.\\nThey have games for men, for the women,\\nand for the children. The most common for\\nNouveau Voyage. (Voyages au Nord v. pp. 281\u00e2\u0080\u00944).", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0328.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 3OI\\nmen are with certain fruits which have seeds black\\non one side and red on the other; they put them\\nin a wooden or bark platter on a blanket, a great\\ncoat or a dressed skin mantle. There are six or\\neight players. But there only two who touch\\nthe platter alternately with both hands, they raise\\nit, and then strike the bottom of the platter on\\nthe ground by this shaking to mix up the six\\nseeds, then if they come five red or black, turned\\non the same side, this is only one throw gained,\\nbecause they usually play several throws to win\\nthe game, as they agree among them. All those\\nwho are in the game, play one after another.\\nThere are some so given to this game, that they\\nwill gamble away even their great coat. Those\\nwho conduct the game, cry at the top of their\\nvoice, when they rattle the platter, and they strike\\ntheir shoulders so hard as to leave them all black\\nwith the blows.\\nThey also oiten play with a number of straws\\nhalf a foot long or thereabouts. There is one\\nwho takes them all in his hand, then without\\nlooking he divides them in two, Wiien he has", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0329.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "302 THE MANNERS\\nseparated them, he gives one part to his antago-\\nnist. Whoever has an even number, according\\nas they have agreed, wins the game.\\nThey have also anothei game, which is very\\ncommon among litt e children in Europe. They\\ntake kernels of Indian corn or something of the\\nkind, then they put some in one hand, and ask\\nhow many there are. The one who guesses the\\nnumber wins.\\nThey also play a game which they call in their\\nlanguage Ounonhayenty. But it is rather a\\ntrade than a game. They get into two cabins\\nsix in one, and six in the other. Then there is\\none who takes some goods or furs, and what he\\nwishes to exchange he goes to the door of the\\nother cabin and utters a cry. Those in the cabin\\ngive it an echo. The first approaches and savs\\nchanting, that he wishes to sell what he holds in\\nhis hands. Those within reply hon, hon, hon,\\nhon, hon, hon. The seller having ended his\\nwhole song, throws his merchandise mto the\\ncabin and returns home. Then the others having\\nexamined the prize, and asked the seller whether", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0330.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 303\\nhe desires in exchange a great coat, a shirt, a\\npair of shoes or some other thing of the kind,\\none of them goes to carry to the other cabin the\\nequivalent of what has been thrown in, or restores\\nthe goods so thrown, if it does not suit him, or\\nif it is not worth what he brinp:s as exchansre.\\nCD i\\nThese ceremonies are accompanied by songs\\nwhich gladden both parties.\\nThe children play with bows and with two\\nsticks, one large and one small. They hold the\\nlittle one in the left, and the larger one in the\\nright hand, then with the larger they make the\\nsmaller one iiy up in the air, and another runs\\nafter it, and throws it at the one who sprung it.\\nThis game resembles that of children in Europe,\\nThey also make a ball of flags or corn leaves,\\nwhich they throw in the air and catch on the\\nend of a pointed stick.\\nAdults both men and women, in the evening,\\naround the fire, tell stories after the manner of\\nEuropeans.*\\nNouv, Voyage. {Vo} au Nord v. p. 300,)", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0331.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "304 THE MANNERS\\nThe Rudeness of the Indians.\\nThe Indians trouble themselves very little with\\nour civilities, on the contrary, they ridicule us\\nwhen we practice them. When they arrive in\\na place, they most frequently salute no one, but\\nremain squatting down, and though everybody\\ncome to look at them, they look at no one.\\nSometimes they enter the first cabin they come\\nto, without saying a word. They take their\\nplace where they may happen to be, then they\\nlight their pipes and smoke some time without\\nspeaking. When they come into our houses,\\nthey take the first place. If there is a chair\\nbefore the fire, they take possession of it, and do\\nnot rise for any one. Men and women hide only\\ntheir private parts. They break wind before all\\nthe world without caring for any one. They\\ntreat their elders very uncivilly, even breaking\\nwind in their very faces. There conversation\\nwhether among men or women is generally only\\nindecency and ribaldry. As regards their inter-\\ncourse with their wives, they generally conceal", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0332.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 305\\nthemselves, yet sometimes they do not. How-\\never they show no other marks of outward inde-\\ncency either from hatred or caresses. And they\\nnever show countenances Hke those we see\\npractised by Europeans.\\nThey never wash their platters which are of\\nwood or bark, nor their bowls or their spoons.\\nWhen the women cleanse their children with\\ntheir hands, they rub them slightly on a bark,\\nand will then touch the meat they eat. They\\nscarcely ever wash their hands or face. Chil-\\ndren have little respect for their parents fathers\\nallow their children to beat them, because they\\nsay that if they punish their children, they would\\nbe too timid and would not be good warriors.\\nThey eat in a snuffling way and puffing like\\nanimals. As soon as men enter a house they\\nsmoke. If they find a pot covered they uncover\\nit, they uften eat from the platter where their\\ndogs have eaten without washing it. When they\\neat fat meat, they grease their whole faces with\\nit. They belch continually. Those who have\\nintercourse with the French, scarcely ever wash", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0333.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "306 THE MANNERS\\ntheir shirts, but let them rot on their backs.\\nThey seldoni cut their nails. They rarely wash\\nmeat before putting it in the pot. Their cabins\\nare ordinarily very dirty. They eat lice. The\\nwomen make water before any one and in a full\\ngathering. When their children make water on\\ntheir blankets, they throw it off with their hands.\\nThey often eat lying down like dogs. In fine,\\nthey put no restraint on their actions, and follow\\nsimply the animals.*\\nCourtesy of the Indians.\\nAmid all these incivilities, you find some\\ncourtesies. When any one enters their cabins\\nwhile they are eating, they most frequently offer\\nhim their kettle. So ise also offer us the best\\nplace in their cabins when we pay them a visit.\\nThose who have had much intercourse with the\\nFrench, salute us when we meet them. It is\\nalso a maxim of civility among them, to make a\\nreturn when you give anything. Although they\\nNouveau Voyage. (Voy. au Nord v. pp. 339-341.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0334.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 307\\ntreat their elders uncivilly, they nevertheless re-\\nspect their advice, which they very often follow,\\nbecause they say that the old men have more ex-\\nperience and know affairs better. At feasts they\\noften make a distinction between men of con-\\nsideration and the others, for they give them the\\nwhole head of the animal and the most honor-\\nable portion. They make presents to one another,\\nand very often give feasts. They also show de-\\nference to the old in allowing them to govern\\nafl^airs, because this is honorable among them.\\nThere are some also, although very few, who\\nsalute us in French style. I have seen one who\\nwas called Garakontie, that is to say, the sun\\nwhich marches, who haranguing before the\\nCount de Frontenac, took off his cap every time\\nhe began a new topic. Another, Chief of the\\nGoiogoins (Cayugas) seeing a little girl w^hom\\nhe had given to the govern jr of the country to\\nThis was not the great Daniel Garakontie, who died about\\nthe time Hennepin came to America, Rel. 1673-9 p. 190 but\\nhis brother. From Garakwa, sun, Bruyas Fr. Mohawk Dicty.\\nnis Onondaga Diet., p. 94. Tie expresses action while\\nwalking. Bruyas, Racines Agnieres, p. 6.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0335.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "308 THE MANNERS\\nbe instructed, said very civilly, Onontio (this is\\nwhat they call the governors of the French), you\\nare the master of this girl, so do that she may\\nlearn to read and write well. When she is\\ngrown up, you will give her back to me or take\\nher for your wife. I have seen another who\\nwas called Atreouati, that is to say the Big Throat\\n(Grand Gueule) who eat with us like the French.\\nHe washed his hands, took his place at table last,\\nunfolded his napkin properly, ate with his fork,\\nin fine did all that we do, but frequently out of\\nmalice and apishness and to get some present\\nfrom the French.f\\nManner of making War.\\nThe Iroquois pass for being the most warlike\\namong the Indians whom we have known till\\nnow. They have in fact defeated several nations,\\nand those which remain have been obliged to\\nsurrender to them. They have among them\\nThis is a French nick name, not a translation of his name.\\nf Nouv. Voyage, (Voy. au Nord. v p. 341-3.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0336.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 309\\nmen of rank, who are, as it were, chiefs of bands.\\nThese are masters when they travel. They have\\nmen under them, who follow them everywhere\\nand obey them in everything. Before setting\\nout, they get a supply of good guns, powder,\\nballs, kettles, axes and other munitions of war.\\nSometimes young women and young boys accom-\\npany them. In this trim they often march three\\nor four hundred leagues. When they approach\\nthe place where they wish to kill men, they\\nmarch slowly and with much precaution, and\\nnever fire a gun at animals, but then employ a\\nbow which makes no noise, and when firing they\\nlook all around for fear of being surprised. They\\nsend spies to discover the mode of entering\\nvillages, and to see where they shall begin the\\nattack, or to watch when any one comes out so\\nas to surprise him, and this is what generally\\nhappens. For they never strike, except treacher-\\nously, watching a man behind a tree as though\\nthey wished to kill a wild beast. It is bv this\\nthey know good warriors, when they know how\\nto surprise As soon as they have struck their", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0337.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "3IO THE MANNERS\\nblow, if they know how to get well off, they\\nare incomparable. Their patience is wonderful,\\nfor when they see themselves well hidden they\\nvery frequently remain two or three days behind\\na tree without eating, waiting for an opportunity\\nto kill a man. Sometimes they march openly\\nand fearlessly, but this is very rare.\\nWhen they were at war with the French\\none of their considerable men, called Atreouati,\\nwent with eleven or twelve others to kill one of the\\npriests of the Seminary of St. Sulpice, who was\\nin a village which is called La Chine. On arriv-\\ning there he found some Frenchmen to whom\\nhe said I am going to kill such a one. In fact\\nhe killed him some days after This same man,\\nhaving on another occasion missed his blow,\\nmarched into Montreal, crying Hay, hay,\\nwhich is a sign of peace. He was immediately\\nreceived. They made him presents and good\\ncheer, but as he went out he killed two men\\nwho were roofing a house. Some have told us\\nThis was Rev. James Lemaitrc, killed Aug. 29, 1661,\\nSee Shea s Charlevoix, iii, pp. 35, 303.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0338.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 3II\\nthat they had been in war as far as the lands of\\nthe Spaniards who are in New Mexico, because\\nthey relate that they have been in a country\\nwhere the inhabitants gathered red earth which\\nthey took and sold to a nation, who sold them\\naxes, kettles and other like things. This earth\\napparently was gold.* Those who do not go to\\nwar are despised and pass for poltroons and cowards.\\nThey attack all other nations, and no one dare\\nresist them. This renders them proud and in-\\nsufferable, they call themselves on this account\\nmen by excellence, as though all other nations\\nwere but beasts compared to them. J\\nCruelty of the Indians.\\nWe are surprised at the cruelty of tyrants and\\nhold them in horror but that of the Iroquois is\\nIn the Noiiv. Voy. he intimates that the Iroquois related\\nthis to LaSalle at Fort Frontenac, and probably only to gratify\\nhim.\\nf Ontwe Ongwe. Bruyas, Racines Agnieres, p. 119.\\nNouv. Voyage (Voy. au Nord. v. p. 303-7.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0339.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "312 THE MANNERS\\nnot less horrible. When they have killed a man,\\nthey tear off the skin from his skull and carry it\\nhome as a sure mark of their trophies. When\\nthey have made a prisoner, they bind him and\\nmake him run. If he cannot follow them, they\\ngive a blow on the head with a hatchet and\\nleave him after taking his head of hair or scalp.\\nThey do not spare even children at the breast.\\nIf the prisoner can walk, they bind him a\\nnight. They treat him the most cruelly they\\ncan. They plant four posts in the ground to\\nwhich they tie his hands and feet, thus exposing\\nhim all night on the ground to the rigor of the\\nseason. I say nothing of a hundred other evils\\nthey wreak on him during the day. When they\\narc near their villages, they utter loud cries by\\nwhich their countrymen know that it is their\\nwarriors returning with slaves. At the same\\ntime men and women put on their best dress and\\ngo out to receive them at the entrance of the\\nvillage, where they draw up in a double line to\\nmake the prisoners pass in the middle but it is\\na pitiable reception for these wretched people.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0340.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 313\\ninasmuch as this rabble fall upon them like\\ndogs on their prey, beginning at once to torment\\nthem, while the warriors pass in file quite haughty\\nover their exploits. Some kick these poor slaves,\\nothers beat them with clubs, many give them\\nslashes with their knives. Some tear off their\\nears or cut off the nose and lips, so that most\\nsuccumb and die during this pompous entrance.\\nThose who have most vigor, are reserved for a\\ngreater torture. Nevertheless they spare some,\\nbut rarely when the warriors have entered their\\ncabins, all the elders assemble to hear the report\\nof all that has occurred in the war, then they dis-\\npose of the slaves. If the father of an Indian\\nwoman has been killed by their enemies, they\\ngive her a slave in his place, and it is optional\\nwith this woman to grant him life or put him to\\ndeath. The following is what they do, when\\nthey wish to burn them; they bind them to a\\nstake by the feet and hands, then they heat red\\nhot gun barrels, axes and other iron ware, and\\napply them from the legs to the head. They\\n24", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0341.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "314 THE MANNERS\\ntear out their nails with their teeth, they cut off\\nslices of flesh from their back, and often scalp\\nthem. Then they put live coals on the wound,\\ncut out their tongue and make them undergo\\nall the tortures that they can think of. After\\nhaving tormented them in this style, if they are\\nnot yet dead, they unbind them and by blows of\\nclubs compel them to run. It is related that\\nthere was a slave who ran so well that he escaped\\nin the woods, without their being able to catch\\nhim, but who apparently died for want of help.\\nWhat is moreover surprising is, that these slaves\\nsing amid their tortures, which provokes their\\nexecutioners immensely.\\nIt is related that there was one who said to\\nthem You have no sense, you do not know the\\nway to torture you are cowards if I had you in\\nmy country, I would make you suffer much more\\nbut while he was speaking in this way a woman\\nheated a little iron skewer red hot in the fire and\\nran it into his private parts. Then he uttered a\\ncry, and told her You have sense, you know,\\nthat is the way to do.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0342.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 315\\nWhen the prisoner whom they have burned\\ndies, they eat him and make their children drink\\nhis blood, in order to render them cruel and in-\\nhuman. Those whose lives they spare, are like\\nslaves and servants among them, but in course of\\ntime, they lose their slave state, and are treated\\nas belonging to the nation.\\nThe Indians of the whole of Louisiana, which\\nis more than 600 leagues from the Iroquois, par-\\nticularly the Nadousiouz among whom I was\\nmade a prisoner, are not less brave in person.\\nThey also make all the surrounding nations\\ntremble, although they have only bows and\\narrows. They run faster than the Iroquois, but\\nare not so inhuman, and they do not eat the\\nflesh of their enemies, being satisfied with burn-\\ning them. Having one day seized a Huron who\\nwas eating human flesh like an Iroquois, they\\ncut slices from his body, and told him You\\nwho love human flesh, eat your own, to show\\nyour nation, that we look with horror on your", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0343.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "3l6 THE MANNERS\\nmaxims, for your people are like dogs that eat\\nevery kind of meat, when they are hungry.*\\nIndian Policy.\\nWhat keeps the Iroquois up and renders them\\nso formidable is their councils, which they hold\\ncontinually for the slightest matter. For a mere\\ntrifle they assemble and reason together a long\\ntime, so that they undertake nothing rashly. If\\na complaint is made that any one of them has\\nstolen anything, they first use every effort to find\\nthe one who committed the theft. If they can-\\nnot discover him, or he has not wherewith to\\nmake restitution, provided they are convinced of\\nthe truth of the fact, they make some presents\\nto the injured party to satisfy him. When they\\nwish to put any one of their own to death whom\\nthey deem guilty, in order that his relatives may\\nhvae no ground for vengeance, they hire a man\\nwho drinks to excess, then when he has struck\\nNouv. Voyage Voyages au Nord v. v. pp. 307-10.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0344.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 3 IJ\\nthe blow, they give as the only reason, that he\\nhad no sense, that intoxication impelled him to\\ndo so. They formerly had another way of doing\\njustice, but it is abrogated. They had one day\\nin the year which might be called the Feast of\\nFools,* for in fact they played the fool, running\\nfrom cabin to cabin, so that if they ill treated\\nany one, or took any thing, the next day they\\nsaid I was crazy, I had no sense, and the others\\nare satisfied with this excuse, without taking\\nvengeance or requiring satisfaction. When they\\nwished to kill a man, they hired one, who while\\nplaying the madman, killed the one marked out\\ntor him. They have spies among them who are\\nall the time coming and going, and who report\\nall the news they hear.\\nAs regards trade, they are shrewd enough, they\\ndo not easily allow themselves to be deceived,\\nbut they consider everything attentively and study\\nto know the goods. The Ounontaguez are more\\nThe Ononhouaroia, see Rel. de la NouveUe France, 1656,\\np. 26 L636, p. 1 10.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0345.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "3l8 THH MANNERS\\ncunning than the others and more adroit in\\nstealing and in doing other things of the kind.*\\nManner of hunting.\\nFor their hunts they observe the times and\\nseasons. They kill moose and deer at all times,\\nbut especially when there is snow. They hunt\\nwild cats during the winter and porcupines\\nbeaver and otter in the spring and sometimes in\\nthe fall. They generally surprise moose or elk\\nby a running noose. They kill bears on the\\ntrees when they are eating acorns. As for wild\\ncats they cut down the trees on which they are,\\nthen their dogs spring on them and strangle them.\\nThe porcupines are taken almost in the same\\nway, except that they are killed with blows of\\ntheir hatchets, when the tree falls, because the\\ndogs cannot approach them on account of their\\nlong pointed hairs like awls (quills) which can\\ninsensibly pierce a man s body. They kill dogs\\nthat attempt to strangle them, if these hairs are\\nNouv. Voyage. (Voy. au. Nord v. p. 31 1-2.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0346.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 319\\nnot taken out, which are longer and sharper than\\nthose of hedge hogs. These animals do not run\\nfast, a man can easily run them down. As for\\notters they are taken in a trap or they are killed\\nwith gun shot, and very seldom with axes, be-\\ncause they are very cunning.\\nThe Indians take beaver in winter under the\\nice. They first seek the lakes of these animals.\\nThe beavers have admirable ingenuity when\\nthey wish to change their place, they select a\\nstream in the woods, which they ascend till they\\nfind a flat country suitable for making a pond.\\nWhen they have well considered the place in all\\ndirections, they set to work to make dams to stop\\nthe water, as strong as those of ponds in Europe.\\nThe dam being built of wood, earth and mud\\nas high as is necessary to make a large pond,\\nwhich is sometimes a quarter of a league in length,\\nthey build their cabins in the middle, on a level\\nwith the water, with wood, flags and mud, neatly\\nplastered by means of their tails, which are longer\\nand broader than a trowel. Their structure has\\nthree or four stories, full of flag mats, where they", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0347.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "320 THE MANNERS\\nbear their young, which they engender by coition\\nlike all land animals. At the bottom of the\\nwater there are upper and lower places of exit.\\nWhen the ponds are frozen, they can only go\\nunder the ice hence when winter sets in, they\\nlay up a stock of aspen wood, which is their\\nordinary food they put it in the water all around\\nthe cabin. There are sometimes three or four\\ncabins in a lake. The Indians break the ice\\naround their house, with an axe handle or a pole.\\nThey make a hole and sound the bottom of the\\nwater to know whether it is the path by which\\nthe beaver come out. If they really find that it\\nis their passageway, they insert a net about a\\nfathom long and two stakes which touch the\\nbottom of the water at one end, while the other\\npasses through the hole and is high above the\\nice. There are two cords fastened to the poles\\nto draw the net when the beaver is taken but\\nthat the cunning animal may not see the net nor\\ntheir persons, they spread over the water rotten\\nwood, cotton or some thing of the kind. An\\nIndian remains on the watch near the nets with", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0348.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 32 I\\na hatchet to draw the beaver on the ice, while\\nthe others go to break in the cabins with great\\nlabor, because there is often a foot of earth and\\nwood to be broken and cut by blows of the axe,\\nthe whole being frozen as hard as stone. And\\nthen they sound the lake in all directions where\\nthey find a hollow, they break the ice for fear\\nthe beaver may hide, and in order that being\\nforced to run from place to place, they may at\\nlast run into their nets. They labor with the\\nsame force, often from morning to night, without\\ntaking anything. Sometimes they catch only\\nthree or four. They also take beaver in the\\nspring in traps in the following manner. When\\nthe ice begins to melt, they observe the places\\nwhere they come out, and there they set a trap.\\nThe bait or lure is a branch of aspen, which runs\\nfrom the trap into the water. When the beavers\\ncome to it, they eat it up to the trap, where they\\ncause two heavy blocks of wood to fall which\\ncrush them. They take martins almost in the\\nsame manner except that they do not bait the\\ntraps.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0349.