{"1": {"fulltext": "5", "height": "3459", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class.\\nBook\\nCOPYRIGHT DEPOSIT", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "THE HISTORY\\nILLINOIS AND LOUISIANA\\nUNDER THE FRENCH RULE\\nEMBRACING A GENERAL VIEW OF\\nTHE FRENCH DOMINION IN NORTH AMERICA\\nWITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE\\nENGLISH OCCUPATION OF ILLINOIS\\nJOSEPH WALLACE\\nCounselor at Law\\nAuthor of Life of Colonel Edward D. Baker, etc\\nHistory recommends itself as the most profitable of studies. T. Carlyle\\n%P 23 1893\\nCINCINNATI\\nROBERT CLARKE CO \\\\2 0fW^", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "COPYRTGHT, 1S9S,\\nBY JOSEPH WALLACE.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nNo period in the history of one s owu country, says\\nan elegant historian,* can be considered altogether unin-\\nteresting. Such transactions as tend to illustrate the pro-\\ngress of its constitution, laws or manners, merit the utmost\\nattention. Even remote and minute events are objects of\\na curiosity, which, being natural to the human mind, the\\ngratification of it is attended with pleasure.\\nWith this conception of the interest and utility of his\\nwork, the author undertook to compose the following\\nhistory. Much has been written and printed at diflerent\\ntimes (in State, county and general histories), respecting\\nthe French in Illinois and Louisiana, but it is mostly in an\\nabridged or detached form, and one rarely finds any con-\\nnected and consecutive view of the French domination,\\nfrom its commencement to its close. Although the territory\\ncomprised within the limits of the present State of Illinois\\nwas ruled by France for ninety years, it was never as a\\nseparate colony or province, but always as a dependency\\nof either Canada or Louisiana. Hence, no history of Illi-\\nnois, during that early period, can be considered complete,\\nwhich does not embrace that of the Province of Louisiana,\\nof which it so long formed a part.\\nIn the preparation of this volume the writer, without\\nlaying claim to what scholars call original research, has ex-\\nRobertson. (iii)", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "iv Preface.\\namined every available source of information relating to\\nhis tlieme, so as to verify facts, reconcile or explain con-\\nflicting dates and accounts, and render it as accurate and\\ntrustworthy as possible. No parade need here be made of\\nthe various authorities consulted and freely used by him,\\nsince they will be disclosed in the progress of the narrative\\nitself.\\nIn writing Indian, French and Spanish proper names,\\nthe author has, as a rule, conformed to the received or-\\nthography, though it is not always easy to determine just\\nwhat that is, since standard writers still differ considerably\\nin this particular. Among the early annalists there was no\\nrecognized rule, nor could well have been any, in regard to\\nnomenclature, and therefore each writer was a law unto\\nhimself. This, together with the different geographical\\nlocations often assigned by them to the same aboriginal\\ntribes, gave rise to more or less contradiction in their nar-\\nratives, which have been a source of perplexity to mod-\\nern historiographers.\\nAlthough this work is primarily confined to the doings\\nof the French in the Mississippi Valley, yet such a general\\nview is taken of their transactions in other parts of the\\ncontinent as to render it, in some measure, a compendious\\nhistory of the French Dominion in ISTorth America.\\nWithout overlooking any important or familiar fact,\\nthe author has introduced much matter that will be\\nnew and curious to the general reader. In gleaning\\nso wide a field, and in carrying the book through the\\npress at a distance from his residence, he may have\\nfallen into some errors and inaccuracies, but it is believed\\nthese will be found few in number and restricted to minor\\ndetails.\\nIt might be thought superfluous, at this time and place,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "Preface. v\\nto descant upon the absorbing interest that must ever at-\\ntach to that pristine period of American history of which\\nwe write, hackneyed as it is. But the new and strange ex-\\nperiences of the early explorers and colonizers of this con-\\ntinent can never be repeated, and the record they made\\nwill stand unchanged for all future time. The Indians, too,\\nwho then peopled the solitudes of our forests and prairies,\\nhave vanished never more to return, leaving behind them,\\nas the only enduring vestiges of their presence, the names\\nwhich they gave to the physical features of the country.\\nTheir names remain, but they are fled,\\nFor ever numbered with the dead.\\nThere are now no other new continents or large islands\\nto be discovered all the habitable globe has been overrun\\nand henceforth the business of civilized man upon it will\\nbe to possess, enjoy, cultivate and develop its marvelous re-\\nsources.\\nTo the descendants of the pioneer French colonists in\\nNorth America, and particularly to those residing within\\nthe great Basin of the Mississippi, the theme of this gen-\\neral narrative must have a peculiar and perennial attraction.\\nIn the daring and memorable achievements of their heroic\\npredecessors, they may not only cherish a just and lauda-\\nble pride, but find solace and satisfaction for that inscruta-\\nble decree of fate, or Providence, whereby this vast, most\\nfertile and favored region, was wrested from their grasp to\\nultimately become the geographical center of one of the\\nmightiest, most enlightened and progressive empires on the\\nface of the earth.\\nIn concluding these prefatory observations, it re-\\nmains for the writer to acknowledge his obligations, in\\nthe prosecution of his laborious researches, to the repeated\\nkind offices of the intelligent and efficient librarian of the", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "vi Preface.\\nIllinois (State) Historical Library, and also to the assistant\\nlibrarian of the State Library.\\nThe copious and comprehensive index at the close of\\nthe work will be found very convenient for reference, and\\nnot without occasional use in elucidating the text of the\\nhistory.\\nSpringfield, Illinois, Scptcmhcr, 1893.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nPAGE.\\nPreface iii\\nCHAPTER I.\\n1497-1690.\\nIntroductory Narrative or, Discovery and Settlement of Can-\\nada 1\\nCHAPTER II.\\n1539-1671.\\nDiscovery of the Mississippi River, and of the North-wbst 24\\nCHAPTER III.\\n167S-1675.\\nThe Great River Voyage of Joliet and Marquette 45\\nCHAPTER IV.\\n1666-1680.\\nLa Salle and his Early Explorations 71\\nCHAPTER V.\\n1675-1701.\\nFather Louis Hennepin 96\\nCHAPTER VI.\\n1680-1681.\\nLa Salle and Tonty 115\\nCHAPTER VII.\\n1681-1683.\\nLa Salle s Exploits Continued 130", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "viii Contents.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\n1684-1687.\\nLast Great Enterpkise of La Salle 153\\nCHAPTER IX.\\n1687-1689.\\nSurvivors of La Salle s Texan Colony 175\\nCHAPTER X.\\n1689-1712.\\nIllinois as a Dependency of Canada 194\\nCHAPTER XI.\\n1698-1711.\\nPermanent Settlement of Lower Louisiana 212\\nCHAPTER XII.\\n1712-1717.\\nLouisiana under M. Crozat Demise of Louis XIV 233\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\n1717-1723.\\nFrench Finances, and Law s Mississippi Company 249\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\n1718-1732.\\nLieutenant Boisbriant s Rule in the Illinois The Natchez\\nWar 270\\nCHAPTER XV.\\n1732-1752.\\nLouisiana Under the Direct Government of the Crown 288\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\n1742-1756.\\nProgress of Events in the Dependency of Illinois 304", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "Contents. ix\\nCHAPTER XVII.\\n1753-1760.\\nThe Memorable Seven Years War 319\\nCHAPTER XVIII.\\n1760-1765.\\nIndian Conspiracy and War of Pontiac 342\\nCHAPTER XIX.\\n1764-1769.\\nOccurrences in Lower Louisiana 363\\nCHAPTER XX.\\n1764-1778.\\nIllinois under the British Domination 384\\nCHAPTER XXI.\\nGeneral Description of the French Colonists 404", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "HISTORY\\nOF\\nILLINOIS AND LOUISIANA UNDER THE FRENCH RULE.\\nCHAPTER I.\\n1497-1690.\\nINTRODUCTORY NARRATIVE OR DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT OP\\nCANADA.\\nThe first Europeans to reach the shores of America\\nwere the Northmen, or Scandinavians, who, during the\\nearly middle ages, formed settlements in Iceland and\\nsouthern Greenland. Those hardy and daring sea-rovers\\ngradually extended their voyages westward from Green-\\nland to the coasts of Labrador and jSTewfoundland, and, by\\nthe beginning of the eleventh century, appear to have es-\\ntablished themselves on the rocky shores of New England,\\nabout Massachusetts and ISTarraganset bays.\\nThey named the new country Winlaiid, or Vinland,\\nfrom the profusion of wild grapes found growing in its\\nvirgin forests. But the Northmen effected no large or du-\\nrable settlements upon this continent; and when their\\ncolony of Vinland was eventually abandoned, or extermin-\\nated by the natives, it was, doubtless, soon forgotten. The\\nonly remaining traces of their presence on the New Eng-\\nland coast are two or three rude monuments,* and a few\\ndoubtful Runic inscriptions. The fact of their primal dis-\\ncovery of the continent, however, is attested by the Sagas,\\nor ancient historical records of Iceland.\\nBut the time was not then ripe for the opening of the\\nNotably, the old stone tower at Newport, Rhode Island, which is\\nbelieved to be a relic of the Northmen.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "2 Early Voyages to North America.\\nNew World to European coK)iiizatlon and civilization nor\\nwere the people of western Europe sufficiently advanced in\\nwealth, intelligence and nautical science, to profit by so im-\\nportant a discovery.\\nTo Cristoforo Colombo (Christopher Columbus), must\\never be accorded the imperishable honor, of having made\\nknown to the nations of the Old World the pathway to the\\nWestern Hemisphere yet it is b^^ no means certain that he\\never touched the continent of North America, and he died\\nin ignorance of the extent and transcendent value of his\\nachievement.\\nBut the true and lasting discovery of Northern Amer-\\nica was made by Giovanni Caboto (John Cabot), a Vene-\\ntian navigator, who had become domiciled in the com-\\nmercial city of Bristol, England, prior to the year 1493,\\nand who afterward voyaged the North Atlantic under\\nthe patronage of King Henry VII. It is a singular\\nfact, and worthy of remark here, that the maritime powers\\nof Europe, with the exception, perhaps, of Portugal, should\\nhave owed their early possessions in America to the skill\\nand daring of Italian navigators, although not a single\\nAmerican colony was ever established by the Italians them-\\nBelves.\\nWithin one or two years after the return of Columbus\\nto Spain, from his first renowned voyage of discovei-y, the\\nadventurous spirit of John Cabot induced him to propose\\nto Henry VII., of England, to undertake a similar voyage,\\nwith the two-fold object of discovering new lands, and of\\nfinding a northwest passage to the Indias. The proposal\\nof the Venetian was received with favor and encourage-\\nment by that cautious, yet sagacious monarch. And on\\nthe fifth of March, 1496, he issued a commission to Cabot\\nand his three sons (Louis, Sebastian and Sanchez), author-\\nizing them to sail to all parts of the east, west, and north,\\nto discover countries of the Heathen, unknown to\\nChristians; to set up the king s ensigns there; to occupy\\nand possess, as his subjects, such places as they could sub-\\ndue, giving them the rule and jurisdiction to be holden,\\non paying to the king, one-fifth part of their gains.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "Early Voyages to North America. 3\\nUnder this broad commission three ships were at length\\nequipped for the enterprise partly at the expense of his\\nmajesty, and the remainder by private persons. With\\nthese vessels, manned by some three hundred seamen, the\\nelder Cabot, and his son Sebastian, sailed from Bristol,\\nin May, 1497. Taking a westerly course over the track-\\nless ocean, the bold commander, on the 24th of June,\\nsighted a shore which he named Terra Primum Visa (land\\nfirst seen), and which is supposed to have been some part\\nof Newfoundland. He thence steered northward, parallel\\nwith the coast of Labrador, as far as to the entrance of\\nHudson s strait, when he was obliged to turn back on ac-\\ncount of the ice and the increasing discontent of his crew.\\nAfter discovering many islands and coasting the mainland\\nsouthward to the vicinity of Cape Hatteras, a mutiny is\\nsaid to have broken out among his sailors, in consequence\\nof which he returned to England. During the ensuing\\nyear (1498), Sebastian Cabot was sent out with two ships,\\non a second voyage of discovery. He again visited New-\\nfoundland, and other points on the eastern coast of North\\nAmerica, but did not attempt any conquest or settlement\\nof tlie country. No authentic journal of these two voya-\\nges was ever published, nor were they soon followed up by\\nother like enterprises on the part of the English govern-\\nment or people. Yet, it was upon the discoveries of the\\nCabots, and the subsequent attempts at colonization under\\nthe auspices of Sir Walter Raleigh (1584-1587), that Eng-\\nland based her title to the principal part of the immense\\nterritory which she afterward acquired in North America.\\nThe Portuguese were the next to engage in this inviting\\nmaritime enterprise. In 1500, one Caspar de Cortereal sailed\\nfrom Lisbon with two well-manned caravels. He visited Lab-\\nrador, ranged along its inhospitable coast for six hundred\\nmiles, and entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Returning\\nthe same year to Portugal, he set sail on a second voyage\\nof discovery in May, 1501, but was never again heard of.\\nHis brother Michael sailed with two ships in search of him,\\nbut he also failed to return. It is conjectured that both\\nthey and their unfortunate crews fell victims to the savage", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "4 Early Voyages to North America.\\nvengeance of the natives of Labrador, some of whom had\\nbeen seized and carried off as slaves by Gaspar de Cortereal,\\nin his first voyage. Upon the strength of these northwest-\\nern voyages, however, the Portuguese set up a claim to the\\ndiscovery of the whole continent.\\nThe business of oceanic discovery in this part of the\\nNew World, was afterward taken up by the French gov-\\nernment. During the active reign of Francis I., an expe-\\ndition was fitted out, the command of which was given to\\nJuan Yerrazano, or Verrazani, a Florentine navigator of\\ngreat skill, who had signalized himself by his successful\\ncruises against the Spaniards. He sailed from France in\\nJanuary, 1524, with four vessels, but three of them be-\\ncoming disabled in a storm, he completed the voyage in a\\nsingle ship. After touching at the Maderia Islands, he\\nhel l a due westerly course, and encountered heavy seas,\\nbut at length sighted land on the 7th of March, in the lati-\\ntude of North Carolina. Finding no secure harbor, he\\nanchored in the open sea, and sent his boats ashore to\\nopen traffic with the natives. He next sailed southward\\nsome distance, and then turned his course to the north, ex-\\nploring the eastern coast of the continent for six hundred\\nleagues, and naming it New France, in compliment to his\\nroyal patron, When he reached the fog-laden banks ot\\nNewfoundland, his provisions began to fail, and he bore\\naway for home, whither he arrived late in July, 1524. Of\\nthe subsequent career of A^errazano, but little is known.\\nIt was not until the lapse of ten years that the French\\nrenewed these hazardous enterprises when Jacques Car-\\ntier, or Quartier, a bold and experienced mariner of St.\\nMalo, in Brittany, having proposed another expedition,\\nwas supplied by the vice-admiral of the king with two\\nships and one hundred and twenty seamen. Cartier put to\\nsea from the port of St. Malo, on the 20th of April, 1534,\\nand after four weeks of successful navigation reached tlie\\neastern shore of Newfoundland, which, though visited by\\nfishermen, was still for the most part a terra incognita. He\\nsailed nearly all round that great island, coasted the main-\\nland for a long distance, discovered and named the Golfe", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "Cartier s Voyages and Discoveries. 5\\nde St. Lorent, or Gulf of St. Lawrence, and entered the\\nBay of Clialeurs. Bnt by this time the season was well\\nadvanced, and our navigator returned with his ships to\\nFrance, without having ascended the St. Lawrence River,\\nor even knowing that it was a river. He opened trade re-\\nlations with the natives of the country, and carried home\\nwith him two young Indians, who afterward served a use-\\nful purpose as interpreters.\\nThe degree of success that attended this initial voyage\\nencouraged the French monarch to further effort in the\\nfield of trans- Atlantic discovery. Three ships were now\\nfitted out for a second expedition, which was joined by some\\nof the young nobility, and Cartier was given the command\\nthereof, with the designation of captain and pilot to the\\nking. On the 19th of May, 1535, after a solemn mass at\\nthe cathedral in St. Malo, the three vessels put to sea, but\\nwere soon separated by a tempest. After a boisterous and\\ntedious passage they all arrived safely in the Strait of Belle\\nIsle, to the north of ISTewfoundland, in the last week of July.\\nFrom this point of rendezvous tlie captain took a south-\\nwesterly course, and, having navigated the channel between\\nthe south coast of Labrador and the large island of Anti-\\ncosti, sailed slowly up that long and broad estuary, afterward\\nnamed St. Lawrence. By the 1st of September he reached\\nthe mouth of the Chicoutimi, orSaguenay, coming in from\\nthe northwest and on the 14th, after passing several low\\nislands, including that of Orleans, dropped anchor near the\\nentrance of a small river on his right, to which he gave the\\nname of St. Croix, now St. Charles.\\nThis was immediately below that bold and striking\\npromontory which rises in the angle formed by the conflu-\\nence of the two rivers, and which the natives of the country\\ncalled Quelibec (Quebec), from the sudden contraction of\\nthe St. Lawrence at that point. While anchored in the river\\nopposite the present village of Beauport, Cartier was visited\\non shipboard by one Donnacona, a neighboring Indian po-\\ntentate, who resided at the village of Stadacona, on the\\npeninsula of that name, and who came with a numerous", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "6 Discovery and Settlement of Canada.\\nretinue of his braves in pirogues.^ The French captain re-\\nceived his copper-colored visitors with due formality, and\\nheld converse with them through the two interpreters from\\nthe coast of Gaspe, whom he had taken with him to France\\nin his voyage of the year before.\\nHavino; moored his two lart^er vessels inside the mouth\\nof the St. Croix, our brave and determined mariner, contrary\\nto the entreaty of Donnacona not to go further, continued\\nhis voyage in the third vessel up the St. Lawrence. Ar-\\nrived in that expansion of the river since known as Lake\\nSt. Peter, and tinding the further advance of his ship im-\\npeded by obstructions in the channel, he quit it and pro-\\nceeded in a boat, rowed by three of his men. On the 2d\\nof October he reached the Indian village of Hochelaga,t\\nsituate on the island of that name, which he denominated\\nMont. Koyal (Montreal), from the insulated mountain that\\nrises from the plain two miles behind it. After spending\\na few days at Hochelaga, and opening an amicable inter-\\ncourse with the inhabitants of the place, Cartier returned to\\nhis ship, and descending the river rejoined his other ships\\nat the mouth of the St. Croix. Here, at the foot of the rug-\\nged promontory of Quebec, his sailors had already begun\\nthe erection of a temporary wooden structure, which was\\nsoon finished, and in which they passed the ensuing winter\\nmonths, suffering greatly, not only from the rigor of the\\nclimate, but from the ravages of the scurvy. Twenty-five\\nmen died before the opening of spring, and out of one hun-\\ndred and ten then remaining very few were free from that\\ndisease.!\\nBefore sailing on his return to France, Cartier, accord-\\ning to the custom of navigators in that age, took possession\\nof the country of the St. Lawrence in the name of his sove-\\nPirogue (Sp. Piragua), originally an Indian word, signifying a dug-\\nout canoe.\\ntThis was also the original Indian nanio of the 8t. Lawrence, and\\nthe French sometimes spoke of it as the Grand fl,euve da Hochelaga.\\nt Upon the site of the temporary structure occupied hy Cartier and\\nhis men was long afterward huilt the church of Notre Dame des Victoirefi,\\nwhich fronts the market place in the Lower Town of (iiu^bec.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "Cartier s Voyages and Discoveries. 7\\nreign, by erecting a high wooden cross bearing the arms\\nof France, with this Latin inscription, Franciscus -primus,\\nDei gratia Francorum rex, regna. Leaving one of his ships\\nthat had been shattered by the ice in the little liarbor of\\nthe St. Croix, he sailed for home with the other two on the\\n6th of May, 1536, and arrived at St. Malo on the 16th of\\nJuly. During the preceding winter Cartier s friendship\\nwith Donnacona had become strained, and on his departure\\nhe took with him that chief and several of his braves, whose\\npersons he had seized partly by force and partly by strata-\\ngem, and who subsequently died in captivity in France.\\nSome five years later, a scheme of regular colonization\\nwas devised by the French government, in which Cartier was\\nassociated with Jean Francois de la Roque, Sieur de Roberval,\\nwho had been commissioned hj the crown lieutenant-general\\nand viceroy of his American possessions. Accordingly, on\\nMay 1, 1541, Captain Cartier sailed with five ships on his\\nthird voyage to America, and arrived at his former winter\\nquarters on the St. Lawrence early in August. Sending two\\nof his ships home, he proceeded with the rest to search the\\nneighboring shores for a better haven than that of the St.\\nCroix, and found one to his liking nine miles above it, at\\nthe mouth of Cape Rouge River. Here he landed and built\\na fort which he named Charlesbourg Royal, and waited the\\ncoming of his coadjutor with colonists to begin a settlement.\\nIn the meantime he again ascended the St. Lawrence to\\nHochelaga, and examined the nature of the obstructions to\\nnavigation in the river above that place. Owing to the\\nlong delay in the arrival of Roberval, and to his impatience\\nand jealousy of that officer, who outranked him, Cartier at\\nlength relinquished the attempt to make a settlement, and\\nset sail on his return to France in May, 1542. Meeting\\nwith Roberval s ships at the harbor of I^ewfoundland, he\\navoided their commander and held on his homeward course.\\nBut, according to Lescarbot s history, he was sent back to\\nCanada in the autumn of that year, by King Henry II., to\\nThe name of Canada is believed to have been derived from the\\nHuron word Kan-na-ta, meaning a collection of wigwams. According\\nto Cartier, it is an Indian word, signifying town. For he wrote J? s", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "8 Discovery and Settlement of Canada.\\nbring home Roberval and liis colony. They appear to have\\nwintered together on the banks of the St. Lawrence, and\\nfinally quitted it in June, 1543.\\nCaptain Gartier s services as a navigator and discoverer\\nwere recompensed by a patent of nobility, and also by a\\nseignorial mansion at the village of Limoilou, near St. Malo.\\nThe latter years of his stirring life were mostly passed\\nat his seat of Limoilou, where he died childless about anno\\n1555, aged sixty. The printed journals of his American\\nvoyages are presei ved by the Quebec Historical Society,\\nbut whether originally written by himself or not is unde-\\ntermined. It is said that he advised the first French col-\\nonists in Canada to cultivate the good will of the natives\\nby every means in their power, and even to form matri-\\nmonial alliances with them, in order to advance their mate-\\nrial interests. It is evident that this last advice was subse-\\nquently adopted, though with ephemeral rather than per-\\nmanent advantage.\\nThe discoveries made by Cartierand his associate mar-\\niners turned the attention of France to the extensive Valley\\nof the St, Lawrence and its capabilities, and established her\\nclaim to the country according to that peculiar international\\ncode by which the maritime powers of Europe were wont\\nto apportion among themselves the territories of the West-\\nern World.\\nAlthough Canada exhibited scarcely any of that smiling\\nand luxuriant aspect pertaining to the middle and southern\\nsections of the continent, it opened into regions of indefinite\\nextent, and the tracing of its vast chain of fresh-water seas\\nto their distant fountains presented more than ordinary at-\\ntractions to human curiosity and adventure. But for the\\nnext sixty years, owing to internal dissensions and factional\\nand religious wars, French colonization in America was vir-\\ntually abandoned.\\nIt is true that in the yeai s 1562 and 1564, Admiral Co-\\nappellant tme rille Canada. Another early French authority makes\\nthe word mean terre, or land. The name seems to have been primarily\\napplied only to the Valley of the St. Lawrence.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "The Huguenots in Florida. 9\\nligny undertook to plant some Huguenot colonies in East\\nFlorida but the two expeditions sent tliittier under the\\nseparate leadership of Jean Ribaut and Rene Laudoniere\\nended in utter failure. After suffering deeply from ship-\\nwreck and sickness, their settlements at Port Royal and\\nnear the mouth of the St. John s River were attacked and\\ndestroyed by the Spaniards under the stern Don Pedro de\\nMenendez.* Ribault and his followers were massacred,\\nafter a pledge of safety had been given them, and their\\nbodies were treated with the most shocking indignities\\nnot, it was averred, because they were Frenchmen,\\nbut because they were heretics and enemies of God. Two\\nyears later (1567), this barbarous massacre was fully avenged\\nby a Huguenot soldier named Dominique de Gourgues, who\\nsailed from Bordeaux with one hundred and lifty armed\\nmen for that purpose. Aided by some Florida Indians, he\\ntook and demolished the little Spanish forts on the river\\nSt. Johns, and hanged all of his prisoners, not because they\\nwere Spaniards, but that they were traitors, robbers, and\\nmurderers. After accomplishing this deed of savage re-\\ntaliation, De Gourgues made no effort to retain his conquest?\\nor to revive the French colony, but having secured all that\\nwas of value at the forts, he re-embarked his troops and sailed\\nback to France. If the efforts of the French Protestants\\nto form settlements in East Florida had been countenanced\\nand sustained by the crown, it is believed that France might\\nhave had a flourishing colony there long before England\\neffected a single permanent settlement in America.\\nWe come now to describe the first successful attempts\\nof the French to form durable settlements in the cold and\\ninclement districts of New France. The most conspicuous\\nfigure of his day in these arduous and uncertain enterprises\\nwas SaiQuel de Champlain. Born at Brouage, in the prov-\\nince of Saintonge, about the year 1567, he belonged to a\\nnoted family of mariners. His father was a sea captain,\\nand he himself was early schooled in the art and practice\\nof navigation. After spending several years in the military\\nWho founded St. Augustine, Fla., in 1565.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "10 Discovery and Settlement of Canada.\\nservice of his country, he went with an uncle, who held a\\nhigh post in the Spanish navy, on a long voyage to Mexico.\\nReturning to France in 1601, he was urged by De Chastes,\\nGovernor of Dieppe, to explore and prepare to found a\\ncolony in the French possessions of JSTorth America, the\\ngovernor having received a concession from the king for\\nthat purpose. This was an undertaking well suited to the\\nenterprising genius of Champlain, and he accordingly em-\\nbarked at Honfleur on March 15, 1603, in a ship commanded\\nby Captain Pontgrave, an experienced mariner of St.\\nMalo.\\nOn the 24th of May, after a rough and protracted pas-\\nsage, they dropped anchor at Tadousac, where the deep and\\ndark waters of the Saguenay enter the estuary of the St.\\nLawrence. Leaving their large ship here, Pontgrave and\\nChamplain, with five seamen, continued their voyage in a\\nshallop up the St. Lawrence to the rapids, above Hochelaga.\\nAs they slowly retraced their course, Champlain examined\\nand noted the rocky and wooded shores on both sides of\\nthe river down to Tadousac. He then drew up a map of\\nthe country, collected information about Acadia (after-\\nward called by the British Nova Scotia), and in the follow-\\ning autumn returned to France, where he immediately pub-\\nlished a narrative of his voyage and observations, entitled\\nDcs Sauvages.\\nHis patron, J)e Chastes, had meantime deceased, and\\nthe exclusive privileges that had been granted to him by\\nHenry IV. were transferred to Pierre du Guast, Sieur de\\nMonts, a gentleman of Saintonge, and an officer of the\\nking s household. Letters-patent were issued to the latter\\nin November, 1608, nominating liim vice-admiral and lieu-\\ntenant-general of his majesty in the country of La Cadie\\n(Acadia), with full and exclusive power to trade in peltries,\\nand to make war and peace with the natives, from the 40th\\nto the 46th parallel of north latitude also to make grants\\nof land to French settlers. His patent embraced the whole\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0This old poetic name, written Acadie in r rench, appears to be an\\nabbreviation of the Imlian name for one of the rivers of that conntrv.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "French Settlement of Acadia. 11\\ncoast of N^ew England, no part of which had as yet been\\noccupied by the English. The Sieur de Monts was a Cal-\\nvinist, and had stipulated for the free exercise of his own\\nform of religion, but this was inconsistently enough coupled\\nwith an agreement that the Indians of the country should\\nbe instructed in the mysteries of pure Catholicism. Having\\nresolved to plant an extensive colony in his new domain,\\nDe Monts now engaged the active assistance of Champlain\\nin his enterprise. They at once proceeded to hire and equip\\na number of vessels, large and small, with which they set\\nsail from Havre de Grace on the 7th of April, 1604, carry-\\ning numerous colonists, traders, and stores. The commander\\narrived with a part of his fleet off Sable Island in the first\\nweek of May, and thence stood along the south and western\\nshores of Acadia for several weeks, being undecided where\\nto make a permanent landing. At length, after exploring\\nthe Bay of Fundy, he determined to begin a settlement on\\nthe Island of Sainte Croix, in the estuary of that name,\\nlying between the present Maine and New Brunswick. But\\nthis location proved unfavorable from the lack of building\\ntimber and fresh water, and during the next summer the\\ncolony was removed across the bay to a place called Port\\nRoyal, now Annapolis. When this transfer had been ef-\\nfected, De Monts found it necessary to return to France,\\nleaving Pontgrave in charge of the new settlement. The\\ncold, damp, and sterile peninsula of Acadia, or Nova Scotia,\\nfulfilled none of those hopes of speedy wealth that had al-\\nlured the French colonists hither. It yielded with difficulty\\nthe common necessaries of life, and the fur-trade was too\\nlimited to be profitable. Its mineral resources long re-\\nmained unknown.\\nIn the meantime Champlain diligently explored the\\nrock-bound coast to the southward, as far as the sandy beach\\nof Cape Cod, making surveys and charts of the same, and in\\n1607, re-embarked for France. His patron, De Monts, was\\naccused of abusing his ample commission, by capturing and\\nconfiscating all vessels that approached the American coast\\nwithin the bounds of his territorial jurisdiction, and of in-\\nterfering with the rights and endangering the safety of the", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "12 Discovery and Settlement of Canada.\\ncod fishermen on the shores of Newfoundland.* Never-\\ntheless, he had sufficient influence at court to get his privi-\\nleges renewed for a time, on condition that his company\\nshould form an establishment on the river St. Lawrence,\\nAs now reorganized, the company was composed principally\\nof merchants, who had only the fur trade in view, and this\\nled to a change in their plans and to the gradual abandon-\\nment of Acadia as the seat of their operations.\\nIn pursuance of this change of policy, the company\\ncaused to be fitted out two ships at Hpnfleur, and confided\\nthem to the charge of Messieurs Champlain and Pont-\\ngrave, with instructions to proceed to the St. Lawrence,\\nand there establish a trading post. They accordingly\\nsailed in the spring of 1608, taking out with them a suffi-\\ncient number of soldiers, traders and adventurers to form a\\nsettlement. Arriving in the Lower St. Lawrence, about\\nthe middle of June, they first touched at Tadousac, and\\nthence continued their course up the river. Having fixed\\nupon Quebecf as the most eligible site for the projected es-\\ntablishment, Champlain landed his company of advent-\\nurers there on July 3, 1608. This was one year after the\\nsettlement of Jamestown, Va., by the English, and twelve\\nyears before the landing of the Pilgrims on Plymouth\\nRock. The spot thus chosen was on the north side of the\\nSt. Lawrence liiver, just above its junction with the St.\\nCharles, and about one hundred and twenty leagues from\\nthe sea. No sooner had the commander begun to clear the\\nground for a settlement here, than he discovered a plot\\namong five of the men to take his life but this was hap-\\nAs early as the year 1504, the fishermen of Brittany and Nor-\\nmandy began to ply their vocation on the banks of Newfoundland, and\\nin 1517, upward of fifty vessels of different nations are said to have been\\nemployed in it.\\nt The Indians of the country i, ave to this place the name of Quebio\\nor Quelibec, which, in Algonquin and Abenaqui, means narr(n ;in(/, be-\\ncause the river St. Lawrence here narrows till it is only a mile wide\\nwhereas, just below the hlc de Orleans, it still maintains a breadth of\\nfour or five leagues. Charlevoix Histane da la Nmivelle France. En-\\nglish translation, edited by John Gilmary Shea (New York, 1866-1872),\\nvol. I., p. 50.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "Quebec Founded by Cham-plain. 13\\npily frustrated by his vigilance, and the conspirators were\\ndealt with by martial law.\\nMechanics and laborers were now put to work, and in\\nthe course of a few weeks a cluster of wooden buildings\\narose on the shelving bank of the river, under the shadow\\nof that lofty precipice, since known as Cape Diamond,\\nwhich towered above them. These rude edifices were sur-\\nrounded by a stout palisade or wall, pierced by apertures\\nfor small cannon, and were thenceforth occupied as the\\nheadquarters of Champlain and his semi-military colony.\\nSuch was the inconsiderable beginning of the historical\\ncity and fortress of Quebec. Having thus provided a se-\\ncure place for his men and munitions, the resolute leader\\npushed out into the circumjacent country, with a view to\\nmaking it tributary to the French power. It was from\\nabout this time that Canada and Acadia began to be offi-\\ncially designated as Noiivellc France j though this ambitious\\nappellation had been long before applied to the coast of the\\ncountry by the navigator Verrazano.\\nIn order to secure the friendship and support of the\\nneighboring Montagnais and Algonquin Indians,* in fur-\\ntherance of his designs of interior exploration and inter-\\ncourse, Champlain now undertook, with dubious propriety,\\nto aid them in their ceaseless warfare with the Iroquois, or\\nFive Kations,t who inhabited the region lying mostly within\\nthe limits of the present State ot New York. Victory, of\\ncourse, attended his superior arms in the first encounters\\nwith them, but it intensified the hatred of those proud and\\nfierce warriors for the Indian allies of Champlain; it led to\\nan alliance of the Iroquois with the Dutch settlers, and af-\\nterward with the English, and long prevented the French\\nfrom advancing southward into the beautiful and fertile\\nValley of the Ohio. On the other hand, it is doubtful if the\\nThe Algonquins, proper, dwelt on the Ottawa river, and hence\\nwere called Ottawas by the French but thej-^ gave name to the entire\\nfamily of kindred tribes (about thirty-eight in all), known as Algonquins.\\nTThe use of the word nation, as applied to a single Indian tribe,\\nthough sanctioned by the usage of the best writers, is, nevertheless,\\na misnomer.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "14 Discovery and Settlement of Canada.\\nlirst French colonist could have maintained, for any con-\\nsiderable time, an attitude of strict neutrality between\\nthose ever-warring Indian nations so that the policy they\\nadopted may have been the only feasible one open to them.\\nIn the early summer of 1609, Champlain, with a few\\narmed men, joined a hunting and war party of their Mon-\\ntagnais allies on an excursion into the territory of the\\nIroquois. Ascending the broad St. Lawrence to the mouth\\nof the Richelieu, or Sorel River, and pushing up the latter\\nto its source, he discovered and partially explored that\\nbeautiful lake whicli still bears his name. On its sylvan\\nshores he found game exceedingly abundant, and particu-\\nlarly the fur-bearing beaver. While exploring the south\\npart of the lake, our French and Indian party fell in with\\na band of Mohawk warriors, w^hen a sharp fight ensued, in\\nwhich several of tlie latter were slain and others taken\\nprisoners. Champlain had now to witness an exhibition\\nof that protracted and cruel torture to which the savages\\noften subjected their male captives, which filled him with\\nsuch horror that he obtained permission of his allies to\\nshoot the poor creature dead with his arquebuse, and thus\\nended his anguish.\\nLeaving Pierre Chauvin in command at Quebec, Cham-\\nplain returned with Captain Pontgrave to France in Sep-\\ntember, 1609 but he came back the next spring, bringing\\nfresh supplies, and a number of artisans for his embryo\\ncolony. In the autumn of this year (1610), the Montagnais\\nagain called on the French for military assistance against\\ntheir enemies, which Champlain gave in order to secure\\nthe co-operation of the former in his own interior explora-\\ntions. Moving with his Indian allies up the St. Lawrence\\nand the river Sorel, he assaulted and captured a stronghold\\nof the Iroquois, but received a severe wound in the action.\\nIf the French at this epoch could have forecast the future\\nof their Canadian colony, they would no doubt have occu-\\npied the Iroquois country in force, and seized control of\\nthe Hudson River, so as to exclude the Dutch, and secure\\nanother and shorter outlet to the ocean. Such a course", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "Advent of the Recollects. 15\\nwas recommeiuled l\u00c2\u00bby ^I. Tiilon at a subsequent })eri()cl, but\\nit was then too late.\\nIn August, 1611, Champlain again crossed the Atlantic\\nto France, where he shortly married a girl named Helene\\nBoulle, who was only twelve years old, and wdio was called\\nhis child wife. She had been reared a Protestant, but\\nbecame a Catholic after her marriage. On the assassina-\\ntion of Henry IV., in 1610, De Monts lost his influence at\\ncourt, and the merchants of his company having become\\ntired of the continual expense of the Canadian coloniza-\\ntion scheme, it was about to l)e abandoned. At this junc-\\nture, Champlain induced the Count de Soissons to take\\nhold of the matter; and on the 8th of October, 1612, that\\nnobleman was commissioned governor and lieutenant-gen-\\neral of New France. Champlain was now appointed lieu-\\ntenant under him, and continued to act in this capacity\\nuntil after the rio:hts of De Soissons had been transferred\\nto the Prince de Conde. Returning to Quebec in the\\nspring of 1613, Champlain undertook to explore the Ot-\\ntawa River, but did not proceed very far at this time. In\\nthe autumn of that year lie sailed to Old France, and\\norganized a trading company for Canada.\\nIn 1615 he brought over four Recollects, or Recollets*\\n(three priests and a lay brother), to attend to the spiritual\\nneeds of his colony. They embarked at Honfleur, and\\narrived in Quebec the 25th of May. The names of these\\nfirst missionaries were, Fathers Denis Jamet, Jean d Olbeau\\nand Joseph le Caron, and Brother Pacificus de Plessis. It\\nwas with mingled curiosity and astonishment that the\\nnatives of the St. Lawrence Valley first beheld these gray\\nfriars, with their shaven crowns, sandaled feet, and long\\ncassocks of coarse woolen cloth. Their first care, on ar-\\nrival, was to select a site and begin the erection of a con-\\nvent or religious house for tiieir use. The paramount\\nobject of these monks was the conversion of the pagan\\nIndians to Christianity; and, undismayed by the many\\n*The Recollects were a reformed branch of the old Franciscan\\norder of friars.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "16 Discovery aiul Settlement of Canada.\\nobstacles and perils that confronted them, they met in\\ncouncil and assigned to each his province in the wide field\\nof their proposed labors. By patient and persevering\\neffort, they established missions at various points among\\nthe Montagnais and Hurons in Canada, but at length, find-\\ning the task too great for their limited numbers and re-\\nsources, they applied to the Jesuits for assistance.\\nIn 1616 Champlain accompanied his Indian allies in\\nanother expedition against the Iroquois, and afterward ex-\\nplored the river and valley of the Ottawa. Journeying\\nthence westward, he appears to have discovered Lake\\nNipissing, and the Georgian Bay of Lake Huron, sleeping\\nin their primeval solitudes, and engirt with dense forests\\nof pine and cedar. By these different expeditions, our\\nveteran explorer was enabled to form a more accurate idea\\nof the geography of the Canadian country; inclosed by\\ngreat lakes and rivers, and opening into vast interior re-\\ngions, it seemed to him to atiord unlimited scope for both\\ncommerce and settlement.\\nAs early as 1611, the Jesuits, not without opposition\\nand delay, had started a mission at Port Royal, in Acadia,*\\nand when they received an invitation to enter Canada, they\\neagerly accepted it. But, owing to the prejudice existing\\nagainst their order in the colony, it was not until 1625 that\\nthey gained a foothold on the banks of the St. Lawrence.\\nDuring that year Fathers Charles Lalemant, Enemond,\\nMasse, and Jean de Brebeuf, with two lay brothers, reached\\nQuebec, where they were at first ill-received by the inhab-\\nitants, but were generously lodged in the house of the Re-\\ncollets, on St. Chark^s River. In the following year (1626),\\nthree other Jesuits, to wit. Fathers Philibert, Noirot, and\\nAme de la None, with a lay brother, arrived at Quebec, and\\nbrought out with them several mechanics and hiborers.f\\nIt was on the 22d of May, 1611, that Pierre Biard and Enemond\\nMasse, two Jesuit priests, landed in Aeadia. They had been ready to\\nsail from France the year before, but were prevented from doinj^ so by\\nthe directors of the colony. See Charlevoix Hist. New France, vol. 1,\\np. 263, note.\\ntCharlevoix Hist. New France, vol.2, pp. 35,37.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "First Appearance of the Jesuits. 17\\nThey were the first representatives in Canada of that cele-\\nbrated religious society, which was destined to play so im-\\nportant a part in her ecclesiastical and civil afi airs. The\\nJesuits had just fairly entered upon this chosen theater of la-\\nbor, when they were interrupted and dispersed by the English\\ninvasion of the St. Lawrence Valley in 1629 but, four\\nyears later, they resumed their missionary work on a larger\\nscale, and wrestled vigorously with heathenism in the north-\\nern wilderness. Cheerfully enduring every form of hard-\\nship, and confronting every extremity of personal danger,\\nthey penetrated the wildest recesses of the forest and lakes,\\nand planted the cross, the symbol of their faith, among the\\nmost ignorant and savage tribes of the interior.\\nQuebec continued from the beginning to be the center\\nof their operations, trom whence missionary priests and\\nteachers were dispatched far and wide.\\nDuring the year 1627 Cardinal Richelieu organized a\\ncompany of one hundred associates, called Le Compagnie\\n(VNouveau France^ upon whom was conferred the possession\\nand government of Canada, with a monopoly of its trade\\nand commerce, and freedom from taxation for fifteen years.\\nUnder the restrictive regulations of this company, the col-\\nonists were all required to be Frenchmen and Roman C-ath-\\nolics, a short-sighted policy, which hampered the growth\\nand material prosperity of the colony. At this epoch the\\nvillage of Quebec did not contain above one hundred regu-\\nlar inhabitants. It had in fact a fort, a church, a convent,\\nand an hospital, before it contained a fixed population.\\nIn July, 1629, after being blockaded for some time,\\nQuebec was taken by an English squadron under the com-\\nmand of Sir David Kirk, a Huguenot refugee of Scotch\\nparentage, who, with his two brothers, had been commis-\\nsioned to ascend the St. Lawrence for that purpose. Cham-\\nplain and his feeble garrison were now put on shipboard,\\nand transported as prisoners of war to England. In pass-\\ning down the river and out to sea, they barely escaped being\\nrecaptured by a French squadron under Emeric de Caen,\\nwho was coming to the relief of Quebec. The Jesuit mis-\\nsionaries on the St. Lawrence were also deported or driven\\n2", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "18 Discovery and Settlement of Canada.\\naway, and their missions broken up. But by the treaty of\\nSt. Germain en Laye, March 29, 1632, Canada was restored\\nto its former proprietor, and Champlain was soon thereafter\\ncommissioned anew by Richelieu as director-general of the\\ncolony. At that time there was considerable discussion at\\nthe French court as to whether Canada were worth repos-\\nsessing, so little was it valued.\\nOn the 23d of May, 1633, the veteran Chami)lain, hav-\\ning sailed from Dieppe with three ships and two hundred\\nnew settlers, arrived once more at Quebec, and with him\\nreturned John de Brebeuf, the indefatigable Jesuit mis-\\nsionary. No sooner had Champlain resumed command in\\nthe colony, than he addressed himself to the task of restor-\\ning order, and of repairing the waste occasioned by the\\nEnglish occupation of the country. One of his first cares\\nwas to restore and strengthen the defenses of Quebec,\\nwhich his quick military discernment and experience had\\ntaught him was the key to the St. Lawrence River and\\nconnecting lakes. During the next two years he also\\nerected a fort on Richelieu Island, in Lake St. Peter of the\\nSt. Lawrence, and founded the post of Trois Mivieres, or\\nThree Rivers, between Quebec and Montreal. But Cham-\\nplain had now attained to the age of sixty-eight, and was\\nworn out in the laborious service of his country. After an\\nillness lasting two months, he expired at his quarters in\\nQuebec on Christmas day, 1635, just one hundred years\\nfrom the time of Cartier s first visit to the spot. He died\\nwithout issue, and his young wife soon afterward entered\\nan Ursuline convent, in which she passed the remainder of\\nher days. Champlain appointed M. de Chateaufort to di-\\nrect the aifairs of the colony until the arrival of his suc-\\ncessor, Charles Huault de Montmagny, a knight of Malta,\\nwho reached Canada in 1636, and remained eleven years.\\nWe may not pause here to enlarge upon the personal\\nand general character of Samuel de Champlain. He was\\na many sided man, and in his time played many parts.\\nHe presented the rare intermixture of the heroic quali-\\nties of past times, with the zeal for science and the prac-\\ntical talents of modern ages, Apart from liis high merits", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "Canada as a Royal Province. 19\\nas a discoverer and scientilic explorer, he was an intrepid\\nnegotiator with the aboriginal tribes, and possessed execu-\\ntive abilities of the first order. During a period of twenty-\\nseven years (saving three years of enforced absence), he\\nably administered the affairs of the nascent colony, and\\ndevoted all his energies to the arduous duties of his posi-\\ntion. Amid difficulties and discouragements that would\\nhave overwhelmed a less resolute and persevering man, he\\nfirmly fixed the authority of France upon the banks of the\\nnoble St. Lawrence, and thus achieved for himself a con-\\nspicuous and enduring place in the Gallic history of the\\ncountry. Although traffic with the Indians was quite\\nlucrative in his day, he does not appear to have personally\\nengaged in it, for his thoughts were intent on higher\\nthings. As a military commandant he w^as just and firm,\\naccording to the maxims of his age, though his justice was\\never tempered with clemency. A devout Catholic, he was\\nzealous in promoting the religious welfare of the colonists,\\nand in the eftbrt to convert the aborigines to Chris-\\ntianity. In his writings he is charged with credulity for\\nrepeating the absurd stories told him by the Indians but,\\nthough apparently fond of the marvelous, we are not to\\nijifer that he believed every thing he wrote, since much of\\nit was related as hearsay. Charlevoix draws his character\\nin flattering terms, and speaks of him as the Father of\\nNew France.\\nFor twenty-eight years after Champlain s death, the\\nmanagement of public afiairs in Canada was continued in\\nthe hands of the Hundred Associates, or partners, who\\nruled the colony arbitrarily in their own interests, and\\nthereby restricted its normal growth and development.\\nBut in February, 1663, they voluntarily abandoned their\\ncharter to the king. In the following April, Louis XIV.\\nissued an edict constituting a Sovereign Council, empow-\\nered to carry on the government of the province. New\\nFrance thus became a royal province, with the laws and\\ncustoms of the Parliament of Paris, and Quebec was con-\\nCharlevoix Now France, vol. II, p. 89.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "20 Discovery and Settlement of Canada.\\nstituted a city. The white popuhxtion of Canada then num-\\nbered but twenty-five hundred souls, of which eight hundred,\\nincluding the garrison, were at Quebec* At this transition\\nperiod, Augustine de Saffray de Mesy was commissioned\\ngovernor of the new province, and M. Talon intendant. De\\nMesy arrived at Quebec in September, 1663, and otRciated\\nuntil his death, which occurred May 5, 1665, He had been\\nappointed on the recommendation of the Jesuits, but after-\\nward disagreed with them, and his administration was in-\\nfelicitous. At or before this time, however, the Marquis\\nde Tracy was appointed viceroy, or lieutenant-general of\\nNew France, with Daniel de Remi, Sieur de Courcelles,\\nas governor, and Jean Baptiste Talon intendant. They ar-\\nrived in the St. Lawrence during the summer of 1665, and\\nentered upon the duties of their respective offices.\\nUnder the new and more orderly system of government,\\nthe French-Canadians enjoyed domestic tranquillity and in-\\ncreased prosperity for a series of years. But this was in-\\nterrupted toward the close of that century by border wars\\nwith tlie English settlers of ISTew England and Xew York.\\nIn 1690, hostilities then existing between France and En-\\ngland, an army was raised in I^ew York and Connecticut to\\nmarch against Montreal, though it did not advance beyond\\nLake Champlain. This army of militia was intended to co-\\noperate with an expedition by sea, under the command of\\nSir William Phipps, who sailed from Boston with a fleet\\nof some thirty vessels. Entering the St. Lawrence in the\\nmonth of October, and ascending it to Quebec, he landed a\\npart of his troops, and laid siege to the city both by land\\nand water but he was repulsed and driven oft by the\\nFrench garrison under the veteran Count Frontenac. Sub-\\nsequentl}^, in the year 1711, the attempt against Quebec was\\nrenewed by Sir llovenden Walker, with a fleet of thirty\\nsail, and a large number of transports carrjang troops, under\\none General Hill. But, after having lost ten of his trans-\\nports by shipwreck at the mouth of the St. Lawrence, he\\nKingsford s Hist, of Canada, vol. I.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "Quebec and Montreal. 21\\nabandoned the expedition in disgust and returned to En-\\ngland.\\nBy the treaty of Utrecht of April 11, 1713, Louis XIV.\\nrestored to England Hudson s Bay, ceded to her New Found-\\nland and the larger part of Acadia, and renounced all claim\\nto the Iroquois country, reserving to France the valleys ot\\nthe St. Lawrence and Mississippi, and the region of the\\nUpper Lakes. Prior to that time New France embraced\\nnot only the Canadas and all of Acadia, but parts of North-\\nern New York and New England.\\nIt was not until after the English attack by Phipps in\\n1690, that the French first attempted the construction of\\nstone fortifications at Quebec, the town having been pre-\\nviously protected by palisades and earthworks. Thus was\\nbegun on a small scale that elaborate and unique system of\\nfortification, now covering with its ravelins about forty\\nacres, which crowns the summit of Cape Diamond at an\\nelevation of three hundred and twelve feet above the level\\nof the St. Lawrence, and which has been not inaptly termed\\nthe Gribraltar of America. Whoever has stood upon the\\nparapetted and breezy heights of this renowned fortress\\ncould not have failed to be impressed with its exceeding\\nmilitary strength, or charmed with the magnificent and un-\\nrivaled view it commands of the surrounding rivers, valleys,\\nvillages, and distant mountains. The relative value and\\nimportance of the citadel as a place of defense, however, has\\nbeen greatly diminished by the improved military science\\nof the present age.