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "32 2 THE MANNERS\\nAll the nations in the south or Louisiana, are\\nmore superstitious in their hunts, than the\\nnorthern tribes and the Iroquois. While I was\\nthere, their old men, six days before setting out\\nto hunt the wild cattle, sent four or five of their\\nmost alert hunters on the mountains to dance\\nthe calumet, with as much ceremony as to the\\nnations, to which they are accustomed to send\\nembassies to form an alliance. On the return of\\ntheir deputies they exposed to the sight of all\\nthe world for three days, one of the largest kettles\\nwhich they had stolen from us, which they sur-\\nrounded with feathers of all sorts of colors, with\\na gun of our French canoemen, which they placed\\nacross the top. During three days the first wife\\nof a chief carried this kettle on her back in great\\npomp, at the head of more than 200 hunters, who\\nfollowed an old man, who had fastened one of\\nour Armenia handkerchiefs at the top of a stick\\nin the shape of an ensign, holding his bow and\\narrows in his hand in deep silence. This old\\nman made them halt three or four times to weep\\nbitterly for the death of the cattle. At the last", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0350.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 323\\nhalt, the oldest among them sent two of their\\nablest to discover the buffalo. They whispered\\nin their ears very softly. On their return before\\nbeginning the attack on these monstrous animals,\\nthey lit dry buffalo dung, and lit their pipes or\\ncalumets with this new fire, to make the couriers,\\nwhom they had sent, smoke, and immediately\\nafter this ceremony, a hundred men went behind\\nthe mountains on one side, and a hundred on the\\nother to shut in the buffalo whom they killed in\\ngreat contusion. The women boucanned the\\nmeat in the sun, eating only the poorest, in order\\nto carry the best to their villages, more than two\\nhundred leagues from this great butchery.\\nTheir manner of Fishing.\\nThey catch all kinds of fish which they take\\nwith snares, nets and harpoons. As in Europe\\nthey also catch some with lines, but very few.\\nI have seen them fish with snares in a very curious\\nway. They take a little fork, at the end of\\nwhich between the two points they fix a string\\nNouv. Voyage. (Voy. au. Nord., v. p. 317.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0351.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "324 THE MANNERS\\nalmost in the same manner that they set them in\\nFrance to take partridges. Then they put it in\\nthe water and when the fish pass, present it to\\nthem. The fish having gone in, they jerk it and\\nthe fish is caught by the gills. I taught them\\nto take them by hand in the spring.\\nThe most important of their fisheries is that of\\neels, salmon and white fish. The chief fishery\\nof the Mohawks who are neighbors of New\\nJork is that of frogs, which they put whole\\ninto their kettles, unskinned even, to season their\\nsagamity of Indian corn. They take white fish\\nin great abundance at Niagara where Fort Conty\\nstands. The salmon or rather salmon trout, are\\ntaken in several other places around Lake Fron-\\ntenac. They take eels by night when it is a fair\\nCalm. These fish descend along the river St.\\nLawrence in great quantities. They put a large\\npiece of bark full of earth on the end of a log\\nand light it as a kind of torch, which makes a\\nvery clear fire, then a man oi two at most, enter\\na canoe with a spear placed between the two\\ntines of a little fork. When by the light of the", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0352.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 325\\nfire they see an eel, they harpoon a very great\\nquantit}-. They take salmon with spears and\\nwhite fish with nets. The people of the south\\nare so keen, although fish pass very quick in the\\nwater, they never fail to kill them with strokes\\nof darts, which they send very far into the water\\nwith their bows, and they have pointed poles so\\nlong and eyes so sharp sighted that they spear\\nand bring in large sturgeon and trout, which are\\nseven or eight fathoms in the water.*\\nUtensils of the Indians.\\nBefore the Europeans went to America, the\\nIndians used, and all the nations of Louisiana\\nstill use to this day, earthen pots instead of kettles,\\nsharpened stones having no axes or knives. They\\nput small stones in a split stick, and a certain bone\\nwhich is above the heel of the elk to serve as an\\nawl. They have no firearms, but only bows\\nand arrows. To make fire they take two little\\nsticks, one of cedar and the other of a harder\\nNouv. Voyage, (Voy. au. Nord v. p. 319.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0353.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "326 THE MANNERS\\nwood and by rubbing them between the two\\npalms of their hands, the hardest on the weakest,\\na hole is made in the cedar, from which a dust\\nfalls which is converted into fire. When they\\nwish to make a platter, bowl or spoons, they\\ntrim the wood with their stone hatchets. They\\nhollow it with live coals and then scrape them\\nwith beaver teeth to polish them. As for the\\nnorthern nations, where the winters are long, they\\nuse raquettes to walk on the snow.\\nAnd those who are near Europeans, have now\\nguns, axes, kettles, awls, knives, flints and steels,\\nand other utensils like us. To plant their Indian\\ncorn they make wooden spades, but when they\\ncan get iron ones, they prefer them to the others.\\nThey have gourds in which they put their bear,\\nwild cat and sun flower oil. There are none of\\nthe men who have not a little bag to hold their\\npipe and tobacco. The women make bags of\\nIndian corn leaves, of linden bark or flags to hold\\ntheir grain. They make thread of nettles, linden\\nbark, and a certain other root of which I do not\\nknow the name. To sew their shoes they", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0354.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 327\\nuse only babiches or laces. They make mats\\nof flags to lie on and when they have none, they\\nuse bark. They swaddle their children almost\\nin the same way as women in Europe they tie\\nthem to a board, in order to take* their kettles,\\nsome have cranes, those who have not use branches\\nof trees.\\nManner of burying th(^ Dead*\\nThey bury their dead with much magnificence,\\nespecially their kindred. They give them all\\ntheir best finery, and rub their faces with all\\nsorts of colors. Then they put them in a coffin,\\nwhicn they arrange like a kind of mausoleum.\\nIf it is some child which they can easily put in\\ntheir blanket or on a sled, in presence of all his\\nrelatives, in order thereby to elicit the presents,\\nwhich are usually made to wipe away their tears.\\nThey put in the grave with him, all that belonged\\nto him, even if it should amount to the value of\\nPrendre, misprint for pendre, hang.\\nf Nouv. Voyage, (Voy. au. Nord., v. p. 323.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0355.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "328 THE MANNERS\\ntwo hundred crowns. They put there even his\\nshoes, snow shoes, awls, a steel, an axe, belts of\\nwampum, a kettle full of sagamity, Indian corn,\\nmeat and other things of the kind. And if it is\\na man, they put also a gun, powder and balls,\\nbecause they say that when he is in the land of\\nthe dead or the spirits, he will need all this out\\nfit to hunt.*\\nSuperstitions of the Indians.\\nThere are some among them more supersti-\\ntious than others, especially the old men and\\nthe women, who adhere stubbornly to the tradi-\\ntions of their ancestors, so that when they are\\ntold that they have no sense, that they ought\\nnot to cling to such follies, they ask us How\\nold are you You are only thirty or forty\\nyears old and you pretend to know things better\\nthan our aged men. Begone, you do not know\\nwhat you are saying. You may know very\\nVoyages au Nord., v. p. 325.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0356.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 329\\nwell what is going on in your country, be-\\ncause your old men have told you, but not what\\noccurred in ours before the French came. We\\ntell them in reply, that we know all by means of\\nwriting. These Indians ask Before you came\\ninto these lands where we are, did you know that\\nwe were there. We are obliged to say No.\\nThen you do not know every thing by writing,\\nand it does not tell you everything.*\\nNouv. Voyage in Voyages au Nord., v. p, 329. While\\nI was among the Issati and Nadouessans an affair occurred\\nconnected with this matter. An Indian died who had been\\nbitten by a rattlesnake, I could not give him soon enough an\\ninfallible remedy which I always had with me that is, orvietan\\nin powder. When this accident befel any one in my presence,\\nI first made scarifications about the bite and dropped in a little\\nof this powder. Then I made the bitten man swallow some\\nto prevent the poison reaching his heart. One day these\\nIndians wondered at my curing one of their warriors, who had\\nbeen bitten by one of these snakes. They called me a spirit,\\nfor so they generally style Europeans. We looked for you\\nin the hunting ground where you were with two other spirits,\\nwho accompany you, but we were so unlucky as not to find\\nyou. Do not leave us hereafter. We Vv ill take care of you.\\nIf you had been with us, our warrior whom you see dead,\\nwould still be in a condition to give you banquets. He knew\\nvery well the trade of surprising and killing our enemies. He\\nsupported his ten wives by his hunting. If you had been with\\n25", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0357.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "330 THE MANNERS\\nRidiculous Beliefs.\\nThere are many who do not believe what their\\naged men relate, and there are also some who\\ndo. I have already stated the opinions they en-\\ntertain as to their origin, and the cure of their\\nsick. They believe in the immortality of the\\nsoul, and they say that there is a very delicious\\ncountry towards the west, where there is good\\nhunting. There you can kill all kinds of animals,\\nas much as you wish. It is to this place that the\\nsouls go, so that they hope to see each other all\\nus you would have prevented his dying. You could have done\\nso easily, as you have saved the lives of several of our kindred.\\nYou would not have failed to do this for the one we bewail\\nhere I admired the neat manner in which they had laid out\\nthis corpse. They had placed him on very pretty mats, and\\narranged him in the guise of a warrior with his bow and arrows.\\nThey had painted his body with several colors. One would\\nhave said, to look at him, that he was still alive. They told\\nme that I must give them some Martinique tobacco of which I had\\nstill a little left, for the deceased to smoke. This gave me\\noccasion to answer them that the dead do not smoke or eat in\\nthe land of souls, and that men have no further need of bows\\nand arrows, because there is no hunting in the country where\\nsouls go that if they wished to acknowledge the great chief,\\nwho is master of heaven and earth, they would there be so", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0358.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 33 I\\ntogether there. But they are more ridiculous in\\nsaying that the souls of kettles, guns, steels, and\\nother arms which they put in the graves of the\\ndead, go v^ ith the dead to serve their use there.\\nOne day a girl having died after baptism, her\\nmother saw one of her slaves at the point of\\ndeath. She said My daughter is all alone in\\nthe country of the dead among the French, with-\\nout kindred, without friends, and here it is Spring.\\nShe will have to plant some Indian corn and\\nsated with seeing him, that they would not think of hunting or\\nof eating and drinking, because the souls have no wants. These\\nIndians understood only grossly what I told them. I then pre-\\nsented to them two fathoms of our black tobacco. They love\\nit passionately. Theirs is not so well prepared nor so strong\\nas the Martinique which I gave them. I made them understand\\nthat I gave it for them to smoke, and not the dead man who\\ncould do nothing with it. Some of the Indians present, listened\\nvery attentively ana very seriously to what I told them of the\\nother life and seemed very glad to hear me. The others said\\nin their language Tepatoui^ that is to say That is right. For\\nall that they smoked to their pleasure, without taking any further\\ntrouble to profit by my words. I remarked that the tears which\\nthey shed for the dead and the ceremonies which they practiced\\nin regard to him, such as rubbing him with bear s oil, and the\\nlike, were the result of custom and of an old routine to which\\nthey are inured by traditions, which seems to have some resem-\\nblance to Judaism.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0359.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "332 THE MANNERS\\nsquashes. Baptize my slave that she may also go\\nto the country of the French and serve my\\ndaughter. A woman being at the point of death\\ncried out I will not be baptized, for the Indians\\nwho die Christians, are burnt in the country of\\nsouls by the French. Some say that we baptize\\nso that we may have them as slaves in the other\\nworld. Others ask whether there is good hunt-\\ning in the land to which we wish them to go.\\nWhen we reply that men live there without\\ndrinking and eating. Then, I do not wish to\\ngo there, they say, because I want to eat.\\nIf we add that they will not feel any want of\\neating or drinking, they put their hand on their\\nmouth, saying You are a great liar. Can any\\none live without eating\\nA man once related the following to us in\\nthese terms. One of our old men having died,\\nand having gone to the land of sculs, at first found\\nFrench men who welcomed him, and gave him\\ngood cheer. Then he came to the place where\\nthe Indians are, who also received him very well.\\nThere were feasts every day, to which the French", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0360.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 333\\nwere almost always invited, because there there\\nare never any quarrels or wars between them.\\nAfter this old man had seen all these countries he\\ncame back and related all to his countrymen.\\nWe asked this Indian whether he believed it.\\nHe answered no that their old men said that,\\nbut that perhaps they lied. They recognize some\\nsort of genius in all things. They all believe in\\na Master of Life, but apply the idea differently.\\nSome have a crow which they always carry with\\nthem, and which they say is the master of their\\nlife. Some an owl, others a bone, a sea shell or\\nsome thing else of the kind. When they hear\\nan owl hoot, they tremble and draw sinister\\nomens from it. They put faith in dreams they\\ngo into their vapor baths in order to obtain fair\\nweather to take beaver, to kill animals in the\\nhunt. They do not give beaver or otter bones\\nto the dogs. I asked the reason they answered\\nme that there was a spirit in the wood which\\nwould tell the beavers and otters, and that after\\nthat they would take no more. I asked them\\nwhat a spirit of this kind was. They replied", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0361.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "ooj_ THE MANNERS\\nthat she was a woman who knew every thing,\\nand was the mistress of all hunting. It must\\nalways be remarked that as I have said, most do\\nnot believe all this.\\nAbout two years ago an Indian woman had\\npoisoned herself while on the hunt. The hunters\\nhad brought her back to her cabin. I went to\\nsee whether she was dead, I heard them talking\\nwith each other near the corpse, and say that they\\nhad seen on the snow the trail of a snake that\\nhad come out of the woman s mouth, and they\\nrelated this very seriously. While they were\\ndiscussing it, there was a superstitious old woman\\nwho said: Otkon it is the spirit who killed her,\\nwho went that way.\\nI have seen a boy seventeen or eighteen years\\nold who had dreamed that he was a girl. He\\ngave such credit to it, that he believed himself\\nto be one. He dressed like the girls and did all\\nthe same works as women.\\nThe chief of our village once said to me\\nEvidently that near Fort Frontenac, Nouv. Voy., p. 333\\nwhere he is called Gannecouse Kaera, that is the Bearded.\\nBearded, deyagonouskeronda, Onondaga Diet., p. 26.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0362.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS. 335\\nOnontio, that is to say the Governor General of\\nthe French, the Count de Frontenac, will arrive\\nto day, when the sun is at such a place. In fact\\nhe arrived at the very hour, of which however\\nthis old man knew no tidings, and I did not\\nknow what deduction to draw from this predic-\\ntion.*\\nThe Obstacles to the Conversion of the Indians.\\nThere are several, both on the part of the\\nIndians, and on that of the Dutch, the English\\nand the Missionaries. On the part of the Indians\\ntheir first obstacle to the faith is the indifference\\nwhich they feel for everything. When we relate\\nto them the history of our Creation, and the\\nmysteries of the Christian religion, they tell su\\nthat we are right, and then they relate their\\nfables, and when we reply that what they say, is\\nnot true, they retort, that they agreed to what\\nwe said, and that it is not showing sense to in-\\nterrupt a man when he is speaking and to tell\\nhim that helies. This is all very well, they say,\\nNouv. Voyage, Voy. au Nord., v. p. 329.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0363.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "336 THE MANNERS\\n**for your countrymen for them it is as you say^\\nbut not for us who belong to another nation.\\nThe second consists in their superstitions. The\\nthird is that they are not sedentary. The obsta-\\ncle to the faith caused by the Dutch and English\\nis that they reverse all our maxims and in general\\ndo before the Indians the very opposite of what\\nthey say, making no scruple of lying to them at\\nevery moment from a spirit of lucre. They en-\\ndeavor maliciously to turn on us the hatred of\\nthese tribes, in order that they may give no credit\\nto the truths which we preach them.\\nThe obstacle found to the faith on the part of\\nthe missionaries, is first, the difficulty they have\\nin learning the language of the Indians. The\\nsecond consists in the different opinions concern-\\ning the method of instructing them and teaching\\nthem the catechism. The third obstacle which\\nmight also hinder the progress of the faith, would\\nbe the temporal traffic, which would render the\\nmissionaries suspected by the Indians, when they\\nwish to carry it on against the laws of the church.*\\nNouv. Voy. (Voy. au Nord., v. p. 333.)", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0364.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS.\\nIndifference of the Indians.\\n337\\nThey have so great an indifference for all things,\\nthat there is nothing like it under heaven. They\\ntake great complacency in hearing all that is said\\nto them seriously, and in all that they are made\\nto do. If we say to them Pray to God,\\nbrother, with me, they pray and they repeat\\nword for word all the prayers you teach them.\\nKneel down, they kneel. Take off your\\nhat, they take it off. Be silent, they cease\\nto speak. Do not smoke, they stop smoking.\\nIf one says to them Listen to me, they listen\\ncalmly. When we give them pictures, a crucifix\\nor beads, they use them as adornments, just as if\\nthey were jewelry, and array themselves in them,\\nas though they were wampum. If I should say to\\nthem To-morrow is the day of prayer, they\\nsay Niaova. See, that is right. If I said\\nto them Do not get drunk, they answered\\nThere, that is right, I am willing. Yet the\\nmoment they receive drink from the French or\\nDutch, these latter never refusing them liquor", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0365.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "338 THE MANNERS\\nfor furs, they inevitably get drunk. When I\\nask them whether they believe, they say Yes,\\nand almost all the Indian v^^omen whom some\\nmissionaries have baptized and married to French-\\nmen according to the rites of the church, leave\\nand often change their husbands, because they\\nare not subjected to the ordinances of our Chris-\\ntian laws, and that they have all liberty to change.\\nThese tribes must absolutely first be civilized to\\nmake them embrace Christianity, for so long as\\nChristians are not absolutely their masters we\\nshall see little success, without a most special\\ngrace of God, without a miracle which he does\\nnot work in regard to all nations. These are\\nmy sentiments, from the experience which I have\\nhad with our Recollects in America, and the\\nsimple statement which I have made without in-\\ntending to offend any one whatever, being bound\\nto write the truth.\\nThose who come after us will know in\\ntime the progress of our new discovery since\\nthis year 1682, they write me from America,\\nthat the Sieur de la Salle with our Recol-", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0366.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS.\\n339\\nlects have been to the mouth of the river\\nColbert, as far as the South Sea. They have\\nfound the Akansa, Taensa, Keroas and the Ouamats\\ncivilized tractable nations, who have laws, a king\\nwho commands as a sovereign, with equitable,\\nliberal and settled officers, these nations live on\\nthe banks of the River Colbert, which is more\\nthan 800 leagues in length 500 to our knowledge\\nwhich we have acquired by ascending it, and 300\\nwhich the Sieur de la Salle has made descending.\\nThese last nations live in a country very fertile in\\nall kinds of fruits. It is as warm as Italy. The\\ncorn ripens there in fifty days. The soil bears\\ntwo crops a year. There are found there, palms\\ntrees, canes, laurels, forests of mulberry trees, a\\nquantity of game and wild animals, and other\\nlike things of which we shall give the public\\nsome account more amply hereafter.\\nI pray God to give his blessing to our new\\ndiscovery of Louisiana, and that the King may\\nderive all possible benefit from it.\\nEND.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0367.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "APPROBATIONS\\nOF THE\\nDESCRIPTION OF LOUISIANA,\\n[Published in the Nouveau Voyage, Utrecht, 1698.]\\nI the undersigned, certify that I have read and\\nexamined a book entitled the Description of\\nLouisiana, newly discovered southwest of New\\nFrance, with the customs of the Indians of the\\nsame country, composed by the Rev. Father\\nLouis Hennepin, Recollect Preacher and Apos-\\ntolic Missionary, and that I have observed nothing\\ntherein contrary to faith and good morals but\\nthat it is full of various reflections and most\\nuseful marks, as well for laboring in the conver-\\nsion of the Indians, as for the good of the state\\nand the kingdom. Given at our convent of the\\nRecollects of Paris, this 13th of December, 1682.\\nFather C^sar^us Harveau,\\nLecturer in theology, Father of the Province,\\nand Custos of the Recollects of the Prov-\\nince of St. Denis in France.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0368.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "APPROBATIONS. 34 1\\nI have read a book entitled the Description\\nof Louisiana, newly discovered southwest of New\\nFrance, with the customs of the Indians of that\\ncountry, in which I have not only found nothing\\nbut what is conformable to the faith of the\\nCatholic, Apostolic and Roman Church, the\\nlaws of the kingdom and good morals, but which\\nmoreover gives great light to establish the faith\\nof Jesus Christ in that new world, and to extend\\nthe empire of our Invincible Monarch, over a\\ngreat country abounding in all kinds of goods.\\nGiven at our convent of the Recollects of St.\\nGermain-en-Lave, this 14th of December, 1682,\\nand signed.\\nFather Innocent Micault,\\nDefinitor of the Recollects of the Province\\nof St. Denis in France, and Commissary\\nGeneral in the Province of the Recollects\\nof St. Anthony in Artois.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0369.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0370.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\nACCOUNT.\\nof a\\nVOYAGE DOWN THE MISSISSIPPI.\\n[From the Nouvellc Decouverte, pp. 2.48.]\\nIt is here, tliat I desire, tliat all the world know the mystery of this dis-\\ncovery, which T lutve concealed to the present, so as not to mortify the\\nSieur de la Salle who wished to have alone all the glory and all the most\\nsecret knowledge of this discovery. It is on this account that he sacrificed\\nseveral i)ersons, whom he exposed, in order to prevent their publishing\\nwhat they had seen and that this should not injure his secret designs.\\nIt must be avowed, that it is very pleasant and agreeable to repass in\\none s mind the hardships and labors one has undergone. I never think\\nbut with admiration of the very orreat embarrassment in which I found\\nmj ^self at ihe mouth olthe river of the Illinois in the River Meschasipi,\\nhaving only two men with me without provisions, in no condition to de-\\nfend ourselves against insults to which we were incessantly exposed, and\\nthat in the design of ^oing on to an unknown country and among savage\\nnations, without feeling a secret joy in my heart to see myself escaped from\\nso many dangers and happily returned from a voyage of so much difficulty\\nand peril.\\nThis liver of the Illinois empties into the Meschasipi between the 36 and\\n33 degrees of latitude. At least this appears so to me from my observa-\\ntion at the time, that I pas.-,ed there, although it is ordinarily put at 38.\\nThose who make the voyage hereafter, will have more time than I had\\nto take the altitude correctly, because I found myself enveloped by the\\nconjuncture of the time in great and vexatious affairs both in regard to\\nthe Sieur de la Salle, and in regard to these two men whom I had with\\nme, and who were to accompany me in my voyage.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0371.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "344- VOYAGE TO THE GULF FROM\\nI was assured in a manner that could not be doubted, that if I descended\\nto the lower part of the river Meschasipi, the Sienr de la Salle would not\\nfail to decry me in the mind of my superiors, because I left the route\\nnorthward, which I was to follow, according to his request and according\\nto the project which we had formed together. But moreover I saw myseli\\non the eve of dying of Imnger and of not knowing what was to become\\nof me, because these two men who accompanied me, openly threatened\\nto abandon me during the night, and carry off the canoe with all it\\ncontained, if I prevented them from descending to the nations who\\nlive on the lower part of the river.\\nSeeing myself then in this strait, I thought that I ought not to hesitate as\\nto the course I had to adopt, and that I mgbt to prefer my own safety to the\\nviolent passion, which the Sieur de la Salle had to enjoy alone the glory\\nof this discovery. Our two men, seeing me then resolved to follow them\\neverywhere, promised me entire fidelity. Thus after clasping hands as\\nour mutual assurance, we put ourselves on the way to begin our voyage.\\nIt was on the 8th of March in the year 1680 that we embarked in our\\ncanoe, afti^r having said our ordinary prayers. In this way we continued\\nour customary evening and morning devotions according to the usage\\npracticed among us.\\nThe ice Avhich was coming down the river at this point, troubled us\\ngreatly because our bark canoe could not resist it. However we always\\ngained some convenient distance to escape among the cakes of ice. Thus\\nwe arrived after about six leagues way at the river of a nation, who are\\ncalled the Osages and who live towards the Missorites. This river comes\\nfrom the west, and it appeared to us, almost as strong as the river Mes-\\nchasipi, on which we then were, and into which it empties. Its waters\\nare very much disturbed by the muddy earth it bears down -with it, so\\nthat you can scarcely drink it.\\nThe Issati who live up this river Meschasipi, often go to war even\\nbeyond the place where I then was. These nations, whose language I\\nknew, because I had occasion to learn it, during the stay that I afterwards\\nmade among them, informed me that this river of the Osages and of Messo\\nrites was formed by many others, and^that its source was fouii d by ascending\\nten or twelve days journey to a mountain from which all these streams\\nare seen flowing, that then form this river. They added that beyond this\\nmountain the sea is seen and great vessels, that these rivers are peopled\\nby a great number of villages, in which are found several different nations\\nCompare Le Clercq, ii, p. 216. Discovery of the Mississippi, p. 160.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0372.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "THE nOUVELLE DECOUVERTk 34.5\\nthat there are hinds and praines and a great liiint of wild bulls and\\nbeavers.\\nAlthough this river is very large, the river ou which Ave tiieu were\\ndid not seem increased by it. It bears in so much mud, that below its\\nmouth the w^ater of the great river, the bed of wiiich is also full of mud,\\nresembles real slime rather than river Avater. This continues to the sea\\nfor more than two hundred leagues because Meschasipi meanders in several\\nplaces, and receives seven birge rivers, the water of which is very fine, and\\nwhich are almost as large as Meschasipi.\\nWe cabined every day ou the islands, at least Avheu Ave could, and dur\\ning the night we extinguished the fire Avhicb Ave had kindled to cook our\\nIndian corn. You can smell iu these countries a fire that is light ed\\naccording to the change of Avind, as far off as two or three leagues. It is\\nin this way that the Indian warriors know the ]accs where their enemies\\nare, so as to approach them.\\nOn the 9th the ice which came doAvn from tiie north, began to diminish\\na little. After about six leagues liail, Ave found ou the southern l)auk o\\nthe river a village Avhich we thought Avas inhabited bj^ the Tamaroa*, vvlio\\nhad previously pursued us. We found no one there and having- entered\\ntheir cabins avc took some bushels of Indian corn, Avliich Avas a great\\nadvantage to us on our jouriiey. We durst not strike off from the river\\nto hunt for fear of falling into an auibuscade of some savages. We left\\nsix knives with handles, and somo fathoms of black beads instead of the\\nIndian corn which we carried off, in order to make compensation to the\\nIndians.\\nOn the 10th we descended to about thirty-eight or forty leagues from\\nthe Tamaroa. There we found a river Avhich the Illinois Avariiors had\\npreviously told us was situated near a nation which they called Oiiade-\\nbache.f We saw there only mud and flags, and avc foiuid the shores of\\nthe river very marshy, so that we had to descend out of sight Avitliout\\nfinding a place fit to cabin.\\nWe accordingly remained all day iu this place to boucau a Avild coav,\\nthat we had killed, while this monstrous beast Avas swimming from laud\\nto land. The parts of this coav that w e could not carry away, because\\nour canoe was too small, Ave left there, and contented ourselves with\\n*Le Clercq, ii, p. 219. Discovery of the Mississippi, p. 167.\\nt Compare F. Zenobe Membre in Le Clercq, ii, p. 219. Discovery of the Mississippi^\\np. 167. Hennepin knew cnouMli about the country not to make a nation called Ouade\\nbache, as is done here.\\n26", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0373.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "34^\\nVOYAGE TO THE GULF FROM\\nsome which we had smoked like strips of bacou, because we could not\\npreserve tins meat in any other way for want of salt.\\nWe embarked on the 14th loaded with Indian corn and good meat\\nwhich served as ballast, and on which we lived for nearly forty leagues.\\nWe could scarcely land in consequence of the great quantity of flags and\\nmud that we found on both banks of the river. If we had been in a\\nsloop, we should have slept on board, because it was very difflcult to land\\non account of the mud, foam and quaking earth.\\nOn the 15th we found three Indians on our way. They were returning\\nfrom war or hunting. As we were in a condition to resist them, we me*\\nhem and this put them to flight. One of them however after taking a\\ntew steps returned to us and offered us the calumet of peace which we\\nreceived joyfully. This obliged the others to return to us. We did not\\nunderstand their language. We named two or three different nations to\\nthem. One of them answered us three times Chikacha or Sikacha,* which,\\nwas apparentljf the name of his nation. They presented us some peli-\\ncans which they had killed with their arrows, and we gave them some of\\nour boucanued meat. These people not being able to enter our canoe,\\nbecause it was too small and loaded, kept on their way by land\\nmaking signs that we would follow them to their village. But at last we\\nlost sight of them.\\nAfter sailing down two days, we found many Indians on the west side\\nof the river. We had previously heard a dull sound like that of a drum\\nand several voices of men, which called out Sasacouest,f which means\\nHalloo or Who goes there\\nAs we durst not approach, these Indians sent a periagua or large wooden\\ncanoe to us. These they make of the trunk of a tree hollowed out by fire\\nlike little boats or Venetian gondolas.\\nWe presented the calumet of peace to them and the three Indians, of\\nwhom we spoke above, intimated to us by their gestures and their words,\\nthat we must land and go with them to their friends the Akansa. They\\naccordingly carried our canoe and the goods of our men very faithfully.\\nThis encounter of Chickasaws is in Le Clercq, it, p. 210. Discovery of Mississippi,\\np. 168.\\nt Le Clercq, ii, p. 221, Discovery of tile Mississippi, p. 168, has We heard on the\\nright drums beating and sasacouest made. Sasakwewin, joyful shouting, Baraga s\\nOtchipwe Dictionary, p. .364. Sasacouest, that is to say war cries, Le Clercq, ii,\\np. 235, and in the East, Chichiquois was a word adopted by the Fiench, and is used by\\nMembre. Hennepin must have known its meaning and would not have made the\\nblunder here committed.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0374.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "THE nOUVELLF, DECOUVERTe 347\\nThese people reo-aled us after their fashion with many marks of friendsliip,\\nThey gave us a cabm to ourselves, beans, Indian meal, and boucanned\\nmeat. On our side we made them presents of our European goods, for\\nwhich they shewed great esteem. They placed their fingers on their\\nmouth to show tliat they admired them and especially our fire arms.\\nThese Indians are very different from those of the North, who are\\ngenerally of a sad, stern and severe disposition. These are much better\\nformed, upright, liberal and very gay. Their young people are so modest,\\nthat they would not dare to speak before the aged, unless a question is\\nput to them. We perceived domestic fowls among these Y)toY le, poules\\nd inde in great numbers, and tamed wild geese like geese in Europe. Their\\ntrees already began to show their fruit, hke peaches and other fruits of\\nthat nature.*\\nOur two men began to relish the mode of acting of these people. If\\nthey had been able to get beaver skins aud furs in exchange for their\\ngoods, they would have bartered them all and left me among these savages.\\nBut I made them see that this discovery was of the greater importance\\nto them, than the return of their goods, and that so it was not yet time to\\nthink of trade. I accordingly advised them to look out for a suitable\\nplace to hide all the goods which they had brought with us in the canoe,\\ntill their return. They embraced mj^ views, and we hud no thought ex-\\ncept how to carry out this plan.\\nOn the 18th after several dances and feasts by our hosts, we embarked\\nwith all our equipage a little after noon. These Indians could not with-\\nout regret see us carry off our goods. However in as much as they had\\nreceived our peace calumet and had given us another, they allowed us to\\ngo with full liberty.\\nDescending the river we found a spot between two hills, which had a\\nlittle wood on the east. We had a spade and a pick, which we used to\\ndig a hole. We enclosed in it all our men s goods, reserving for ourselves\\nonly the most necessary, and what was suitable to make presents. After\\nwhich we placed pieces of wood over this little cellar, which we covered\\nwith sods, so that nothing could be observed. We gathered all the earth\\nwhich we had taken out and threw it into the river.\\nWe re-embarked very promptly after completing this task, and we look\\nofl bark from three oaks and on a large cotton wood we made a figure of\\nfour crosses in order to recognize the place of our cache. We then\\narrived at (a spot) six leagues from the Akansa whom we had left, and\\nThis iB from Le Clercq ii, p. 224. Discovery of the Miss., p. 169.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0375.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "3+8\\nVOYAGE TO THE GULF FROM\\nthere fouucl another village of the same nation, and then another of the\\nsame, two or three leagues lower down\\nIt seemed that these savages had sent messengers to all these nations to\\nnotify them of our arrival. These people gave us the best reception in\\nthe world. Their women, their children and the whole village gave us\\nloud acclamations, and showed every possible mark of joy. We gave\\nthem on our side marks of our gratitude by bestowing presents on them,\\nwhich showed that we had come iu peace and friendship.\\nOn the 31st this nation took us in a periagua to a nation further on,\\nwhose name they made us learn by dint ot repeating it to us. They were\\nthe Taensa. They accordingly conducted us to that place. These Indians\\nlive near a little lake, which th j river Meschasipi forms in the land.\\nTime did not permit us to consider several of their villages, by which we\\npassed.\\nThese people received us with much more ceremony than the Akansa.\\nOne of their chiefs came in state to meet us on the bank of the river.\\nHe was covered with a white robe or blanket, made of the bark of a tree\\nwhich they spin in that country. Two of his men preceded him with a\\nkind of blade or plate of copper which glittered in the sun like gold.\\nThey received our peace calumet with great marks of joy. Their chief\\nheld himself gravely iu his posture, and all the men, women and children\\nthere rendered very great respect to him as well as to me.f They kissed\\nthe sleeves of ray F ranciscan habit, which I have always worn among all\\nthe nations of America. This made me understand that these tribes had\\ndoubtless seen some of our religious among the Spaniards, who live in New\\nMexico, because they are accustomed to kiss the habit of our order, but\\nall this is merely conjecture.\\nThese Taensa conducted us with all our equipage, while two of their\\nmen carried our bark canoe on their back. They placed us in a fine\\ncabin, covered with mats of flat rushes, or polished canes. The chief\\nregaled us with all that this nation could give us to eat, after which they\\nperformed a kind of dance, the men and the women holding their arms in-\\nterlaced. As soon as the men had finished the last syllable of their songs,\\nthe women who are halt covered in that country, sang alternately in a\\nsharp and disagreealjle voice that pierced our ears.\\nThis country is full of palm trees, wild laurel and several other trees,\\nwhich are like ours iu Europe, as plum trees, mulberries, peach, pear and\\nLe Clercq ii, p. -26. Discoverj of the Mies., p. 170.\\nt This account of the Taensas ia from Le Clercq, ii, p. 226-7. Discovery of the Miss,\\npp. 170-1.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0376.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "THE nOUVELLE D\u00c2\u00a3COUVERTe 349\\napple trees of all Muds. There are five or six kinds of walnut trees, the\\nnuts of which are of extraordinary size. They have also several dry\\nfruits, which are very large and which we found very good. There are\\nalso several fruit trees which we have not in Europe. But the season\\nwas not then far enough advanced to observe the fruit. We saw vines\\nthere which were ready to blossom. In a word the mind and disposition\\nof this people seemed to us very agreeable. They are docile, tractable\\nand capable of reason.\\nWe slept among this nation and there received every good treatment\\nthat we could desire. I made our men put on their best clothes, and they\\narmed themselves from head to foot. I showed them a pistol which fired\\nfour consecutive shots. The habit of St. Francis, which I then wore with\\nthe white girdle over it, was still almost all new, when I started from\\nFort CreveccEur. These Indians admired our sandals and our bare feet.\\nAll this as well as our manner of acting, attracted ahke the affection and\\nrespect of these people and impressed such fovorable sentiments for us on\\ntheir minds, that they did not know what courtesies to show us.\\nThey would have* much wished to detain us among them, in order\\neven to give us stronger marks of their esteem, they sent during the night\\nto inform their allies the Koroa of our arrival among them. For this\\nobject the chiefs and headmen among them came to see us the next day\\nto testify to us the j 03 they felt at our coming among their friends. I had\\na white wood tree hewn square by our two men, and then we made a\\ncross which we planted twelve feet from the house or great cabin where\\nwe were lodged.\\nOn the 22d, we left this nation and the chief of the Koroa accompanied\\nus to his village. It stands ten leagues lower down in a very agreeable\\ncountry. On one side there you see Indian corn, and beautiful prairies on\\nthe other. We presented to them three axes, six knives, four fathoms of\\nMartinique tobacco, some awls and little packages of needles. They re-\\nceived them with great acclamations of joy. This chief presented to us a\\npeace calumet of red marble, the stem of which was trimmed with feathers\\nof four or five different kinds of birds.\\nDuring the banquet which this chief gave us, he showed us with a stick,\\nby which he made various marks on the sand, that it was still six or seven\\ndays sail to the sea, which he represented to us as a great lake, where great\\nwooden canoes were to be seen.\\nThis is gaid of theNachie (Natchez) in Le Olercq. ii p. 23J. Discovery of the Mies., p\\n173, who were e-emies of the Taensap, but who are entirely omitted here.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0377.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "350 VOYAGE TO THE GULF FROM\\nOn the 2od, Ibis chief of the Koroii seeing lis disposed to set out to goto\\nthe sea, he niad-e several of his men embark in two periaguas to descend\\nthe river with us. He had made them take provisions with them, and\\nthis prevented onr feeling any distrust.\\nBut when I perceived the llirec Chikacha, whom I have mentioned\\nwho followed ns among all the nations where we went, T warned onr\\nmen to beware of them and to see that they did not lie in ambush to sur-\\nprise us at our landings. We were then at Easter day, but we could not\\nsay mass, for want of wine, which had failed us at Fort Crevecoeur, We\\naccordingly withdrew apart from these people, who ahvays kept tbeir\\neyes on us, in order to say our prayers and fulfil the obligation of true\\nChristians on that solemn day, I exhorted our men to confidence in\\nGod, after which we embarked in the sight of Ihe whole village.\\nThe three Chikacha entered the periaguas of the Koroas who escorted\\nus six leagues below their village. There the river Mescliasipi divides*\\ninto two channels, which form a great island that seemed to us extremely\\nlong. It may be about sixty leagues in extent according to the observa-\\ntions, that we made as we followed the channel which is on the west\\nside. The Koroa obliged us to take it by the signal which they made us.\\nThe Chikacha wished to make us go by the other channel which is on the\\neast. It was perhaps to have the honor of taking us to nine or ten dif-\\nferent nations which are on that side, and who appeared to l^e very good\\npeople, as we remarked on our return.\\nWe there lost the Indians who accompanied us because their periaguas\\ncould not go as fast as our bark canoe, which was lighter than these\\nperiaguas. The current of this channel being very rapid, we made that\\nday according to our judgment thirty-five or forty leagues, and were not\\nthen at the end of this island of which we have just spoken. We crossed\\nthe channel, and cabined on this island, leaving it the next day.\\nOn the 24th after sailing again nearly thirty -five or forty leagues, we per-\\nceived two men fishing on the bank of the river, who took flight. Sometime\\nafter we heard some war cries and according to all appearances the roll\\nof some drum. We afterwards learned that it was the nation of the\\nQuinipissa,* and as we were in dread of the Chikacha, we always kept\\nthe thread of the channel and thus pursued our route with all possible\\ndiligence.\\nLe Clercq ii p. 234. Discovery of the Mississippi, p. 173.\\n+,Le Clercq, ii, p. 235. As the word Sasacouest is there explained to mean war cries, h\u00c2\u00bb\\nomitP the Indian word.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0378.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "THE NOUVELLR DECOUVERTE 35I\\nWe landed very late at a village on the bank of the river. They told\\nus afterwards that it was the nation of the Tangibao. There is every\\nreason in the world to believe that these last had been surprised by thei\\nenemies. We found in their cabins ten men killed by arrows. This com-\\npelled us to leave their village promptly and to cross the river always\\nadvancing on our way to the great channel. We cabined as late as we\\ncould on the bank of the river, where we promptly built a fire of drift-\\nwood which we found at the water s edge. We then cooked our Indian\\ncorn meal and seasoned it with boncanued meat, after pounding it.\\nOn the 25th the ten Indians killed by arrows having troubled us all\\nnight long, we embarked at the first break of day and after a sail that was\\neven longer than that of the day before, we arrived at a point where the\\nriver divides into three channels.* We passed with speed through the\\nmiddle one which was very beautiful and very deep. The water there\\nwas brackish, or half salt, and three or four leagues further down, we\\nfound it entirely salt. Pushing on a little further still, we discovered the\\nsea, which obliged us first to land on the east of the river Meschasipi.\\nOur two men were extremely afraid of being taken by the Spaniards of\\nNew Mexico, who are west of this river. They were in strange distress,\\nand every moment told me, that if unhappily they should happen to fall\\ninto the hands of t le Spaniards of this continent, they would never see\\nEurope again. I did not tell them all that I thought Our religious have\\ntwenty-five or thirty provinces in Old and New Mexico. So that even if I\\nhad been taken, I should only have felt consolation and joy to end my days\\namong my brethren in so charming a country as this. I should thus have\\nbeen guaranteed from a world of hazards and all the dangers that I after-\\nwards had to encounter. I would even inseusibibly have spent my days\\nlaboring for my salvation, in a country that may justly be called the delight\\nof America but the extraordinary trouble of our men made me adopt\\nanother resolution.\\nI do not profess to be a mathematician. However I had learned to take\\naltitudes by means of the astrolabe. Monsieur de la Salle was careful\\nnot to trust me with that instrument while we were together, because he\\nwished to reserve to himself the honor of everything. We have however\\nsubsequently ascertained that this river Meschasipi falls into the Gulf of\\nMexico between the 27th and 28th degree of latitude and as it is believed,\\nin the place where nil the maps place the Rio Escondido,f which means,\\nLe Clercq, ii, p. ~36. Discovery of the Mississippi, p. 174.\\n1- Le Clercq, ii, p. 238. Discovery of the Mississippi, p. 175.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0379.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "3 5- VOYAGE TO THE GULF FROM\\nHidden river, i iio river Magtlalona in ])et\\\\v( en this river ami the mines\\nof Santa Barbara in New Mcxieo.\\nTiiis moiitli ol tlie Mescliasipl is nljDnl tliiily leat .ues distant from the\\nRio Bravo, Hixty leaLjiieH from Palmas, 80 to 100 from tbe Rio de Pannco\\non tlic eoasl nearest tlu^ Hpanisli solllemcntrt. According to tliis vvc\\njudged by incaiis i llic ()i!ii)a,ss, which has always been very necessary\\nto us, durinii our wlioli^ discovery, tliat Espiritn Santo ay is nortli-\\neasl of this ninnlli.\\nDui ing all onr ronle li oni the mouth of the river of the Illinois, which\\nenters into JMesehasipi, we almoHt always sailed south, and southwest to\\nthe sea. This river winds in various places, and is almostalways a league\\nwide, ll is v(!ry ileep and lias no sand banks. Nothing interferes with\\nnavigation, and even ilie largest shi]isn)ighl sail into it without diiriculty.