*\\nBefore closing this preliminary chapter, it is fitting\\nthat we should concisely yet distinctly trace the origin\\nand primordial history of Montreal, the sister city of Que-\\nbec, and the great emporium of the Canadas. Montreal is\\nsituated on the southeastern side of the large, triangular\\nisland of the same name, at the head of ship navigation on\\nthe St. Lawrence River, and at the foot of that great chain\\nof improved inland waters which stretch westward to the\\nIt was during a visit to this historic citadel that Daniel Webster\\ncaught the inspiration of one of his finest strains of eloquence.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "22 Discovery and Settlement of Canada.\\nextremity of Lake Superior. Within the extended limits\\nof the present Canadian Dominion, no nobler site could\\nwell have been selected for a large commercial city. From\\nthis vantage point the majestic St. Lawrence, unbroken by\\nany considerable rapids, flows on in one broad and deep\\nchannel for six hundred miles to the ocean, bearing upon\\nits ample bosom the rich and varied products of an empire.\\nMontreal was founded in 1641-42, on the site of the\\nancient Indian village of Hochelaga. It was officially\\nchristened Ville Marie, or City of Mary, and for many\\nyears was known by tliat as well as its present name. As\\nearly as the year 1636, Jean Jacques Olier de Verneuil had\\nformed an association in France, for the purpose of colo-\\nnizing the island of Montreal. These associates purchased\\nthe Island of Jean de Lauson, August 7, 1640, and, in\\norder to remove all doubts about the title, obtained a grant\\nof it from the Company of New France, on the 17th of\\nDecember, in that year. In the summer of 1641, they sent\\nout the Sieur de Maisonneuye, a gentleman of Champagne,\\nwith a company of about forty colonists, including some\\necclesiastics, to make a settlement. Maisonneuve arrived\\nat Quebec on the 20th of August, and thence proceeded up\\nthe river to Montreal, where he was duly installed governor\\nof the island. After wintering his colonists in Quebec and\\nSainte Foy, he returned to Montreal in the spring of 1642,\\nand, on the 17th of May, having heard solemn mass, he\\nbegan an intrenchment around his encampment. Subse-\\nquently, in 1656, the proprietorship of this company was\\ntransferred to the Society or Seminary of St. Sulpice, which\\nhad been founded by Father Olier, at Paris, in September,\\n1645, for the special training of candidates for the priest-\\nhood. The Sulpitians took possession of the island in\\n1657, and established there a seminary and missionary es-\\ntablishment, which has maintained its footing down to our\\ntime.*\\nAlthough of a distinctively religious origin, and never\\n*For a further account of the movement toward the first settlement\\nof Montreal, see Charlevoix Hist. New France. Vol. II, pp. 12 to 1150,\\nand accompanying notes.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "Montreal. 23\\nthe political capital of Canada, under the French regime\\n(except for a short time after the fall of Quebec, in 1759),\\nMontreal early became the commercial metropolis of the\\ncolony, the repository of its wealth, and the center of its\\nincreasing fur-trade. The town was not regarded by the\\ncolonial authorities as a place of special military conse-\\nquence, nor was it ever regularly fortified until 1758, and\\nthen under the stress of war and expected English invasion.\\nWhile its history is hardly so thrilling, or distinguished by\\nso many vicissitudes, as that of Quebec, it is still replete\\nwith events of deep and abiding interest.\\nIt was here, during the lengthened period of tlie Gal-\\nlic rule, that most of those secular and missionary expedi-\\ntions were finally equipped and sent out to the West, which\\nfirst disclosed to European eyes the boundless extent and\\nphysical resources of the interior of I^orth America. Here,\\nfrom time to time, were wont to rendezvous and go forth\\nto explore and subdue the savage wilderness, those little\\nbands of Recollet friars and Jesuit priests, those high-bred\\nand intrepid soldiers of fortune, those hardy adventurers,\\nvoyageurs, traders and trappers, whose deeds of daring and\\ndiscovery, of courage and constancy, of penance and piety,\\nof sutfering and self-sacrifice, have been immortalized in\\nprose and in verse.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "24 Spanish Discovery of the Mississippi.\\nCHAPTER II.\\n1539-1671.\\nDISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER AND OF THE NORTHWEST.\\nAccording to Spanish colonial chronicles, the Missis-\\nsippi Kiver was discovered by Hernando de Soto,* an am-\\nbitious soldier of fortune, who, after acquiring wealth and\\ndistinction under Pizarro in Peru, returned to Spain, and\\nwas commissioned by the emperor, Charles V., to be gov-\\nernor and captain -gen era! for life of Cuba and Florida.\\nHaving obtained the imperial permission and authority to\\nundertake, at his own expense, the exploration and conquest\\nof Florida,! De Soto raised and equipped a force of six hun-\\ndred picked men, Spaniards and Portuguese, besides twenty\\nofficers and twenty-four ecclesiastics. With these he put\\nto sea from San Lucar, Spain, on April 6, 1538, and before\\nthe end of May arrived at the port of St. Jago de Cuba,\\nthen the seat of government, in the southeastern corner of\\nthe island. Here lie tarried a few months to arrange his\\naffiiirs of state, and then proceeded to Havana, where he\\nwas joined by his consort, Dona Isabella, and all of his\\ntroops.\\nIt was on the 18th of May, 1539, after fourteen months\\nof busy preparation, that the captain-general and his splen-\\ndid armament, with nodding plumes and waving banners,\\nembarked for the shallow and treacherous coast of West\\nFlorida. Before setting sail, however, he appointed one of\\nhis trusted friends in Havana to act with his wife in the\\ngovernment of Cuba during his absence. His Heet con-\\nsisted of live large ships, two caravels, and two brigantiues.\\nVariously written by different authors Ferdinand, Fernando, and\\nHernando de Soto.\\ntThis large peninsula had been discovered and named by Ponce de\\nLeon in 1512, but little was known of the interior of the country.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "Soto s Expedition through Florida. 25\\ncarrying six hundred and twenty soldiers, and two hundred\\nand twenty-three horses.* They also carried a numerous\\nretinue of priests, servitors, and camp-followers, and a large\\nherd of swine. The horsemen were all furnished with\\nshirts of mail, steel caps and greaves, after the military\\nfashion of that age. The fleet quit the harbor of Havana\\nwith a favorable wind, but was becalmed on entering the\\nGulf of Mexico, and did not reach its destination until the\\n25th of May, when it came to anchor at the Bay of Espiritu\\nSanto, now called Tampa Bay. On the 30th of that month\\nDe Soto debarked his troops, horses and baggage, and\\npitched his camp on the seashore. After some little skirm-\\nishing with hostile parties of the natives, in which several\\nof his light-armed troops were wounded, he took possession\\nof the deserted village of Ucita, situated about two leagues\\nup the bay. This place he proceeded to fortify by throw-\\ning up intrenchments, etc., and made it his base of opera-\\ntions.\\nLearning from an Indian captive that a Spaniard\\nwas living not many leagues away, who had been a soldier\\nin the unfortunate expedition of Pamphilio de Xarvaez, in\\n1527 or 28, the governor sent an escort for him and had\\nhim brought to his headquarters. This Spaniard was a\\nnative of Seville, and his name was Juan Ortiz. He ap-\\npeared at the Spanish camp with his face painted, and\\notherwise accoutered as a savage. On being interrogated\\nhe stated that he had lived among the Florida Indians\\neleven years, and knew their language very well, but could\\nnot tell much about the country, only that there was no\\ngold in it. Taking him for a guide and interpreter, De Soto\\nnow set out to penetrate the interior with all his army, ex-\\ncept sixty foot soldiers and twenty-six horsemen, who were\\nleft behind to guard the fort.f\\nAfter spending the remainder of that season in ram-\\nbling through the tangled forests and everglades of the\\nNarrative of Luis Hernandez de Biedraa, or Biedura, factor of the\\nexpedition.\\nt Biedma s Narrative.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "26 Spanish Discovery of the Mississippi.\\npeninsula, he wintered in the territory of the Appalach-\\nians, near the northwestern coast, and during the next\\nspring marched to the northeast, traversing what is now\\nGeorgia and a part of South CaroHna. Arriving early in\\nMay on the banks of a wide river,* near a large village of\\nthe Cofitachiqui, the Indian queen of that nation sent her\\nsister with a present of a necklace of beads to De Soto,\\nand canoes with which to cross the river. When he\\nr ^ached the village, the queen gave him the use of one-\\nhalf of it in which to lodge his men, and also sent him a\\npresent of many wild hens. Searching the graves of a dis-\\npeopled town in that vicinity for treasure, the Spaniards\\ndiscovered a great store of pearls, which, however, had\\nbeen injured by being buried in the ground. They also\\nfound two Spanish axes, and some beads resembling those\\nbrought from Spain for the purpose of trading with the\\nIndians. It was conjectured that these last articles had\\nbeen obtained in trade from the companions of Vasquez de\\nAyllon, who, sailing from Hispaniola, had landed at a port\\non the coast of Carolina in the year 1525.\\nRemaining at the village of the Indian princess sev-\\neral days, the Spanish governor next marched north-\\nwestward, crossing the southern spurs of the Blue Ridge\\nMountains, atid thence bent his general course southward\\nthrough the present State of Alabama, inquiring every-\\nwhere for the precious metals, often hearing of them, but\\nfinding little or none. The aborigines, living along this\\nextended and tortuous route, were sometimes hostile, and\\nat other times friendly, but nowhere oifered an} effectual\\nresistance to the progress of the invaders. The privations\\nand sufferings of the Sjjaniards were often severe, and their\\nadventures bordered closely on the marvelous. f\\nAbout the middle of October, 1540, Soto and his\\narmy arrived at a large palisaded town called Mavila, or\\nMauvila (Mobile), which was situated on the Alabama\\nSupposed to be the Savannah River, and probably in the Chero-\\nkee country.\\nt Thomas History of the U. S.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "Soto s Expedition through Florida. 27\\nRiver, a short distance above its confluence with the Tom-\\nbigbee. The natives of that southern locality had con-\\nceived a strong aversion toward the Spaniards on account\\nof their reputed inhumanity, and this was intensified by\\nthe arbitrary action of the latter in seizing and holding as\\nprisoner, for a time, the Indian cacique, Tuscalosa, for sus-\\npected treachery. This bitter state of feeling soon burst\\nout into a bloody conflict, which lasted several days, and\\nduring which the Indian town was fired and reduced to\\nashes, together with a great many of its inhabitants, and a\\npart of the baggage of the Spaniards. According to some\\nSpanish accounts, twenty-five hundred of the natives either\\ndied in battle, or were sufibcated and burned to death, at\\nMavila.\\nHaving now lost about one hundred of his men and\\nforty-two horses, since landing in Florida, De Soto went\\ninto camp for a few weeks to rest his little army, and care\\nfor the wounded. Any one but this proud and headstrong\\ncaptain would have here renounced his scheme of barren\\nconquest and fruitless search for mineral wealth, and joined\\nhis brigantines which had arrived at the harbor of Ochuse,*.\\nonly one hundred miles away. But still lured forward by\\nthe hope of finding some rich country, he broke up his\\ncamp and marched to the northwest. Fighting his way\\nthrough the woods and across rivers into the heart of the\\nChickasaw country, he put his troops into winter quarters\\nat the small village of Chicaca, on the upper waters (it is\\nsupposed) of the Yazoo River. Early in the following-\\nMarch, Soto, as had been his custom, made a requisition\\nupon the principal cacique of the neighborhood for two\\nhundred men to carry his baggage to the banks of the\\nMississippi. To this unexpected demand the wily sachem\\ngave an evasive answer, and, instead of complying with it,\\nsecretly collected his warriors at night, and attacked and\\nset fire to the village in which the Spaniards were lodged;\\nthus causing the destruction of the clothing and stores of\\nthe latter, as well as the loss of fifty-seven of their horses\\nPensaeola Bay, the Achusi of La Vega.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "28 Spanish Discovery of the Mississippi.\\nand fourteen men, who perished in the fight and flames.*\\nThis frightful disaster occasioned the Spaniards a month s\\ndelay, during which time forges were erected, swords re-\\ntempered, ashen lances made, and every efibrt put forth to\\nrepair their irreparable losses.\\nAt length, late in April, 1541, the indomitable com-\\nmander again resumed his march, and, after struggling for\\na week or more through the intervening wilderness of for-\\nest and swamp, and meeting and overcoming stubborn op-\\nposition from the natives, he reached the long sought Mis-\\nsissippi! the Eio Grande of De la Vega, and the Rio del\\nEspiritu Santo of the Spaniards generally. The character\\nof this mighty stream has not materially changed in the\\nlapse of three and a half centuries. It was then described\\n(at the place of crossing) as almost half a league wnde, and\\nflowing with a swift current in a deep channel. The river\\nwas always muddy, and trees and timber were continually\\nfloating down it. The Indian town where Soto first\\nstruck the main river, was called Quizquiz, or Chisca,|\\nnames now incapable of identification. The actual ap-\\npearance of the Spanish captain, and of his tattered and\\nbattle-scarred followers, marshaled on the low banks of the\\nMississippi, was no doubt tame enough in contrast with the\\nbrilliantly pictured representatioYi of the scene on canvas.\\nHere the resolute adventurers were detained nearly a\\nmonth, constructing pirogues and barges to convey them-\\nselves, horses and baggage, over the river. They appear to\\nhave crossed to the western side at the foot of the lowest\\nChickasaw bluft a short distance below the site of the present\\ncity of Memphis. Such, at all events, is the generally re-\\nceived opinion, though a few modern writers endeavor to\\nSee Biedma s Narrative.\\nt Tliere is probably no river that has had so many names as this\\ngreat river. The name Mechisapa was afterward written Missisipi, and\\nfinally Mississippi. The Indians, according to their different localities\\nand languages, had difierent names for it. Soto first knew it by the\\nname of Chucagua. The French several times changed its name, call-\\ning it St. Louis, Colbert, etc. Shipp s History DeSoto, p. 674.\\nt The latter is the name given by La Vega.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "Soto s Expedition through Florida. 29\\nfix the place of their crossing below the junction of the Ar-\\nkansas.*\\nAfter passing the Mississippi, Soto and his caravan\\nmoved in a northwesterly direction to the Indian village of\\nPacaha, situated not far to the west of the modern New\\nMadrid, Missouri. Stopping there some twenty-seven days,\\nhe sent out small parties to explore the country, and after-\\nward marched north and west to the highlands of White\\nRiver, the northern limit of his expedition. Still seeking\\nthe rich realm described by De Vaca,t the Spanish captain\\nnow changed his course to the southeast, and came to a\\nlarge town of the people called Quigata. This is supposed\\nto have been on the river Arkansas, near Little Ixock. But\\nhe was again tempted westward, up into the region of the\\nOzark mountains, and on his route may have passed by\\nthe Hot Springs, one of the fabled fountains of youth. He\\nnext wintered at the town of Vicanque, or Autiamque,\\nwhich was probably on the Upper Arkansas, though some\\nwriters place it on the headwaters of the Washita. It was\\nhere that Juan Ortiz, the interpreter, died much regretted.\\nIn March, 1542, De Soto left Vicanque and descended\\nthe Valley of the Arkansas, to get information in regard to\\nthe sea. Returning to the banks of the Mississippi, he fixed\\nhis fortified camp at a village called Guachoya, or Guach-\\noyanque,^ which was probably situated not far below the\\nconfluence of the Arkansas. The commander now found\\nhis health and strength declining under the fatigues and\\nanxieties of his disappointing enterprise, and his lofty pride\\ngave way to a settled melancholy. This was accompanied\\nSee the different opinions on this mooted question collected in a\\nnote to Bancroft s History of the U. S. (edition of 1875) vol I, p. 59. See\\nalso a lengthy note on the Route of DeSoto, in the appendix to B.\\nShipp s History of Soto and Florida (Philadelphia, 1881), pp. 070-681.\\ntCabeca de Vaca was second in command of the expedition of Nar-\\nvaez in 1528, and it is asserted or conjectured that he discovered one of\\nthe mouths of the Mississippi.\\nt Some modern writers, including Bancroft, locate Guachoya near\\nthe mouth of Red River but we prefer to follow Mr. McCuUough, Mr.\\nShea, and others, who would confine De Soto s wanderings west of the\\nGreat River to the Valley of the Arkansas and its tributaries.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "30 Spanish Discovery of the Mississippi.\\nby a malignant and wasting fever, of which he died on the\\n5th of June, 1542, being aged about forty and six years.\\nThe knowledge of his death was kept a secret from the In-\\ndians of the locality, who yet surmised the fact, and his\\nbody, wrapped in a mantle, was buried within the camp or\\ntown. But to eftectually guard the corpse against outrage\\nby the superstitious savages, it was exhumed a few days\\nafter, and placed in the hollowed trunk of an oak, and then\\nlowered at midnight into the deep bosom of the Father of\\nWaters,* an appropriate resting-place for its daring discov-\\nerer. It is related that his sympathetic and devoted wife\\nexpired at Havana within three days after hearing the sad\\ntidings of his end.\\nAccording to the more credible authorities, Hernando\\nde Soto was born at Xeres de los Cabelleros, in the princi-\\npality of Estramadura, Spain, about the year 1496. He was\\nthe scion of a noble yet impoverished family, and was in-\\ndebted to one Pedrais d Avila for the means of pursuing\\nan university course. After this he went to the West In-\\ndies, and joined Pizarro s expedition to Peru. In his ex-\\nploration and attempted conquest of Florida, he is said to\\nhave expended more than one hundred thousand ducats.\\nGarcilasso de la Vega, in his History of the Conquest\\nof Florida, gives us this concise yet flattering delineation\\nof De Soto s person and character:\\nHe was a little above the medium height, had a cheer-\\nful countenance, though somewhat swarthy, and was an ex-\\ncellent horseman. Fortunate in his enterprises, if death\\nhad not interrupted his designs vigilant, skillful, ambitious,\\npatient under difliculties; severe to chastise ofteuses, but\\nready to pardon others charitable and liberal toward the\\nsoldiers brave and daring, as much so as any captain who\\n*The Knight of Elvas states, in his narrative, that 8oto died on the\\n2l6t of May, 1542, and also gives a different account of his final burial\\nfrom that currently accepted. He says: Luysde Moscoso commanded\\nhim (Soto) to be taken up, and to cast a great deal of sand into the,\\nmantles in which he was wound, wherein he was carried in a canoe,\\nand thrown into the river.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "Survivors of Soto s Expedition. 31\\nhad entered the new worhh So many rare qualities caused\\nhim to be regretted by all the troops.\\nBy his last will, De Soto appointed Luis de Muscoso\\nd Alvarado, his favorite lieutenant, to succeed him in com-\\nmand of the army, which had been reduced by disease and\\ncasualties to one-half its original number. The real pur-\\npose of the expedition was now abandoned, the only object\\nof the survivors being to quit the country as best they\\nmight. Doubting his ability to lead the men back to Cuba\\nby way of the Mississippi and the Gulf, the new commander\\nset forth on a long and hazardous journey to the west and\\nsouthwest in hopes of reaching the Spanish settlements in\\nnorthern Mexico, as De Vaca claimed to have done after\\nthe failure of the expedition of Narvaez, to which allusion\\nhas been made. In the course of this arduous march, ex-\\ntending over seven hundred miles, Muscoso and his troop\\ntraversed a considerable part of the Valley of Red River,\\nand passed by some tribes wdio were found still inhabiting\\nthat country when it was hrst explored by the French,\\nnearly a century and a half later. The most westerly town\\nreached by our band of adventurers was named Nacachoz,\\nor Nazachoz, in western Texas. Here they sa \\\\v pottery,\\nturquoises, and cotton mantles from Mexico, and met with\\nan Indian woman who had belonged to a Spanish expedi-\\ntion sent eastward from the Pacific coast a few years before.\\nContinuing to advance ten days longer, they crossed a con-\\nsiderable river,]: when they found themselves in a desert\\nregion peopled by roving and predatory tribes.\\nDisheartened at the cheerless prospect, and fearing\\ntreachery from their native guides, the Spaniards now faced\\nabout and retraced their weary course to the Mississippi.\\nArrived once more at Guaehoya, where Soto had deceased,\\nthey determined to construct some vessels with which to\\ndescend to the sea and return to their own country. But\\nnot finding the requisite facilities for the work, they as-\\nSee Shipp s History of De Soto and Florida, p. 438.\\nt Supposed to have been the Pecos branch of the Rio Bravo del\\nNorte.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "32 Spanish Discovery of the Mississippi.\\ncended the river to the village of Minoya,* where they went\\ninto winter quarters and stayed six months. Here they set\\nup a forge, and worked all their iron and chains into nails\\nand spikes. They cut and dressed timbers, split boards,\\nlaid keels, and thus built seven light brigantines, in which\\nthey laid loose planks for decks, and afterward stretched\\nrawhides and mats to protect themselves from the Indian\\narrows.\\nIt was on the 2d of July, 1543, that the shattered\\nremnant of Soto s once proud array, now reckoned at only\\nthree hundred and twenty -two men, embarked in their\\nslender brigantines, with a canoe attached to each, and\\nbegan to drift down the great river. During the voyage,\\nthey suffered great annoyance and injury from the Indians\\nalong the Lower Mississippi, who were exasperated at the\\nSpaniards on account of their cruelties, and who followed\\nthem in canoes for many days, and harassed tliem with re-\\npeated attacks, both by land and water. In one of these\\nencounters with the savages, according to the Knight of\\nElvas, the brave Juan de Guzman and ten soldiers were\\nslain or drowned in the river. Escaping at length from\\ntheir enemies, and having sailed as they computed two\\nhundred and fifty leagues, Muscoso and his followers\\nreached the Gulf of Mexico on the 18th of July. From\\nthence, instead of venturing to cross the open sea in their\\nweak craft, they coasted its low shores to the west and\\nsouth for fifty-two days, and, after undergoing incredible\\nhardships, finally arrived at the town of Panuco, in Mexico,\\non the 10th of September. The inhabitants of Panuco,\\nsays the old chronicler, Garcihisso de la Vega, were all\\ntouched with pity at beholding this forlorn remnant of the\\ngallant armament of the renowned Hernando de Soto.\\nThey were blackened, haggard, shriveled up, and half-\\nnaked, being clad only with the skins of deer, buffalo,\\n*0r Aminyo. The precise location of this village, where the hrig-\\nantines were built, can not now be settled, its Spanish-Indian name\\nhaving left no trace, but it is supposed to have been on a small river\\nthat put into the Mississippi a few miles above the mouth of the Ar-\\nkansas.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "Survivors of Soto s Expedition. 33\\nbears and other animals, and looking more like wild beasts\\nthan human beings.*\\nThis wonderful yet di-sastrons expedition, covering a\\nperiod of over four years, was practically the beginning of\\nthe history of the CTnited States of l^orth America for the\\nmigrations and wars of the savage tribes, who had hitherto\\noccupied the whole country, are of hardly more historical\\nvalue than the flights and skirmishes of so many hawks\\nand crows. In this category we would not class the old\\nMound Builders, of whom and whose works so much has\\nbeen learnedly written, while so little comparatively is\\nreally known. They, too, were probably Indians, though\\nof a more intelligent and civilized type than those found\\nhere by the Europeans.\\nSubsequently, in the year 1557, owing to the implaca-\\nble hostility of the natives, and to the loss of the crews of\\nseveral Spanish ships that had been wrecked on the coasts\\nof Florida, the King of Spain gave orders for the military\\nreduction of tliat country. Accordingly, in 1559, an ex-\\npedition of fifteen hundred men was equipped and sailed\\nfrom Vera Cruz, Mexico, under the command of the vet-\\neran Don Tristan de Luna. He landed with his army at\\nSt. Mary s Bay, now Pensacola, and advanced northward\\ninto the interior, and thence Avestward to the Mississippi,\\nin the country of the Natchez Indians. In the meantime\\ndissensions and revolts arose among his troops, which im-\\npaired the success of the expedition, and necessitated a\\nretrograde march to the coast, where vessels soon after\\narrived and carried the survivors back to Mexico.\\nHenceforth the Mississippi River appears to have been\\nneglected and forgotten by the Spaniards, although they\\nhad explored it for nearly a thousand miles, and were ac-\\nquainted with at least two of its principal western tributa-\\n*For full, if not always trustworthy accounts of De Soto s expedi-\\ntion, see the contemporary chronicles of Biedma or Biedura, of the\\nGentleman of Elvas, and of Garcilasso de la Vega, several English ver-\\nsions of which are in print. That of Biedma is the shortest, and per-\\nhaps the most authentic.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "34 French Discovery of the Northwest.\\nries. It was afterward laid down on their maps of WevSt\\nFlorida as a comparatively unimportant stream, and was\\nnot always distinguished by its original Spanish name nor\\nis it certain that any ship of that nation had ever entered\\nand ascended the great river from the sea. Spain thus\\nabandoned the Valley of the Mississippi to its primitive\\nwildness and savagery, partly because of the great difficulty\\nof penetrating the country, l)ut chietly for the reason that\\nno El Dorado, no glittering gold, was found in all that\\nsemi-tropical region to attract and satisfy Spanish cupidity.\\nl^early a hundred years had elapsed after Soto s primal\\ndiscovery, when Jean ISTicolet, an intrepid French voyagear,\\nreached the vicinity of a northern affluent of the Mississippi.