\\nIt is estimated that- this river runs nioi e than eight hundred leagues in length\\ninland from its source to the sea, counting the bends which it makes as it\\nwinds ahmg. Its moulii is more than three hundred and forty leagues\\nfrom that of the rivoi- of the Illinois. In fine as we have sailed from one\\nend of this river lo Ihr dIIkt on onr way up, we shall describe its source\\nhei eafter.\\nTlie two )ii u who accompanied nu IMt great joy, as well as myself,\\nat having emlured the fatigue of our voyage. They felt however dis-\\nappointed thai they had not ama-ssed fuj S for the goods wduch we had\\nhidden. Moreover they were in constant fear of being taken by the\\nSpaniards. They consequently did not give me the time that I would have\\ndesired to observe the place exactly where we w(;re. They would never\\nhelp me to build a cabi)i, which we might have covered with diy grass\\nfrom the jjrairies. My design was to \\\\vtiyv a letter there written with my\\nown hand and sealed to make it fall into I he hands of the people of the\\ncountry. This obliged me I or fear of irritating them, to tell them, that\\nwe would use all possible diligenc;e to asceiul the river northward, where\\nthey would easily be able to barter their goods. I made tln^ni alwayH\\nhope, that I would contribute in eveiy thing to their success.\\nAll that I could obtain of them before going up the Meschasipi again\\nwas that they should square a tree of hardwood, of which we made a\\ncross about ten or twelve feet high, which we then planted in the earth,\\nwhich fortunately was at that place a firm clay. To this we fastened a letter\\nwith my name and that of the two men who were with me, with a brief\\naccount of our rank and the object of our voyage. After which kneeling\\ndown we chanted some hymns proper for our design, like the Vexilla Regis\\nand others and tlien we set out.*\\nLe Clercq, ii, p. 237.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0380.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "THF. nouvf.llr d\u00c2\u00a3co ivf.rtf/ 3 5^\\nDuriiifc the Ktay wliidi wa made at )h nioutli of Mesclifisipi, we did\\nnot perceive a living Bonl. Hence we have not been able to know wlielhe\\nthere are nations ihat dwell on the sea shore. We slept during that time\\nonly in Ihe open nir, mh diiriii r all the rest of the voyage, when if did not\\nrain. But during the; rain we eovraed oiirHclves with our canoe, which\\nwe phieed bottom up on four slakes. Then we fastened to it birch barks\\nwhich we imrolled, hanging them lower down than our canoe to shelter\\nus from the rain.\\nWe set out at last on the first of Ay)ril because our provisions\\nbegan to diminish. It is very remarkable thai during all this voyage,\\nGod haj)pily for us preserved us from the crocodiles which arc found in\\nabundance in this river Meschasipi, especially as you approach the sea\\nThey are much Lo be dreaded, wlien one is not carefully on his guard*\\nWe husbanded nw Indian corn as Avell as we could possibly, because the\\nlower river is (txtremely skirled by canes iind landing there is v iry incon-\\nvenient. Accordingly we durst not hunt, because that would have made\\nus lose too nnicli lime.\\nJfowever our canoe being loaded only willi aliltle provisions and some\\nsmall jjresents drew ordinarily otdy two or three inches of water. By\\nthis means approaching the land as near as po.ssib]e, we avoided the cur-\\nrents and the rapidity of tl)e river. We used such diligence in order to\\navoid being surprised, that we reached tJ)e village of the Tangibao.\\nBut because Ave liarl nlways borne in mind llirjse dead men pierced with\\narrows whom we had seen in their cabins, on passing there the first\\ntmic, we contented ourselves with eating our Indian corn meal steeped\\nin water, and we iiad besides that, wild bull tncM boucanned which we\\ndipped in bear oil, that we kej)t for this purprjse in bladders, in order to\\nswallow more easily this dried meat. After having said our evening\\nprayers, we sailed all night with a gjcat piece of tinder or a lighted torch\\nto put to flight tlie crocodiles, which miglil be encountered on the route,\\nbecause they are extremely afraid of fire.\\nTiie next day, the 2nd, Michael Ako at daybreak as we advanced on\\nour route called our attention to a very great smoke whicli was not very\\nfar from us, We believed that it wtis Ihe Quinipissa* and some time\\nafter we perceived four women loaded with wood, who redoubled their\\n3t(!ps to roach their village before \\\\\\\\h. But we passed them by dint of\\nrowing. I held in my hand the peace calumet which the Indians had\\ngiven us. Our Pieard du Ouay could not restrain himself from firing a\\nLc Clercq, li, p. SMO. l) m;ovi:ry of tho MisulBBlppI, p. 176.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0381.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "354 VOYAGE TO THE GULF FROM\\ncharge of bis gun into a flock of wild geese wliicli showed themselves in\\nthe reeds. These four Indian women having heard the report, threw\\ntheir wood on the ground, and beginning to run with all their might,\\narrived at the village before us and filled all with alarm\\nThe Indians affrighted at all this, because they had never seen fire-\\narms, began to flee. They thought that it was thunder, not understand.\\ning how it could be done, that a piece of wood and iron which they\\nsee in the hands of Europeans can belch out fire and go kill people at a\\ngreat distance. Accordingly these savages, though all armed as they\\nwere in their fashion, did not hesitate to scamper off in great confusion.\\nThis obliged me to land, and show the peace calumet, which was the\\nsymbol of our alliance with them. We then ascended into their village\\nwith them, and they prepared us a repast in their fashion.\\nAt the same time they notified their neighbors of our arrival. As we\\nwere engaged in taking our meal in the largest of their apartments, we\\nsaw several Indians enter in file, who gave us all the hearty welcome\\nthat they could conceive. Our two men had well nigh remained with\\nthis nation. Nothing but the goods that we had cached obliged them to\\nleave this tribe, and this is also the secret motive which I had in hiding\\nthem, so that our men should think only of performing our voyage.\\nThese last Indians having given us as much provisions as we desii-ed, we\\nleft them after making them some presents.\\nWe set out on the 4th of April, and made great diligence on our voyage,\\nbecause we had gained strength. We arrived at the Koroa. These\\nIndians were not surprised at our arrival as they were the first time.\\nThey received us in a very extraordinary manner. The^^ carried oiu\\ncanoe in triumph on their shoulders. There were twelve or fifteen men\\nwho marched before us, dancing with bouquets of feathers in their hands.\\nAll the women of the village followed with the children some of whom\\ntook hold of my cincture of white wool, which I wore as a Cord of St.\\nFrancis. Others caught hold of my cloak, or habit. They did the same\\nto our two men, and thus they led us to the apartment set apart for us.\\nThey adorned this place with flag mats, painted two colors, and white\\nblankets spun very neatly with the bark of a tree, as we have already re-\\nmarked. After we had satisfied our hunger with all that these people\\npresented to regale us, they left us at liberty to repose in peace and refresh\\nourselves. We were surprised to see in this place that the Indian corn\\nwhich was only two feet from the ground, when we passed the first time\\namong this people, was already milky and fit to eat. We learned by the", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0382.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "THE nouvelle d\u00c2\u00a3couverte 355\\niialions near, of their climate, that this corn ripens in sixty clays. We also\\nremarked other grain, wliicli -pas already out of the ground, and three\\nor four inches high.\\nWe set out from Koroa the next day, April 5th, and if I could have\\nmade my men listen to reason, I would certainly have made the acquain-\\ntance of several different nations which live on the south side of this river.\\nBut their only thought was to reach the noithein nations to pick up all the\\nfurs they could iu exchange for the goods which they had left below the\\nAkansa. Greed of gain carried tlie day, and I was constrained to follow\\nthem, because it was impossible to remain alone among so many nations\\nfar distant from Europe. I had then to take patience and keej) up a good\\ncountenance. For all the efforts which I made to persuade them, that\\nthe public good should be preferred to the advantage of individuals, thej^\\ngot the best of me, and I was obliged to yield, being unable to do otherwise.\\nWe were not able to reach the Taensa, till April 7.\\nThese Indians liad already received couriers who had notified them of\\nour coming. Tliis caused them to summon several of their neighbors\\nwho lived far inland oa the east, and west, in order to get some of our\\ngot)ds, if it was possible, because these savages never can weary admiring\\nthem. They have sent some to several other nations more remote, with\\nwhom they are allied.\\nThey used every effort to retain us among them. They olfered us one\\nof their best lodges for our use, and calumets of black, red and jaspered\\nmarble. But our men had their hearts set (m the spot, where they had\\ncached their goods, so that they paid no regard to all their offers. They\\nthen told me that we must absolutely set out. If I had had with me all\\nthat was necessary, as I had my portable chapel, I should have lemained\\namong these good people, who showed me so cordial a friendship. But\\nit has long since been said that our companions are often our masters. I\\nwas then obliged to follow the opinion of our men.\\nWe embarked on the 8th of April, and some Taensa came to escort us\\nin their lightest periaguas, because tliey could not paddle fast enough to\\nfollow our bark canoe with the others. Even with all the efforts that\\nthey made with their poles, they could not go fast enough. Thustiiey\\nwei e obliged to leave us, and let us go on, We threw them two fathoms\\nof Martinique tobacco to oblige them to remember us, and these Indians\\non leaving us wondered how we could shoot three or four ducks, with a\\nsingle gun shot, which made them utter yells and cries of amazement.\\nAfter our men had saluted them taking off their hats with great respect", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0383.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "356\\nVOYAGE TO THE GULF FROM\\nthey redoubled their efforts at the paddle to show these savages, that they\\nwere capable of doing something more than they had yet seen them do.\\nOn the 9th we arrived at tlie Akansa about two liours after sun rise.\\nIt seemed to us that after having been received with so much humanity\\nby all these nations, which deserve the name of humane rather than bar-\\nbarous nations, from their wonderful mildness, we had no ground for fear\\nor distrust, and that we were in as great security among them, as though\\nwe had traveled through the cities of Holland, in which there is nothing\\nto fear. Yet we were not free from uneasiness, when we came to the\\nplace where we had cached the goods of our men. The Indians had\\nburned the trees on which we had made crosses to recognize the place of\\nour cache. At first our two men turned pale from fear that their treasure\\nhad been swept away from them. They lost no time, and posted in haste\\nto the spot in question.\\nFor my part I remained on the bank of the river to gum over our canoe\\nwhich leaked in several places. The Picard du Guay came in haste to\\nseeknre in order to rejoice withme, that they had found the cache ag^ain in\\ngood condition. He told me with great transports of joy, that all was\\njust as we had left it. Meanwhile to i)revent the Akansa who were com-\\ning to us in file, from seeing our men while busy in uncovering their\\ngoods, I took the peace calumet and stopped them to smoke. It is an in-\\nviolable law among them to smoke on such an occasion, because if one\\nrefused he w^ould run the risk of being massacred by the Indians who\\nhave an extreme veneration for the calumet.\\nWhile I amused the Indians our two men came and look the canoe,\\nwhich I had regummed and they adroitly replaced in it the goods which\\nthey had taken from their cache, and then thej came to get me at the\\nplace where I was with the Indians. I entertained them by signs marking\\nmy thoughts on the sand, which I endeavored to make them understand in\\nthis way. I did not understand a Avord of Iheir language which is en-\\ntirely different from that of the nations with whom we had conversed\\nbefore and since this voyage.\\nWe ascended the river verj^ gaily. We advanced by dint of paddling\\nwith such celerity that the Akansa who were marching by land, were\\nobliged to double tJieir sieps to follow us One among them more alert\\nthan the rest, ran to the village where we were received with even greater\\nmarks of joy than they had shown the first time. All this was done on\\ntheir part with a view of profiting by our goods, which pass for great\\nriches among these people.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0384.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "THE nOUVELLE DECOUVERTe 357\\nIt would be useless to describe all the circumstances of what passed in\\nthe dances and feasts, which these Indians gave us. Our two men seeing\\nthat they could not enrich themselves by trading for fui-s with these\\npeople, because they have never li-aded with Europeans, and do not care\\neither for beaver or deer skins, of wliich they do not know the use, pressed\\nme to go with all diligence towards the northern nations, where they\\nhoped to iind these goods in plcuiy. And in fact the Indians who live\\nnear the source of the river Meschasipi, were begining to go and trade in\\nthe direction of Lake Superior, among nations which have intercourse\\nwith Europeans. We left marks of our friendship with the Akansa by\\nsome presents which we made them.\\nWe set out the 1st of April* and for the space of about sixty leagues said\\nwe found no Chikacha or Messorite Indian. Apparently they were all at\\nthe hunt with their families, or perhaps they were in flight for the fear\\nwhich they had of the Nation of the prairies, who are called Tintonha be\\nthe inhabitants of these countries. These are their sworn enemies.\\nWe were only the more happy during our route, because we found\\nplenty of game everywhere. However before reaching the place where\\nthe river of the Illinois empties into the said river, we found a band of\\nMessorite Indians, who were coming from up the river. But as they had no\\nperiaguas to come to us, we crossed to the other bank on the east side and\\nor fear of being surprised during the night, we did not step at any place.\\nWe accordingly contented ourselves with eating roast Indian corn meat\\nand boucanned meat, because we durst not make a fire for fear of being-\\ndiscovered by some ambuscade of Indians, who would undoubtedly have\\nmassacred us, taking us for enemies before they could recognize us\\nThis precaution made us happily avoid the danger, which but for that we\\nshould have run.\\nI had forgotten, while I sailed on the river I lleschasipi to relate what the\\nIllinois had often told us, and wliich we took for tales invented to amuse.\\nIt is that about near the| spot called on the map Cap de St. Autoine, very\\nnear the nation of the Messorites, Tritons and Sea monsters are to be seen\\npainted, which tiie boldest men dare not look at, because there is an en-\\nchantment and something supernatural there. These pretended friglitful\\nmonsters are after all only a horse very badly painted with matachia of\\nred color, and some deer daubed by the Indians, who add that they can-\\nnot be reached. But if we had not been pressed to avoid being surprised\\nby the Indians, it would have been easy for us to touch them, for the said\\nCape of St. Anthony is not so steep or so high as the chain of mountains,\\nThe last date was the 9th.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0385.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "358\\nVOYAGE TO THE GULF FROM\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2which are along side the falls of St. Anthony of Padua, wbich is near the\\nsource of the Meschasipi. These savages added, moreover, that the rock\\nwhere these monsters were painted, was so steep that passers by could not\\ngo there. And in fact the common tradition among these nations is, that\\nthere were formerly several Miamis drowned in this place* on the river\\nMeschasipi, because they were vigorously pursued by the Matsigamea.\\nFrom that time the Indians, who pass by that place, are accustomed to\\ngmoke and present tobacco to these puppets, which are very rudely painted,\\nand this, they say, to appease the Manitou, which according to the language\\nof the Algonquins and of Acadie, signifies an evil spirit, which the Iroquois\\ncall Otkon, which is a kind of sorcery and wicked spirit, whose malignity\\nthey ignore.\\nWhile I was at Quebec I was told that the Sieur Jolliet had formerly\\nbeen on this river Meschasipi and that he had been obliged to return to\\nCanada, because he had not been able to pass beyond these monsters,\\npartly because he had been terrified by them, and partly too because he\\nfeared he might be taken by the Spaniards. But I must say here, that\\nI have very often sailed in a canoe with the said Sieur Jolliet on the river\\nSt. Laurence, and even in very dangerous times on account of the high\\nwinds, from which however we fortunately escaped to the great astonish,\\nment of all the world, because he was a very good canoeman. I there\\nhad occasion to ask him many a time, whether in fact he liad been as far\\nas the Akansa.\\nThis man who had great consideration for the Jesuits who were by nation\\nNormans, (because his father was from Normandy), avowed to me that he\\nhad often heard these monsters spoken of among theOuttaoiiats, but that\\nhe had never been as far as that, and that he had remained among the\\nHurons and the Outtaoiiats to trade in beaver and other peltries. But\\nthat these people had often told him that this river could not be descended\\non account of the Spaniards, whom thej had made him dread extremely.\\nI have given great credit to this statement of the Sienr Jolliet,* because\\nin fact during our whole route on the river Meschasipi, we found no mark,\\nthat could shew us that the Spaniards are in the habit of sailing on it,\\nas we shall show in our second volume.\\nWhen one arrives at 20 or 30 leagues below the Maroa, the banks of\\nthis river Meschasipi are full of canes to the sea.\\nAs no fact is better establislied than the voyage of Marquette and Jolliet, this asser-\\ntion that Jolliet disavowed it, would have to come from undoubted authority to be\\ncredited.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0386.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "the nouvelle d\u00c2\u00a3couverte 359\\n[Here follow general observations on the river, the prairies, forests,\\nanimals, trees, mines, Indian manners, prosjiects for missions, pp. 295-310.]\\nRutin order not to wearj the vader, it is time to pursue our voya2;e 1o\\nthe source of the river Meschasipi. We embarked on the 24th of April\\nand the Indian corn or large millet failing us as well as the boucanned\\nmeat, we had no other means of sulisistence than hunting or fishing.\\nDeer were verj^ scarce in the parts where we then were, because the\\nIllinois often come there and ruin the hunting. Fortunately we found\\nsome long beaked sturgeons, of which I shall speak hereafter. We killed\\nthem with blows of our hatchets or swords fixed in l);mdles which we\\nused on the occasion, in order to save our powder and lead. It was then\\nthe time when these fish spawn, and they are usually seen approaching\\nthe shore of the river in order to spawn. We accordingly easily killed\\nth(m with blows of axe or sword, without going into the water and\\nbecause we killed as many as we wished, we took only the belly and the\\nmost delicate morsels, and left the rest.\\nIf our men had some pleasure in this abundant fishery, they were\\non the other hand in great fear of the people whom we had left at the\\nfort of the Illinois or Crevecceur. Although we were still more than a\\nhundred leagues distant, which is a trifle, on account of the great speed\\nthat is made with bark canoes, they feared lest some of the peoj)le from\\nthe fort should come, and seeing that they had not barteied their goods\\nwith the northern nations, might seize their effects. I proposed to them\\nto sail by night and to cabin bj day on the islands with which the river\\nis filled, and which we might find on our way.\\nThe river is all full of these islands, especially from the mouth of the\\nriver of the Illinois to the falls of St. Anthony of Padua of which I shall\\nspeak hereafter. This expedient succeeded, and in fact after having sailed\\nduring the whole night, we found ourselves far enough from this mouth\\napproaching the north. On the whole the land did not seem to us so\\nfertile nor the woods so fine, as those which we had seen in the countries\\nwhich are on the lower part ot the river Meschasipi.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0387.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "360\\nACCOUNT FROM MARGRY.\\nACCOUNT\\nHENNEPIN AND THE SIOUX.\\n[From Margry 1, p. 481 etc.]\\nThey were ascending the river Colbert or Mississippi with gj eat pleasure\\nand without any obstacle when on the lltli of April, 1680, they beheld\\nthemselves invested by a hundred or hundred and twenty Nadouessious\\nwhi I descended in thirty-three canoes to make war on the Tcliatchakigouas.\\nFather Louis at once presented them the calumet, which liiey received,\\nbut they would not smoke it, which is a mark of peace, till after they had\\nmade them cross to the other side of th(; river, whither they pursued them\\nwith loud cries, to give, according to their custom, some satisfaction to\\ntheir dead.\\nNevertheless these savages plundered them of some goods and although\\nMichael Accault made them a present of two boxes of goods, they carried\\nthem off to their village to which they I eturned, this encounter having\\nmade them abandon their voyage. They did not however give the French,\\nwho were not displeased at this opportunity to continue their discoveries,\\nany other ill treatment than to make them march with them afoot from\\nthe great river for fifty leagues, with great hardship and very little food.\\nIt is true, nevertheless, that on approaching their village, they divided all\\nthe goods among them, half by consent, half by force, hut they promised\\nat the same time to pay for them and the reason of this violence is that\\nthis band was made up from two different tribes, the more remote of\\nwhich, fearing that the others would retain all the goods, when they got\\nto their village, determined to take their share in advance.\\nIn fact, sometime after they offered a part of the payment to Michael\\nAccault, who would not take it until they gave him the value of all the\\ngoods, and the Sieur de la Salle does not doubt but that these Indians\\ngave him complete satisfaction. They also stole Father Louis chapel,\\ne.xcept the chalice which thej^ durst not touch, because seeing it shine,\\nthey said that it was a spirit that would kill them.\\nThis treatment made the Father believe that they wished to put him to\\ndeath, because thej^ performed several ceremonies, which they are also\\naccustomed to practice, when they intend to burn their enemies, and\\nMichael Accault, who then did not understand their language, although\\nhe knew ^several others, could not converse with these Indians. Never-\\ntheless they left the Frenchmen at perfect liberty in their village.\\nThree months after they went with the Indians on a buffalo hunt along", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0388.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "ACCOUNT BY LA SALLE.\\n361\\nthe river Colbert, about 150 leagues from their village, where they met\\nthe Sieur clu Luth, who was going to tlie Nadouessious, under the guid-\\nance of a soldier of the Sieur de La Salle named Faffart, who had deserted\\nfrom Tort Frontenac. They went up again all together to the village of the\\nNadouessious, where they remained about four months, and at last they\\nall* returned to Canada by the river Ouisconsing and by the Bay of the\\nPuans.