\\nJohn Nicolet was a son of Thomas iSTicolet, of Cherbourg,\\nFrance. He came to Canada as a youth in 1618, and was\\nshortly after sent by Champlain to reside with the barbar-\\nous Algonquins on the Isle des Allumettes, situated in the\\nOttawa Kiver, above Chaudiere Falls. He stayed with them\\ntwo years, following them in their periodical hunts, partak-\\ning of their fatigues and privations, and often suliering\\nkeenly from the pangs of hunger and the brutality of the\\nsavages. In the meantime, however, he acquired an inti-\\nmate knowledge of the Algonquin language, then generally\\nspoken on both the Ottawa River and the northern banks\\nof the St. Lawrence. Nicolet afterward went to reside\\namong the Nipissings, on the shores of the lake of that\\nname, with whom he remained about nine years. Here he\\nlived as an Indian, s})eaking their harsh tongue, having his\\nown little cabin and estal)lishnient, and doing his own fish-\\ning and trading. But he still continued a Frenchman and\\na Catholic, and at length returned to the confines of civili-\\nzation, because, as he said, -he could not live without the\\nsacraments, which were denied him in the depths of the\\nwilderness.\\nAfter the repossession of Canada by the French in July,\\n1632, the Sieur Nicolet was employed as a commissary and\\nIndian interpreter for the company that governed the col-\\nony. In 1634, or thereabouts, he was sent as an agent or", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "Jean Nicolet. 35\\nembassador to the Wiunebagoes, who dwelt near the head\\nof Green Bay of Lake Michigan.* They had quarreled with\\nthe JSTez Perces, or Beaver Indians, whose hunting-grounds\\nlay to the north of Lake Huron, and who were friendly to-\\nward the French. Nicolet was charged, among other\\nthings, to negotiate a peace with those discordant tribes.\\nBut the main object of his expedition appears to have been\\nto solve the problem of a western and more direct route to\\nChina, which country was supposed to be situated not far\\nbeyond the most westerly of the great lakes.\\nAgreeably to the best accredited account of his cele-\\nbrated journey, Nicolet set out in a bark canoe, with seven\\nHuron Indians for guides and huntsmen, and ascended\\nthe Ottawa River to a station above Allumette Island.\\nTurning thence to the west, he traveled by way of Lake\\nISTipissing to the Georgian Bay of Lake Huron, and followed\\nits rugged and forbidding coast up to the Rapids of St.\\nMary, where he held interviews with the natives of those\\nparts. Returning down the strait of that name, he next en-\\ntered and passed through the Straits of Michilimackinac^\\nabout three leagues in length emerging on the watery ex-\\npanse of Lake Michigan, or Lake of Illinois, as it was first\\nknown by the French, of which he was entitled to the\\nIn no record, contemporaneous or later, says Mr. Buttertield,\\nis the date of his journey thither given, except approximately. The\\nfact of Nicolet having made the journey to the Winnebagoes is first no-\\nticed by (Father) Vimont, in the Relation of 1640, p. 35. He says Le\\nvisite ray tout maintenant le cote du md, ie diray ou jiassant, que le Sieur Ni-\\ncolet, interpreter en langue Algonquine et Huronne pour Messieurs de la Nouvellg\\nFrance, m a donne les noms de ces nations quHl a visitee luy mesme pour la\\nplvpart dans leur pays, tons ces peuples entendant L Algonquine, excepte les\\nHuronns, que ont vue langue d part comme aussi les Ouinipigou ou gens de\\nmer. The year of Nicolet s visit, it will be noticed, is left undetermined.\\nThe extract only shows that it must have been made in or before 1639.\\nMr. Butterfield then goes on to show, pretty conclusively, that Nicolet\\nmade his voyage to the northwest in 1634, returning thence the follow-\\ning year. Mr. Parkman, however, fixes the time of the journey be-\\ntween 1635 and 1638, and Mr. Shea in 1639. To the last named scholar\\nis ascribed the credit of having been the first to identify the Ouinipi-\\ngou, or Gens de Mer, of Father Vimont with the Winnebagoes. See\\nNicolet s Discovery of the Northwest, by C. W. Butterfield (Cincinnati,\\n1881), pp. 42-45, and accompanying notes.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "36 French Discovery of the Northwest.\\nhonor of discovery. After boldly threading his course\\naround its wild, northern shores to the Bay of iSToquet, an\\narm of Green Bay, he made his wa}^ over the latter to the\\nmouth of a stream flowing in from the west, where he met\\na tribe of Indians called the Menominees. From thence he\\nresumed his voyage up Green Bay toward the Winnebagoes,\\nwho, having received word of his coming, had sent a num-\\nber of their young braves to meet him and escort him to\\ntheir villages.\\nNicolet found the Winnebagoes to be a numerous peo-\\nple, living in bark and skin covered lodges, and speaking a\\nguttural language radically difierent from that of the Huron\\nand Algonquin Indians. They belonged to the great fam-\\nily of the Sioux or Dakotas, and were the only branch of\\nthat stock who dwelt so far eastward of the Missis-^\\nsippi, Nicolet s arrival created a great sensation among\\nthe AYinnebagoes, for he was the first white man to visit\\nthem, and four or five thousand of the tribe assembled to\\ngreet him. Each of the principal chiefs gave a feast in\\nhis honor, at one of which a hundred and twenty beavers\\nare said to have been served. On taking leave of the\\nWinnebagoes, he journeyed for six days up Fox River,\\nand thence passed through Lake Winnebago to the homes\\nof the Maskoutens, or Mascoutins, who afterward became\\nbanded with the Miamis. It seems that the Sauks and\\nFoxes had not as yet migrated fi-om the East to this sec-\\ntion of the country. Hearing from the Mascoutins of a\\nnation called the Illinois, we are told that he continued his\\nprogress southward and visited some of the villages of\\nthat people. While exploring the Fox River, he also\\nheard of the Wisconsin but as the account given by him\\nof this tributary of the Mississippi is vague and confused,\\nit is by no means certain that he either saw or navigated\\nany part of it.\\nIt has been extensively published, says Mr. Butter-\\nfield, that Nicolet did reach the Wisconsin, and float\\ndown its channel to within three days (sail) of the Missis-\\nsippi. Now Nicolet, in speaking of a large river upon\\nwhich he had sailed, evidently intended to convey the idea", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "Jean Nicolet. 37\\nof its being connected with the lake, that is, with Green\\nBay. Hence he must have spoken of Fox River. But\\nVimont (Relation, 1640, page 36) understood him as saying\\nthat had he sailed three more days on a great river which\\nflows from that lake, he would have found the sea, or\\ngreat water of the Indians.\\nOn his return trip, Nicolet stopped to form the\\nacquaintance of the Poutouatamis (Pottawatomies), who\\noccupied the islands in the mouth of Green Bay, and there\\nmet with a friendly reception. Shortly after arriving at\\nQuebec from his tour to the far west, he was sent to the\\nThree Rivers, where he resumed and continued his duties\\nas commissary and Indian interpreter.\\nOn the 22d of October, 1637, Jean Nicolet was mar-\\nried in Quebec to Marguerite Couillard, a god-child of Sam-\\nuel de Champlain, and by this union became the father of\\none child, a daughter. Four years later (1641), he was\\nassociated with Father Paul Ragueneau in making a treaty\\nwith a large band of the Iroquois, who, having entered\\nCanada, were threatening the post of Three Rivers.\\nAbout the first of October, 1642, he was called down\\nto Quebec to take the place of his brother-in-law, Olivier de\\nTardifi*, who was general commissary of the Hundred\\nPartners or Associates, and who sailed on the 7th of that\\nmonth to Old France. The change was very agreeable to\\nNicolet, but he did not enjoy it long; for in less than a\\nmonth after his arrival, in endeavoring to make a trip to\\nhis former place of residence, to release an Indian prisoner\\nin possession of a band of Algonquins who were slowly\\ntorturing him, his zeal and humanity cost him his life.\\nOn the 27th of October, he embarked at Quebec, near 7\\no clock in the evening, in the launch of M. de Savigny,\\nwhich was headed for Three Rivers. He had not yet\\nreached Sillery (four miles above Quebec), when a north-\\neast squall raised a terrible tempest on the St. Lawrence,\\nand filled the boat. Those in it did not immediately\\ndrown. Nicolet had time to say to M. de Savigny, Save\\nyourself, sir, you can swim I can not. I am going to\\nGod I recommend to you my wife and daughter. The", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "38 French Discovery of the Northwest.\\nwild Avaves tore the men one after another from the boat,\\nwhich had capsized and floated against a rock and four\\nof the number, including Nicolet, sank to rise no more.\\nThus was overwhelmed in the surging billows of the\\nSt. Lawrence, while on an errand of Christian charity, the\\nSieur Jean Nicolet, the first European, whose slender canoe\\ncleaved the limpid waters of Lake Michigan, and the first who\\nis known to have set foot in the level prairies of Southern\\nWisconsin. His untimely death was regretted in common\\nby his countrymen and the red men. The story of his ad-\\nventurous yet useful life has been worthily written, and his\\nmemory survives in the name of a county and town in\\nLower Canada.\\nIt may seem strange that the Mississippi River, drain-\\ning as it does the heart of the continent, should have re-\\nmained so long unknown throughout its course to the\\nEnglish colonists on the Atlantic seaboard but they\\nevinced no early disposition to venture beyond the moun-\\ntains that walled them in on the west. The vague story of\\nan English voyage up the great river in 1648, has found\\nsome advocates, though it is quite improbable, considering\\nthe fact that the Gulf of Mexico was then a closed sea to\\nall European vessels save the Spanish. In a book, descrip-\\ntive of the Province of Carolina, published by Dr. Daniel\\nCoxe, in London, in 1727, it is alfirmed that a certain Col-\\nonel Wood, residing at the Falls of James River, Virginia,\\ndiscovered different branches of the Ohio and Mississippi\\nRivers between the years 1654 and 1664. It is possible,\\nhowever (says Col. R. T, Durrett, in his elaborate historical\\naddress on the anniversary of Kentucky s Centennial of State-\\nhood), that Dr. Coxe has credited Col. Wood with an ex-\\nploration that was made by Captain Thomas Batts, at a little\\nlater date. In 1671, Gen. Abraham Wood, by the authority\\nof Governor Berkeley, sent Captain Batts with a party of\\nexplorers to the west of the Ai)palachian Mountains, in\\nsearch of a river that might lead across the continent to-\\nDiscovery of the Northwest by Jean Xicolet; with a Sketch of\\nhis Life and Explorations. By C. W. Butterfield, pp. 82-84.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "English Attempts to Reach the Mississippi. 39\\nward Chiua. The journal of their route is rendered ob-\\nscure by meager descriptions, and the change of names\\nsince it was written but it is possible that they went to\\nthe Roanoke, and, ascending it to its headwaters, crossed\\nover to the sources of the Kanawha, which they descended,\\nprobably to the Ohio. But it does not appear that either\\nof those Virginia explorers ever penetrated beyond the re-\\ngion of the Upper Ohio.\\nIn the meantime, however, the French Jesuits and fur-\\ntraders were pushing deeper and farther into the wilder-\\nness of the northern lakes. About the year 1634, three\\nJesuit priests, Brebeuf, Daniel and Lalemant, planted a\\nmission among the Hurons on the shores of Lake Simcoe,\\nand another on the southeastern border of Lake Huron.\\nIn 1641 the Fathers, Isaac Jogues and Charles Raymbault,\\nembarked upon the Georgian Bay of Lake Huron, for the\\nSault de Ste Marie, where they arrived after a tedious canoe\\npassage of seventeen days. They were met there by a con-\\ncourse of some two thousand natives (probably Ojibwas),\\nwho had been apprised of their coming, and to whom they\\nproclaimed the mysteries of the Romish faith. Father\\nRaymbault died in the wilderness in 1642, while pursuing\\nhis missionary labors and discoveries. The same year,\\nJogues and Bressani were captured and tortured by the In-\\ndians. Then followed the havoc and destruction of an Iro-\\nquois war, by which the Jesuit missions were broken up,\\nand many of their priests were either tortured or put to\\ndeath. Literally did those zealous missionaries take\\ntheir lives in their hands, and lay them a willing sacrifice\\non the altar of their faith,\\nFor a number of years, therefore, all further French\\nexploration was arrested. At length, in 1658, two daring\\ntraders penetrated to Lake Superior, wintered there, and\\nbrought back tales of the ferocious Sioux, and of a great\\nwestern river on which they dwelt. Two years later (1660),\\nthe aged Jesuit (Rene), Menard,* attempted to plant a mis-\\nRecent publications, says the late .Tohn Gilmaiy Shea, have\\nplaced a Jesuit mission on the lake (Superior), and even on the Missis-\\nsippi, as early as 1653 but the Relations have not the sliijhtest allusion", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "40 French Discoveri/ of the Northwest.\\nsion on the southern shore of that lake, but perished in the\\nforest by famine or the tomahawk. Allouez succeeded him,\\nexplored a part of Lake Superior, and heard in his turn of\\nthe Sioux and their great river, the Mesissipi. More and\\nmore the thoughts of the Jesuits, and not of the Jesuits\\nalone, dwelt on this mysterious stream. Through what re-\\ngions did it flow, and whither would it lead them to the\\nSouth Sea, or the Sea of Virginia; to Mexico, Japan, or\\nChina? The problem was soon to be solved, and the mys-\\ntery revealed.\\nThe diiferent enterprises of the Jesuits and fur-traders\\nhaving made known the country of the northwest, the\\nFrench-Canadian ofhcials took steps to extend over it the\\njurisdiction and authority of the King of France. Pursu-\\nant to this end, on September 3, 1670, Jean Talon, f the ac-\\ntive and able intendant of New France, selected and com-\\nmissioned Simon Francois Daumont, Sieur de St. Lusson,\\nas his deputy to go in search of copper mines, and to hold\\na general conference witli the indigenous tribes about the\\noutlet of Lake Superior. To avoid any pecuniary outlay\\non the part of the provincial government, the resources of\\nwhich were rather limited, it was arranged that St. Lusson\\nshould remunerate himself for the expenses of his expedi-\\ntion by trading with the Indians. He set out from Quebec\\nto the fact, and speak of ]Meiiard as the first. The Jesuits named (Father\\nDug^rre and others) as being concerned are not mentioned in tlie jour-\\nnal of the superior of the mission, nor in any printed Relation, nor in\\nDucreux, nor in Le Clercq. The fact of a mission at Tam^iroa i)rior to\\nMarquette s is perfectly incompatible with the Relations, and if estab-\\nlished would destroy their authority. Shea s History of the Discovery\\nand Exploration of the Mississippi Valley (N. Y., 1853), p. 23, note.\\nParkman s Introduction to his La Salle and the Great West.\\nt Jean Baptiste Talon was the second intendant of New France, and\\nthe first, we believe, under the royal government of the country, which\\nprospered under his administration. He was intendant, or rather su-\\nperintendent of justice, police, and finance the position being next in\\nrank and dignity to that of governor. He was first appointed to this\\nottice in KUi. j, and served till 1()()8, and again from 1()70 to U)72, when he\\nreturned to Old France and accepted the position of principal secretary\\nin the king s household. Talon was born in Picardy in 1625, and died\\nat Versailles in 1691. His portrait in oil is preserved in the Hotel-Dieu\\nof Quebec, and presents him as a handsome and courtly gentleman.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "St. Lusson s Conference with Western Tribes, 41\\nwith a company of fifteen men, in several canoes, taking a\\nfull supply of goods and other needed articles, and was ac-\\ncompanied by Nicholas Perrot as Indian interpreter.\\nAccording to Parknian, few names are more conspicu-\\nous in the annals of the early Canadian voyageurs than that\\nof Perrot not because of the superiority of his achieve-\\nments over those of many others, but for the reason that he\\ncould write, and left behind him a tolerable record of what\\nhe had seen and done. Like ISTicolet, Perrot was a man of\\nundoubted courage and address, and exhibited both of these\\nqualities in his dealings with the various tribes of red men.\\nlie was now about twenty-six years of age, and had pre-\\nviously been in- the employ of the Jesuits.\\nThe Sieur de St. Lusson and party wintered on or near\\nthe Manatoulin Islands, in the northern part of Huron Lake,\\nand occupied the time in hunting and bartering with the\\nnatives for their furs. Meanwhile Perrot, after first send-\\ning messages to the tribes of the north, inviting them to\\nmeet the deputy of the Canadian intendant at Sault de Ste\\nMarie in the ensuing spring, continued his voyage west-\\nward to Green Bay, and pressed the same invitation on the\\nIndian nations inhabiting that ulterior region. Flattered\\nby his visit and personal attentions, they all promised to\\nsend deputations as requested. Accordingly, in the spring\\nof 1671, the principal chiefs of the Pottawatomies (who also\\nundertook to represent the Miamis in the absence of their\\nown old chief), the Menominees, Winnebagoes and Sacs,\\nset ofi in their light canoes, and paddled their way over\\nthe watery plains to the Sault, whither they arrived about\\nthe 5th of May. St. Lusson and his. Frenchmen were there\\nin advance to receive them. The Indians of the surround-\\ning country now came flocking in from their hunting\\ngrounds, attracted in part by the fisheries at the rapids,\\nand partly by the polite messages of Perrot. They com-\\nprised the Crees, Monsonies, Amikoues, ISTipissings, and\\nsundry other petty tribes, with names too barbarous to be\\nwritten.\\nWhen the representatives of some fourteen tribes had\\narrived, and after the usual feasting and sleeps, St. Lusson", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "42 French Discovery of the Northwest.\\nprepared to execute the special commission with which he\\nhad been charged. Accordingly, on the 14th of June, in\\npresence of the assembled Indians and Frenchmen, includ-\\ning four Jesuit priests* in the vestments of their office, he\\nproceeded to take formal possession, in the king s name, of\\nSainte Marie du Sault, as also of Lakes Huron and Supe-\\nrior, the Manatoulin Islands, and all the countries, lakes,\\nrivers and streams, contiguous or adjacent thereto. A tall\\nwooden cross was now erected, for the adoration of the\\nnatives, and close by its side was planted a stout cedar post,\\nto which was affixed a metal plate engraven with the royal\\narms of the Bourbons. A hymn was then sung, and one\\nof the Jesuit priests offered up a prayer for the King of\\nFrance after which the Frenchmen discharged their mus-\\nkets and cried vivc le roi. When these formalities were\\nended, Fatlier Allouez addressed the Indians in a solemn\\nliarangue in their own language, to which they stolidly lis-\\ntened while smoking their stone pipes. Soon after the\\nFrench party had left the place of assembly, some of those\\ncopper-hued sons of the forest removed the metallic plate\\nfrom the post to which it had been nailed, and appropriated\\nit to their own use. This Avas done, says Mr. Parkman,\\nnot so much from any knowledge of the true import of the\\nplate, as from their superstitious fear of its influence as a\\ncharm. But the general effect of this notable convocation\\nand conference with the indigenous tribes of the northwest\\nwas favorable to the French commercial and political inter-\\nests, as well as to their designs for the future exploration\\nof the great river and regions bej^ond. As a part of the\\nhistory of this expedition, it is stated that the costly pres-\\nents made by St. Lusson to the Indian chiefs, and other\\nnecessary expenses, were more than repaid by the gifts of\\nvaluable furs which he received from them in return.\\nThe names of these priests were, Claude Dablon, superior of the\\nmissions on the upper lakes Gabriel Dreuilletes, Claude Allouez, and\\nLouis Andr i. Louis Joliet is mentioned as among the Frenchmen\\npresent on the occasion. Marquette was away at the Mission of St.\\nEsprit, on Lake Superior, but was compelled to abandon it during that\\nyear.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "Other French Enterprises. 43\\nIt is deserving of mention here, that two years before\\nthis time, La Salle, then a young and little known man,\\nhad projected the discovery of the Mississippi. In July,\\n1669, he undertook, at his own expense, a journey to the\\nsouthwest for that purpose. Proceeding with a company\\nfrom Moutreal up the St. Lawrence, and through Lake\\nOntario to Lake Erie, he thence rambled southward and\\ndiscovered the Ohio River, which he followed down to the\\nfalls or rapids at what is now Louisville. A year or two\\nafter his return from this expedition, he is said to have\\nascended the great lakes, and, pushing on to and beyond\\nthe southern extremity of Lake Michigan, discovered the\\nIllinois River, or one of its constituent branches. But of\\nthis, more hereafter.\\nSuch, in general, was the progress of French explora-\\ntion in the interior of this continent, and such was still the\\nlimited state of their geographical knowledge in regard to\\nthe Mississippi River and its tributaries, down to the time\\nof Joliet s and Marquette s voyage of discovery in 1673\\nprior to which it is not known that any pale face had\\never reached, or looked upon, the main trunk of that liquid\\nhighway, above the mouth of the Ohio.*\\nFather Claude Dablon, whose name ttnds repeated mention in these\\npages, merits something more than a passing notice. He came as a\\nmissionary to Canada in 1655, and was at once sent to Onondaga (New\\nYork), where he remained, with one short interval of absence, until the\\nmission there was broken up in 1658. Three years later, he ami Gabriel\\nDreuilletes attempted to reach Hudson s Bay, by the Saguenay River,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2but were stopped at the sources of the Nekouba by Iroquois war par-\\nties. In 1668, Dablon followed Father Marquette to the foot of Lake\\nSuperior, assisted in founding the mission of vSault de Ste. Marie, visited\\nGreen Bay, and, in company with Father Allouez, reached the sources\\nof the Wisconsin. Returning thence to Quebec, he was made superior\\nof all the Canadian missions, and held this office with intervals till\\nIt is claimed that one Pierre Esprit Radison, a noted voyageur and\\ntrader, reached the Upper Mississippi in 1658-59 but, if so, he never\\ngave the world the benefit of his discovery. An account of his alleged\\nexplorations has been published somewhat recently.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "44 Father Dahlon.\\nabout 1693. He was still alive in 1694, but the year of his death is\\nunknown.\\nAs the head of the Jesuit missions, Father Dablon contributed in\\nno small degree to their extension, and, above all, to the exploration of\\nthe Mississippi by Marquette and Joliet. He published the Relations\\nof 1670-71, and 72, with their accompanying map of Lake Superior,\\nand prepared for the press those of 1672-73, and 1673-79, which, to-\\ngether with his narratives of Marquette and Allouez, remained a long\\nwhile in manuscript, for the reason that the publication of the Rela-\\ntions was interdicted in 1673. He was versed alike in the learning of\\nthe cloister and in the mysteries of the forest, and, according to Dr.\\nShea, bis writings comprise the most valuable collection of topography\\nof the northwest, which have come down to our day.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "Talon and Front enac. 45\\nCHAPTER III.\\n1673-1675.\\nTHE GREAT RIVER VOYAGE OF JOLIET AND MARQUETTE.\\nTo Jean Talon, tlie able and enterprising intendant,\\nalready referred to, belongs the chief credit of having ini-\\ntiated the movement for the French discovery of the Mis-\\nsissippi. To effect this long desired object, he selected\\nLouis Joliet, of Quebec, to conduct the expedition, with\\none of the Jesuit priests for his companion and assistant.\\nBut M. Talon did not remain in Canada long enough to\\nwitness the completion of the bold undertaking which he\\nhad projected, and which was prolific of such important\\nand far-reaching results. Owing to repeated disagree-\\nments between himself and Governor Courcelles, in regard\\nto the jurisdiction of their respective offices, both requested\\nto be and were recalled. Failing health was also assigned\\nas a reason for the governor s retirement. It is not im-\\nprobable that the intendant, as the more brainy and ener-\\ngetic man of the two, had trenched upon the governor s au-\\nthority.\\nNot long afterward, in the autumn of 1672, Louis de\\nBuade, Comte de Palluau et Frontenac was sent out to Can-\\nada as the successor of Courcelles. Count Frontenac be-\\nlonged to the high noblesse, of France, and was the ninth\\ngovernor of the colony after Champlain. He was now\\nsomewhat past middle life, and said to be broken in for-\\ntune but he was a man of rare accomplishments, experi-\\nenced in statecraft, and endowed with uncommon adminis-\\ntrative ability. Although haughty and intolerant toward\\nhis enemies, he was ardently devoted to his friends while\\nhis courtly manners and brilliant conversation made him a\\nfavorite and an ornament of the most cultivated circles.\\nHis powers, as chief executive, were derived directly from", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "46 Louis Joliet.\\nthe crown, and were absolute within the sphere of his ju-\\nrisdiction, though parti} checked by those of the intend-\\nant. His government was aggressive and stormy, and was\\nbeset by strong opposition and enmity, which eventuated,\\nafter ten years, in his recall by the king. But when the\\ncolony had been brought to the verge of ruin under the\\nweak administrations of LaBarre and Del^onville, Fronte-\\nnac was reinstated in 1689, and the closing term of his\\notificial life was crowned with success, and with the plaudits\\nof his countrymen, He died in Quebec in 1698, at an ad-\\nvanced age, and was interred in the Church of the RecoUet\\nFathers, to whom he was warmly attached.\\nBut to resume our principal theme. Upon the recom-\\nmendation of Talon, before his final departure for France,\\nGovernor Frontenac charged Joliet with the conduct of\\nthe exploration of the Mississippi, as Ijeing a man ex-\\nperienced in this kind of discover} and who had been al-\\nready very near that river. Apart from this official\\nsanction of the enterprise, about all the aid aftbrded to Jo-\\nliet by the provincial government, was one assistant and\\na bark canoe.\\nOf Louis Joliet* himself, some account must needs be\\ngiven before starting him on his great exploration. The\\nson of Jean Joliet, an humble mechanic, he was born in\\nQuebec, September 21, 1645. When of proper age, he was\\nput to school at the Jesuit Seminary in his native town.\\nHere he made excellent progress in his studies, and evinced\\na special taste for hydrography. Completing his curriculum\\nat the seminary in 1666, he took some minor orders in\\nthe church, but soon discovered that he had no call to the\\npriesthood, and therefore exchanged the cassock for the\\ntrader s garb. In October, 1667, he appears to have sailed\\nto France, and remained there until the next year. Enter-\\ning upon his new career in the spring of 1669, he was sent\\nby Intendant Talon, with a young companion, to look for\\ncopper mines in the wild, western region of Lake Supe-\\nrior, ])ut returned without success from this mission. He\\nThis surname has several synonyms, as for example, Jollyet,\\nJolliet, and Joliette; but it is usually written Joliet.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "Father Marqueite. 47\\nfurther appears to have been present at the grand council\\nheld by St. Lusson with the Northwestern tribes, in the\\nspring of 1671 but whether as a member of his party is\\nundetermined.\\nThe selection of Father Marquette, as tha companion\\nof Joliet in the proposed exploration of the Mississippi,\\nseems to have been made informally on the recommenda-\\ntion of the superior general of the Jesuits at Quebec. He\\nwas doubtless chosen on account of his known zeal for the\\nconversion of the western Indians, and his proficiency in\\nthe languages or dialects spoken by the dilferent tribes.\\nJacques, or James Marquette came of a family distin-\\nguished in the walks of both civil and military life. He\\nwas cradled in the ancient town of Laon, in the depart-\\nment of Aisne, France, in the year 1637. From his pious\\nmother {nee Rose de la Salle), he imbibed an ardent and\\ngenerous temperament, predisposed alike to piety and be-\\nnevolence. In 1654, at the youthful age of seventeen, he\\nvoluntarily joined the Society of Jesus, of which he was to\\nbecome so eminent a member. After two years of studi-\\nous application, he was, in accordance with the custom of\\nthat society, employed a part of his time in teaching, and\\ncontinued in the faithful performance of his unosten-\\ntatious duties until 1666, when he was ordained to the\\nJesuit priesthood, ^o sooner had he been invested with\\nthis sacred character, than he showed an inclination to go\\nupon a foreign mission but the ecclesiastical Province of\\nChampagne, in which he was enrolled, embraced no such\\nmission. He was therefore transferred to the Province of\\nFrance, and in the summer of that same year (1666) sailed\\nto Canada, arriving at Quebec on the 20th of September.\\nMarquette was now twenty-nine years old, and buoy-\\nant with life, health and hope. At first he was destined\\nby his superiors to the mission among the Montagnais\\nIndians, in the Valley of the St. Lawrence; and on the\\n10th of October he started from Quebec for Three Rivers,\\nto begin the study of that language under the instruction,\\nof Father Gabriel Dreuilletes. He remained there until\\nApril, 1668, when, his original destination having beeu:", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "48 Great River Voyage.\\nchanged, he was ordered to prepare for the Ottawa mis-\\nsion. In the meantime he had acquired a fair knowledge\\nof the Algonquin tongue, and was thus qualified for enter-\\ning his new field of labor. While waiting at Montreal for\\nthe departure of the Ottawa flotilla, he met a party of the\\nN^ez Perce or Beaver Indians, who were returning to their\\nhome in the northwest. Setting out with them, he jour-\\nneyed up the river Ottawa, through Lake Nipissing and\\ndown French River to Lake Huron, and thence around its\\nnorthern shore to the outlet of Lake Superior. Here, in\\ncompany with Claude Dablon, a zealous and intrepid\\nbrother Jesuit, he founded the mission of St. Mary of the\\nFalls, otherwise known as Sault de Ste Marie. After\\nbuilding a log house and chapel, and converting a number\\nof the savages to an outward belief in Christianity, Mar-\\nquette was directed to proceed to La Pointe St. Esprit,\\nsituated on the Bay of Chegoimegon, near the southwestei-n\\ncorner of Lake Superior, and arrived thither September 13,\\n1669. At this far westerly point, Father Claude Allouez\\nhad establislied a Jesuit mission among the Chippewas in\\n1665, and w^ith it was opened the usual French trading\\npost. It was from representatives of the different south-\\nwestern tribes, and particularly from the Illinois, who came\\nhither to barter their furs and skins, that Father Marquette\\nfirst learned of the grand river, of unknown length, which\\ntook its rise in several lakes in the country of the far north,\\nand flowed southward past their hunting grounds, and\\nwhich they called Mechisipi, or Mesissipi, meaning\\nGreat River or Father of Waters. The information\\nthus derived inspired the benevolent heart of the priest\\nwith an ardent desire to explore that mysterious river, and\\nto promulgate the gospel to the pagan dwellers on its\\nbanks.\\nBut in the summer of 1671, he was obliged to with-\\ndraw, with the Huron portion of his flock, from his station\\nat the head of what is now called Ashland Bay, in conse-\\nquence of the increasing hostility of the Sioux, a fierce\\nand roving people, who inhabited the grassy plains to the\\nsouthwest of Lake Superior. Returning eastward along", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "JoUet and Marquette. 49\\nthe southern border of that great lake, Marquette next\\nproceeded to found the mission and Indian school of St.\\nIgnatius, or Ignace, at the point or neck of land on the\\nnorth side of tlie Straits of Michilimackinac, now called\\nMackinaw. f During the ensuing year, lie a})pears to have\\nvisited, with Fathers Allouez and Dahlon, the western\\nshores of Lake Michigan, and to have pi oclainied the\\nFaith to the friendly tribes in that region.\\nIt was on the 8th of December, 1672, that the Sieur\\nJoliet arrived from Quebec at the palisaded mission-house\\nof Point de St. Ignace, with instructions from Gov. Fronte-\\nnac to take Pere Marquette as a companion on his expedi-\\ntion for discovering the Mississippi. The Father s journal\\nof the same opens with the following pious reference to\\nJoliet s arrival\\nThe day of the Immaculate Conception of the Holy\\nVirgin; whom I had continually invoked, since coming to\\nthis country of the Ottawas, to obtain from God the favor\\nof being enabled to visit the nations on the river Missis-\\nsippi this very day was precisely that on which M. Joliet\\narrived with orders from Count Frontenac, our governor,\\nand M. Talon, our intendant, to go with him on this dis-\\ncovery. I was all the more delighted at this news, because\\nI saw my plans about to be accomplished, and found my-\\nself in the happ}^ necessity of exposing my life for the\\nsalvation of all those tribes, and especially the Illinois,\\nwho, when I was at St. Esprit, had begged me very earn-\\nestly to bring the word of God among them.\\nDuring the ensuing winter, Messieurs Joliet and Mar-\\nquette made the necessarj^ preparations for their journey.\\nWe took all possible precautions, writes Marquette,\\nthat if our enterprise was hazardous, it should not be\\nfool-hardy. For this reason we gathered all possible in-\\nformation from the Indians who had frequented those\\n*So named after the father of the Jesuit order.\\nt Mackinac and Mackinaw are diminutives or contractions of the\\nIndian word Missilimakinac, which, according to Lippincot s Gazetteer,\\nshould be pronounced Mish-il-e-mak-e-naw.\\n4", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "50 Great River Voyage of\\nparts, and from their accounts traced a map of all the new\\ncountry, marking down the rivers on winch we were to\\nsail, the names of the nations through which we were to\\npass, the course of the great river, and what direction we\\nsliould take when we got to it. This rude map was after-\\nward revised hy the priest, who also entered all facts of\\nvalue in his note-book.\\nOn the 17th of May, 1673, according to the Gregorian\\ncalendar, the explorers set out from Saint Ignace on their\\nperilous voyage. They embarked in two light yet strong\\nand elastic bark canoes, with five French canoe-men and\\nmen of all work, whose names we are unable to give. For\\nprovisions, tliey carried a little Indian corn and some\\njerked meat. They also took a suitable assortment of\\ngoods for distribution as presents among the natives to be\\nmet on the way. After coasting around the northern\\ncurve of Lake Michigan a wilderness region then, and\\npractically a wilderness still they entered the little river\\nMenominee, which puts into Green Bay from the north-\\nwest, to visit a tribe called the Folle Avoine, from the wild\\noats or rice found growing along that stream, and upon which\\nthey largely subsisted. The Jesuit missionaries had preached\\nthe Faith to these Indians for three or four years, so that they\\nwere accounted very good Christians. When informed\\nof Marquette s design of going to discover distant tribes, to\\ninstruct them in the mysteries of his holy religion, tliey were\\nmuch surprised, and did all they could to dissuade him.\\nThey re[)resented, according to his journal, that he\\nwould encounter those nations who never pardon strangers,\\nbut kill without remorse and without cause; that the wars\\nwhich had broken out between different people, who\\nwould be upon our route, would expose us to the manifest\\ndanger of being carried off by some of the bands of war-\\nriors who are always in the field; that the great river is\\nvery dangerous, wlien the channel is not known that it is\\nfull of hideous monsters, who devour altogethei men and\\ncanoes; that there was also a demon, whom they could see\\nfrom a great distance, who closed the passage of the river\\nand destroyed those who dared to ai })roach him and, in", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "JoUet and Marquette. 51\\nconclusion, that the heats were so excessive that we should\\nmeet death inevitably.\\nIn reply, Marquette thanked them for their good ad-\\nvice, but said that he could not follow it, since the salvation\\nof souls influenced him, for which he would gladly give up\\nhis life. He ridiculed their pretended demon, and told\\nthem that he and his companions could protect themselves\\nfrom the marine monsters, and would keep on their guard\\nto avoid the other dangers threatened.\\nAfter praying with and giving these poor Indians some\\ninstructions, the good fatlier and his French companions\\nseparated from them and crossed the bay to the mission of\\nSt. Francis Xavier, which had been principally founded by\\nFather Allouez in 1669, and was located on that narrow\\ntongue of land running up between Green Bay and Lake\\nMichigan. Quitting this missionary station early in June,\\nthe voyagers proceeded southward to the mouth of Fox\\nRiver, at the head of the ba}^ and thence up that river, the\\nrapids of which were surmounted with considerable diffi-\\nculty. They next crossed Lake Winnebago, and shortly\\ncame to a village of the Miamis, Mascoutins, and Kicka-\\npoos, banded together, the firsjt named of whom were the\\nmost civil and liberal. This village was pleasantly seated\\non an eminence in the open prairie. It was then the limit\\nof French exploration in that quarter, and all beyond it\\nwas a terra incognita. Father Marquette was rejoiced to\\nlind standing in the village a handsome cross, adorned with\\nskins, girdles, bows and arrows, which these simple natives\\nhad made as offerings to their Great Manitou,t to thank him\\nthat he had had pity on them during the winter and given\\nthem a profitable hunt.\\nWe had no sooner arrived, says Marquette s journal,\\nthan Mons, Joliet and I assembled the old men (of the\\nvillage). I said to them|that he had been sent on the part\\nof Monsieur, our governor, to discover new countries, and\\nThe French first named this hirge arm of the lake Bale des Puans,\\nor Stinking Bay, on account of the offensive vapors exhaled from its\\nmuddy and slimy shores.\\nt A word used by the Algonquin tribes to signify a spirit, good or\\nevil, having control of their destinies.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "52 Great River Voyage of\\nI on the part of God to make clear to them the lights of\\nthe gospel, etc., and that we had occasion for two\\nguides to conduct us on our route. On asking them to ac-\\ncord this to us, we made them a present, which made them\\nvery civil, and at the same time they voluntarily answered\\nus by a present in return, which was a mat to serve as a\\nbed during our voyage. The next day, which was the 10th\\nof June, the two Miamis they gave us for guides embarked\\nwith us in sight of all the inhabitants, who could not but\\nbe astonished to see seven Frenchmen, alone in two canoes,\\ndaring to undertake an expedition so extraordinary and so\\nhazardous.\\nTaking a southwesterly course through the labyrinth\\nof small lakes that intersected the flat surface of the coun-\\ntry, the explorers soon reached the water-shed dividing the\\nwaters flowing to Lake Michigan from those falling into the\\nMississippi. On their arrival at the portage to the Mascon-\\nsin, Ouisconsing, or Wisconsin River, the two Miamis guides\\nhelped them to transport their canoes and luggage across it\\n(a distance of about two miles), and then left them to re-\\nturn to their own people. Having flrst invoked the protec-\\ntion of the Blessed Virgin, as the special patroness of their ex-\\npedition, the Frenchmen re-entered their canoes and glided\\ndown the shallow channel of the Wisconsin, over shoals and\\nthrough rapids, past islets covered with vines and under-\\nbrush, and along banks of alternating timber and prairie,\\nwhere they saw many deer and bufi aloes grazing.\\nAfter a navigation of forty or more French leagues,*\\nour explorers arrived, without accident, at the discharge of\\nthe Wisconsin and, on the 17th of efune (1673), they en-\\ntered the Mississippi,! with a joy, writes Marquette, I\\ncan not express. They were now embarked on that mys-\\nterious river, to which their thoughts had been so long\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6The common French league is equal to only 2.7()-100 EngUsh or\\nstatute miles.\\ntit was on the eastern bank of the Mississippi, about five mileg\\nabove the mouth of the Wisconsin, that the village of Prairie du Chien\\nwas established a century later by some French traders. It owed its\\nname to a band of the Fox Indians, called the Dog Band, that long\\nresided there.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "Joliet and Marquette. 53\\nturned, and which the pious priest named Rlciere de la\\nConception but they found it rather narrow at the point of\\nemergence, and elsewhere of varying width. For the en-\\nsuing week, they somewhat leisurely descended the noble\\nstream, attentively observing its high, bold and picturesque\\nblutfs, its thickly wooded banks and islands, clothed in the\\nfull verdure of summer, and meeting with all manner of\\nwild birds, beasts, fishes and creeping things, but seeing no\\nhuman being. At night they went ashore and prepared\\ntheir frugal repast, nuiking but little fire, and then moored\\ntheir canoes out in the water, and some one of the party\\nwas always on guard for fear of a surprise.\\nAt length, on the 25th of June, having advanced over\\nsixty leagues, and being in latitude below forty-one de-\\ngrees north, the voyagers discovered the foot-prints of men\\nin the sand on the western shore, and a well-beaten path\\nleading up to a prairie beyond. Here Joliet and Mar-\\nquette left their canoes in the care of their men, and\\nstarted out to reconnoiter. Following the path for nearly\\ntwo leagues, they came in sight of an Indian village, on\\nthe banks of a small river (supposed to be the Des Moines),\\nand beyond it, upon a hill, two other villages. Approach-\\ning the first, they piously commended themselves to God,\\nand uttered a loud cry on hearing which the savages sal-\\nlied out of their cabins, and, apparently recognizing the\\ntwo Frenchmen by their dark robes, sent four of their eld-\\ners to meet them. The inhabitants of these villages called\\nthemselves lllinucek, or Illini, that is to say men, or\\nsuperior men. They were otherwise known as Peou-\\nareas (Peorias), and Moingwenas, and belonged to a loose\\nconfederation of five or six tribes, who went under the\\ngeneral appellation of the lUini, or Illinois,* and whose\\nprincipal residence was on the river of that name, east of\\nthe Mississippi. Marquette had before met representatives\\nof this nation at the mission of St. Esprit on Lake Supe-\\nrior, and understood their language (a dialect of the Al-\\ngonquin) sufficiently well to hold conversation with them.\\n*The French added the tenninatiou ois for the sake of euphony.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "54 Great River Voyage of\\nAt the door of the wigwam, where he and Joliet were\\nat first received, stood an old man, entirely naked, with his\\nhands outstretched toward the sun, apparently to shade his\\neyes. When they drew near he greeted them with this\\nfriendly and fine salutation The sun is heautiful. French-\\nmen, when thou comest to visit us all our town awaits\\nthee, and thou shalt enter in peace into all our cabins.\\nAnd when they had entered therein, he softly said: It is\\nwell, my brothers, that you visit us.\\nAfter exchanging civilities and smoking the peace cal-\\numet here, the visitors were conducted to the village of the\\nprincipal chief or sachem, who, assisted by two of his nude\\ndignitaries, extended to them a ceremonious yet cordial\\nwelcome. In this gathering of the chiefs and people, whose\\ncuriosity was greatly excited by the presence of the white\\nmen among them, Marquette after first making them four\\npresents, announced the mission of Mons. Joliet and him-\\nself. He told them about the invisible God who created\\nthem, and who wished to reveal himself unto them. He\\nthen spoke of the great Chief of the French, who would\\nhave them know that it was he who had produced peace\\nthroughout, and had subdued the Iroquois. Finally, he\\nrequested them to give him all the knowledge they possessed\\nin regard to the sea, and of the nations through whose ter-\\nritories it would be necessary to pass before reaching it.\\nIn his reply, the Illinois chief could give his visitors but\\nlittle information about the distant sea but he besought\\nthem not to go any further, because of the great dangers\\nto which they Avould be exposed, Always at war with the\\nsurrounding nations, these Indians could not understand\\nhow it was })ossible for the Frenchmen to travel in safety\\nfrom one section of the country to another.\\nThe council and speech-making were followed by a\\ngenerous feast of four courses, viz Sagamittee,* fish, boiled\\ndog, and l)uftalo meat, served in large wooden platters.\\nThe boiled dog, although an Indian delicacy, was politely\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a2This was a common dish among the natives of the Mississippi\\nValley, and consisted of tiour of maize, boiled in water and seasoned\\nwith grease.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "Joliet and Marquette. 55\\ndeclined by the two guests, and was removed from their\\npresence. When the feast was ended, they Avere shown\\nover the village, wliich was found to contain three hundred\\ncabins. Before taking their departure, the head chief,\\nas a special mark of consideration for Father Marquette,\\npresented him with a mysterious calumet of peace, fanci-\\nfully decorated with feathers, whicli was intended to serve\\nhim and his party as a safeguard on their voyage.\\nAfter spending a couple of days with these hospitable\\nchildren of nature, the explorers re-embarked on the after-\\nnoon of the second day in sight of all the villagers, who,\\nto the number of over five hundred, escorted them to their\\ncanoes, which they greatly admired, having never seen the\\nlike before. Being again afloat on the mysterious river,\\nour Frenchmen were soon borne by its swift current to\\nand through the slight rapids at the entrance of the Des\\nMoines, and thence on to the mouth of the Illinois, putting\\nin from the northeast. They next passed, on their left, that\\ngigantic and craggy wall of lime and sandstone rock, which\\nabuts the northern shore for twenty miles below the Illi-\\nnois, and which rises at some points to the heiglit of four\\nhundred feet above the water,\\nAs we coasted along the rocks, frightful from their\\nheight and vastness, says Marquette s journal, we saw\\nupon one of them two monsters painted, (so) that we were\\nalarmed at first sight, and upon which some of the most\\ncourageous savages dare not for a long time fasten their\\neyes. They are as large as a calf, have horns upon the head\\nlike a deer, a frightful look, red eyes, a beard like a tiger;\\nthe face something like a man s, the body covered with\\nscales, and the tail so long tliat it made the circuit of the\\nbody, passing over the head and returning under the legs,\\nterminating like the tail of a fish. The colors that com-\\nposed it were green, red, and black.\\nThe western Indians were not unacquainted with a rude kind of\\npicture-writing. But it is supposed that these crude paintings, indis-\\ntinctly representing men and beasts, though an object of idolatrous wor-\\nship to the savages, and long the wonder of the curious, were little more\\nthan the exudation of colored matter from the rock itself. They were", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "56 Great River Voyage of\\nTins was near the month of Piasa Creek, and two miles\\nabove the modern city of Alton. A few miles farther on,\\nwhile row^ing in smooth water, and still conversing about\\nthe monsters, the voyagers were unexpectedly caught in\\nthe muddy and impetuous current of the Pekitanoui (Mis-\\nsouri),- coming in from the northwest, and swept over to\\nthe Illinois side. Escaping this danger, they paused on\\ntheir oars to view the outlet of that powerful stream which\\nchanges the character of the Mississippi, and doubtless took\\nnote of the fact that for several miles below the waters of\\nthe two rivers refused to coalesce. Continuing their course,\\nthey soon passed, on their right, the forest crowned site of\\nSt. Louis, and lower down, on their left, the mouth of the\\ngentle Kaskaskia and then they approached that roundish\\npile of rock, since known as Grand Tower, against which\\nthe whole current of the river seemed to set. This was\\nthe demon or evil Manitou of which the northern Indians\\nhad warned them, but it did not prevent their passage\\nand safe arrival at the Ouabouskigou, the Ohio, or Oua-\\nbache of the French. Tliis river, says Marquette s\\njournal, comes from the lands of the rising sun, where\\nthere is a great number of people called Chaounons. t\\nThe explorers now entered the low country the region of\\nthe reed cane, the cotton tree, and the cypress where they\\nexperienced no little annoyance from musquitoes. Not far\\nbelow the confluence of the Ohio, they perceived Indians\\non the eastern bank, who stopped and waited for them to\\napproach. Marquette immediately showed his decorated\\ncalumet, which was accepted by the savages as a token of\\npeace and when the Frenchmen had put to shore, they\\nplaced about fifty feet above the base of the cliff; but through the combined\\naction of the elements, and the work of the quarryman, they are now\\ntotally obliterated.\\n*If we might credit the uncertain narrative of the Baron de la\\nHonton, he first explored the Missouri River early in 1689, ascending it\\nas far as the mouth of the Osage. See La Ilontoii s Voyages (English ed.,\\nLondon, 1785), vol. I., p. 130.\\nt These were the Shawanoes, Shawanese, or Shawnees, who consti-\\ntuted one of the most restless and migratory of the Algonquin tribes,\\nand are celebrated as tlie tribe of Tecumseh.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "Joliet and Marquette. 57\\nwere feasted upon buffalo meat and bear s oil, with some\\nwhite phims as a dessert. These Indians belonged to a\\ntribe called the Monsoupelea, and were armed with fusees\\nthat had been procured from nations who traded with the\\nEnglish on the coast of Carolina. They told their visitors\\nthat the sea might be reached in ten days sail, but this\\nproved fallacious.\\nContinuing their rapid descent of the grand river, the\\nvoyagers next approached, on their right, a village of the\\nMetchigamea,* who showed themselves very hostile, and\\nmade ready to attack them both by land and water. While\\nhis companions put themselves in an attitude of defense.\\nFather Marquette resolutely displayed his grand calumet,\\nand made signs that they had not come for war; when,\\nhe tells us, God touched suddenly the hearts of the old\\nmen who were on the shore, occasioned doubtless by the\\nsight of our calumet, and they arrested the ardor of their\\nyoung men. The Frenchmen then went ashore, though\\nnot without trepidation, and held a parley with the savages.\\nThis was carried on at first by signs and gestures, for they\\ndid not understand any of the six Indian dialects that Mar-\\nquette spoke. Fortunately an old man was soon found who\\ncould speak a little Illinois, and he acted as interpreter.\\nAfter presents had been distributed among these people,\\nthey became more civil, and ofi ered their guests sagamittee\\nand fish, but declined to give them any information about\\nthe nations or country to the southward.\\nHaving passed the night in much uneasiness at this\\nvillage, the voyagers re-embarked the next morning with\\ntheir interpreter, and were piloted by a canoe carrying ten\\nsavages down the river, some eight leagues, to a large vil-\\nlage of the Akamsca, or Akansea. When within half a\\nleague of the village, they perceived two canoes coming to\\nmeet them, in the first of which an Indian was standing up\\nand holding in his hand a calumet, with which he made\\nmany motions, according to the custom of the country.\\nThe Metchigamea, or Michigamies, were a warlike tribe, who ap-\\npear to have subsequently fused with the Kaskaskias of Illinois.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "58 Great River Voyage of\\nHe approached, siugiug very agreeably, and presented it\\nto them to smoke, after which he gave them sagamittee,\\nand bread made of Indian corn, and then, taking the ad-\\nvance, made a sign to them to follow quietly after him.\\nArrived at the village of the Akansea,* the French-\\nmen were escorted to the platform, or scaffold of the war-\\nchief, which was strongl} built and covered with fine mats\\nof rushes, upon which they were seated, having about them\\nthe old men next to whom stood the warriors, and after the\\nlatter a promiscuous crowd of squaws and children. Luck-\\nily, there was found here a young Indian who understood\\nthe Illinois language much better than the interpreter who\\nhad accompanied them from the Metchigamea. With his\\naid, Marquette talked to the whole assembly, at the same\\ntime making them some small presents, and told them about\\nGod and the mysteries of the Catholic faith and worship.\\nWhen asked what they knew about the sea and the\\nnations who lived upon its shores, they answered that\\nwe could be there in ten days that it was possible for\\nus to make the journey in five days, but that they were\\nnot acquainted with the nations who dwelt u}X)n it, be-\\ncause their enemies prevented them from having any\\nintercourse with the Europeans that their tomahawks,\\nknives, and glass beads, which we saw, had been sold to\\nthem in part by the nations to the east, and partly by a\\ntribe of the Illinois living at the west, four days journey\\nfrom there that the savages whom we saw with fusees\\nwere their enemies, who shut up their passage to the sea,\\nand prevented them from having a knowledge of the Euro-\\npeans and any trade with them. As for the rest, we should\\nexpose ourselves very much by passing further on, for the\\nreason that their enemies were making continual irruptions\\nupon the river, which they cruised upon continually. f\\nWhile this public talk was going on, the Indians\\nbrought to their guests, on platters or dishes of wood,\\nsometimes sagamittee, then whole ears of corn, and then a\\nIt is conjectured that this was what was afterward known as the\\nKappa village of the Arkansas.