\\nDuriug the stay of Father Louis and the two Frenchman among the\\nNadouessious, they saw Indians come as ambassadors, who lived nearly\\n500 leagues to the westward, and they ascertained that the Assinipoualac,\\nAvho are seven or eight days journey from the Sioux to the northwest\\nward, and all the other nations, who are known to the west and north.\\nwest live in immense prairies, where there arc quantities of wild cattle\\nand peltr}^ and where they are sometimes forced to make fire with\\nbuffalo dung, for want of wood.\\nACCOUNT\\nOF\\nHENNEPIN S EXPLORATION IN LA SALLE S\\nLETTER OF AUGUST 22, 1862,\\n[From Margry, ii, p. 245.]\\nThe river Colbert, called by the Iroquois Gastacha, by the Outaouas\\nMississipy, into which the river of the Illinois, called Teakiki, empties\\nflows from the northwest. I caused it to be ascended by a canoe, con-\\nducted by two of my men, one named Michael Accault, and the other\\nPicard, whom the Rev. Father Louis Hennepin joined, not to lose the\\nopportunity of preaching the gospel to the nations that dwell above, and\\nwho had never yet heard it spoken of. They started from Fort Crevecoeur\\non the 28th of February in the evening, with a peace calumet which is a\\nsafeguard that the Indians of these parts rarely violate. The said\\nMichael Accault, was tolerably versed in their languages and manners.\\nHe knew all their customs and was esteemed by several of these nations\\namong whom I liad already sent him, where he succeeded completely.\\nHe is moreover piudent, brave and cool. They had about a thousand\\nlivres worth of the goods most esteemed in these parts, which accom-\\nAccault did not return.\\n27", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0389.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "362\\nACCOUNT OF HENNEPIN\\npanied by the peace calumet are never refused by these kind of\\npeople who need everything. They first met a number of Islinois ascend\\ning then river to reach their village, who used every effort to induce them\\nto turn back. Michael Accault who deemed his honor pledged to carry\\nout the enterprise, animated by the example of Father Louis Hennepin\\nwho also desired to signalize his zeal, and also wishing to keep the promise\\nhe had made me to perish or succeed, encouraged his comrade, who was\\nwavering at the words of the Indians, and made him see that the object of\\nthe Islinois was to gel hold of their goods and deprive their neighbors of\\nthem, and that this should not change the resolution which they had taken.\\nIn fact they continued their w^ay along the river Theakiki till the 7th of\\nMarch, 1680, when two leagues from its mouth, by which it empties into\\nthe Colbert, they met a nation called Tamaroa or Maroa, to the number of\\ntwo hundred families or thereabout, who wished to take them to their\\nvillage, which then lay on the west side of the Great river, six or seven\\nleagues below the mouth of the Theakiki. They refused to follow them\\nand arrived the same day at the confluence of these two rivers, about fifty\\nleagues distant from Fort Crevecoeur, and ninety from the village of the\\nIslinois. The river Teakiki is almost always of uniform width during\\nthese ninety leagues, approaching the width of the Seine before Paris, that\\nis where it is confined to its bed but in various place, as at Pimiteoui,\\none league east of Crevecoeur and at two or three other points lower\\ndown, it widens out to a league or two, and in many places where the\\ntwo high grounds, which skirt it from the Islinois village down, recede\\nfor about a half a league from each other, tlie ground which tliey leave\\nbetween them is marshy and often overflowed, especially after the rains\\nwhich easily cause these rivers to leave their channels, and swell them to\\n*This extract is given, as it was written at Fort Frontenac in 1682, wliile Hennepin\\nwas in France preparing his book for publication, and must have been based on reports\\nfrom Hennepin or Accault. It recognizes Hennepin s discovery and maintains his\\npriority over Du Lhut, but like the Margry Relation tries to show that the party\\nwere not prisoners. Yet all the statements are based on information derived from\\nHennepin, there being proof that he wrote to La Salle, and no evidence that Accault\\ndid or could wrfte. Yet the priority of exploration of the Sioux country belouu;s to\\nneither. The Jesuits in their Relation of 1640 speak of the Nndouesis as known. Raym-\\nbault and Jogues (Relation 1642) indicate the route to their country by way of Lake\\nSuperior and St. Louis river. During the winter of 1659-60 de Groseilliers and another\\nFrenchman visited their country and its forty villages. Rcl. 1660 Journal des\\nJesuites, p. 287 Charlevoix, Hist. New France, 3 p., 48 n. See also pp. 330-1. Hen-\\nnepin curiously enough professes to have known this pioneer explorer of Dakota land.\\nVoy. au Nord, v, p. 849.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0390.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "FROM LA SALLE S LETTER. 363\\nan extraordinary degree, and often more than a pike high.* The Islinois\\nriver from their village to the Great river has a very deep and even bed.\\nIt is skirted by woods almost all the way, all the marshes producing very\\nlarge trees of all kinds, and tlie slope of the hills is usually covered but once\\nyou cross the lands overflowed by the river from time to time, and ascend\\nthe hills, you find nothing but beautiful plains further than the eye can\\nreach, dotted here and their with tufts of wood, which seem to be there\\nonly because needed. These clearings f extend in many places to the river\\nshore, especially near the village, aud about sixty leagues east and north-\\neast, where woods are very rarely seen along the bank, which is more\\nuniformly skirted by woods as you descend. The current is scarcely per-\\nceptible when there have been no heavy rains, except in spring, it is very\\nnavigable however at all times for the largest barks up to the Islinois In-\\ndians, and above only for canoes, both on account of the rapidity of the\\nwater, and the small quantity at several places where the rapid slope and\\nthe bars prevent any depth.\\nThe ice w^hich came down the Great river stopped them at the mouth\\nof the Islinois till the 12th of March. On the south side it washes a steep\\nrock about forty feet high adapted for building a fort, aud on the other\\nside it waters a beautiful prairie, of w^hich the end cannot be discerned,\\nvery suitable for cultivation. This place seems to me the most suitable\\nof all to settle, for many reasons which I have not time to deduce here,\\nand I shall be able to make a post there as I return from my voyage.\\nFrom there to Pimiteoui the river runs almost south, so that its mouth\\nis between 46\u00c2\u00b0 and 47\u00c2\u00b0 north latitude, and about 130 or 130 leagues from\\nthe north shore of the Gulf of Mexico. From Quebec to Montreal there\\nis about 43 leagues difference east and west; from Montreal to Fort\\nFrontenac 61 leagues from the fort to Niagara, 65 from Niagara to the\\nend of Lake Eiie 123 from there to the mouth of the river of the Miamis\\n117 thence to the Islinois 53 thence to Pimiteoui or Crevecoeur 27; from\\nCrevecojur to Mississipi 18, which makes about 500 leagues, equal to\\nabout 24\u00c2\u00b0 of longitude. The Mississipi, going down, appears on leaving\\nthe Teatiki, to run south southwest, and ascending north northwest; it\\nruns between two chains of pretty high mountains, much higher than\\nMont Valerieu, which wmd like the river, from which they sometimes\\nrecede a little, leaving moderate prairies between them and its bed, and\\nsometimes they are bathed by the waters of the river, so that while on oqe\\n*The pike was 13 feet long.\\nt Deserts still ased in Canada this sense.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0391.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "3^4\\nACCOUNT OF HENNEPIN\\nside it is bordered by the spur of a mountain, it forms on the other a bay,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0the end of which is met by a prairie or a woody plateau. The slope of\\nthese hills, which are either of gravel or stone is covered fi om time to\\ntime with dwarf oaks or in other places with very small plants. The top of\\nthe mountains leveals plains of very poor land, very different from that\\namong the Islinois, but which is pastured by the same animals. The\\nchannel of this great river, almost every where one or two leagues wide,\\nis dotted all along by a number of islands covered with open Avoods, in-\\nterlaced by so many vines that they can be traversed onlj^ with diflBculty_\\nThey are subject to inundation in the freshets. They ordinarily con-\\nceal the sight of the other bank, which is only rarely discerned, on\\nacc(mnt of these islands. The bottom is very unequal as you ascend above\\nthe river ol the Islinois. You often meet shoals which traverse the\\nchannel from one side to the other, over which canoes find it difficult to\\npass. It is true that when the waters are high, it is every where deep\\nenough for the largest vessels to pass, but the currents are then extremely\\nimpetuous and difficult to stem with sails. The Mississipi receives no\\nconsiderable rivers on the west side from the river of the Islinois to the\\ncountry of the Nadouesioux, except that of the Otoutantas Paote and\\nMaskoutens, Nadouesioux on the east side, and about one hundred leagues\\nfrom Teakiki.\\nBy following the windings of the Mississipi j ou find the river Ouiscon-\\nsing, Misconsinff, or Meschetz Odeba,f which comes from between the\\nBay of the Puans and the Great Kiver. It flows at first from nortli to\\nsouth till about 45\u00c2\u00b0 u. latitude, and then turns west and west southwest,\\nand after a course of sixty leagues falls into the Mississipi. It is almost\\nas large as that of the Islinois, navigable to this elbow, and perhaps above,\\nwhere the portage of canoes is made, across an oak swamp :j; and a\\ndrowned prairie to reach the river Kakaling which falls into the Bay of\\nthe Puans. Misconsing flows between two hills which recede from time\\nto time and leave between them and the river pretty large prairies and\\nopen ground sandy and not very fertile. At other places the plateau\\nwhich is between these hills and the river is in spots lower and marsh}\\nand then it is covered with wood and inundated in the overflow of the\\nriver. The mountains diminish insensibly in proportion as j ou ascend\\nthe river, and at last about three leagues from the portage, the ground\\nbecomes flat and is marshy, uncovered on the portage side, and covered\\nDown to sails not in Hennepin,\\nt Not in Hennepin.\\nX ChaiBn6e.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0392.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "FROM LA SALLE S LETTER. 365\\nwith pines on the other. The place where the canoes are transported is\\nmarked by a tree, where there are two grossly painted by the Indians\\nwhence after having marched about half a league, you find the river\\nKakaling, which is only a stream that rises in the marshes, where it\\nmeanders extremely and forms little lakes, often widening and narrowing\\nYou follow it about forty leagues, following the turns which it makes,\\nthen you come to the village of the Outagamis. Haifa league from the\\nriver on the north side before arriving there, the river falls into a lake\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which may be eight leagues long and three leagues wide, and after having\\npassed the village about two leagues, you find the rapids called Kakaling,\\ndifficult to descend on account of the rapidity of the water, the quantity\\nof rocks found there, and three falls where the canoe and its load must be\\ncarried. They last six leagues, and three leagues lower down, and at the\\nmouth of this river in the Bay of the Puans, is a house of the Jesuits, who\\nhave truly the key of the country of Castorie,f where a brother blacksmith,\\nwhom they have and two companions convert more iron into beaver than\\nthe Fathers do Indians into Christians.:]:\\nAt about 23 or 24 leagues north or northwest of the mouth of the\\nOuisconsing, which has also a rock on the south side and a beautiful\\nprairie on the north side, near three beautiful basins or bays of still\\nwater, 3^ou find Black River, called by the Nadouesioux Chabadeba, by\\nno means large, the mouth of which is lined by alders on both sides.\\nAscending about thirtj- leagues almost always towards the same point of\\nthe compass, you meet Buffalo river as wide at its Drouth as the Islinois.\\nIt is called by this uanie on account of the number of these animals found\\nthere it has been followed ten or twelve leagues, where it is always\\neven and free from rapids, lined by mountains, which recede from time\\nto time to torm prairies. There are several islands at its mouth, which is\\nlined by woods on both sides. Thirty-eight or loity leagues above, you\\nfind the river by which the Sieur Du Luth descended to the Mississippi.\\nHe had been for three years contrary to orders on Lake Superior with a\\nband of twenty coureurs de hois he had carried it boldly there, announc-\\ning eveiywhere tiiat at the head of these braves he did not fear the Grand\\nPrevost and that he would compel them by force to grant him an\\namnesty. The coureurs de bois, whom he was the first to induce to raise\\nthe mask have been aild have returned to the settlements several times,\\nNot in Ilennepin.\\nt Beavorland.\\n:J: Little of tills is la Ilonuopin aud it is somewliat ungenerous in La Salle after the\\nJesuits had given hoepitalitj to two of liie party, Membre and Hennepin.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0393.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "366\\nACCOUNT OF HENNEPIN\\nloaded with goods and peltries, of which during that time they drained\\nLake Superior, every avenue of which they besieged, and this year they\\nhave prevented the Outaouacs from descending to Montreal.\\nAt that time and while he was on Lake Superior, the Nadouesioux,\\ninvited by the presents which the late Sieur Randin had made them in\\nthe name of the Count de Frontenac, and the Sauteurs who are the\\nIndians who bring most peltries to Montreal and who dwell on Lake\\nSuperior, wishing to obey the repeated commands of my said Lord\\nCount, negotiated a peace to unite the nation of the Sauteurs to the\\nFrench, and go to trade in the country of the Nadoiiesioux, about sixty\\nleagues distant west of Lake Superior. Du Luth to cover his desertion\\ntook this occasion to give him some color, and passed iiimself off with\\ntwo of his deserters for an envoy of the Count, and entrusted with his\\norders to negotiate this peace, during which liis comrades negotiated\\nbeaver still better. There were many conferences with the Nadouesioux\\nand as he had no interpreters, he debauched one of mine named Faffart,\\nthen a soldier at Fort Frontenac. At last the Sauteurs having visited\\nthe Nadouesioux several times and returned, and the Nadouesioux\\nthe Sauteurs, seeing that there was nothing to fear, and that\\nhe could increase the number of his beaver, he sent this Falfart by\\nland with some Nadouesioux and Sauteurs who were returning together.\\nOn his return this young man having made him a report of the quantity\\nof beaver that he might have in that part, he resolved to endeavor to go\\nthere himself and led by a Sauteur and a Nadouesioux and four French-\\nmen, they ascended the river Nemitsakouat, whence after a short portage\\nhe descended into this one, where he says that he passed more than\\nforty leagues of rapids, and having seen that the Nadouesioux were\\nlower down with my people and the Fatiier, who had descended again\\nfrom the village of the Nadouesioux where they had already been, he\\ncame in search of them.* He mounted again to the village whence they\\ndescended again all together, ascended by the river Ouisconsing, and\\nthence he came down again to Montreal as proudly as he had set out, having\\neven insulted the commissaries and the substitute for the Procurator Gene-\\nral, named d Auteuil, now actually Procurator General. The Count de\\nFrontenac had him arrested and held as a prisoner in the castle of Quebec,\\nintending to send him to France, on charges made by the lulendant,\\nunless the amnesty granted to the coureurs de bois should cause his\\ndischarge.\\nHennepin m\u00c2\u00ablces their meeting July 25, 1680.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0394.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "FROM LA SALLE S LETTER. 367\\nTo know what the said Du Luth is, it is necessary only to iucjuire of\\nMr. Dalera. Nevertheless he pretends to have made an important dis-\\ncovery, and to ask this coimtrj as (having) the advantage of the Islinois,\\nwhich is amusing enough that he hopes a reward for his rebellion. In\\nthe second place there are only three ways to go there, one by Lake\\nSuperior, the other by the Bay of the Puans, the third by the Islinois and\\nthe lands of my commission. The two former are suspicious, and it would\\nnot be necessary to open the third to him to my disadvantage, he having\\nincurred no expense, and having gained much without risk, while I have\\nundergone great hardships, perils and losses and by the Islinois there is\\na circuit of three hundred leagues for him to make. Moreover the country\\nof the Nadouesioux is not a country which he has discovered. It has\\nbeen long known, and the Rev. Father Hennepin and Michael Accault\\nwere there before him. The first one indeed of his fellow-deserters who\\nreached it, having been one of my soldiers whom he seduced. Moreover\\nthis country is uninhabitable, unfit for cultivation, there being nothing but\\nmarshes full of wild rice on which these nations live, and no benefit can\\nbe derived from this discovery, whether it is ascribed to my people or to\\nDu Luth, because the rivers there are not navigable. But the King having\\ngranted us trade in buffalo skins, it would be ruined by coming and going\\nto the Nadouesioux by any other route than the Lake Superior one,\\nthrough which the Count de Frontenac can send to obtain beaver, accord-\\ning to the power which he has to grant Conges. But if they go by Ouis-\\nconsing, where they make their buffalo hunt in summer, and where I have\\nbegun a post,* the commerce will be ruined on which alone I rely from\\nthe great number of buffalo killed there every year, beyond what can be\\nbelieved.\\nStill ascending the Mississippi, twenty f leagues above this river, you\\nfind the falls which those whom I had sent, and who first reached there,\\nhave named St. Anthony s. It is thirty or forty feet high, and the river\\nis narrower there than elsewhere. There is an island in the middle of\\nthe fall, and the two banks of the river are no longer skirted by mountains,\\nwhich descend insensibly to that point; but the ground on both sides is\\ncovered with open woods as we call them, that is to say oaks and other\\nhard woods planted far apart, which grow only on poor soil. There are\\nalso some prairies. Canoes are carried there for about three or four\\nThis 18 a positive statement, but is it true Where did La Salle begin a settlement\\non the Wisconsin\\nHennepin says 10 or 12 the Relation Margry, p. 480, has SO.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0395.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "368\\nACCOUNT OF HENNEPIN\\nhundred paces and eight leagues above you find on the west side the\\nriver of the Nadouesionx, narrow at its mouth, and whicli waters a\\nwretched land covered with bushes foi about fifty leagues, at the end of\\nwhich it ends in a lake called the Lake of tlie Issati, which spreads\\ninto great marshes, in wliich wild rice grows. Towards the mouth of\\nthis river the Mississipi comes from tlie west, but it has not been\\nfollowed on account of an accident which befel the Rev. Father\\nLouis, Michael Accault and his comrade.* The thing took place\\nin this way. After having sailed along the Mississipi till tlie 11th\\nof April, about three o clock in the afternoon, paddling along the\\nshore on the Illinois side, a band of a hundred Nadouesionx warriors,\\nwho were coming for the purpose of killing some Tchatchakigoua de-\\nscended the same river in thirty-three birch bark canoes. Theref were\\nwith them two women and one of those wretches who serve as women\\nalthough they are men, whom the Islinois call Ikoueta. They passed\\nalong and beyond some islands, and several canoes had alreadj descended\\nbelow that of the Frenchmen. Having perceived it, they all gathered,\\nand those which had passed, paddling up with all tlieir might, easily\\nblocked their way. There was a part on land which invested tliem on\\nthat side. Michael Accault who was the conductor, had the calumet\\npresented to them. They received it and smoked after having made a\\ncircle on land covered with straw, in which they made the Frenchmen\\nsit. Immediately two old men began to bewail the death of those relatives,\\nwhom they intended to avenge and after having taken some tobacco,\\nthey made our people embark and cross first to the other side of the river.\\nThey followed them after giving three yells and paddling with all their\\nmight. On landing Michael Accault made them a present of twenty\\nknives and a fathom and a half of tobacco, which they accepted. They\\nhad already stolen a half pike and some other trifle. Tliej then marched\\nteu days together without showing any mark of discontent or ill will, but\\non the 22d of April, having reached islands where they had killed some\\nMaskoutens, they put the two dead men whom they were going to avenge\\nand whose bones they carried with them, between Father Louis and\\nMichael Accault. It is an equivocal ceremony which is done to friends\\nto excite their compassion, and obtain presents to cover them, and to\\nThis seems to make them captured above St. Anthony s Falls while Ileanepin says\\nthat after sailing nineteen days up the river with the Indians they reached a point five\\nleagues below the falls.\\nt Sentence not in Hennepin.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0396.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "FROM LA SALLES LETTER. 369\\nslaves who are taken in war to give them to understand that they must\\nexpect to be treated as the deceased was. Michael Accault unfortunately\\ndid not understand this nation, and there was not a single slave of the\\nother nations whom he understood, which scarcely ever happens, all the\\nnations in America having a number of those whose lives they spare in\\norder to replace their dead, after having sacrificed a great many to them\\nto appease their vengeance. As a result of this, one can make himself\\nunderstood b_y almost all nations, when he knows three or four languages\\nof those who go furthest in war, such as the Iroquois, the Islinois, the\\nAkansa, the Nadouesioux and Sauleurs.* Accault^understood all these\\nexcept the Nadouesioux,! but there are many among them who have been\\npiisoners among the others, or who have come from others and been\\ntaken in war, but chance willed that not one could be found in that band\\nto interpret for the others. It was necessary to give a full box of goods\\nand the next day twenty-four axes in trade. When they were eight leagues\\nbelow the falls of St. Anthony, they resolved to go by land to their village\\nsixty leagues or thereabout distant from the landing place, not being will\\ning to carry our people s things or take them by water. They also made\\nthem give the rest of the axes, which they distributed, promising to pay\\nfor them well at the village, biit two days after they also divided among\\nthem two boxes of goods, and having quarrelled over the division, as\\nwell of the goods as of the tobacco, each chief pretending to he master,\\nthey parted in jealousy, and took the Frenchmen to the village, where\\nthey promised satisfaction in beaver of which they professed to have a\\nlarge number.\\nThe_y were well received there and at first feasted Accault who was in\\na dififerent village from that in which the Rev. Father Louis and the\\nPicard were, who were also well received, except that some wild young\\nfellows having told the Picard to sing, the fear which he felt made him\\ncommit an act of cowardice, as it is onl}^ slaves who sing on reaching a\\nvillage. Accault who was not there could not prevent it, but they had\\nsubjected them to no treatment approaching- that given to slaves. They\\nwere never tied, and payment was at once promised for what the young\\nmen had taken, because Accault having found some by whom he could\\nChippewas or Ojibwas, called Snuteura by the French from their living at Sault Stc\\nMarie.