\\nt Marquette s Journal du Voyage.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "Joliet and Marquette. 59\\npiece of dog-meat. The people of this tribe are described\\nas being very libei al with what they possessed, but as liv-\\ning poorly in bark cabins, and not daring to go to hunt the\\nwild cattle for fear of their enemies. They had, however,\\nabundance of Indian corn, which they cooked in large\\nearthen vessels, and pleiity of watermelons. The men\\nwent naked, wearing their hair short, and boring the nose\\nand ears to put in them rings of glass beads. The women\\nwere inditierently clad in skins, and wore their liair ])laited\\nin two braids, which fell behind the ears.\\nMessieurs Joliet and Marquette now conferrred together\\nas to whether they should continue their voyage, or con-\\ntent themselves with the discoveries they had already made.\\nBeing persuaded that the Mississippi had its discharge in\\nWest Florida, at the Gulf of Mexico, and not to the east\\non the coast of Virginia, nor to the west in the Gulf of\\nCalifornia, and being, moreover, apprehensive tliat if tliey\\nwent much farther south they might ftiU into the hands of\\nthe Spaniards, and thus lose the fruits of their long voyage,\\nthey discreetly decided to retrace their course.\\nAccordingly, on the 17th of July,* after a day s rest,\\nthe explorers turned their canoes up the great river, and\\nhad much difficulty in stemming its powerful current.\\nMarquette s Journal here says: After a month s navigation in\\ndescending the Mississippi, from the forty-second degree to the thirty-\\nfourth and more, and after having published the Gospel to all the na-\\ntions I had met, we left the village of the Akansea on the 17th of July\\nto retrace our steps.\\nMaking allowance for their incorrect latitude, which was about one\\ndegree too low, or near the equator, it seems that the explorers de-\\nscended below the 35th parallel to a village in the vicinity of the\\npresent town of Helena. Nor is it incredible, as argued by some writers,\\nthat they should have sailed so far to the south in thirty days time. It\\nis apparent from Marquette s narrative that they were equipped with\\nlight canoes, oars, and sails for ra])id traveling; that, after quitting\\nthe Illinois, their stoppages were few and of short duration; and that\\ngoing with the current, and favored by the anuual rise in the river, they\\ncould without difficulty have averaged thirty-six miles per day, includ-\\ning halts. This would have covered the distance of eleven hundred\\nmiles, by the windings of the river, from the mouth of the Wisconsin\\nto that of the Arkansas. Charlevoix, in describing the birch-bark ca-\\nnoes, says that, with a good wind, they can make twenty leagues in a", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "60 Great River Voyage of\\nBut tew incidents are recorded of this tedious and toil-\\nsome homeward trip, which they made under the sweltering\\nsun of midsummer, and exposed by night to the noxious\\nexhalations from the bayous and morasses bordering the\\nriver. When they again approached the mouth of the Illi-\\nnois, having been told by the Indians that this river afforded\\na more direct route to the great lakes than that of the Mis-\\nsissippi and Wisconsin, they entered and followed it to the\\nnortheast. As the voyagers ascended its sluggish channel,\\nthey were delighted with the stream and the varied aspect\\nof the adjacent country.\\nWe had never seen any thing like this river, says\\nthe father in his journal, for the richness of the soil, the\\nprairies and woods, the buflaloes, the elks, the deer, the\\nwild cats, the bustards, the swans (or wild geese), the ducks,\\nthe paroquets, and even the beavers. It is made up of\\nlittle lakes and little rivers. That upon which we voyaged\\nis wide, deep, and gentle for sixty-five leagues. During\\nthe spring and part of the summer, it is necessary to make\\na portage of half a league. f\\nIn ascending the Illinois River, their first stop of any\\nlength was at a village of the Peorias, the location of which\\nis not mentioned, though it was probably on or near Peoria\\nLake. Here, says Marquette s narrative, I preached\\nfor three days to them the mysteries of our faith, in all their\\ncabins, after which, as we were about to embark, they\\nbrought to me, at the edge of the water, a dying infant,\\nwhich I baptized a little while before it died, for the salva-\\ntion of its innocent soul.\\nHigher up the stream, the voyagers found a village of\\nthe Illinois called Kachkaskia, containing seventy-four cab-\\nday, but, without sails, they must be good canoe-men to make twelve\\nleagues in dead water.\\nIt is true that La Salle, Tcnty, St. Cosrae, and others of the early\\nvoyageurs made no such quick time as that on the Mis8issii)pi. But their\\nsouthern voyages were mostly undertaken in the winter or early spring,\\nwith heavier canoes and baggage, and they were otherwise encumbered\\nor impeded in their progress by a following of Indians.\\nTThis portage was from the -Des Plaines branch of the Illinois to\\nthe Chicagou, which em{)ties into Lake Michigan.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "Joliet and Marquette. 61\\nins, where thej were very kindly received by the inhabit-\\nants so well pleased were the latter with the teachings\\nof the good priest, that they made him promise to return\\nand further instruct them. One of the chiefs and a young\\nbrave of the tribe conducted the Frenchmen thence to the\\nLac (les Illinois (Lake Michigan), by which they at last\\nreturned to the mission of St. Francis Xavier on Green Bay,\\nat the close of September. They had left this station four\\nmonths before, and during that time had traveled a circuit\\nof about twenty-seven hundred miles through regions\\nhitherto unvisited by white men.\\nThe two explorers now shortly separated, never to meet\\nagain on earth. When Father Marquette reached the mis-\\nsion on Green Bay, his constitution was seriously impaired\\nby the fatigues and hardsliips incident to his prolonged\\njourney, and he was detained there by sickness during the\\nensuing year. In September, 1674, having partly regained\\nhis health, he completed his journal of the voyage down\\nthe Mississippi, and sent it to his superior at Quebec. An\\nimperfect copy of this journal, it seems, soon found its way\\nto Paris, and into the hands of Mons.Tlievenot, an enter-\\nprising Parisian publisher. Appreciating the interest and\\nimportance of the narrative, he published it in 1681, in a\\nvolume styled Recuil de Voyages (Collection of Voy-\\nages), under the particular title of Voyage et deeouverte de\\nqulque pays et nations de L Amerique SeptoJitrimiale to-\\ngether with a rude map of the Mississippi Valley sev-\\neral English translations of which are extant.\\nWhen this journal of Father Marquette first appeared\\n*The following table of the distances traveled over by M. Joliet and\\nFather Marquette is taken from Sparks s Life of Marquette\\nMiles.\\nFrom the Mission of St. Ignaee to Green Bay, about 218\\nFrom Green Bay (Puaus) up Fox River to the portage 175\\nFrom the portage down the Wisconsin to the Mississippi 175\\nFrom the mouth of the Wisconsin to the mouth of the Arkansas. 1 ,087\\nFrom the mouth of the Arkansas to the Illinois River 547\\nFrom the mouth of the Illinois to the Chicago (Creek) 305\\nFrom the Chicago to Green Bay, by the lake shore 260\\nTotal 2,767", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "62 Great River Voyage.\\nin print, its authenticity was denied, especially by the\\nwriters in La Salle s interest, who aflected to treat it as a\\nfiction, or narrative of a pretended voyage. Indeed,\\nwrites Mr. Shea, the services and narrative would hardly\\nhave escaped oblivion, had not Charlevoix brought them to\\nlight in his great work on New France. But the oppor-\\ntune discovery in 1844 of the original manuscript of Mar-\\nquette s journal and map,* in the keeping of the hospital\\nnuns of the Hotel-Dieu at Quebec, to whose care it had been\\ntransferred, with other papers, from the old Jesuit College\\nin that city shortly before the year 1800, has settled the\\nquestion of its genuineness beyond dispute. f\\nThe narrative itself has a peculiar value, owing to the\\nloss of Joliet s original papers of the journey. It is also note-\\nworthy for the terseness, simplicity, and charm of its style,\\nparticularly in the descriptive passages. Aside from some pro-\\npensity on the part of its priestly author toward hyperbole,|\\nand waiving the question as to how far he and Joliet actu-\\nally went below the junction of the Ohio River, his journal\\nmay be accepted as a true and striking picture of the Mis-\\nsissippi Valley, and of its savage inliabitants, at that pris-\\ntine period of the country s history. Marquette had an ob-\\nservant eye for the various phenomena of nature, and his\\nbrief explanation of the lake tides has not been greatly im-\\nproved upon by the deductions of modern scientists.\\nHaving at length received from the superior of his\\norder at Quebec the requisite authority to establish a mis-\\nsion on the Illinois liiver, and liis health now seeming to\\nbe restored. Father Marquette started for his new mission\\non the 25th of October, 1674. Leaving the station of St.\\nFrancis Xavier in a canoe, with two French attendants, he\\n*No\\\\v preserved amonf? the old records in St. Mary s College, Mon-\\ntreal.\\nt Moses Histor} of 111., vol. 1, p. 59.\\nJ This tendency to exaggeration characterizes, in a greater or less de-\\ngree, the writings of all the earl) explorers of America. It was doubt-\\nless natural to those men of impressible imaginations, in the continual\\npresence of new and surprising objects; for their minds had not been\\ntrained to that accuracy of statement which is expected from reputable\\nmodern travelers.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "Marquette s Last VisU to the Illinois. 63\\ncoasted along the Green Bay Inlet to its southern terminus,\\nand thence made a portage across the narrow peninsulato the\\nwestern shore of Lake Michigan. En route, he overtook a\\nparty of the Pottawatomie and Illinois Indians, and jour-\\nneyed with them up the lake. About the 23d of November,\\nthe missionary was again seized by his old malady, the dys-\\nentery, accompanied with hemorrhage, but pushed on, un-\\ndaunted by disease and snowstorms, until the 4th of December,\\nwhen he and his companions reached the mouth of Chicago\\nCreek. Finding it In-idged with ice. they moved up its frozen\\nsurface about two leagues, following the south branch, and\\nthere stopped and built a cabin, which is believed to have\\nbeen the tirst white liuman habitation erected on the site-\\nof tlie metropolitan city of Chicago.\\nBeing unable to proceed farther, the sick priest and\\nhis two attendants wintered in this dreary abode. He\\npassed his waking hours in prayer and meditation, and\\nsaid mass every day. In the latter part of January, he was\\nvisited by a deputation of three Illinois Indians, who-\\nbrought him provisions and beaver skins, and wanted in\\nreturn powder and merchandise but he gave them only\\nthe latter. During the winter he also received a visit from\\na French trader or trapper, who was stationed some fifty\\nmiles away, and who had heard of his illness.\\nAgain recovered somewhat, Father Marquette resumed\\nhis journey on the 29th of Marcli, 1675, and, going byway\\nof Mud Lake and the rivers Des Plaines and Illinois, he ar-\\nrived at the village of the Kaskaskias on the 8th of April.\\nIt was here, near the site of the present town of Utica, that\\nhe began his niission, to which he gave the name of the\\nImmaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin. But it\\nwas only for a little while that he was able to teach the\\nbenighted Indians for continued illness soon obliged him\\nto set forth on that return voyage, which brought him to a\\nlonely grave in the wilderness. On the eve of his depar-\\nture from the village, he convened the inhabitants, to the\\nnumber of two thousand, on a meadow hard by, and there\\non a rude altar, exliibited four pictures of the Vir-\\ngin Mary, explained their significance, and exhorted the", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "64 Great River Voyage.\\nchiefs and people to embrace Christianity. It may be re-\\nmarked, en passant, that the doctrine (now dogma) of the\\nImmaculate Conception of the Virgin was a favorite tenet\\nof the Jesuits, and that Father Marquette was especially\\ndevoted to it. Quitting the Indian village a few days after\\nEaster, lie was escorted by a band of the Kaskaskias to\\nLake Michigan, and, on taking final leave of |them, he\\npromised that either himself or some other missionary would\\nreturn and resume his labors among them.\\nHe seems to have taken the way by the mouth\\nof St. Joseph s River, and reached the eastern shore of\\nLake Michigan, along which he had not as yet sailed. His\\nstrength now gradually failed, and he was at last so weak\\nthat he had to be lifted in and out of his canoe, when they\\nlanded each night. Calmly and cheerfully he saw the\\napproach of death, for which he prepared by assiduous\\nprayer; his office he regularly recited to the last day of his\\nlife; a meditation on death, which he had long prepared,\\nhe also made the subject of his thoughts. And as his kind\\nbut simple companions seemed overwhelmed at the pros-\\npect of their approaching loss, he blessed some water with\\nthe usual ceremonies, gave them directions how to act in\\nhis last moments, how to arrange his body, and how to\\ncommit it to the earth. He now seemed but to seek a\\ngrave; at last, perceiving the mouth of a river, he pointed\\nto an eminence as the place of his burial.\\nHis companions, Pierre Porteret and Jacques\\nstill hoped to reach Mackinaw, but the wind drove them\\nback, and they entered the river by the channel where it\\nemptied then, for it has since changed. They erected a\\nlittle bark cabin, and stretched the dying missionary be-\\nneath it, as comfortably as they could. Still a priest, rather\\nthan a man, he thought of his ministry, and, for the last\\ntime, he heard the confessions of his coni[)anions, and en-\\ncouraged them to rely on the protection of God then sent\\nthem to take the repose they so much needed. When he\\nfelt his agony approaching, he called them, and, taking his\\ncrucifix from around his neck, he placed it in their hands,\\nand, pronouncing in a firm voice his profession of faith,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "Death of Marquette. 65\\nthanked the Almighty for the favor of permitting him to\\ndie a Jesuit, a missionary, and alone. Then he relapsed\\ninto silence, interrupted by pious aspirations, till at last,\\nwith the names of Jesus and Mary on his lips, with his\\neyes raised as if in ecstacy above his crucifix, with his face\\nall radiant with joy, he passed from the scene of his labors\\nto the God who was to be his reward. Such was the edify-\\ning and holy death of the illustrious explorer of the Miss-\\nissippi, on Saturday the 18th of May, 1675.\\nObedient to the instructions they had received, the\\ntwo surviving attendants of the dead priest bore his body\\nto the spot he had designated, committed it tenderly to the\\nearth, and placed over it a rude cedar cross. Then, re-\\nentering their canoe, they wended their way to Michili-\\nmackinac, to carry the sad tidings to the Jesuit Fathers at\\nSt. Ignace. The river, at the mouth of which Marquette\\ndied, is a small stream, in the western part of Michigan,\\nwhich, according to Parkman, long wore his name, but it\\nis now changed to a larger neighboring stream.\\nTwo years later, in the spring of 1677, a party of\\nChristianized Kiskakon Indians, from about Mackinac,\\nwho had been hunting in the vicinity of Marquette s grave,\\ndisinterred his remains, cleaned the bones after their cus-\\ntom, put them into a birch bark box, and transported\\nthem to St. Ignace. On the passage thither, they were\\njoined by other Indians in canoes, and the convoy moved\\nin procession, singing their doleful funeral songs, until they\\nreached the landing at the mission-station. Here the re-\\nvered relics of the missionary were received by Fathers\\nNouvel and Pierson, the priests then in charge, in presence\\nof all the Frenchmen and natives of the place, and were\\ndeposited, with solemn religious rites, in a vault under the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Life of Father Marquette, in Shea s Discovery and Exploration\\nof the Mississippi Valley, p. LXX, and seq.\\nNote. The account of this eminent missionary-explorer s death by\\nCharlevoix, formerly so generally received, is inaccurate in many par-\\nticulars, because it was derived from tradition, and not from the con-\\ntemporary narrative of Father Claude Dablon, and others.\\n5", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "66 Great Biver Voyage.\\nfloor of the log chapel. In process of time (the mission\\nbeing afterward abandoned) their resting place was utterly\\nforgotten, but it was discovered by a clergyman of Michi-\\ngan, in 1877, two centuries after the event.\\nSo lived and died, at the age of eight and thirty years, the\\nmeek and pious, yet fearless and self-sacrificing Pere Jacques\\nMarquette. He was a model of the religious order to which he\\nbelonged, and deserved to have been beatified, if not canon-\\nized as a saint. His disposition was cheerful and happy,\\nand his hold upon the hearts of those aborigines with whom\\nhe came in personal touch was something wonderful. This\\nwas doubtless owing to his uniform kindness toward\\nthem, to the purity of his private life, and to the grace and\\ncharm of his manner in the exercise of his priestly func-\\ntions. Nor is it incredible, as related by a contemporary,\\nthat the Illinois Indians should have regarded him as a\\nmessenger sent to them from the Great Spirit. His name\\nholds a conspicuous and honored place in the history of the\\nJesuit missionaries of North America, and is inseparably\\nassociated with the discovery of the Upper Mississippi. It\\nis otherwise perpetuated in the appellations of several\\ncounties, towns and streams, in the different states of the\\nnorthwest. Still, Illinois owes hini a monument suitable\\nto his character and services.\\nWe must now resume and complete our skeleton sketch\\not Joliet s active and diversified career. After returning\\nwith Marquette to Green Bay, in September, 1673, he did not\\nimmediately proceed to Canada to report his discoveries, as\\nis commonly supposed, but spent the following winter and\\nspring in the upper lake country (engaged, no doubt, in\\nthe fur trafiic), and duritig the next summer resumed his\\njourney to Quebec. Passing down Lakes Huron, Erie and\\nand Ontario, he made a brief halt at Fort Frontenac,\\nwhich had been erected the year before, and was then com-\\nmanded by LaSalle. The latter was probably among the\\nfirst to learn the result of Joliet s voyage of exploration on\\nthe Mississippi, and may, perhaps, have seen his map and\\njournal, wliich were soon afterward lost. The Sieur Joliet,\\nhad thus far been highly favored by fortune, and it was not", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "Subsequent Career of Joliet. 67\\nuntil near the end of his long journey that he met with\\nany serious mishap. But by the accidental upsetting\\nof his canoe in the LaChine rapids, above Montreal, he\\nlost his two canoe-men, and all of his valuable papers. In\\na letter penned shortly after to Governor Frontenac, he\\nthus feelingly refers to his misfortune\\nI had escaped every peril of the Indians; I had\\npassed forty-two rapids, and was on the point of disem-\\nbarking, full of joy at the success of so long and difficult\\nan enterprise, when my canoe capsized after all the danger\\nseemed over. I lost my two men and box of papers\\nwithin sight of the first French settlement, which I had\\nleft almost two years before. Nothing remains to me now\\nbut my life, and the ardent desire to employ it on any\\nservice you may direct.\\nM. Joliet finally reached Quebec in August, 1674, and\\nreported in person to the governor. Being separated at a\\ngreat distance from Marquette, and deprived of his papers\\nby casualty, he drew up a short account of his discovery\\nfrom recollection, and also sketched out a map of the Missis-\\nsippi. Gov. Frontenac transmitted these papers to France\\nduring the ensuing November, and in a dispatch of the 14th\\nof that month to Minister Colbert (inserted at the close of\\nthis chapter), he wrote about the great river as an indu-\\nbitable fact.f Father Dablon, in his writings, also gives an\\naccount of the voyage, describing Joliet as one who had\\nbeen where no European had ever set foot. X No general\\npublicity was given by the French government to the dis-\\ncovery of the Mississippi nor was Joliet entrusted with\\nany new commission to execute in the West. It is averred\\nthat in April, 1677, he petitioned Colbert for permission to\\nsettle with a colony in the country of the Illinois, but it\\nThis letter is inscribed on Joliet s map of his discoveries made in 1(574.\\nt The papers have been preserved in the Archivea de la Marine at Paris.\\nIt has been suggested that the map published by Thevenot, in connec-\\ntion with Marquette s Journal, was reproduced from the one made by\\nJoliet and forwarded to Paris, as above stated. The latter shows the\\nMississippi to the Gulf, whereas Marquette s autograph map shows that\\nriver not quite to the Arkansas.\\ntKingsford s History of Canada, I., p. 405.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "68 Great Biver Voyage.\\nwas refused him on the specious ground that Canada\\nought first to be built up, strengthened, and maintained.\\nIn truth, his modest merit seems to have been thrown\\ninto the shade by the rising pretensions of La Salle, who\\nhad won Frontenae s favor.\\nOn October 7, 1675, at the age of thirty, Louis Joliet\\nwas united in marriage to Claire Frances Bissot, daughter\\nof a wealthy Quebec merchant, who was extensively en-\\ngaged in trade with the northern Indians. In 1679 he\\nmade a journey of business and exploration to Hudson s\\nBay, going by way of the Lower St. Lawrence and the river\\nSaguenay. During the next year, in tardy recognition of his\\nvaluable services to the provincial government, he received\\na grant of the large yet barren Isle of Anticosti, lying in\\nthe Gulf of St. Lawrence. Taking possession of his island\\ndomain in 1681, he erected a fortified house upon it, re-\\nmoved his family thither, and embarked in the fisheries.\\nBut in 1690 his establishment was destroyed by a naval\\nforce from New England, under the command of Sir Will-\\niam Phipps, who was on his way to attack Quebec and\\nJoliet s wife and mother-in-law were made prisoners, and\\nheld for some months. In 1693 he was appointed royal\\npilot of the St. Lawrence River, and during the succeeding\\nyear explored and mapped the bleak coast of Labrador, a\\nwork involving great personal exposure. April 30, 1697,\\nhe was invested with the Seigneury of Joliette, a large\\nand since valuable estate, which lies on the north side of\\nthe St. Lawrence below Montreal, in Beauce count}^, and\\nwhich is still possessed by some of his posterity.\\nLouis Joliet died comparatively poor in May, 1700,\\nbeing in his fifty-fifth year, and was buried, it is stated, on\\none of the Mignan islands in the St. Lawrence. Without\\npossessing any very salient or bi illiant qualities, he was an\\nintelligent, well-educated man, ambitious and enterprising,\\nundaunted by difificulty or danger, and faithful in the per-\\nformance of every public duty. Few, if any, of his con-\\ntemporaries contributed more than he did to the geograph-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0*Vide Margry, I., p. 330.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "Dispatch of Count Front enac. 69\\nical knowledge of this continent. His surname lias been\\nfittingly preserved in the now flourishing city of Joliet,\\nIllinois,* and in the nomenclature of other western locali-\\nties. His descendants appear to have inherited his virtues\\nand talents; and several of them hold positions of high\\ntrust and responsibility, civil and ecclesiastical, in the\\nmodern Dominion of Canada. Among the number may\\nbe mentioned the Hon. Bartholomew Joliet, and the emi-\\nnent archbishops Tache and Tachereau.\\nWe have nowhere met with any description of the per-\\nsons of either Joliet or Marquette. Yet, in the absence of\\nsuch word portraiture, we may well imagine the former to\\nhave been a man of medium stature, with a lithe, agile\\nfigure, black hair and eyes, sharply cut features, and a\\nswarthy complexion the same being physical character-\\nistics of the average French-Canadian while the latter\\n(Marquette) was probably taller, and of a more dignified\\nand commanding presence.\\nFollowing is a translation of Count Frontenac s dis-\\npatch to Minister Colbert in relation to the return of M.\\nJoliet from his voyage to discover the Mississippi and the\\nSouth Sea\\nQuebec, lAth November, 1674.\\nThe Sieur Joliet, whom M. Talon advised me when I arrived from\\nFrance to send to discover the south sea, returned here three nionths\\nsince, and has discovered some admirable countries, and a navigation so\\neasy by the fine rivers, that he found that from from Lake Ontario and\\nFort Frontenac they could go in barques to the Gulf of Mexico, having\\nonly to unload once, where Lake Erie falls into Lake Ontario.\\nThese are some of the enterprises they could work upon when peace\\nis established, and it shall please the king to push these discoveries.\\nHe has been within ten days of the Gulf of Mexico, and believes\\nthat the rivers which from the west side empty into the great river\\nwhich he has discovered, which runs north to south and that\\nThe name, in this instance, was taken more immediately from\\nMount Joliet, a large natural mound in the valley of the Des Plaines,\\none and a half miles southwest of the city.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "70 Dispatch of Count Frontenac.\\nthey will find some communication by waters which will lead to the\\nVermillion Sea and that of California.\\nI send you by my secretary the map which he has made and the\\nremarks which he is able to remember, having lost all his memoirs and\\njournals in the shipwreck which he suffered in sight of Montreal, where,\\nalter a voyage of twelve hundred leagues, he came near being drowned,\\nand lost all his papers and a little Indian that he was bringing back\\nwith him.\\nHe had left at Lake Superior, with the Fathers at Sault Ste. INIarie,\\ncopies of his journals, which we can not obtain until next year through\\nthese you will learn more of the particulars of that discovery in which\\nhe acquitted himself very creditably. Frontenac.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "La Salle and His Eariy Explorations. 71\\nCHAPTER IV.\\n1(366-1680.\\nLA SALLE AND HIS EARLY EXPLORATIONS.\\nWhile to Joliet and Marquette are rightly accorded the\\nhonor of having first brought to the knowledge of the civil-\\nized world the immense extent and grandeur of the Missis-\\nsippi Valley, yet the fortunes of the French in this part of\\nNorthern America were greatly advanced by the energy,\\nenterprise, perseverance, and endurance of the Sieur de\\nla Salle. If the former had discovered and navigated the\\nMississippi River from the Wisconsin to the Arkansas, it\\nwas reserved for the latter and his coadjutors to extend and\\nperfect that discovery from the Falls of St. Anthony to\\nthe Mexican Sea.\\nRobert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle,* whose remarkable\\ncareer now claims our attention, was born at Rouen in\\nNormandy, France, November 22, 1643. His father, Jean\\nCavelier, and his uncle Henri, were opulent merchants and\\nburghers of that ancient and still stately city. The son re-\\nceived a liberal education, commensurate with the means\\nof his parents, and with those marked traits of intellect and\\ncharacter which he early exhibited. As a school-boy, he\\nevinced an inclination for the exact sciences, and particu-\\nlarly the mathematics, in which he appears to have made\\ngreat proficiency.\\nWhile still a minor, La Salle became a member of the\\nSociety of Jesus, and studied and taught for several years\\nin their schools. But on attaining to man s estate, his\\ngrowing ambition and love of independence impelled him\\nto withdraw from that imperious and exacting order of re-\\nligionists. It is told by one of his biographers that he\\nHe is said to have been called La Salle from an estate of that name\\nnear Rouen, belonging to the Caveliers.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "72 La Salle s Early Life.\\nparted from tliem on good terms, and with an excellent\\nreputation for scholarship and strict morals, yet it is cer-\\ntain that he never afterward cherished any liking for the\\norder. In fact, his connection with the Jesuits caused\\nhim to forfeit, under the rigid French law, the inherit-\\nance to which he would otherwise have been entitled from\\nhis father, who died about that time. But an allow^ance\\nwas made to him of four hundred livres a year (about\\neighty dollars), the principal of which was advanced to\\nhim for the first year and, with this insignificant sum,\\nhe quitted his paternal home and sailed for Canada in the\\nspring of 166(3.\\nWe next find onr young adventurer at Montreal,\\nwhither he had been preceded by his elder brother, the\\nAbbe Jean Cavelier, who was a priest of the order of St.\\nSulpice, and whose presence there was an additional in-\\nducement for Robert to try his ow^n fortune in this newly\\nopened country. As before stated, the superior and priests\\nof the Seminary of St. Sulpice had become feudal proprie-\\ntors of the large Island of Montreal, and wished to have\\nit settled and improved. They now made young La Salle\\na liberal ofter, which, under the advice of his brother,\\nhe accepted. It was the grant, on easy conditions, of a\\nlarg-e tract of wild land on the north side of the St. Law-\\nrence, about ten miles above the then village of Montreal,\\nbut still on the island of that name. The locality was ex-\\nposed to incursions from the hostile Iroquois, but it was\\nvery conveniently situated for the fur-traffic. Taking pos-\\nsession of his new domain in the fall of 1667, he marked\\nout the boundaries of a village, and began to dispose of his\\nlands ill small parcels, after the French custom, to actual\\nsettlers, who were to pay him an annual rental therefor.\\nThe place subsequently took the name of La Chine, wdiich\\nw^as given to it in derision of its proprietor s early schemes\\nfor the discovery of a western passage to China. Mean-\\nwhile, to qualify himself for the stirring life before him, he\\ncommenced studying the Indian languages, and particularly\\nthe Iroquois, in which he made considerable proficiency.\\nFrom his frontier post on the banks of the noble St.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "His First Appearance in Canada. 73\\nLawrence, the thoughts of La Salle often wandered over\\nthe distant and untrodden regions toward the setting sun,\\nand, like other inquisitive and speculative minds of that\\nage, he dreamed of a western water-way to the Pacific\\nOcean. While thus working and musing, he was one day\\nvisited by a small band of Senecas,* from the south of Lake\\nOntario, who told him of a river called the Ohio, which\\ntook its rise in their country, and flowed off to the sea, but\\nat so great a distance that it took eight months to reach its\\nmouth. In this exaggerated statement, the Alleghany,\\nOhio, and Mississippi were all considered as one stream,\\nand, with the geographical ideas then prevalent, it was sup-\\nposed to fall into the Sea of Cortes, or Gulf of California.\\nThe story of these Indians so kindled La Salle s imagination\\nthat he determined to make an expedition to verify it, and\\nrepaired to Quebec to obtain Gov. Courcelles approval of\\nthe project. Both the governor and intendant promptly\\ngave him the desired letters of authority. In fact, they\\nstood prepared to sanction any enterprise that cost them\\nnothing, and yet promised an extension of French traffic\\nand intercourse among the western Indians. As no pecuni-\\nary aid was proffered by the Canadian officials, La Salle\\nwas under the necessity of selling his concession at La\\nChine to raise funds for his exploration. He accordingly\\ndisposed of his improvements there to the superior of the\\nSeminary of St. Sulpice, and with the proceeds of the sale,\\namounting to twenty-eight hundred livres, purchased four\\ncanoes and the requisite supplies for the expedition.\\nAt the same time the Seminary was preparing for a\\nsimilar undertaking. Emulating the example of the Jesu-\\nits, the priests of this association had already founded a mis-\\nsion at the Bay of Quinte f on Ontario Lake, and they now\\nproposed to extend their operations to the tribes in the\\ndistant west. An expedition was therefore set on foot for\\nthis purpose, under the management of Fathers DoUier de\\nOne of the five tribes then composing the Iroquois Nation.\\ntThis mission was established among the Cayugas in 1668, by\\nthe Abbe de Fenelon, a brother of the author of Telemachus, and Claude\\nTrouve, but it does not appear to have been very successful.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "74 La Salle and His Early Explorations.\\nCasson and Rene de Galinee. But on going down to Que-\\nbec to procure the requisite outfit, they were advised by\\nthe governor to modify their plans so as to act with La\\nSalle in exploring the unknown river to the southwest.\\nIn accordance with his suggestion the two expeditions\\nwere merged into one an arrangement ill-suited to the\\ntemper of young La Salle, who was formed by nature for\\nan untrammeled leader rather than a co-partner in any en-\\nterprise.\\nIt was on the 6th of July, 1669, that the combined\\nparty, numbering some twenty -two men, with seven canoes,\\nembarked upon the St. Lawrence. Accompanying them\\nwere two other canoes, carrying the party of Seneca\\nIndians who had wintered at La Salle s settlement, and\\nwho were to act as guides and interpreters. On the 2d ot\\nAugust, after having stemmed the impetuous current of the\\nSt. Lawrence, and threaded the mazes of the Thousand\\nIsles, the adventurous explorers emerged upon the broad\\nand deep bosom of Lake Ontario. Passing thence to a\\nsmall bay in the southern part of the lake, they were pi-\\nloted by their guides to the village of the latter, near the\\nGenesee River. Arrived there, they expected to find other\\nguides to conduct them to the sources of the Ohio but\\nthe Senecas refused to furnish a guide, and even burned\\nbefore their eyes a young prisoner taken from one of the\\nwestern tribes, he being the only person who could have\\nserved them in that capacity. This, with other unfriendly\\ntreatment experienced by the party of La Salle, caused\\nthem to suspect that the Jesuit priest at the village, who\\nacted as their interpreter, was jealous of their enterprise,\\nand had purposely misrepresented it to the Indians, in\\norder to defeat it. After lingering at this place about a\\nmonth, they had the good fortune to meet with an Indian\\nfrom an Iroquois settlement near the head of the lake,\\nwho told them they could there find what they wanted,\\nand offered to be their conductor.\\nGladly accepting his proffered assistance, the explorers\\nleft the Senecas and coasted along up the southern\\nshore of Lake Ontario, passing on their way the mouth of", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "His First Journey of Exploration. 75\\nthe I^iagara, and on the 24th of September reached the\\nvillage of Otinawatawa, near the present town of Hamil-\\nton. Here they were received by the natives in a friendly\\nmanner, and La Salle was presented with a Shawanoe pris-\\noner, who assured him that the Ohio could be reached in\\nsix weeks time, and that he would guide his party thither.\\nPleased with this proposal, they were about to set out on\\nthe journey, when they unexpectedly learned of the arrival\\nof two other Frenchmen at a neighboring village. One of\\nthem proved to be Louis Joliet, who was returning to Que-\\nbec from a trip to Lake Superior. He gave to the Sulpitian\\npriests a copy of a map that he had made, representing\\nsuch parts of the upper lakes as he had visited, and, at the\\nsame time, told them of the Pottawatomies and other tribes\\nin that region, who stood in great need of spiritual in-\\nstruction.\\nOn receiving this piece of information, the missionaries\\nresolved that the Indians on those latkes must not sit in outer\\ndarkness, and that the discovery of the Mississippi might\\nbe efi ected as well by a northern route, as by going farther\\nsouthward. La Salle remonstrated without avail against\\ntheir determination, for it was in accordance with their\\noriginal design. He had been troubled for some time with an\\nintermittent fever, and finding his remonstrance unheeded,\\nhe informed them that his physical condition would not\\nadmit of his accompanying them farther. This plea of\\nsickness was no doubt a ruse to bring about a separation,\\nwhich was now agreed upon. After the solemnization\\nof mass La Salle and his men fell back to Lake Ontario\\nwhile the Sulpitians descended Grand River to Lake Erie,\\nand thence pursued their voyage up the lakes. On arriving\\namong the Indians at Ste. Marie du Saut, they found, as La\\nSalle had surmised, the Jesuit fathers already established in\\nthat western region, and that they wanted no assistance from\\nthe priests of St. Sulpice. The latter therefore retraced their\\nlonely course, and reached Montreal on the 18th of June, 1670,\\nwithout having begun any mission or converted any Indians.*\\nBut De Galinee, after his return, made the earliest map of the Upper\\nLakes known to exist. Parkman s La Salle and the Great West, p. 21.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "76 La Salle and his Early Explorations.\\nThe course pursued by La Salle, after his separation\\nfrom the Sulpitian priests, is involved in obscurity. It is\\naffirmed that some of his men now forsook him and re-\\nturned to La Chine, which is not improbable. He is known\\nto hkve kept private journals or records of his explorations\\nat this period, which were in existence as late as 1756, but\\nthey never saw the light of print. The only contempo-\\nraneous and connected record of his movements is contained\\nin a pamphlet bearing the title of Hlstoire de Monsieur de\\nla Salle. It gives an account of his explorations and of the\\nstate of parties in Canada prior to the year 1678, and pur-\\nports to have been derived by its unknown writer from La\\nSalle himself, in the course of a dozen conversations had with\\nhim in Paris, whither he had gone from Canada in the au-\\ntumn of 1677. According to this anonymous memoir. La\\nSalle, after leaving the head of Lake Ontario, went to a\\nvillage of the Onondagas, in what is now New York, where\\nhe obtained guides, and thence made his way southward\\nto a tributary of the Ohio (probably the Alleghany), which\\nhe descended to the main river, and followed it as far\\nas to a rapid that obstructed it, at the site of what is\\nnow Louisville. It is asserted by some winters that he\\ncontinued his descent of the Ohio from that point to its\\nconfluence with the Mississippi, but this is no doubt a\\nfiction.*\\nThis tour of exploration is supposed to have been\\nmade during the fall and winter of 1669-70 for it ap-\\npears that the celebrated voyageur, Nicholas Perrot, met La\\nSalle in the early summer of 1670, hunting wnth a party of\\nIroquois on the Ottawa. That he discovered the Ohio, is\\na pretty well .authenticated fact. He himself affirmed it,\\nPierre Margry, a recent French writer, asserts tliat in 1670-71\\nLa Salle descended the Ohio to the Mississippi Dussieux, Canada, p.\\n37) but the proof has not been given, and, not improbably, is a delu-\\nsion, as no notice of the fact appears in any document of the time, and\\nthe friends of La Salle would not be likely to omit an expedition giving\\nhim a priority to the discovery of the Mississippi nor would La Salle,\\nhaving a i)08t at Niagara, overlook the advantages of following the same\\ncourse to the Mississippi. Note by .T. G. Shea to Washington s Diary\\nof his tour to the Ohio in 1753, printed in New York, 1800.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "His Discovery of the Ohio. 77\\nin a memorial addressed to Count Frontenac in 1677.\\nMoreover, his rival, Joliet, made two maps of the region\\nof the Mississippi and great lakes, on both of which the\\nOhio is laid down, though not correctly, with inscrip-\\ntions to the effect that it had been explored by La Salle.\\nBut his exploration of this noble river (which the French\\nappropriately named La Belle Riviere., from the Iroquois\\nword signifying beautiful), was not sufficiently extensive to\\nreveal its true character, nor to disclose the fact that the\\nWabash w^as simply one of its tributaries.\\nWith regard to La Salle s peregrinations during the\\nyears 1671 and 1672, we learn from the apocryphal memoir\\nbefore cited, that he embarked with an exploring or trading\\nparty on Lake Erie, ascended the Detroit and St. Clair to\\nLake Huron, passed the Straits of Michilimackinac into\\nLake Michigan, and on to the southern extremity of this\\nlake that he thence crossed the country to a river (the\\nIllinois) flownng to the southw^est, which he followed to the\\nMississippi, and thence down that stream to the 36th par-\\nallel of latitude. Arrived thither, and being convinced\\nthat the great river had its discharge in the Gulf of Mexico,\\nhe returned on his course, intending at some future time to\\nexplore it to its mouth.\\nLittle, if any, weight can be allowed to the above\\nincredible story. La Salle was, at this period, leading the\\nlife of a coureur de bois. It is doubtless true that he was\\nemployed in some work of exploration. Indeed, it appears\\nfrom an official despatch of M. Talon in 1671, that he had\\nbeen sent southward and westward to explore but this\\nmay have only referred to the region south of the lower\\nlakes, and it is not unlikely that at this time he made the\\ndiscovery of the Ohio. Mr. Parkman, in his La Salle and\\nthe Discovery of the Great West, after learnedly discussing\\nthis obscure and controverted portion of La Salle s career,\\nthus concludes La Salle discovered the Ohio, and in all\\nprobability the Illinois but that he discovered the Mississippi\\nhas not been proved, nor, in the light of the evidence we\\nhave, is it likely to be. For our own part, we very much\\nquestion if he ever saw the Illinois River, or any branch of", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "78 La Salle and Mis Early Explorations.\\nit, prior to December, 1679, though, as suggested by Mr.\\nShea, he might have reached the mouth of the St. Joseph\\nin Lake Michigan.\\nThe expedition of Joliet and Marquette had well nigh\\ndemonstrated the fact that the Mississippi emptied its vast\\nvolume of waters into the Mexican Gulf but this was far\\nfrom satisfying the mind of La Salle, who wished to see\\nand know for himself. He had read the published narra-\\ntives of the Spanish adventurers in the southwest, and\\nheard the vague stories of the Indians, and he seems to\\nhave entertained the idea (first put torth in Marquette s jour-\\nnal) that, by ascending the Missouri, or some other western\\naffluent of the Mississippi, it would be found to interlock\\nwith another stream running southwest to the Vermilion,\\nor Gulf of California, and thus aflbrd the desired passage\\nto the Pacific* Nor was this theory so chimerical as it\\nmight first appear for by mounting the Platte River to its\\nsource in the Rocky Mountains, one may thence readily\\npass to the headwaters of the Colorado, which flows off\\ninto the Gulf of California. But, above all, La Salle longed\\nto trace the Mississippi itself to the sea, and thus acquire\\nfor himself the distinction he coveted, and for his sover-\\neign an embryo empire. It was several years, however,\\nbefore he could resume and carry out any of his bold\\nschemes of exploration and discovery.\\nIn the meantime, he sought and gained the patronage\\nof Governor Frontenac. Ko sooner had that astute func-\\ntionary been installed in oflSce, than he eagerly scanned the\\nresources of the colony, and prepared to bring them under\\nhis own control. Being advised that the Iroquois, at the\\ninstigation of the English, were intriguing with the Ind-\\nians of the upper lakes to break their faith with the French,\\nand transfer their trade in furs from Montreal to Albany\\n*The delusive idea of a water-way to the Pacific was partly derived\\nby the French from the Spaniards, who, during the preceding century,\\nhad scoured the coasts of Mexico and Central America in the vain quest\\nfor a strait connecting the two oceans.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "Founding of Fort Frontenac. 79\\nand New York, he determined to counteract that design\\nby erecting a fort and depot near the outlet of Lake Onta-\\nrio. Not wishing to excite the jealousy of the Canadian\\nmerchants and traders, he gave out that he only intended\\nto make a tour of observation to the upper part of the col-\\nony. But, lacking means of his own for the enterprise, he\\nrequired the principal merchants of Quebec and Montreal\\nto each furnish him with a certain number of men and\\ncanoes. When the spring of 1673 had opened, he sent La\\nSalle in advance from Montreal to Onondaga, to invite the\\nL oquois sachems to meet him in council at the foot of\\nLake Frontenac (Ontario), while he followed at his leisure\\nup the St. Lawrence. In response to the invitation sent\\nthem, the Indians resorted in considerable numbers to the\\nappointed place of meeting, and were well pleased witli\\nthe attentions there shown them by the governor, who was\\nthe first Frenchman to address them by the name of chil-\\ndren, instead of brothers. Cajoled by his blandish-\\nments and presents, and awed by his audacity and show of\\nforce, they acquiesced in the erection of a fort at the mouth\\nof Cataraqui Creek, where Kingston now stands.\\nThe building of this fort (which was begun in July of\\nthat year, and was called Frontenac after its founder), was\\nin violation of the existing regulations of the king, which\\nrequired the fur-dealers to carry on their trade with the\\nnatives within the borders of the French settlements. Still,\\nin view of its importance as a means of overawing the\\nrestless Iroquois, all technical objections were waived, and\\nprovision was made for its maintenance. With the aid\\nof a vessel now building, writes Frontenac at this time,\\nwe can command the lake, keep peace with the Iroquois,\\nand cut off the fur-trade from the English. With another\\nfort at Niagara, and a second vessel on the river above, we\\ncan control the entire chain of lakes. These extensive\\nviews accorded well with the schemes of La Salle, who, as\\nwe shall see, was soon employed in putting them into\\npractice.\\nIn November, 1674, LaSalle embarked for France,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "80 La Salle and His Early Explorations.\\nwith letters of recommendation from the governor* and\\nothers, and, on his arrival at Versailles, presented two pe-\\ntitions to the king (Louis XIV.) the one for a patent of\\nnobility, in consideration of his valuable services as an ex-\\nplorer; and the other for a grant in seigniory of Fort\\nFrontenac and the adjoining lands. He proposed to reim-\\nburse the king for the ten thousand livres which the new\\npost had cost him to maintain it at his own charge, with\\na garrison equal to that of Montreal, besides a score of la-\\nborers to form a French colony around it; to build a\\nchurch whenever the number of inhabitants should reach\\none hundred, and in the meantime to support one or more\\nRecollet friars and, finally, to form a settlement of do-\\nmesticated Indians in the neighborhood. These liberal\\noliers, on the part of LaSalle, were accepted by the crown\\nand by letters-patent of the 13th of May, 1675, he was\\nraised to the rank of the untitled nobility.f At the same\\ntime he received a grant of Fort Frontenac, and the lands\\ncontiguous, to the extent of four and one-half leagues in\\nfront and one-half league in depth, besides the neighbor-\\ning islands, and was also invested with the government of\\nthe fort and settlement, subject to the provincial governor.\\nAfter LaSalle s favorable reception at court, his more\\nwealthy relations in Rouen advanced him considerable\\nsums of money, which put him in position to fulfill the\\nmore important obligations annexed to his grant, and he\\nnow returned to Canada the proprietor of what promised\\nto be one of the most valuable estates in the province.\\nIn a despatch to Minister Colbert, of the 14th of November, 1674,\\nFrontenac thus commends his favorite I can not help. Monsieur,\\nrecommending to you the Sieur de la Salle, who is about to go to France,\\nand who is a man of intelligence and ability more capable than any\\nbody else I know here, to accomplish every kind of enterprise and dis-\\ncovery which may be entrusted to him, since he has the most perfect\\nknowledge of the state of the country, as you will see if you are dis-\\nposed to give him a few moments of audience. Parkman s Discovery\\nof the Great West, p. 89.\\nt This was an empty kind of honor, with which the Kings of France\\nwere wont to gratify the vanity and reward the services of their more\\ndeserving subjects.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "His Letters Patent from the King. 81\\nDuring the two following years, while all New France was\\nbeing rent and torn by civil and ecclesiastical feuds, he was\\nbusily occupied in clearing his lands, strengthening his\\nfort, and developing his seigniory. In addition to furnish-\\ning the stipulated military and clerical forces, and erecting\\na chapel for the use of the latter, he built three or four\\ndecked boats, or brigantines, to carry freight on Lake On-\\ntario, to the head of which it was next proposed to ad-\\nvance. He was now on the high road to fortune, if riches\\nhad been his only object, and he consequently became a\\nmark for the shafts of tlie envious and malevolent, or those\\nwhose opinions and interests conflicted with his own.\\nMeanwhile, he did not relinquish his favorite design\\nof exploration. In the autumn of 1677, he again went to\\nFrance, and laid his plans before Jean Baptiste Colbert,\\nthen minister for the colonies, and the great promoter of\\nFrench industry and commerce. LaSalle dilated upon the\\nimmense extent of the western country, its endless natural\\nresources, and the advantages that would accrue from colo-\\nnizing it and opening trade with its numerous native tribes.\\nFor this purpose, he asked permission and authority to ex-\\nplore and build forts in the western valleys, with seigniorial\\nrights over all hands, that he miglit discover and colonize\\nwithin the period of twenty years. His petition was fa-\\nvorably considered by the minister, and Letters were accord-\\ningly issued to him by the crown. But he was required to\\ncomplete his enterprise within five years instead of twenty,\\nas desired. Following is an English copy of this curious\\nand important state paper\\nLouis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Nacarre:\\nTo our dear and well-beloved Eobert Cavelier, Sieur\\nde la Salle\\nWe have received, with favor, the very humble pe-\\ntition which has been presented to us in your name, to per-\\nmit you to endeavor to discover the western part of our\\ncountry of New France, and we have consented to this\\nproposal the more willingly, because there is nothing we\\n6", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "82 LaSftlle and His Early Explorations.\\nhave more at heart than the discovery of this country,\\nthrough which it is probable that a passage may be found\\nto Mexico and because your diligence in clearing the\\nlands which we granted to you by the decree of our coun-\\ncil of the 13th of May, 1675, and by letters patent of the\\nsame date, to form habitations upon the said lands and to\\nput Fort Frontenae in a good state of defense, the seigni-\\nory and government whereof we likewise granted to you,\\naffords us every reason to hope that you will succeed to our\\nsatisfaction, and to our subjects of the said country. For\\nthese reasons and others thereunto moving us, we have per-\\nmitted and do hereby permit you, by these presents, signed\\nby our hand, to endeavor to discover the western part of\\nour country of New Franco, and for the execution of this\\nenterprise, to construct forts wherever you shall deem it\\nnecessary; which it is our will that you shall hold on the\\nsame terms and conditions as Fort Frontenae, agreeably\\nand conformably to our said letters patent of the 13th of\\nMay, 1675, which we have confirmed, as far as is needful,\\nand hereby confirm by these presents. And it is our\\npleasure that they be executed according to their form and\\ntenor.\\nTo accomplish this, and every thing above mentioned,\\nwe give you full powers, on condition, however, that you\\nshall finish this enterprise within five years, in default of\\nwhich these presents shall be void and of none effect that\\nyou carry on no trade whatever with the savages called\\nOiitaouacSy^ and others who bring their beaver skins and\\nother peltries to Mouti-eal and that the whole shall be\\ndone at your expense, and that of your company to which\\nwe have granted the privilege of the trade in buffalo skins\\nand we call on the Sieur de Frontenae, our governor and\\nlieutenant-general, and on the Sieur de Chesneau,f intend-\\nant of justice, police and finance, and on the officers who\\ncompose the supreme council in the said country, to affix\\nThe Ottawas.\\nt Jacques de Chesneau had been appointed Intendaut of New\\nFrance in ^lay, 167 Ho was an enemy of both Frontenae and La\\nSalle.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "First Great Expedition to the West. 83\\ntheir signatures to these presents for such is our pleas-\\nure.\\nGiven at St. Grermain en Laye, this 12th of May,\\n1678, and of our reign the thirty-fifth.\\nBy the King, Louis.\\nCOLBEKT.