\\nt How Accault could have understood the Akaneas, that is the Arkansas or Quappas\\nwhose langoag e is a dialect of the Dakota is not clear, nnleps he had been among that\\nnation. And If he understood Akansas, he ought to have been able tocomprehend some\\nwhat the Dakota.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0397.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "3 70 ACCOUNT OF HENNEPIN\\nmake himself understood, made them feel the importance of doing so and\\ntwo calumets were at once danced and some beaver robes presented to\\nbegin the payment but as there was too little, Accault would not be\\nsatisfied with it. Six weeks after having: all returned with the Nadoue-\\nsioux hunting towards Ouiscousing, the Rev. Father Louis Hempin and\\nPicard resolved to come to the mouth of the river where I had promised\\nto send tidings of myself, as I did by six men, whom the Jesuits de-\\nbauched, telling Ihem that the Rev. Father Louis and his traveling com-\\npanions had been killed. They were allowed to go there alone to show\\nthat they were not treated as slaves, and that Du Lhut is wrong in boast-\\ning that he delivered them from bondage, inasmuch as on the way and as\\nlong as they had provisions, the French had the best, although they fasted\\nwell when the Indians ran out of food. The plundering was caused by\\njealousy only, for as they were from different villages and very few from\\nthat where the French were to go, they did this to have a share of the\\ngoods, of which they were afraid they would get nothing, if they once got\\ninto the village, where tiie French were but the old men blamed the\\nyoung greatly and offered and began the satisfaction which the said\\nAccault was to receive. So little did they retain the French as slaves\\nthat they gave to Rev. Father Louis and the Picard, a canoe to come and\\nobtain tidings of me.\\nAll that Du Luth can say is, that having arrived at the place where the\\nFather and the two Frenchmen had come hunting from the village\\nwhither he went for the first time with them, when they returned there,\\nhe facilitated for them the means of returning more speedily than thev\\nwould have done, inasmuch as they had dissuaded the men whom I had\\nsent from going there but we should have gone for them the following\\nspring, had we not ascertained their return as we did, during the winter^\\nfrom some Outagamis among whom they had passed, Accault finding\\nhimself so little a slave, that he chose to remain till he had received the\\npayment promised him.\\nSeveral remarks, I have no doubt, will be made on this voyage.\\n1st. That I ought to have sent a man that understood the language.\\nTo this it is easy to reply, that I did not send Accault to the Nadoue-\\nsioux, but to ascend the Great river; that he understood the language of\\nthose who were nearest, as the Otoutanta, the Aiounouea,f the Kikapou\\nHennepin says in the beginning of July, 1680.\\nTlie Ottoes and lowas. These two were Dakota tribes, whose language it is not\\nikely Accault knew.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0398.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "FROM LA SALLE S LETTER. 37 I\\nand Maskoutens Nadouesioux, among whom he was to pass first, and\\nthere get interpreters to proceed further, it being impossible to send one\\nwho understood all languages.\\nIt will also be said that in the first voyages, they should not go with so\\nmany goods, which tempt the j^ouug men when disobedient to iheir\\nelders, and leads them to acts which they would not commit, if they saw\\nnothing to tempt them. To this I reply that sending to those nations\\nwith whom we made acquaintance among the Illinois, and by whom\\nAccault was liked, because he had spent two winters and one summer\\nthere, during which time he had seen several of the most important vil\\nlages, by which he was to pass, whom he had gained by little presents\\nthere was nothing to fear at least probably, there being no likelihood,\\nthat they were going to encounter a war party of Nadouesioux three\\nhundred leagues from that country. In the second place these voyages\\nbeing toilsome, those who undertake them do so only by the hope of\\ngain, which caniot be made without goods. In the third place several\\nof these Indians having come to the Islinois while we were staying\\nthere, and having seen the goods which we had, would have felt umbrage\\nor jealousy, believing that their going to their country with little, showed\\na want of friendship or some ill design. Finally, wishing to allure them\\nto come and buy our goods and to make them relish their use, it required\\na somewhat considerable stock.\\n1 have deemed it seasonable to give you a narj ative of the adventures\\nof this canoe, because I have no doubt it will be spoken of, and if you\\ndesire to confer with Father Louis Hempin, Recollect, who has gone\\nback to France, it is necessary to know him somewhat, for he will not\\nfail to exaggerate everything; it is his character; and to myself, he has\\nwritten me, as though he had been all ready to be burned, although he\\nwas not even in danger but he believes that it is honorable for him to\\nact in this way, and he speaks more in keeping with what he wishes than\\nwhat he knows.\\nMargry gives this document as an autograpli letter of La Salle signed by him and\\nexisting in the National Library among the Clairambault papers, and supposes it addressed\\nto the Abbe Bernou. It is pretentious in style and but for this positive statement of\\nMargry, might well be suspected of being rewritten by Bernou in Paris after interviews\\nwith Hennepin.\\nThe following letter of Hennepin to the Abbe Eenaudot, shows that he deemed himself\\nill treated by that gentleman who had apparently thrown doubts on his good faith\\nMonsieur, vous S9ave8 que je vous iii donne la premiere connoissance de nre descou-", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0399.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "372 TONTY S ACCOUNT OF\\nACCOUNT\\nOF\\nHENNEPIN S EXPEDITION IN THE WORK PUB-\\nLISHED IN 1697, AS BY THE CHEVALIER\\nTONTY.*\\nj\u00c2\u00bblr. de ]a Salle cast his eyes on Mr. Dacan to make an exploration of\\nthe lands which lie along the river Mississipi running northeast. To\\naccompany him he selected the Recollect Father Louis with four French-\\nmen and two Indians, supplied them with arms and necessary munitions,\\nand gave them goods to trade with the nations whom they might meet.\\nverte amon arrivee et que je vous a} piis pour Tarbitve des pennes que j ay essuie depuis\\nquati cans. NeanmoiD.- je vois que M. I abbe Bernou n on a pas use a Dion egard comme\\nil le devroit. H connoistra dans le temps et dans reternite la scincerile de mes inten-\\ntione et vous, Monsieur, voires un jour que je suis dans tout le respect possible\\nLe plus humble et le plus passione de vos serviteurs*\\nF. Louis Hennepin,\\nPauvre esclave des barbars.\\nSib You know that I gave you the first intelligence of our discovery on my trrival\\nand that I took you as the arbiter of tl e hardships which I had undergone for four years.\\nNevertheless I see that the Abbe Bernou has not acted in my regard as he should. He\\nwill know in time and eternity the sincerity of my intentions, and you, Sir, will one day\\nsee that I am in all possible respect.\\nThe most humble and devoted of\\nYour Servants,\\nF. Louis Hbnnkpin,\\nPoor Slave of the Savages.\\nMargry still possessed with the idea that Bernou who never was in America wrote the\\nauthentic account of what he never saw, the Upper Mississipi, and that Hennepin who\\nactually made the voyage plagiarized an account of what he saw and did from La Salle\\nor this clairvoyaut Bernou, thinks Buraou s disconteut legitimate at Henuepin s\\npretending to be able to tell what he saw and did. The manner in which La Salle here,\\nand Bernou in the Margry Relation garble Hennepin s account, and deny his being a\\ncaptive is evidently what Hennepin complains of, and his signature shows that this point\\nof his h^lavery, was the one in which he insisted that they wronged him.\\nThere is not a particle of evidence that Accault or Auguelle furnished La Salle any\\ninformation, and Hennepin says they could not write. La Salle admits receiving a letter\\nfrom Hennepin, who is therefore the primary authority.\\nTonty disavowed this work but it was clearly based on data furnished by him,\\nalthough the editor took the widest liberty. The portion here given is very curious.\\nAccault, or with the noble prefix d Accaulthere written Dacan, instead of Dacau, remained\\nn the Sioux country, as already noted, but was subsequently in Illinois (Gravier, Kela-\\nion Illinois, 1693, p. 32) and the information of his and Hennepin s expedition here given\\nwas evidently derived from Accault. The latter in 1693 married a d.iughter of the Chief\\nof the Kaskaskias. We need not say that most of the statements are false.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0400.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "HENNEPIN S VOYAGE. 373\\nThey embarked on the 28th of February in the year 1680 on the river\\nof the Islinois, descended it to the river Mississipi, and pushed their trade\\nwhile ascending this river, until 450 leagues northward, seven leagues\\nfrom its source, striking off from time to time on one side of the river or\\nthe other, to reconnoitre the various nations who dwell there.\\nThis river springs from a great fountain on top of a hill, which is skirted\\nby a very beauiiful plain in the country of tlie Issati, at 50\u00c2\u00b0 n. latitude.\\nFour or five leagues from its source, it becomes so swollen by five or six\\nrivers that empty into it, that it is capable of bearing boats. The surround-\\ning coimtry is inhabited by manj nations, the Hanetons, Issati, Oua,\\nTintonbas, Nadouessaus. Mr. Dacan was very well received by all these\\nnations, traded with them, made several slaves, increased his party by\\nseveral Indian volunteers, and two leagues from the source of this great\\nriver set up the King s arms on the trunk of a great tree in sight of all\\nthese nations, who recognized them as that of their prince and sovereign\\nmaster. He also founded several settlements there, one among the Issati,\\nwheie several Europeans who had joined him in his course, wished to\\ntake up their residence another among the Hanetons another among\\nthe Oua, and finally another among the Tintonhas or Eiver men.\\nCharmed with the docility of these tribes, and moreover attracted by\\nthe great trade in peltries, he advanced inland to the lake of the Asseni-\\npoits. It is, a lake mere than thirty leagues in circuit. Fierce as this\\nnation is it received him very humanely. He founded there a post lor the\\nFrench and another among the Chongaskabes or Nation of the Strong\\ntlieir neiurhbors.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0401.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "374 MEMOIR OF\\nMEMOIR\\nSIEUR DANIEL GREYSOLON DU LUTH ON THE\\nDISCOVERY OF THE COUNTRY OF THE\\nNADOUfiCIOUX IN CANADA OF\\nWHICH HE GIVES A VERY DETAIL-\\nED RELATION, 1685.\\n[Archives of the Ministry of the Marine.]\\nTo MonseigneiLr the Marquis de Seignelay.\\nMON SEIGNEUR,\\nAfter having made two voyages from here to New France, where al]\\nthe people there were there, did not believe it possible to discover the\\ncounlry of the Nadouecioux, nor have any trade with them, both on ac-\\ncount of their remotenecs, which is more than 800 leagues from our settle\\nments, and because they were generally at war with all kinds of nations^\\nThis difficulty made me form the resolution to go among them, a project\\nwhich I could not then carry out, my aflFairs having compelled me to return\\nto this country, whereafter having made the campaign of Franche Comte\\nand the battle of Senef, where I had the honor of being a gendarme in his\\nMajesty s guard, and squire of the Marquis de Lassay, our ensign, I set out\\nto return to Quebec, where I had no sooner arrived, than the|desire which I\\nhad already had to carry out this design increased, and I began to take steps\\nto make myself known to the Indians. Who having assured me of their\\nfriendship, and in proof thereof given me three slaves, whom I had asked\\nfrom them only to accompany me, I set out from Montreal with them and\\nseven Frenchmen on the first of September in the year 1678 to endeavor to\\nmake the discovery of the Nadouecioux and Assenipoualaks,* who were\\nThese names are both Chippewa, and not those used by these tribes themselves\\nThe Chippewas called the Dakotas, Nadowessi-wag, and Bwan-ag, the Nadouechiouek\\nand Poulak of the French. Ouc part of the Dakotas they styled Assini-Bvvanj Stone\\nSioux, Assini meaning stone among Algonquin tribes from Lake Superior to Delaware:\\nBay. Baraga, Otchipwe Diet., pp. 46, 91. This word is our Assiniboin, and with the\\nplural Bufiiz the Assinipoualak of the French.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0402.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "GREYSOLON DU LHUT.\\n375\\nunknown to us, and to make them make peace with all the nations around\\nLake Superior, who live under the sway of our invincible monarch.\\nI do not think that such a departure could give occasion to any one\\nwhatever to charge me with having contravened the orders of the King in\\nthe year 1676, since he merely forbid all his subjects to go into the remote\\nforests, there to trade with the Indians. This I have never done, nor have I\\neven wished to take any presents from Ihem, although they have repeatedly\\nthrown them to me, which I have always refused and left, in order\\nthat no one might tax me with having carried on any indirect trade.\\nOn the 2d of July, 1679, I had the honor to plant his majesty s arms in\\nthe gieat village of the Nadouecioux, called Izatys, where never had a\\nFrenchman been, no more than at the Songaskitons and Houetbatons,\\ndistant six score leagues from the former, where I also planted his\\nmajesty s arms, in the same year 1679.\\nOn the 15th of September, having given the Agrenipoulaks as well as\\nall the other northern nations a rendezvous at the extremity of Lake\\nSuperior to induce them to make peace with the Nadouecioux their\\ncommon enemy. They were all there, and I was happy enough to gain\\ntheir esteem and friendship, to unite them together, and in order that the\\npeace might be lasting among them, I thought that I could not cement it\\nbetter than by inducing the nations to make reciprocal marriages with each\\nother. This I couLl not effect without great expense. The following\\nwinter I made them hold meetings in the woods, which I attended, in\\norder that they might hunt together, give banquets and by this means\\ncontract a closer friendsliip.\\nThe presents which it cost me to induce the Indians to go down to\\nMontreal, who had been diverted by the Openagaux and Abenakis at the\\ninstigation of the English and Dutch, who made them believe that the\\nplague raged in the French settlements, and that it had spread as far as\\nNipissingue, where most of the Nipissiriniens had died of it, have also\\nentailed a greater expense.\\nIn June, 1680, not being satisfied with having made my discovery by\\nland, I took two canoes with an Indian who was my interpreter and four\\nFrenchmen, to seek means to make it by water. With this view I entered\\na river which emptiee eight leagues from the extremity of Lake Superior\\non the soutii side, wlierc after having cut some trees and broken about a\\nhundred beaver dams, I reached tlie upper waters of the said river, and\\nthen I made a portage of half a league to reach a lake, the outlet of which", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0403.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "376\\nMEMOIR OF\\nfell into a very fine river, wliicb took me down into the Mississipi. Being\\nthere I learned from eight cabins of Nadouecioux whom I met, that the\\nReverend Father Louis Henpin, llecoUect, now at the convent of St.\\nGermain, with two other Frenchmen, had been robbed and carried off as\\nslaves for more than 300 leagues by the Nadouecioux themselves.\\nThis intelligence surprised me so much, that without hesitating, I left\\ntv/o Frenchmen with these said eight cabins of Indians, as well as the\\ngoods which I had to make presents, and took one of the said Indians, to\\nwhom I made a present to guide me with my interpreter and two French-\\nmen to where the said Reverend Father Louis was, and as it was a good\\n80 leagues I proceeded in canoe two daj^s and two nights, and tlie next\\nday at ten o clock in the morning I found him with about 1000 or 1100\\nsouls. The want of respect which they showed to the said Reverend\\nFather provoked me, and this I showed them, telling them that he was\\nmy brother, and I had him placed in my canoe to come with me into the\\nvillages of the said Nadouecioux, whither I took him, and in which, a\\nweek after our arrival there, I caused a council to be convened, exposing\\nthe ill treatment which thej had been guilty of both to the said Reverend\\nFather and to the other two Frenchmen who were with him, having\\nrobbed them and carried them off as slaves,* and even taken the priestly\\nvestments of the said reverend Fatlier. I had two calumets which they\\nhad danced to them, returned to them, on account of the insult which\\nthey had offered them, being what they hold most in esteem among them\\nto appease matters, telling them that I did not take calumets from people,\\nwho after they had seen me and received my peace presents, and been\\nfor a year always with Frenchmen, robbed them when they went to\\nvisit them.\\nEach one in the council endeavored to throw the blame from himself,\\nbut their excuses did not prevent my telling the Reverend Father Louis\\nthat he would have to come with me towards the Outagamys, as he did,\\nshowing him that it would be to strike a blow at the French nation in a\\nnew discovery, to suffer an insult of this nature without manifesting re-\\nsentment, although my design was to push on to the sea in a west north-\\nwesterly direction, which is that which is believed to be the Red Sea (Gulf\\nof California), whence the Indians who had gone warring on that side\\ngave salt to three Frenchmen whom I had sent exploring, and wlio brought\\nme said salt, having reported to me that the Indians had told them, that it\\nDu Lhut an eye witness here declares Hennepin s party to have been held as prisoners\\nand thus confirms Hennepin as against La Salle and Bernou.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0404.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "GREYSOLON DU LUHT. 377\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was only twenty days journey from where they were to find the great lake\\nof which the waters were worthless to drink. This has made me believe\\nthat it would not be absolutely difficult to find it, if permission would be\\ngiven to go there. However I preferred to retrace my steps, manifesting\\nto them the just hidignation which I felt against them, rather than to\\nremain after the violence which they had done to the Reverend Father\\nand the other two Frenchmen who were with him, whom I put in my\\ncanoes and brought them back to Michelimakinak, a mission of the\\nReverend Jesuit Fathers, where whUe wintering together, I learned that\\nfar from being approved for what I was doing, consuming my property\\nand risking my life daily, I was regarded as the chief of a band, although\\nI never had more than eight men with me. It was not necessary to tell\\nme more to induce me to set out over the ice on the 29th of March in the\\nyear 1681 with the said Reverend Father and two other Frenchmen, having\\nour canoe and provisions dragged along, in order to reach our settlements\\nas soon as possible, and to make manifest the uprightness of my conduct,\\nhaving never been in a humor to wish myself withdrawn from the\\nobedience which is due to the King s orders.\\nI accordingly proceeded to our settlements three months before the\\namnesty, which it has pleased his majesty to grant to his subjects, who\\nmight have contravened his orders, had arrived, but the Intendant was\\nunwilling to hear any request that I might have been able to present to\\nhim.\\nAs to the manner in which I lived on my voyage, it would be super-\\nfluous for me to expatiate on the subject and to annoy your grace by a\\nong story, being convinced that thirteen original letters of the Reverend\\nNouvel, Superior of the Outaouais missions, the Reverend Father Enjalran,\\nmissionary of Saint Francis de Borgias, the Reverend Father Bailloquet,\\nmissionary of Sainte Marie du Sault, and the Reverend Father Pierson,\\nmissionary of the Hurons at Saint Ignace, all Jesuits, will suffice on the\\nwhole to inform your Grace amply and fully.\\nHarrisse, Notes pour servir a I histoire, c., de la Nouvelle P rance, pp, 177-181.\\nIn the last years of the first adminiBtration of Monsieur de Frontenac, the Sicur da\\nLut, a man of ability and experience, opened the way for missionaries and the gospel in\\nseveral different nations, striking north of said Lake (Superior), where he even built a\\nfort; he penetrated even to the Lake of the Iseati, called Lake Buade, from the family\\nname of Monsieur de Fronteuac, planting the King s arms among several nations to the\\nright and left, where missionaries are still doing their best to introduce Christianity, fcc.\\nLe Clercq, Etablissement, ii, p. 137-8.\\n28", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0405.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "378\\nDESCRIPTION OF\\nDESCRIPTION OF NIAGARA FALLS.\\n[Nouvelle Decouverte, pp. 443-455.]\\nWe passed back by the great Fall of Niagara and employed ourselves\\nduring half a day in contemplating this prodigious cascade. I could not\\nconceive, how it could be, that four great lakes the least of which i\u00c2\u00bb\\nfour hundred leagues in circuit, and which empty into one another,\\nwhich all come at last massed at this great fall do not inundate this great\\npart of America. What is more surprising in this is, that from the mouth\\nof Lake Erie to this great fall, the land appears almost all smooth and level.\\nYou can scarcely perceive that one part is higher than another, and this-\\nfor the space of six leagues. It is only the surface of the water, the cur-\\nrent of which is very rapid, that makes it noticeable. What is still more\\nsurprising is, that from this great cataract to two leagues lower down pro-\\nceeding towards Lake Ontario or Frontenac, the land appears as level as\\nin the part above from Lake Erie to this prodigious fall.\\nOur admiration redoubled especially at there being no mountain in sight\\ntill two good leagues below this cascade. And yet the discharge of so\\nmuch water, coming from these fresh water seas, centres at this spot and\\nthus plunges down more than six hundred feet, falling as into an abyss\\nwhich we could not behold without a shudder. The two great sheets of\\nwater which are on the two sides of the sloping island that is in the middle,\\nfall down without noise and without violence, and glide in this manner\\nwithout din but when this great mass of water reaches the bottom then\\nthere is a noise and a roaring greater than thunder.\\nMoreover the spray of the water is so great that it forms a kind of\\nclouds above this abyss, and these are seen even at the time when the sun\\nis shining brightest at midday. No matter how hot it is in the midst of\\nsummer, they are always seen over the spruces and the tallest trees on\\nthis sloping island, by means of which the great sheets of water, I have\\nmentioned, are formed.\\nMany a time did I wish that day that I had persons able to describe\\nthis great and horrible fall, in order to give a just and circumstantial\\naccount, capable of satisfying the reader, and enabling him to admire\\nthis wonder of nature; as fully as it deserves. But here is a description of\\nthis prodigy of nature, such as I can give it in writing, to enable the\\ncurious reader to conceive as true an idea as possible.\\nFrom the issue of Lake Erie to the great fall, is reckoned six leagues, as\\nI have said, and this continues the Great river St. Lawrence, which", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0406.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0407.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0408.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "NIAGARA FALLS. 379\\nissues from all these^lakes already mentioned. It is easy to conceive\\nthat in this space the river is very rapid, since it is the outlet of this vast\\nmass of water, issuing from all these lakes. The land on both sides, east\\nand west of this current, seem always level from the said Lake Erie to\\nthe great fall. The banks are not steep and the water is almost every\\nwhere even with the land. You see indeed that the land below is lower,\\nas in fact the waters flow with very great rapidity. This however is\\nalmost inperceplible during the six leagues mentioned.\\nAfter these six leagues of great rapidity the waters of this river meet a\\nsloping island, about half a quarter of an hour long, and about three\\nhundred feet wide, as well as can be judged by the eye, because it is im-\\npossible to cross over to this island in bark canoes without exposing one-\\nself to certain death on account of the violence of the waters. This\\nisland is covered with cedar and spruce. Yet the surface is not more ele-\\nvated than that of the two banks of the river. They seem even level\\ndown to the two great cascades which compose the great fall. The two\\nbanks of the channels, which are formed on meeting this island, and\\nwhich flow on either side, all but wash the very surface of the land on\\nthis island, as well as that on the two banks of the river, on the east and\\nwest, descending from south to north. But it is to be noted, that at the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0extremity of the islands, on the side of the great sheets or water falls,\\nthere is a projecting rock which descends into the great gulf into which these\\nwaters plunge. Yet this projecting rock is not swept by the two sheets of\\nwater that fall on either side of it, because the two channels which are\\nformed by meeting this island, rush down with extreme rapidity, one on\\nthe east, the other on the west, from the point of this island, and there the\\ngreat fall is formed.\\nSo after these two channels flow on either side of the island, they all\\nat once come and hurl their waters in two great sheets, which fall com-\\npactly and are thus sustained by the rapidity of their fall without wetting\\nthis projecting rock. Then it is that they are precipitated into an abyss\\nwhich is below at a depth of more than six hundred feet.\\nThe waters which flow on the east, do not descend so impetuously as\\nthose that fall on the west. The sheet flows more gently because this\\nprojecting rock at the end of the island, rises higher on this side than on\\nthe west and this supports the waters longer that are on that side. But\\nthis rock leaning more to the west and not sustaining them so long, causes\\nthem to fall sooner and more precipitately. This arises too from the fact", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0409.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "38o\\nDESCRIPTION OF\\nthat the land on the western side is lower than that on the east. Hence\\nwe see that the water of the slieet of water on the west falls in the form\\nof a square making a third sheet, less than the two others, which falls\\nbetween the south and north.\\nAnd because there is high ground on the north, which is before these\\ntwo great cascades, there the prodigious gulf is much wider than on the\\neast. Yet it must be remarked, that a man can descend from this high\\nground, which is opposite the two last sheets of water, which you find\\nwest of the great fall, down to the bottom of this frightful abyss. The\\nauthor of this discovery has been there, and has witnessed near at hand\\nthe fall of the great cascades. There can be seen a considerable distance\\nbelow the sheet of water which falls on the east, so that four carriages\\ncould drive abreast without getting wet. But because the ground east of\\nthe descending rock, where the first sheet of water plunges into this gulf,\\nis very steep, almost perpendicular in fact, no man can on that side reach\\nthe spot where the four carriages could pass without getting wet, or can\\npierce this great mass of water which falls towards the gulf. Hence it is\\nveiy probable, that it is to this dry part, that the rattle snakes retire\\nreaching it by subterranean passages.\\nIt is at the end then of this sloping island that these two great sheets,\\nof water are formed, with the thu-d that I have mentioned, and it is thence\\nthat they plunge, leaping in a frightful manner into this prodigious gulf,\\nmore than six hundred feet down, as we have remarked. I have already\\nsaid that the waters falling on the east plunge and descend with less\\nviolence, and on the other hand, those on the west descend all at once^\\nand form two cascades, one moderate, the other very violent. But finally\\nthese two last faUs makes a kind of hook or bent form and descend from\\nsouth to north and from west to east. After which they meet the waters\\nof the other sheet, which falls on the east, and then it is that they both\\nfall, although unequally into this fearful abyss, with all the impetuosity\\nthat can be imagined in a fall six hundred feet high, forming the finest\\nand at the same time the most awful cascade in the world.\\nAfter these waters have thus plunged into this frightful gulf, they\\nresume their course and continue the great River St. Lawrence for two\\nleagues to the three mountains, on the east side of this river, and to the\\ngreat rock which is on the west and which seems to rise very high out of\\nthe water three fathoms from the land or thereabouts. The abyss into\\nwhich these waters descend, continues thus for two leagues between two", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0410.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "NIAGARA FALLS.\\n381\\nchains of mountains, forming a great rock-lined ravine, on both sides of\\nthe river.\\nIt is into this gulf then that all these waters fall with an impetuousity\\nthat can be imagined in so high a fall, so prodigious, for its horrible mass\\nof water. There are formed those thunders, those roarings, those fearful\\nbounds and seethings, with that perpetual cloud rising above the cedars\\nand spruces, that are seen on the projecting island, already mentioned.\\nAfter the channel reunites below this horrible fall, by the two ranges\\nof rocks of which we have spoken, and which is filled by this prodigious\\nquantity of water, continually falling there, the River St. Lawrence begins\\nagain to flow from that place but it is with so much violence, and it,\\nwaters lash the rocks on both sides with such terrible impetuosity, that if\\nis impossible to sail there even in a bark canoe, in which however by\\nsailing close in shore you can pass the most violent rapids.\\nThese rocks and this ravine continue for two leagues from the great\\nfall to the three mountains and great rock already mentioned. However\\nall this diminishes insensibly as you approach the three mountain^, and\\nthe great rock and then the ground begins to be almost even with the\\nriver and this continues to Lake Frontenac or Ontario.\\nWhen you are near the great fall and cast your eyes down this fearful\\ngulf, you are filled with awe, and all who attempt to look steadily at this\\nhorrible fall get giddy. But at last this ravine diminishes and becomes\\na mere nothing, at the three mountains, the waters of the River St.\\nLawrence begin to flow more gently. This great rapid slackens, thejiver\\nalmost resuming the level of the land. It is thence navigable to Lake\\nFrontenac, across which you sail to reach the new channel formed by its\\ndischarges. Then you re-enter the River St. Lawrence, which soon after\\nforms what is called the Long Fall, a hundred leagues from Niagara.\\nI have often heard people talk of the Cataracts of the Nile, which\\ndeafen those who are near. I do not know whether the Iroquois who\\nformerly dwelt near this fall and who lived on deer which the waters of\\nthis fall dragged with them, and which they hurled down such a prodi\\ngious depth, have retired from the neighborhood of this great waterfall\\nfrom fear of losing their hearing, or whether this was induced by the\\ndanger they were constantly exposed to from rattlesnakes, which are\\nfound here during the great heats, and which retire to cavities in the\\nrocks as far as the mountains two leagues below, where they cannot be\\nattacked.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0411.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "382 BIBLIOGRAPHY.\\nBIBLIOGRAPHT OF HENNEPIN.*\\n1. THE DESCRIPTION DE LA LOUISIANE.\\nFrench.\\n1. Description de la Louisiane, nouvellement decouverte au Sud\\nOuost de la Nouvelle France, Par ordre du Roy. Avec la Carte du Pays:\\nLes Moeurs la maniere de viwe des Sauvages. Dedie e a sa Majeste\\nPar le R. P. Louis Hennepin, Missionnaire Recollet Notaire Aposto-\\nlique. I Monogram A A A Paris, Chez la Veuve Sebastien Hure\\nrue I Saint Jacques, a 1 Image S. Jerome, pres S. Severin. M.\\nDC.LXXXIII. I Avec Privilege dv Roy.\\n12\u00c2\u00b0, pp. (12), 312, Les Moeurs des Sauvages, pp. 107. Map by Guerard.\\nCarte de la Nouuelle France et de la Louisiane Nouuellement de-\\ncouuerte dediee Au Roy I an 1683 Par le Reuerend Pere Louis\\nHennepin Missionaire Recollect et Notaire Apostolique.\\nPrivilege granted Sept 8, 1682, registered Sept. 10. Printing completed\\nJan. 5, 1683.\\nThe map carries the Mississippi below the mouth of the Illinois, does\\nnot indicate the Ohio or Missouri Pictures a tree with the French\\narms, and marks the spot near Lake Buade, and a church and Missions\\ndes Recollects near the Lake des Assenipoils, evidently to inform readers\\nthat a church indicated a Recollect mission.\\n2. Some copies of this edition with the same privilege and note\\nas to printing, have on title, Apostolique, in a line by itself and.\\nA Paris, Chez Amable Auroy, Proche la Fontaine S. Severin,\\nM.DC.LXXXIV. I\\nThe A A on the title is the monogram of Amable Auroy.\\n3. Title to A Paris as in No. 1. A Roman q. in Apostolique. Chez\\n-Amable Auroy, riie Saint 1 Saint Jacques a ITmage S. Jerome, attenant\\nla Fontaine S. Severin. M. DC. L. XXXVIII Avec Privilege dv Roy.\\n12mo, pages as is No. 1. After privilege Acheve d imprimer pour la\\n^seconde fois, le 10. Mars 1688. De ITmprimerie de Laurent Rondet. Same\\nmap.\\nIn this I received valuable aid from Dr. George H. Moore, Hon. John E. Bart-\\nlett, and Mr. Sabin a Dictionary.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0412.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "BIBLIOGRAPHY. 383\\nItalian.\\n4. Descrizione 1 1 della Lvigiaua Paese nuovamente scoperto nel-\\n1 America Settentrionale, sotto gl auspicij del Christianissimo Lvigi\\nXIV. I Con la Carta Geografica del mede simo, Costumi, e manicre di\\nI viuere di que Saluaggi. Del P. Lvigi Hennepin Fraucescano Recol-\\nletto, e Missionario Apostolico in questa Scoperta. Tradotta del\\nFrancese, e Dedicata al Reverendiss. P. D. Ludovico de Conti Gverra\\nAbbate Casinense de S. Proculo di Bologna. In Bologna, per Giacomo\\nMonti, 1686. Con Licenza de Superiori.\\n12\u00c2\u00b0, pp. 12, 396. Map.\\nPage 2 coutains Vidit and Imprimatur. Then follows a Dedication\\nby the translator Casimiro Freschot dated Jan. 21,1686. Bologna, 10 pp.\\nDutch.\\n5. Engraved title. OntdekkUig van Louisania Door den Vader\\nL. Hennepin. Benevens de Beschryving van Noord-America door den\\nHeer Denys. t Amsterdam by Jan ten Hoorn, 1688.\\nPrinted title. Beschryving van Louisania, Nicwelijks ontdekt ten\\nZuid-Westen van Nieuw-Vrankryk, Door order van den Koning. I\\nMet de Kaart des Landts, en een nauwkeurige verhande- ling van de\\nZeden en manieren van leeven der Wilden. Door den Vader Lodevi^yk\\nHennepin, Recolletsche Missionaris in die Gewesten, en Apostolische\\nNotaris. Mitsgaders de Geographische en Historische Beschrijving der\\nKusten van Noord America, Met deNatuurlijkeHistoire des Landts. l\\nDoor den Heer Denys, Gouverneur Lieutenant Generaal voor Zijn\\nAllerchriste- lijkste Majesteit, en Eigenaar van alle de Landen en Ei- I\\nlanden gelegen van Cap de Campseaux tot aan Cap des Roziers.\\nVercjeirtmetKopereFiguren. 1 1 Amsterdam, By Jan ten Hoorn, Boekver-\\nkooper over t Oude Heeren Logement, in de Histori-Schryver. A, 1688\\n4\u00c2\u00b0. Engraved title, pp. (4), 158, (5), map, 6 plates, pp. (4), 200 (4).\\nGerman.\\n6. Beschreibung der Landschafft Lovisiaua, welche auf Befehl des:\\nKonigs in Frank- reich neulich gegen Siidwesten Neu-Frankreichs\\nin America entdecket worden. J NebensteinerLand-Carten und Bericht..\\nvon den Sitten und Lebens-Art der Wilden in Sel- biger Landschafft. 1\\nIn Franzosischer Sprache heraus gegeben durch P. Ludwig Henne-\\npin Mission. Recoil. und Notarium Apostolicum. Nun aber ins Teutsche\\niibersetzet (ornament). Niirnberg In Verlag Andreae Otto, 1689. I", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0413.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "38+\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY.\\n12\u00c2\u00b0, 425 pp, map. flennepiu ends on p. 352, then new title Beschrei-\\nbung I einer sonderbaren Reise etiicher bisher noch unbekannter\\nLander und Volcker im Mitter-nachtigen America, welche 1673 durch\\nP. Marquette, S. J. und Herrn Jolliet j verrichtet worden. Aus dem\\nFranzosischen ins Teutsche iibersetzet. Niirnberg, 1689.\\n7. Same. Nurnberg Andreas Otto, 1692, 18\u00c2\u00b0, pp. 427, map.\\nEnglish.\\n8. A I Description of Louisiana. By Father Louis Hennepin Re.\\ncollect Missionary. Translated from the edition of 1683, and compared\\nwith the Nouvelle Decouverte, the La Salle documents, and other con-\\ntemporaneous papers. By John Gilmary Shea. New York. John G.\\nShea. I 1880.\\n8\u00c2\u00b0, pp. 408, map, facsimile ot title of edition of 1683, view of Niagara\\nfrom the Nouvelle Decouverte, 1697.\\nIL THE NOUVELLE DECOUVERTE.\\nFrench.\\n1. (Engraved title) Nouvelle Decouverte d un tres grand Pays Situe\\ndansl AmGrique Par R. P. Lovisde Hennepin. aUtrec chez Guiliaume\\nBroedelet.\\n(Printed title) Nouvelle Decouverte j d un tres grand Pays Situe\\ndans I Amerique, entre Le Nouveau Mexique, et La Mer Glaciale,\\nAvec les Cartes, les Figures necessaires, de plus I Histoire Natur elle\\nMorale, les avantages, qu ou en pent tirer par I etablissement dea\\nColonies. Le tout dedie a Sa Majeste Britannique. Guiliaume III. I\\nPar le R. P. Louis Hennepin, Missionaire Recollect Notaire Aposto-\\nlique. I A Utrecht, Chez Guiliaume Broedelet, Marchand Libraire.\\nMDOXCVII.\\n12\u00c2\u00b0, pp. (70) 1-312, 10 pp. marked 313,* 313-506. 2 maps, plate of\\nNiagara Falls, p 44 and of Bison.\\nThis work begics with Epistre Dedicatoire 23 pp., Avis an Lecteur, 26\\npp., giving details as to his trials and diflficulties. Table de Chapitres, 19\\npp. The text begins with some general remarks, and biographical details,\\nand then follows the Description de la Louisiane, expanding it, to p. 200\\nwhen it copies from Le Clercq s Etablissment de laFoi, p. 153. From p. 249\\nto 312 is an account of a pretended voyage down the Mississippi. The\\nstar pages and most of the remainder are from the Description de la", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0414.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "THE NOUVELLE DfiCOUVERTE. 385\\nLouisiane enlarged. From 813 to end is in different type from preceding\\nportion, the claapter heads have arable figures, while in the earlier part\\nthey have Roman numerals, the head lines differ, being nouvell decouv.\\nbefore 313 and Xouvel. Decouv. after 313. The spacing is also difierent,\\nall tending to show that it was set in another office and by other hands.\\nThe introduction of star pages shows that the succeeding portion was\\nprinted first. The type on last page is smaller than the body of the work.\\nThe work has been rewritten by some literary man, not versed in Canadian\\naffairs or Catholic terms. The Moeurs des Sauvages is omitted. Whether\\nall from 249 to the last 313 was inserted after the work was printed in its\\noriginal form is a question on which Hennepin s credit depends.\\nThe map continues the Mississippi to the gulf, calls the Missouri. R.\\nOteuta, puts the Chiquacha on the R. Tamaroa below it, the Akansa on a\\nR Ouma, and to two rivers below on the west absurdly gives the names\\nHiens and Sablonniere taken from La Salle s last voyage It omits the\\ntree with tlie French arms.\\n2, Nouvelle Decouverte d un tres grand Pays Bitue dans I Amerique\\nentre Le Nouveau Mexique, et la Mer Glacialc, Avec lee Cartes, et les\\nFigures necessaires, et de plus I Histoire Naturelie et Morale, et lesavan-\\ntages I qu on en pent tirer par I etablissement des Colonies |Le toutdedie\\na sa Majeste Britannique, Guillaume III par le R. P. Louis Hennepin\\nMissiouaire Recollect Notaire Apostolique. A. Amsterdam, Chez\\nAbraham van Someren. MDCXCVIII.\\n12\u00c2\u00b0, pp. (70) 506 Engraved title, 10 star pages 313 as before, 2 maps\\n2 plates. This edition corresponds page for page with tlie edition of 1697\\nincluding the star pages to p. 5C0, but is uniformly printed as regards head-\\nings. After that a little is gained on each page to bring it all in on p.\\n506 in the same type.\\n3 Voyage ou Nouvelle Decouverte d un tres grand pays, d;\u00e2\u0080\u009en\\nI Amerique, entre le Nouveau Mexique et la Mer Glacialc, Par le R.\\nP. Louis Hennepin, Avec toutes les particularitez de ce Pais, de celui\\nconnu sous le nom de La Louisiane; les avantages qu on en pent tirer\\npar I I etablissement des Colonies enrichie de Cartes Geographiques.\\nAugmente do quelques figures en taille douce. Avec un voyage Qui\\ncontient une Relation exacte de I Origine, Sloeurs, Coutumes, Religion,\\nGuerres Voyages des Caraibes, Sauvages des Isles Antilles de I Ame-\\nrique, I Faite par le Sieur de la Borde, Tiree du Cabinet de Monsr.\\nBlonde]. A. Amsterdam, Chez Adriaan Braakman. MDCCIV.\\n29", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0415.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "386\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY.\\n13 pp. (34) 604, (32). 493 printed 293. 2 maps, engraved title, 6 plates\\nNiagara, Bison, the Building of the Griffln, Indians alarmed at a Mon-\\nstrance, the Buffalo country, and Hennepin s companions taking goods\\nfrom the cache.\\nHennepin s voyage ends on p. 516.\\n4 Vo^ ^age Curieux Du R. P. Louis Hennepin, Missionnaire Recollect\\nNotaire Apostolique, Qui contient une Nouvelle Decouverte\\nI D un Tres-Grand Pays Situe dans 1 Amerique, Entre le Nouveau\\nMexique la Mer Glaciale, Avec Toutes les particularitez de ce Pays,\\nles avantages qu on en pent tirer par I etablissement des Colonies,\\nenrichi de Cartes augmente de quolques figures en taille douce ne-\\ncessaires. Outre cela on a aussi ajoute ici un Voyage Qui contient une\\nRelation exacie de 1 origiue, Mceurs, Coutumes, Religion, Guerres\\nVoyages Des Caraibes, Sauvages des Isles Antilles del Amerique,\\nFaite par le csieur de la Borde, Employe a la Conversion des Caraibes,\\net tiree du Cabinet de Mr. Blondel. A La Haye, Chez Jean Kittp,\\nMarchand Libraire, dans le Spuy-Straet. 1704.\\n12\u00c2\u00b0, Engraved title, pp (32) 604 (32) 2 maps, 6 plates, same misprint of\\n293 for 493.\\n5. Same A Leide, 1 Chez Pierre Van der Aa, 1704.\\n6. Voyages Curieux et Nouveaux de Messieurs Hennepin De la\\nBorde, Oal on voit line Description tres Particuliere, d un Grand Pays\\ndans r Amerique, entre le Nouvcau Mexique, la Mer Glaciale, avec\\nune Relation Curieuse des Caraibes Sauvages des Isles Antilles de 1\\nAmerique, leurs Mceurs. Coutumes, Religion c. Le tout accompagne\\ndes Cartes figures necessaires. A Amsterdam, Aux depens de la Com-\\npagnie, MDCXI.\\nSame as preceding, but vrith title printed oblong and folded iu. Same\\nmisprint of 293 for 493.\\n7. Voyage on Nouvelle Decouverte d un tres grand Pais, dans 1\\nAmerique, entre le Nouveau Mexique et la Mer Glaciale.\\nAugmente de quelques figures en taille douce avec un voyage\\nI qui contient une relation exacte de 1 Origine, Mceurs, Contumes, Reli-\\ngion, Guerres et Voyages des Caraibes, Sauvages des Isles Antilles de 1\\nAmerique. Faite par le Sieur de la Borde. Amsterdam. Jacques Des-\\nbordes, 1712.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0416.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "THE NOUVELLE DfiCOUVERTE. 387\\n12\u00c2\u00b0, Engraved title. Title, dedication (11) avis au lecteur (13) Table (9)\\n604 pp Table de niatieres (30). Map, 6 plates.\\n8. Decoiiverte d un Paj^s pins grand qne I Enrope, situe dans L\\nAmeriqne entre le ISTouveau Mexique la Mer Glaciale. printed in\\nRecueil de Voiages au Nord, Tome Neuvieme. A Amsterdam Chez Jean\\nFrederic Bernard, MDCCXXXVII.\\n12\u00c2\u00b0, pp (2) 464 (10). Map.\\nDutch.\\n9. JSTieuwe Ontdekkinge Van eeu groot Land, gelegen in America\\nI tusschen nieuw Mexico en de Ys-Zee. Behelzende de gelegentheid der\\nzelve nieuwe ontdekte Landen de Rivieren enlgroote Meertsn in t\\nzelve. Eu voor al van de groole Rivier Meschasipi genaamd. De\\nKolonien die men by de zelve tot voor deel van dozen Staat, zo ten\\nopzich I te van den Koophandel, als tot verzekeringe der Spaansche\\nGoud-Mijneu, zou konnen oin-echten. De uitneemendti vruclitbaar-\\nheid van t Land over- viced der Visscheu in den Rivieren. De ge-\\ndaanten, inborst, geloove en oeffe- nuigen der Wildeii aldaar woonende\\nDe vreemde Dieren in liaare Rosscheu en velden. Met een Korte aan-\\nmerkinge oevr de 20 genaamde Straat Aniam en t middel om door een\\nkotteweg, zonder de Linie ^quinoctiaal te passeeren, na China en\\nJapan te komen met veele curieuse dingen meer. Alles met goede\\nKaarten tot dezc aanwijzinge nodig, en met Kopere Plaaten vercierd\\nmet goed-vindinge van den Koning van Engeland. Wilhelmus\\ndeen III. In t licht gegeeven En aan de Zelve zijne Majesteit opge-\\ndraagen door L(?dew3^k Hennepin, Missionaris Recollect en Notaris\\nApostoliek. Tot Amsterdam, By Abraham van Someren. 1699.\\n4\u00c2\u00b0 pp (26), 220, (14). 2 maps, 2 plates.\\n10. Nieuwe Ontdekking van een Groot Land, gelegen in j America,\\nTusschen Nieuw Mexico en de Ys-Zee. Behelzende de gelegenheid\\nder zelve nieuw ontdekte Landen, de Rivieren en groote Meeren, en\\nvoor al de groote Rivieren Meschasipi ge- naamd de Colonien die men\\nby de zelve tot voordeel van dezen Staat, zo ten opzichte van den\\nKoophandel, als tot verzekeringe der Spaan- sche Goud-Mijnen, zon\\nkonnen oprechten Benevens een Aanhangsel, behelzende een\\nReize door een gedeelte van de Spaansche West-Indien, en een Verhaal\\nvan d Expiditie der Franscheu op Cartagena. Door L. de C, j Tot\\nAmsterdam, By Andries van Damme, Boekverkooper 1702. 1", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0417.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "388\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY.\\n4\u00c2\u00b0 engraved title, pp. (24) 220. (14) 2 maps, 2 plates. 2dcI part, pp. 47,\\nmap, plate.\\nTa 11. Aenmerkelyke Voyagie Gecl^.an na t Ged -3lte van Noorder\\nAmeilca, Belielz.ade een nieuwe ontdekkinge van een seer Groot\\nLand, gelegen tusschen Nieuw Mexico en de Ys-Zee. Vei /attende de\\ngelegentheid der zelve nieuw ontdekte Lan- 1 den de Revieien en groote\\nMeeren in t zelve. En voor al van de groote Revier Meschasipi genaamd-\\nDie Kolonien die men by de zelve tot voordeel van dezen Staat, zo ten\\nopzichte van den Koopliandel, als tot verzekeringe der Spaansche\\nGoud Mijntn zou konnen oprecbten. De uitnemende vruchtbaarheid\\nvan t I Land overvloed der Visscben in die Rivieren. De gedaanten,\\ninborst, geloove en oefTeningen der Wilden aldaar woonende. De\\nvreemde Diereu in Haare Boescben en Velden. Met een korle aanmer-\\nkin -e over de zogenaamde Straat Aniam; en t middel om door een\\nkorte weg, zonder der Linie JSquinoctiaal te passeeren, na Cbina en\\nJapan te komen met vcele an dereby sonderbedeu meer. Door Lode-\\nwyk Hennepin, Mis^ionaris Recollect en Kotaris Apostoliek. Desen\\nlaasten Druk is niet alleen vercjierd, metnoodige Kaarten maar ook met\\nverscbede Kopere Printverbeeldingen, noyt te vooren soogesien. Te\\nLeyden, By Pieter van der Aa, 1704.\\n4\u00c2\u00b0, PP- (32), 219, (13), 2 maps, 6 plates Niagara, Buffalo, Building of\\nGriffin, Indians alarmed at Monstrance, Buffalo country. At tbe Cacbe.\\n12. Aanmerkelyke voyagie gedaan na t gedeelde van Noorder\\nAmerica, 1 bebelzende een nieuwe ontdekkinge van een seer groot\\nLand, gelegen tuscben Nieuw Mexico en de Ys-Zee, c. Te Rotterdam,\\nBy Barent Bos, 1704.\\n4\u00c2\u00b0, pp. 22, (219,) 13. 2 maps, 6 plates.\\nA 13. De Gedeukwaardige We-.t-Indise Voyagien, Gedaan door\\nCbristoffel Columbus, Americus Vesputius, en Lodewijck Hennepin.\\nBebelzende een naaukeurige en waaracbtige Bescbrijving der eerste en\\nlaatste Americaanse ontdekkingen, Door de voornoemde Reizigers\\ngedaen, met alle de byzondere voorvallen, bet overgekomen. Mits-\\ngaders een Getrouw en aenmaerkelyk Verbaal, c. Te Leyden By\\nSti. ^^c -Pieter van der Aa. 1704.\\n4\u00c2\u00b0, pp. 22 (219,) 13. 2 maps, 6 plates.\\n,14. Nieuwe Ontdekkinge, van groote Lande in Amerika, tusscben", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0418.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "THE NOUVEAU VOYAGE. 3 89\\n^ieuw-Mexlco en de Ys-Zee Bsnevens een Aaiihangsel, be-\\n-helzende een Reize door een gedeelte van de Spaansch West Indian door\\nL. de C. Amsterdam 1722.\\nGekman.\\n15. Neue Entdeckung vielei eshr grossenLandschafften in America\\nzwischen Neu-Mexico iind dem Eyss-Meer gelegen log Teutsclie\\niibersetzt durch M. J. G. Langen Mit L :nd-Chartea and Kupffer\\nFiguren. Bremen Philip Gottfr. Saurmans 1699.\\n12\u00c2\u00b0 pp. (63), 383. Engraved frontispiece, map and two plates.\\n16. Neue Reise Beschreibung nac ae Araeiica, und derer bisher\\nnoch unbekandten Lan- der und Volcker, v-Tcnemlich von der Land-\\nschafft I Lovisiana, und den Sitten und Lebens Art der Wil- den in\\nselbiger LandschafFt. Aus dera Franzosisclien iiber- setzt und mit\\nKupfern geziert. Niirnberg. 1739. Im Verlag Christ. Fried Feisze.\\n18\u00c2\u00b0, pp. 425. 2 maps\\nABRIDGEMENTS.\\nSpaisish.\\n1. Relacion de uu pais que nuevamente se ha descu- bierto en la\\nAmerica Septentrional de mas estendido que es la Europa. Y que\\nsaca a luz en Castellano, debajo de la pro- j teccion de el Exmo Sr.\\nDuque de el Int antado, Pastrana, c. el Sargente General de Batalla 1\\nDon Sebastian Fernandez de Me- drano. Director de la Academia Rea|\\ny I Militar de el Exercito de los Paises Bajos. En Brusselas, En casa de\\nLamberto Marchant, MDC,XCIX.\\n1-2\u00c2\u00b0, pp. (8) 86, map, 2 plates.\\nEnglish.\\n2. A Discovery of a Large, Rich and Plentiful Country in the North\\nAmerica; Extending above 4000 Leagues. Wherein, By a very short\\nPassage, lately found out, thro the Mer-Barmejo into the South- Sea\\nby which a considerable Trade might be carry d on, as well in the\\nNorthern as the Southern Parts of America. London Printed for W.\\nBoreham, at the Angel in Pater-Noster Row. [17^0. 8\u00c2\u00b0, pp. (2) 22.\\nIII. THE NOUVEAU VOYAGE.\\nFrench.\\n1. Nouveau Voyage d un Pais plus grand que I Europe. Avec les\\nreflections des entreprises du Sieur de la Salle sur les mines de Ste", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0419.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "390\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY.\\nBarbe, c. EnricM de la Carte, de figures expressives, des moeurs,\\nmanieres de vivre des Sauvagea du Nord, du Sud, de la prise de\\nQuebec, Ville Capital- le de la Nouvelle France, par les Anglois,\\ndes I avantages qu on peut retirer du chemin racourci de la Chine du\\nJapon, par le moien de tant de Vastes Contrees de Nouvelles Colonies.\\nAvec approbation dedie a sa Majeste Guillaume III. Roy de la\\nGrande Bretagne par le| R. P. Louis Hennepin, Missionnaire Re-\\ncollect Notaire Apostolique. A Utrecbt 1 Chez Antoine Schouten,\\nMarchand Libraire, 1698*\\n8 pp. (70) (2) 389, 4 plates, 1 map.\\n3-3. Voyage en an Pays plus grand que I Europe, Entre la Mer\\nGlaciale le Nouveau Mexique. Par le P. Hennepin, printed in\\nRecueil de Voyages au Nord, contenant 1 Divers Memoires trea\\nutiles au Commerce a la Navigation. Tome V. Troisieme\\nEdition augmentee d une Relation. A Amsterdam, Chez Jean Frederic\\nBernard. MDCCXXXIV.\\n12\u00c2\u00b0, pp. 197-370.\\nAlso one called second edition, 1720.\\nThe first edition of the Voyages au Nord in four volumes 1715-9,\\ndid not include Hennepin at all.\\nThe second edition gave the Nouveau Voyage the third edition, 10 vols.,\\nthe Nouveau Voyage in Vol. V, and the Nouvelle Decouverte in Vol. IX.\\nDutch.\\n4 (Engraved title) Reyse door Nieuwe Ondekte Landen (Printed\\ntitle) Aenmerckelycke Historische Reijs Beschryvinge Door verscheyde\\nLanden veel grooter als die van gelieel EvrojDa onlanghs ontdeckt. Be-\\nhelsende eeu nauwkeurige Beschrijviuge van gelegentheyd, natuur, en\\nvrughtbaerheyd, van t Zuyder, en Noorder gedeelte van America mits-\\ngaders de gedaente, aerd, manieren, Idedingen, en t geloove der talrijke\\nWilde Natien, de Hoof tstad van Cana da, door de Englischen. De geivig-\\ntige aenmerkingeu op de ouderneminge van de Heer de la Salle, op de\\nGoud-Mljiien van St. Barbara, met veel meerandere waeragtige ea selsd-\\nsame geschiedenissen. En in t besonder de aenwijsingen om door een\\nkorten wegh sender de Linie Equinoctiael te passeereu, na Chiua en Japan\\nte komeu en de groote voordeelen die men hier door, als mede door de\\nnieuwe Volckplantigen in dese vrughtbaare Landen sou konnen trecken.\\nAlles I met een netteKaert tot dese aenwijsinge uodig, en kopere Platen", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0420.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "NEW DISCOVERY, ETC. 39 I\\nTerciert. Met Approbatie van Willi elmus den III. Komnugh van\\nGroot-Britanie. En aau deselve sijne Majesteyt opgedragen door\\nLodewyck Hennepin, Missionaris Recollect, en Notaris Apostolick.\\nTot Utrecht, By Anthony Schouten. 1698.\\n4\u00c2\u00b0, pp. (28) 143, last page misprinted 342, (18).\\nMap Carte d un Noiiveau Monde entre le Nouveau Mexique et la Mer\\nGlaciale. Gasp. Bouttats fecit.\\nGekman.\\n5 Nene j Keise Beschreibung durch viele Lander weit grosser als\\n^antz Europa durch L. Hennepin. Bremen Phil. Gottfr.\\nSaurmans, 1698.|\\n8\u00c2\u00b0, pp. (64) 288, 4 plates.\\n6 Reisen j und sclisehme Begebenheiten Oder sonderbare Enuieckung\\nvieler sehr grossen Lander in A.merika. Welche biszhero noch unbe-\\nkannt gewesen, und an Grcisse gantzEuro- pa iibertreffen, c., Bre-\\nmen Nathaniel Saurmaun, 1742.\\n18\u00c2\u00b0, pp. (24) 382, 2 maps, 2 plates.\\nTHE NOUVELLE DECOUVERTE AND NOUVEAU VOYAGE\\nTOGETHER.\\nEnglish.\\n1. A I New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, extending above\\nFour Thousand Miles, between New France and New Mexico with\\na I Description of the Great Lakes, Oata- racts. Rivers, Plants, and\\nAnimals. Also, the Manners, Customs and Languages of the se- 1 veral\\nnative Indians and the advantage of Com- merce with those differen\\nNations, j With a Continuation, Giving an Account of the Attempts\\nof the Sieur de la Salle upon the Mines of St. Barbe, c. The Taking\\nof Quebec by the English With the Advantages of a Shorter Cut to\\nChina and Japan. Both parts illustrated with Maps, and Figures, j and\\nDedicated to His Majesty K. William. By L. Hennepin, now Resident\\nin Holland. To which are added, Several New Discoveries in North- I\\nAmerica not publish d in the French Edition. London, Printed for\\nM. Bentley, J. Tonson, H. Bonwick, T. Goodwin, and S. Manship\\n1698. I", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0421.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "392\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY.\\n8% Engraved title, pp. (20) 2il9; pp. (32), 178 (2), 301-\u00c2\u00a355. 2 maps,.\\n7 plates.\\nThis is evidently tlie^first Englisb edition. The 299 pages of Part I\\ncontain a translation of the tKcuvelle Decouverte, and supplementary-\\nmatter embracing Marquette s voyage was printed in the same time and.\\nfoiled 301-355, 300 being blank. Then apparently, it was resolved to\\ntranslate also the NomeauYoyagc, and this was printed in smaller type as\\nPart II, making 178 pages with a catch word on last page, and iu binding\\nup the work, the [supplemental poilion of Part I was placed after this\\nwithout regard to folios.\\n5 2. Same Title, but H. Bon- in imprint on tlie;first line.\\n8\u00c2\u00b0, Engraved title, title, pp. (20) 243 (32), 228. 2 maps, plates.\\nIt is not a reprint of No. 1.\\nThere are|slight[alteratiouB on Part I, but Part II is entirely rewritten\\nand improved. %_ This lari in the first edition begins Men ought to be\\nsatisfy d but in this one Reason ought to rule and in this edition\\ntwo chapters are numbered|XXII.\\n3. Same title as ISo. 1. otherwise apparently as Ko. 2 but without the\\nerror in chapter XXII.\\n4. A I Kew Disco\\\\cry of a Vast Countiy in America; Extending\\nover Four Thousand Miles, between New France New Mexico with\\na I Description of the JGreat Lakes, Cataracts, Rivers, Plants, and Ani-\\nmals. I Also, the Manners, Customs, and Languages of the several\\nNative Indians And the Advantage of Commerce with those diflFerent\\nNations. With a Continuation Giving an Account of the Attempts\\nof the Sieur de la Salle upon :he 1 Mines of St. Barbe, c. The Taking\\nof Quebec by the English \\\\Mih the Advantages of a shorter Cut to\\nChina and Japan. Botli Illustrated with Maps, and Figures and Dedi-\\ncat( d I to his Majesty King Wilham. By L. Hennepin now Resident\\nin Holland. To which are added. Several New Discoveries in North- 1\\nAmerica, not ^Publish d In the French Edition. London, Printed for\\nHenry Bonwicke, at the Red Lion in St. Paul s Church Yard, 1699.\\n8\u00c2\u00b0, Engraved title, pp. (20) 240, pp. (24) 216. 2 maps, 6 plates.\\nReprint of No 2.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0422.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nA\\nAbenakis, 375.\\nAccault, Michael, 360-1, 368, see Ako, Dacan.\\nAccount of a Voyage down the Mississippi, from the Nou-\\nvelle Decouverte, 343.\\nAccount of Hennepin and the Sioux, 360.\\nAffaire Roland, 64.\\nAgniers (Mohawks), 23.\\nAgrenlpoualacs, 374.\\nAiounouea, 370.\\nAkansa, 186, 347-8, 356-7.\\nAko, Michael, 190, 225, 241-2, 250-r, 353, 360, 368.\\nAllart, Rev. Germain, 62.\\nAllouez, Father Claude, 164.\\nAndris (Andros), Major, 23.\\nAnian, Aniam, strait of, 237.\\nAquipaguetin, chief, 21 1, 215-6, 219, 225-8, 248.\\nArpentigny, 63.\\nArtois, 12.\\nAssenipoits, 373; Assenipovalacs, 236; Assinlpoulak, 36 r,\\n374-\\nAth, 9.\\nAtreouati, (Grande Gueule), 308, 310.\\nAuguelle, Anthony, nicknamed Le Picard du Guny, 188, 191,\\n225, 235, 361, j^^Picard.\\nB\\nBailkquct, Father, 377.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0423.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "394- INDEX.\\nBay of the Puants (Green Bry), 104, 119, 201, 258 269,\\n361, 367-\\nBelmont, Abbe, 32.\\nBenton Harbor, 131.\\nBernou, Abbe, 37, 372.\\nBison, 143.\\nBlack River, 197, 365.\\nBlaithwayt, 27.\\nBois d Ardenne, 269.\\nBourg Royal, 21.\\nBrassart, Anthony, 77.\\nBrisset, F. Luke, 271.\\nBroedelet, William, 29.\\nBruyas, F. James, 24, 25, 285.\\nBuffalo River, 198, 251, 365.\\nBuisset, F. Luke, 59, 88, 63, 264, 271.\\nButtes, The, 97.\\nc\\nCalais, 1 1.\\nCalumet, 112.\\nCap de St. Antoinc, 357,\\nCap Enrage, 81.\\nCap Tourmente, 21.\\nCasquin, 163.\\nCastorie, 365.\\nCayuga Creek, 82.\\nChaa Indians, 189.\\nChabadeba, Chabaoudeba, 197, 365\\nCharlevoix, Father, 34.\\nCharon, Sieur, 88.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0424.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "INDEX. 395\\nCharpentier, Thomas, 69.\\nChassagouasse, Chief, 166.\\nChikacha, 346, 357, see 163, 186.\\nChinnien, 226.\\nChongaskabes, 373.\\nChongaskethon (Sisitonwan), 203.\\nCicaca, 163 Ciccaca, 186.\\nD\\nDacan, M., 372, see Accault.\\nDakota language, 45, 45*.\\nDalera, M., 367.\\nDaminoia, 163.\\nd Auteuil, M., 366.\\nd Autray, Sieur, 135.\\nde Barrois, Mr., 18.\\nde Belizani, Mr., 56.\\nde Cauroy, 235.\\nde Courcelles, Gov., 52-3.\\nde Coxis, Mr., 28.\\nde Groseilliers, Sieur, 362.\\nde Lassay, Marquis, 374.\\nde la Ribourde, Father Gabriel, 10, 43, 55, 63, 89, iii, 117,\\n122, 133, 140, 155, 177, 187, 189, 267, 269.\\nDescription of Louisiana, 41 BibHography of, 382.\\nde Tonty, Chevalier, 61, 87, 103, 133, 135, 188, 267.\\nDetroit, 91.\\nDollier de Casson, Rev., 52, 60.\\nDu Guay, the Picard, 224, 353, 356, see Auguelle.\\ndu L hut (Lude, Luth), 253, 255, 261, 365. Memoir of, 373.\\nDunkirk, 11.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0425.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "396 INDEX.\\nEnjalran, Father, 377.\\nEspiritu Santo Bay, 352.\\nFaffart, 361, 366.\\nFalls of St. Anthony, 197, 200. 220. 241-4, 35S-9.\\nFillatre, Father Luke, 265.\\nFort Chambly, 53.\\nFort Champlain, 270.\\nFort Crevecoeur, 175-6, 184, 194, 266, 349-50, 359, 361.\\nFort de Conty, (Niagara), 74, 106, 262, 324.\\nFort Frontenac, 43, 53-4, 106, 264, 266, 363, 366.\\nFort of the Miamis, 131.\\nFort Sorel, 53.\\nFrontenac, Count de, 54-5, 57, 73, 264, 270, 335.\\nG\\nGalinee, Abbe, 52, 60.\\nGannlekez or Agniez (Mohawks), 23.\\nGanniessinga Indians, 80.\\nGarakonthie, Chief, 307.\\nGarnier, Father Julian, 76-7.\\nGastacha (Mississippi), 361.\\nGoiogoins (Cayugas), 307.\\nGrande Gueule, 308.\\nGreat Rock, 69, 72, 89.\\nGreen Bay, 258, see Puants.\\nGriffin, first vessel on Lake Erie, commenced, 74 question as\\nto place where builr, 82; named 85, 89; enters Lake Erie,", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0426.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "INDEX. 3 97\\n9 I J at Mackinac, 97, 104. at Green i3.iy, 104 sent back to\\nNiagara, 105; lost, 107.\\nH\\nHalle, Hennepin at, ii.\\nHanetons, 373.\\nHarpentinie, see Arpentlgny.\\nHcmpin, Father, 371.\\nHennepin, Father Louis, Notice of, 9 birth, 9; becomes a\\nRecollect friar, travels, 10; army chaplain, 13, 124; at\\nBattle of SenefF, 13 sent to Canada, 14 trouble on voyage\\nwith La Salle, 17 first mission labors, 20-1 visits Mo-\\nhawks, 22 builds Mission house at Fort Frontenac, 59\\nselected to go with La Salle, 62 dines with Frontenac, 63\\nvisits L-oquois cantons, 64 leaves Fort Frontenac, 64\\nenters Niagara, ib; says mass near Falls, ib visits Senecas,\\n76 at Fort Frontenac, 83 returns to Niagara, 89 on\\nLake Michigan, iii in affair with the Foxes, 122 erects\\nbark cabin as a chapel on Benton Harbor, 133 at Fort\\nCrevecosur, 177 sent by La Salle to upper Mississippi,\\n188; reluctance, 189; sets out, 192; captured by Sioux,\\n205 had some idea of descending the Mississippi, 212 at\\nFalls of St. Anthony, 220 begins Dakota Dictionary, 229\\nfound by du Lhut, 253 returns, 256 at Fort Frontenac,\\n265 returns to France, 25 at St. Germain-en-Laye, ib\\nat Chateau Cambresis, 26; at Renti, ib at Gosselies, 27\\nat Antwerp, 28 Amsterdam, 29 Utrecht, 29 his Nou-\\nvclle Decouverte published, 29 forbidden to return to\\nCanada, 30 at Rome, ib examination of his veracity, 31\\ntestimonies in his favor, 32, 43* impeached, 33, 35; voyage\\ndown the Mississippi from the Nouvelle Decouverte, 343", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0427.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "398 INDEX.\\naccount of voyage up from Margry, 360 from Tonty, 372;\\nDu L hut s memoir, 374; account of Niagara Falls, 377\\nletter of, to Renaudot, 372 bibliography of, 382.\\nHerinx, Rt. Rev. William, bishop of Iprcs, opposes Hennepin,\\nII.\\nHillaret, Moyse, 191.\\nHohio (Ohio), 51.\\nHonnehioats (Oneidas), 23.\\nHonnontaguz (Onondagas), 21.\\nHumber, 64.\\nHunaut, 103.\\nHuron Isles, 107.\\nHurons, 100, 260, 276, 315, 358.\\nHontouagaha, 80.\\nHouetbatons, 374.\\nI\\nIkoueta, 369.\\nIndians, manners of the, 273 fertility of country, ib origin\\nof, 277 physical condition, 280 dress, 287 j marriages,\\n290 feasts, 297 games, 300 rudeness, 304 courtesy,\\n306; cruelty, 311; policy, 316; hunting, 318; fishing,\\n323 utensils, 325 burial, 327 superstitions, 328 ridi-\\nculous beliefs, obstacles to conversion of, indifference, 335; 337\\nIllinois, 361, 371, see Islinois.\\nIllinois river, 141, 361.\\nIroquois, 57, 164, 186, 262, 266, 268, 315.\\nIslati (Issati), 197.\\nIslinois (Illinois), 60, 130, 152-3,155, 168, 186,205, 242,\\n259 266 343 352, 359j 3H 373-", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0428.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "INDEX. 3CJ9\\nIssati, 201, 203, 236, 256, 314, 373, 37\\nIsle of St. Laurent, 21.\\nIzatys, 374.\\nJoliet, Louis, 60, 358.\\nJ\\nK\\nKakaling, 364.\\nKankakee river, 136, 141.\\nKeroas, 339.\\nKickapoos, 269 Kikapous, 258, 269-70, 371,\\nKoroa, 339, 349, 350, 354-5.\\nL\\nLa Chine, 52, 310,\\nLake Buade or Issati (Mille Lake), 201-2, 373-4.\\nLake Conde or Tracy (Superior), 69, 70, 98, 199, 202.\\nLake Conty, Comty, or Erie (Erie), 52, 69, 71, B3-4, 89-91,\\n261-2, 363, 377.\\nLake Dauphin, or Islinois (Michigan), 69 described, 70\\nLa Salle on, 104, 118.\\nLake Frontenac (Ontario), 52, 57, 262, 264, 276, 324.\\nLake Huron, 69.\\nLake Michigan, 69.\\nLake of the Issati, 368.\\nLake of Tears (Pepin), 198, 217.\\nLake Ontario or Frontenac, 57, 70, 276.\\nLake Orleans, or of the Hurons (Huron), 69, 70, 91, 260-1.\\nLake St. Clare, 92, 261.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0429.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "4CO\\nINDEX.\\nLake Superior, called Conde, 69, 365, 366, 374.\\nLake Tracy, 69.\\nLa Motte, Sieur, 61, 64, 74.\\nLa Rousseliere, 103.\\nLa Salle, Rene Cavelier, Sieur de, projects discoveries by ihc\\nother route, 51; acquires establishment at Lachine, 52;\\nencouraged by de Courcelles, 52 sets out vviih Dolier and\\nGalinee, falls sick, ib solicits command of Fort Frontcnac,\\n55 governor of Fort Frontenac, 15, 43, 56 rebuilds fort,\\n56 returns to France, 60 obtains commission and exclu-\\nsive privilege, 61 sails with Hennepin, 15; trouble vv^ith,\\n17 at Fort Frontenac, 63; wrecked on his way to Niagara^\\n81; returns to Frontenac, 83; at Niagara,, 89; sails in\\nGriffin, 90 at Mackinac, 97; at Green Bay, 104; sends\\nback Griffin, 105 proceeds in canoes, 108 meets Pottawa-\\ntamies, 115; trouble with Foxes, 119; builds fort of the\\nMiamis, 131 ascends river of the IVIiamis, 135 lost, 137\\nreaches Illinois village, 152; at Illinois camp, 156; Monso\\nprejudices Illinois against, 164; deserted by men, 172;. begins\\nFort Crevecoeur, 175 begins a bark, 178 sets out for Fort\\nPVontenac, 188 sends Hennepin to Mississippi, 188 reaches\\nmouth of Mississippi, 338 extract from letter of, 361.\\nLaval, Francis de, bishop of Petraea, and of Quebec, 15, 62,\\n265.\\nLe Barbier, 103.\\nLe Fevre, Father Hyacinth, 26, 62, 124.\\nLc Fevre, Father Louis, 27.\\nLe Maitre, Rev. James, 310.\\nLe Roux, Rev. Valentine, 62, 268.\\nLe Talon, 261.\\nLewiston, 69.\\nLong Point, 91.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0430.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "INDEX, 40 r\\nLoaibiana, 44, 149, 273, 295, 322, 325.\\nLuke, pilot, 96, 107, 133.\\nLuke, Father, 264, see Buisset.\\nM\\nMaestricht, 1 1.\\nPv^alquenech, Baron de, 28.\\nMamenisi, 235, 250.\\nManza Ouakange, 211.\\nMarne, river, 141.\\nMargry, Pierre, 35.\\nMaroa, 358, 362 ALiroha, 205 see Tainaro.u\\nMarquette, Father James, 258.\\nMascoutens, 140, 164, 258, 364, 369.\\nMaskoutens Nadouesioux, 371.\\nMatsigamea, 358.\\nMembre, Father Zcnobiu^, 26, 89, 155, 157, 177, 1S7, 259,\\n265, 267, 271.\\nMeschasipi, 52, 60, 34.3-5, 350-3, 357-8, see Colbert.\\nMeschetz, Odeba, 197, 364.\\nMessenecqz (Outagamis), 243.\\nMessorite, 344, 357.\\nMeuse, river, 141, 153, 193.\\nMiamis, 140, 143, 186, 205-6, 216, 258, 2 6, 270, 35S, 363.\\nMiamis, river of the, 129, 131.\\nMichelimakinac, 376.\\nMille Lake, 199.\\nMinime, 103.\\nMisconsin, 187; iMisconsing, 364.\\nMissilimakinac, 97, 104, 133, 259, 260.\\nMissisipi, 360 Mississipy, 361.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0431.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "402 INDEX.\\nMissorites, 344.\\nMitchinchi, 225.\\nMohawks, 24, 324.\\nMohegans, 85, 276.\\nMonso, Chief, 164, 170-1.\\nAdontreal, 264.\\nN\\nNachie (Natchez), 349.\\nNadouecioux, 374-5, Nadouesloux, 364 Nadonessiou, 203\\nNadouessans, 203, 373 Nadouessious, 197, 236, 258, 360-1\\nNadonessiouz, 257 Nadouessiouz, 256; Nadousiouz, 315;\\nNadoussions, 201 Nadoussions, 254 Nadousiouz, 315.\\nNamur, 153, 193.\\nNarrhetoba, Chief, 166, 169-70.\\nNemissakouat river, 199 Nemitsakouat, 366.\\nNew England, 276.\\nNew Jork, Jortz, 276, 324.\\nNew Mexico, 351.\\nNew Netherland, 23, 276.\\nNew Sweden, 276.\\nNew York, 23, 276, 324.\\nNez Persez, 276.\\nNiagara river, 64, 89, 324, 363.\\nNiagara Falls, 68; described, 71 deicription from Nouvclle\\nDecouverte, 377.\\nNicanape, Chief, 166, 169-70.\\nNipissingue, 375.\\nNipissiriniens, 375.\\nNouvel, Father, 377.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0432.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "INDEX. 403\\nNuuvelle, Decouvcrtc, The, how made up, 46 matter from\\nLe Clercq, 47* errors in, that Hennepin could not make,\\n15, 16, 48*, 200, 201, 218, 265, 345, 346 prepared by an\\neditor ignorant of Canada, 49* extract from, 343 biblio-\\ngraphy of, 382.\\nNouveau Voyage, The, 51*, bibliography of, 389.\\no\\nOiatinon (Weas), 140.\\nOmaouha or Omoahoha or Oumahoula, chief, 165, 187,\\nmeans Wolf, 187.\\nOneidas, 21.\\nOnisconsin river, 197.\\nOnnontaguez, 269.\\nOnontio, Iroquois name for French governors of Canada, 77,\\n127, 268.\\nOnondagas, 21, 269, 317.\\nOnonhouaroia, 317.\\nOntaonatz (Ottawas), 276.\\nOntario, 54.\\nOnttaouactz (Ottawas), 52.\\nOpenagaux, 375.\\nOsages, 186, 343.\\nOtchimbi, 252.\\nOtontenta, Outontanta, 196; Otoutantas, (Ottocs), 371.\\nOtoutantas Paote, 364.\\nOttawas, 52, 97, 99, 260-2, 276, 361, 366.\\nOua, 373 Ouadebathon or River people (Wa.-pctonvv;iii), 203.\\nOuadebache, 345.\\nOuakanche, 209.\\nOuamats, 339.\\nOuasicoude (Pierced Pine), chief, 234, 238, 240, 255.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0433.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "4-04 INDEX.\\nOuisconsin river, 237, 361; Ouisconsing, 366; Ouscousin,\\n256-7 Oviscousin, 241, 248 (Wisconsin),\\nOunonhayenty, 302.\\nOunontaguez, 317.\\nOutagamis (Foxes), 376; Outouagamis, 119, 126, 243, 257\\n370 376.\\nOutaouacs, 366 Outaouas, 361 Outtaouats, 35S Outta-\\nouactz, 99, 261, 2; OuttacucLz, 260.\\nP\\nPalmas, 352.\\nPayez, F. Rcnnere c e, 28.\\nPeoria, 175.\\nPeoria Lake, 155.\\nPicard, The, 240, 241, 243, 245-50, 252, 253, 2 1, see Au\\nguelle.\\nPierced Pine (Ouasiconde), 257.\\nPierson, Father, 260, 377.\\nPimiteoui, Lake, 155, 262-3.\\nPoerius, V. Rev. F., 28.\\nPointe de Levi, 21.\\nPoupart, 103.\\nPoutouatamis (Pottavvatamies), 104; chief devoted to Fron-\\ntenac, 105; island of the, 108 second village, no.\\nPuants (Winnibngocs), IC4, 258, 269, 361, 367..\\nQ\\nQuappas, 186.\\nQuebec, 363.\\nQuinipissa, 350, 353.\\nR\\nRafeix, Father, 74, 261.", "height": "3767", "width": "2052", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0434.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "wwP^^\\nINDEX. 4.05\\nRandin, Sieur, 366.\\nRecollects, 14, 185.\\nRed Sea (Gulf of California), 212.\\nRelation des Decouvertes, 36-7, 42*\\nKichelieu river, 53.\\nRio Bravo, 352.\\nRio Escondido, 351.\\nRio de Panuco, 352.\\nRiver Seignelay, 136, 192.\\nRiver of the Issati (Rum), 201.\\nRochelle, 14, 55.\\nRoy, 9.\\nSagard, Brother, 232.\\nSaint Anthony of Padua, 96.\\nSaint Croix, deserter, 103.\\nSainte Croix river, 199.\\nSaint Francis river, 201, 241, 256.\\nSaint Hour (Ours), 63.\\nSaint Joseph s river, 131.\\nSaint Lawrence river, 264, 276.\\nSaint Louis river, 199.\\nSainte Anne, 21.\\nSakinam (Saginaw), 94.\\nSambre river, 141.\\nSauk, St. Marie, 98 Indians of, 10 1.\\nSauteurs, loi, 366.\\nSeignelay (Illinois) river, 136, 141, 197, 257.\\nSeine river, 362.\\nScnecas, 64, 73, 262.", "height": "3767", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0435.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "4-06 INDEX.\\nSenefF, Hennepin at battle of, 13, Du Lhut at, 374.\\nSikacha (Chickasaw), 346, see Cicaca.\\nSoto, Ferdinand, 163.\\nT\\nTaensa Indians, 348, 355.\\nTalon, Sieur, 53.\\nTamaroa Indians, 193, 345, 362, see Maroa.\\nTangibao Indians, 351, 353.\\nTchatchakigoua Indians, 360, 369.\\nTeakiki river, 361.\\nTeganeout, 263.\\nTegarondies, 74.\\nTeiaiagon, 64.\\nTheakiki river (Kankakee), 136, 361, 362.\\nThinthonha (Titonwan) Indians, Tintonha, Nation of the\\nPrairies, 90, 203, 357, 373 Tintonbas, 373.\\nThree Rivers, 21.\\nThirty Mile Point, 81.\\nTomb River, 199, 202.\\nTonty, Chevalier de, 61, 87, 103, 133, 135, 18S, 267.\\nTracy, Marquis de, 53.\\nTsonnontouan (Senecas), 64, 73, 84.\\nTula, 163.\\nu\\nUtica, 153.\\nV\\nVirginia, 276.\\nVoile, Father Alexander, 26.", "height": "3740", "width": "2042", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0436.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "INDEX. 407\\nw\\nWatteau, F. Mclithon, at Niagara, 88, 90.\\nWazikute (Ouasiconde), 234.\\nWild rice, 201.\\nWilliam III. Hennepin presented to, 29 the Nouvelle De-\\ncouverte dedicated to, ib De Michel s remarks, 33.\\nWisconsin river, 197, 237, 241, 249, see Ouisconsin, Mis-\\ncousin.\\nWolf Indians (Mohegans), 85, 276,\\nERROR.\\nPage 384 line 13, for 408 read 407-16.", "height": "3757", "width": "2009", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0437.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "(S", "height": "3740", "width": "2042", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0438.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3757", "width": "1879", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0439.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n014 433 835 2", "height": "3740", "width": "2042", "jp2-path": "descriptionoflou00henn_0440.jp2"}}