\\nInasmuch as no pecuniary aid was to be received from\\nthe government, La Salle had to look to his monopoly of\\nthe future trade in butfalo skins for the support of his ex-\\npensive enterprise. Meantime, his relatives were induced to\\nmake him further advances of money, and some of them\\nbecame shareholders in the venture. He also found a use-\\nful ally in La Motte de Lussiere, who became a partner\\nin the company, and who joined him on the eve of his em-\\nbarkation for Canada. La Salle sailed from Rochelle on\\nhis return the 14th of July, 1678, bringing with him about\\nthirty men, besides an ample supply of stores, implements\\nfor building vessels, etc. After a two months sea voyage,\\nhe reached Quebec, and thence proceeded up the St. Law-\\nrence to his seigniory of Frontenac. His new enterprise\\naroused jealousy and opposition from the start, among the\\nold Canadian traders; but our resolute Is^orman was ac-\\ncustomed to grapple with obstacles and opposition, and he\\nenergetically proceeded to organize his expedition. Having\\nlaid aside as impracticable his scheme of a western passage\\nto China and Japan, and convinced that the Mississippi\\nemptied into the Gulf of Mexico, he had substituted a\\nvast plan, which should eventually plant on the shores of\\nthe Gulf the national colors of France, and open to her the\\nwhole interior of this continent.\\nOf the men whose services La Salle had secured in\\nFrance, and who were destined to win honor with him\\nin his great explorations, the most useful and trusted\\nwas Henry de Tonty,t or Tonti, as it is written in Italian.\\nHe was a native of the Neapolitan town of Gaeta, Italy,\\nwhere he first saw the light about the year 1650. His\\nFrontenac s signature was affixed to this patent November 5, 1678.\\nt Tonty had been a protege of the Prince de Conti, by whom he was\\nrecommended to La Salle.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "84 La Salle and His Early Explorations.\\nfather, Lorenzo di Tonti, was sometime governor of Gaeta,\\nbut fled to France to escape the political disturbances of his\\nown country. lie was an ingenious financier, and the in-\\nventor of the Tontine system of annuities, which he intro-\\nduced into France during the latter part of the seventeenth\\ncentury. Henry de Tonty entered the French military\\nservice in 1668, and served as a cadet two years. He next\\nserved four years as a midshipman, at Marseilles and\\nToulon, and made seven campaigns, four in ships and\\nthree in galleys. While at Messina, Sicily, he was made\\nlieutenant and then captain of the first company of a regi-\\nment of horse. In assisting to repel an attack of the\\nenemy on the post of Libisso, his right hand was shot oft\\nby a grenade, and he was taken prisoner and detained for\\nsix months, after which he was exchanged. He then re-\\npaired to France to obtain some favor of the king, who\\ngave him three hundred livers. Returning to Sicily, he\\nmade a campaign as a volunteer in the galleys and when\\nthe troops were discharged, being unable to obtain employ-\\nment on account of the general peace, he enlisted under\\nLa Salle, in his expeditions of discovery.\\nNotwithstanding the loss of his right hand (which,\\nhowever, was replaced by one of iron or copper), and a\\nconstitution apparently feeble, his indomitable energy made\\nhim the superior of most men in physical endurance. His\\nexperience, too, as a soldier, and his natural intrepidity, well\\nfitted him for the life of a military explorer. Moreover,\\nhis fidelity was such that neither the frowns of adversity,\\nnor the intrigues of seci^et or open enemies, could ever\\nswerve him from the interest of his patron and employer.\\nThe Sieur La Motte, before named, was also a man of enter-\\nprise and integrity of character, but not so efficient or valua-\\nble an assistant to La Salle as the little veteran De Tonty.\\nThe spiritual directors, who were selected by the chief\\nfor this memorable expedition, were expected to ofiiciate as\\nchaplains and missionaries at such forts and trading posts\\nas might be established. Following are their names\\nFather Louis Hennepin, the first in respect to ability and\\nenterprise GaVjriel de la Ribourde, venerable for his years,\\nand his long and unselfish clerical labors the amiable and", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "His First Great Expedition to the West. 85\\ndevoted Zenobious Membre and the pious Melithoii Wat-\\nteau, who was stationed at JSTiagara and made it his mission.\\nAll of these were Flemings, or natives of Flanders, and all\\nwere RecoUet friars, of the mendicant order of St, Francis.\\nIt would doubtless have been more conducive to La Salle s\\ninterest if this had been otherwise, since the Jesuits already\\noccupied the upper lake region, and had planted some mis-\\nsions in the northern part of the country of the Illinois.\\nUnder such circumstances, they were naturally jealous of\\nany infringement upon their assumed territorial jurisdiction\\nby members of another branch of the mother church, and\\nwere inclined to throw obstacles in the way of the latter.\\nSoon after his return from France to Fort Frontenac,\\nLa Salle dispatched fifteen men with merchandise to Mack-\\ninac and Lake Michigan, to barter for furs, and instructed\\nthem, after executing their commission, to repair to Green\\nBay, on the border of the Illinois, and there await his ar-\\nrival. The first important step in his westward progress, one\\nwhich had been long contemplated, was to establish a fort\\nor block-house at the outlet of the Niagara channel. For\\nthis purpose, on November 18, 1678, La Motte and Henne-\\npin embarked, with fifteen men, in one of the brigantines\\nthat lay at the landing of the fort, and started up Lake On-\\ntario. Being retarded in their passage by rough weather, it\\nwas not until the 6th of December that they reached the\\nmouth of the Niagara. Here, after several weeks, they were\\njoined by La Salle and Tonty, who had been detained in\\nprocuring the necessary supplies. They, too, encoun-\\ntered adverse winds on the way, and the pilot to whom La\\nSalle had intrusted one of his boats disregarded his instruc-\\ntions, and suifered her to be wrecked. The crew managed\\nto escape, but the cargo was lost, excepting the ropes and\\nanchors intended for use in constructing the new vessel.\\nThe appearance of the French upon the lake excited\\nthe suspicions of the Seneca Indians, who inhabited its\\nsouthern shores, and when it was proposed to erect a fort\\nat the foot of the mountain ridge,* on the east side of the\\nThe block-house, which La Salle afterward built where Fort\\nNiagara now stands, was called Fort Conti.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "86 La Salic and His Early Explorations.\\nriver, they made objection. In order to gain their consent,\\nLa Motte and La Salle botli visited, in turn, the principal\\nvillage of the Seneca s situated near the site of the present\\nRochester, !New York, and distributed presents freely\\namong their chiefs. Some diplomacy was also used by La\\nSalle, and in lieu of a fort, it was finally agreed that the\\nFrenchmen might erect a warehouse. This was now speedily\\ncompleted and inclosed with a palisade. If was used as an\\nabode by the men during the rest of that winter, and, sub-\\nsequently, as a station and place of deposit for implements\\nand merchandise.\\nThe energies of La Salle were next directed to the con-\\nstruction of a sailing vessel, with which to navigate tlie up-\\nper great lakes. The spot chosen for this important experi-\\nment was at or near the mouth of Cayuga Creek,* on the\\neastern bank of the Niagara, and some five miles above the\\nFalls. This difficult and tedious work (made doubly so by\\ntheir want of proper facilities) w^as formally begun on the\\n22d of January, 1679, and was prosecuted under the per-\\nsonal supervision of the Sieur de Tonty, whose knowledge\\nof marine architecture was thus brought into active requisi-\\ntion. The Senecas, it is averred, tried to burn the vessel\\nwhile on the stocks, but she was launched by the middle of\\nJuly, and was then towed farther up the river to be rigged.\\nThe builders celebrated her completion by firing cannon and\\nsinging songs in commemoration of the event. And well\\nthey might felicitate themselves upon their achievement\\nfor she was the first sail -rigged and sea-going craft that\\never spread canvas to the breeze on our inland seas. The\\nlittle schooner was armed with five small cannon and three\\nlarge muskets, and on her prow was carved the wooden\\nfigure of a griffin,t from which, in compliment to the ar-\\nmorial bearings of Count de Frontenac, she received her\\n*As usual in such cases, the place of the building of the Griffin\\nis disputed. .Some contend for a site known as the Old Ship-yard,\\non the Little Niagara.\\ntOr griffon, according to the French orthography. The vessel was\\nof sixty tons burden, and was estimated by Hennepin to have cost sixty\\nthousand livres, or about $12,000; but this included a cargo of furs.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "His Voyage in the Griffin. 87\\nname. Every thing was now in readiness awaiting the re-\\nturn of the commander, who had gone to Fort Frontenac to\\nreplenish his stores, and was detained there by pecuniary\\ndifficulties. He arrived in the beginning of August, ac-\\ncompanied by Friars Ribourde and Membre, who wei e\\ngoing to distribute the bread of life among the pagan\\ntribes of the southwest.\\nAt length, on the 7th of August, 1679, with the dis-\\ncharge of small artillery, and the chanting of the Te Deani,\\nLa Salle and his venturesome followers stepped aboard the\\nnew vessel, which was wafted by a gentle wind out upon\\nthe crystal surface of Lake Erie. Thus the Griffin, flying\\nfrom her mast-head the pennon of France, went forth as a\\nherald of civilization, and as the forerunner of that un-\\ncounted multitude of schooners, brigs, barks, pro}iellers,\\nand other smaller craft, which to-day ply the great lakes in\\nevery direction, in the peaceful and gainful pursuits of com-\\nmerce. After a pleasant navigation of five days, the voy-\\nagers entered the noble channel of the Detroit, and found\\nits forest-studded banks filled with dift erent species of small\\ngame, of which they shot and killed enough for their needs.\\nAscending thence through Lake St. Clair and the connect-\\ning strait, they issued upon the sea-like expanse of Lake\\nHuron, and in sailing over its dark and treacherous depths\\nencountered a terrific storm, which threatened to speedily\\nengulf their little bark, with all onboard. In this extremity\\nof peril. La Salle and the friars fell ui\u00c2\u00bbon their knees to say\\ntheir prayers, and invoked the aid of St. Anthony of Padua,\\nas the patron saint of their expedition. It would seem that\\nthe saint heard and answered their prayers for the Griffin\\nweathered the gale, and, on the next day, rode unscathed\\ninto the Straits of Michilimackinac.\\nApproaching the roadstead at the mission of Saint Ig-\\nnace, they fired an artillery salute to announce their ar-\\nrival, and, immediately after landing, repaired to the mis-\\nsion chapel to return thanks to God for their recent deliv-\\nerance from the fury of the elements. On this occasion\\nLa Salle wore a scarlet coat, trimmed with gold lace, which", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "88 La Salle and His Early Explorations.\\nhe kept by him for occasions of ceremony. He was re-\\nceived here by the Jesuit priests and traders with an out-\\nward show of respect and friendship, though they were\\nprivately antagonizing his enterprise. The neighboring In-\\ndians now swarmed in canoes about liis armed vessel, view-\\ning her with mingled feelings of wonder and terror.\\nWhile anchored at this station, the commander found and\\ntook into custody four of his men, whom he had sent up\\nthe lakes with merchandise to exchange for pelts they\\nhaving disposed of the goods and pocketed the proceeds.\\nAt the same time lie sent Tonty to Sault de Ste. Marie in\\npursuit of others, who were also caught.\\nWeighing anchor about the 2d of September, La Salle\\ncontinued liis westward voyage, and next arrived at one of\\nthe islands in the entrance to Green Bay, jutting out from\\nLake Michigan. Landing on the island, he was hospitably\\nreceived by a Pottawatomie chief, who had visited in Canada,\\nand here he was also met by the remainder of his advance\\ntraders, who had honestly disposed of his goods and collected\\nin return a large quantity of furs. These were now conveyed\\non board the Griffin, and, with other pelts procured during\\nher outward passage, were to be carried to Niagara for the\\nbenefit of his creditors. This transaction was in violation\\nof the letter and spirit of La Salle s royal patent but his\\npecuniary necessities were such at the time as to justify or\\nexcuse a liberal interpretation of the terms of that instru-\\nment. The pilot and five sailors, to whom he committed\\nthe charge of the Griffin, were instructed, after they had\\nlanded her valuable cargo, to return with the vessel to the\\nsoutheastern part of Lake Michigan. The Griffin set sail\\nfrom Green Bay on the 18th of September, but was never\\nafterward heard of. It would have been better for the\\ndoomed vessel if she had never sailed on this return trip,\\nand better still, perhaps, if La Salle had continued his own\\nvoyage in her to the head of the lake.\\nOn the next day (the 19th), he embarked with his re-\\nmaining men, fourteen in nundier, in foni* canoes, for the\\nmouth of the river Miamis, afterward known as the St.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "His First G-reat Expedition to the West. 89\\nJoseph.* The canoes were heavily laden with a forge, im-\\nplements, arms, etc., and their progress was retarded by\\ntempestuous weather. After a perilous passage along the\\nwestern and southern shores of the lake, in the course of\\nwhich the voyagers suffered keenly from hunger and ex-\\nposure, they reached their destination about the first of\\n]!^ovember. Here they were disappointed at not finding\\nthe Sieur de Tonty, who had started from Michilimackinac\\nwith a party of twenty men, and was slowly making his\\nway up the eastern side of the lake but he did not arrive\\nuntil twenty days later. In the interval of waiting, La\\nSalle, to keep his men from idleness, employed them in\\nbuilding a wooden fort, eighty feet long and forty wide,\\nnear the mouth of the river. It was completed by the end\\nof November, and was named Fort Miami, after a neigh-\\nboring tribe of Indians. Ample time had now elapsed for\\nthe return of the Grifiin, and La Salle, being much troubled\\nat her non-arrival, sent two men down the lake to look for\\nthe vessel, and pilot her to the entrance of the St. Joseph.\\nDifferent opinions were entertained respecting the fate of\\nthe Griffin. Hennepin believed that she foundered in a\\nstorm in the north part of Lake Michigan, which is quite\\nprobable; others thought that the Indians might have\\nboarded and burnt her; while La Salle himself long cher-\\nished the notion that her pilot and crew, after disposing of\\nher valuable cargo, sunk her, and then ran awa} with their\\nill-gotten gains. Unfortunately, the loss of this much-\\nprized vessel was irreparable, and it proved a serious blow\\nto the success of his expedition.\\nBut, without longer delay, on December 3, 1679, the\\nreunited party, numbering some thirty-three persons, with\\neight canoes, began the ascent of the St. Joseph s River,\\nen route to the Illinois. It was a miscellaneous and rather\\npicturesque company, comprising soldiers, friars, artisans,\\n*At the mouth of this river, several years before, the Jesuit Father\\nAllouez had collected some scattered bands of the Hurons and others,\\nand established a missionary station, thereby making it a point known\\nto these adventurers, and one which, knowing, they would endeavor to\\nreach. See Breese s Early Hist, of 111., p. 10(3.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "90 La Salle and His Early Explorations.\\nlaborers, coarears des bois, and a few Indians. After a\\nfatiguing journey southward of twenty-five leagues, in\\nwhich they had often to drag their canoes against the shal-\\nlow current of the river, they n eared the site of the pres-\\nent city of South Bend, Ind. Thence a portage was made\\nof two or three miles to the headwaters of the Te-a-ki-ki\\n(Kankakee), which they reached with the assistance of a\\nMohegan Indian, whom La Salle had employed in the\\ndouble capacity of guide and hunter for the expedition.\\nThe winter had now fully set in, the earth being thickly\\nmantled with snow, and as the adventurers paddled their\\nweary way down the narrow, torturous stream, flowing\\nthrough reedy and frozen marshes, the whole landscape\\npresented a most cheerless aspect. To increase their mis-\\nery, they were distressed by the pangs of hunger until re-\\nlieved ]jy the fortunate capture of a large buffalo, which\\nwas found struggling in the mire of the river, and was soon\\nslaughtered. Being thus regaled, they resumed their canoes\\nand reached without accident the junction of the Kankakee\\nand the Des Plaines, which unite to form the Illinois River.\\nGliding rapidly down the channel of the latter, the\\nvoyagers shortly entered a region of bolder and more strik-\\ning scenery. On the right they passed the elevation called\\nBuffalo Rock, standing out like an island in the valley, and\\nfarther down, on their left, appeared the tall cliff, since\\nknown as Starved Rock. A mile or more below it, on the\\nnorth bank of the here expanded river (named by Henne-\\npin the Illinois Lake), stood the principal town of the Illi-\\nnois nation, in which were counted four hundred and sixty\\nlodges. These were made in the shape of long arbors, with\\na frame-work of posts and poles, and covered with double\\nmats of flat flags, so well sewed together that they were\\nimpervious to rain or snow. Each lodge had four or five\\nfires, and each fire served one or two families. It was here,\\nabout the 25th of December, that La Salle and his hungry\\nfollowers landed, in order to procure some maize, of which\\nthey stood sorely in need but, as had been foreseen, they\\nfound the village deserted and silent, its inhabitants being\\naway on their usual winter hunt. Some of the Frenchmen,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "He Arrives at Peoria Lake. 91\\nhowever, discovered a supply of the desired grain stored in\\npits, and of it they took enough to supply their wants, in-\\ntending to pay for the same when the owners should be\\nmet. After resting and refreshing themselves for a short\\ntime, they re-embarked and continued their course.\\nOn New Year s day, 1680, the voyagers again landed\\nto hear mass, which was solemnized by the friars, and the\\nexercises were closed by Hennepin with an encouraging\\naddress to the men. Two days afterward, Hiey entered\\nthat irregular expansion of the Illinois River (from seven to\\neight leagues in length) called Lac Pimiteoui, or Lake Peo-\\nria, meaning the place of fat beasts. Moving on cau-\\ntiously toward the south end of the lake, where the river\\nresumes its ordinary width, they perceived smoke rising\\nabove the bai-e tree tops, denoting the presence of Indians,\\nand on turning a sharp bend saw, on both sides of the\\nstream, a number of pirogues, and about eighty cabins\\nfilled with people. This was on the morning of the fifth\\nday after leaving the great village.* Having some reason\\nto suspect an uncivil reception from the savages, La Salle\\nnow formed his small flotilla into a line across the river, so\\nas to present as formidable an array as possible. As they\\nthus swept down the stream to the village, some of the dis-\\nmayed natives took to flight, and others seized their arms\\nto make resistance; but, in the midst of their confusion,\\nour little band of Frenchmen sprang ashore, armed and\\nequipped for action. Awed by the bold and martial bear-\\ning of the latter, the Indians de[)uted two of their chiefs\\nto present the peace calumet, which La Salle promptly\\nrecognized by showing one in turn, and thereupon a\\nfriendly intercourse was opened between them. This was\\nsucceeded by a feast, at which the more obsequious of the\\nsavages rubbed the uncovered feet of the friars with bear s\\noil, while others fed their guests with buftalo meat, putting\\nthe first three morsels into their mouths with much cere-\\nmony, as a mark of great civility.\\nWhen the feast was ended, M. de la Salle informed\\nSee Hennepin s Description de la Louisiana; Shea s translation\\n(N. Y., 1880), p. 156.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "92 La Salle and His Early Explorations.\\nNicanope, and the other principal men of the tribe, that in\\ndescending the river he had stopped at their great town,\\nand had taken some corn from their pits to supply the\\nnecessities of his men, but that he was prepared to make\\nthem full compensation. He then proceeded to explain the\\npurpose of his visit, saying, in substance, that he had come\\nto raise a fort in their neighborhood to protect them from\\nthe incursions of the Iroquois, and also to build a large\\ncanoe, in wliich to descend the great river to the sea and\\nthence bring back goods to exchange for their peltry. He\\nfurther told them that if his plans did not meet with their\\napproval, he would pass on to the Osages and Missouris,\\nand give them the benefit of his trade and protection.\\nThese Peoria Indians readily assented to what he said\\nabout his plans and purposes, and were profuse in their\\nexpressions of friendship and good will. Yet, despite all\\nthis, it soon became apparent to La Salle that secret ene-\\nmies were striving to thwart his enterprise, and that the\\nminds of the savages had been prejudiced against hiiu in\\nadvance.\\nA few days afterward there arrived at this village a\\nMascoutin chief named Monso, or Monsoela, who came\\nequipped with presents and accompanied by several Miamis\\nbraves, and who held nightly conclaves with the head men\\nof the village. He professed to have been sent to warn the\\nIllinois against the designs of La Salle, of whom he spoke\\nas an intriguer and friend of the Iroquois, and that he had\\ncome among the Illinois only to open the way to their ene-\\nmies, who were coming on all sides to destroy them.*\\nHaving thus re-aroused the distrust of the tickle-minded\\nPeorias, the crafty cliief and his party hastened away un-\\nder the cover of night. In the altered and reserved de-\\nmeanor of the natives, La Salle now met a fresh difficulty,\\nwhich taxed all his address and knowledge of the Indian\\ncharacter to overcome. It was not without reason that he\\nattributed the meddlesome visit of the Mascoutin chief to\\nthe machinations of the Jesuit Father Allouez, whose ])rin-\\nMembre s Narrative iu Le Clercq.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "JBuUding of Fort Crece-cmur. 93\\ncipal station was among the Miamis, Init who had been at\\nthe great town of tlie Illinois only a few months before.\\nTo add to the commander s vexations, some of his own\\nmen, who had been discontented from the start, now be-\\ncame sullen and mutinous, and endeavored to stir up disaf-\\nfection among the better disposed. Xot succeeding in this\\nto their satisfaction, they held private interviews with tlie\\nIllinois to excite their ill-will against La Salle. As a last\\nresort, the m^ilcontents sought his life by secretly putting\\npoison in his food. The effect of the poison, however, was\\nneutralized by the timely taking of an antidote, and no ill-\\nresults followed. This was an age of poisoning, the prac-\\ntice having been introduced into France from Italy and it\\nappears that a similar attempt had been made against the\\nlife of La Salle, not very long before, at Fort Frontenac.\\nShortly after the departure of the Mascoutin chief, six of\\nthe Frenchmen, including some of the best workmen, basely\\ndeserted their employer, and set oft on their return to Can-\\nada. To this dastardly course tliey were partlj* influenced\\nby previous disaftection, and partly by the dangers of the\\nexpedition, which had been artfully magnified to their\\nminds by tlie Indians. In order to stay further desertions,\\nLa Salle called the remaining men together, and told them\\nthat he did not intend to take with him any but those who\\nwould go Avillingly, and that he would leave the others at\\nliberty in the spring to return to Canada, whither they\\nmight go without risk and by canoe whereas, the} could\\nnot then undertake it l)ut with evident peril to their lives.*\\nIt was now mid-winter, and the commander, wearied\\nwith his accumulating difficulties, and finding it impractica-\\nble to proceed farther to the south, resolved to erect a fort,\\nwhicli might attbrd shelter and security to his company\\nuntil the opening of spring. The site chosen for this first\\nEuropean fortification in Illinois M^as a moderate sized hill,\\nor termination of a ridge, on the eastern side of the river\\n(as shown by Franquelin s, and Hennepin s old maps), and\\nabout half a league below the outlet of the lake where the\\nHennepin s Description of Louisiana, p. 173.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "94 La Salle and His Early ExjAoratiovs.\\nexplorers had lirst landed. The precise location of the\\nfort, of which not a vestige remains, is clouded with doubt\\nand controversy. Some would tix it at the %nllage of Wes-\\nley City, four miles below the present city of Peoria; while\\nothers, with rather more show of reason, contend for a site\\nhigher up the river, and over against the northern suburbs\\nof Peoria. Interest in the subject has revived from time\\nto time, and the relative claims of these two different sites\\nwere elaborately discussed through the Peoria press iu Jan-\\nuary, 1890.*\\nLa Salle s men worked with a good grace on the\\nfort, and by the first of the ensuing March, 1680, it was\\nnearly finished, and was occupied. It now received the\\nsignificant name of Creve-ca:ur, or Heart Break not, as\\nhas been often stated (on the authority of a passage in\\nHennepin s New Discovery because of the commander s\\ndejection at the desertion of his men and his increasing\\ndifficulties, but after the fortress of Creve-coeur in Brabant\\nof the Netherlands, which had recently been taken by\\nthe French arms and demolished. Such, more than two\\nhundred and thirteen years ago, was the primal military\\noccupation of Illinois by the French, though no continuous\\nwhite settlement was established at Peoria Lake until nearl}\\nor quite a century later.f\\nIn La Salle s day, when the river carried a somewhat larger vol-\\nume of water than at present, Lake Pimiteou, is described by him as\\nconsisting of three small lakes, which intercommunicated with each\\nother by so many straits. (See i)art of a letter by La Salle in vol. 2 of\\nPierre Margry s Collection). The chief ditBculty now is to determine\\nwhether the exi)lorer landed and encamped at the foot of the second, or\\nof the third and lower sheet of water. As partly contirming La Salle,\\nit may be as well to note what M. Joutel says in his journal about this\\nchain of lakes. In describing the passage of his partj up the Illinois\\nRiver, in 1687, he writes: The 9th (September), we came into a lake\\nabout half a league over, which we crossed and returned into the chan-\\nnel of tlie river, on the banks whereof we found several marks of the na-\\ntives having been encamped. The 10th, we crossed another lake called\\nPimitehouy, and returned to the river. Journal flixlorujut\\nt For a more circumstantial account of the Ijuilding of Fort Creve-\\ncoeur, see extracts from Hennepin s writings in the next succeeding\\nchapter.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "He Begins a New Vessel. 95\\nWhile the fort was building, La Salle put his best\\nmechanics to work on a brigautine, which, when built, he\\nproposed to freight with buffalo and other skins, to be col-\\nlected in his descent of the Mississippi, and thence sail to\\nSt. Domingo or France, and dispose of the cargo. The\\nkeel of the new boat was laid, forty-two feet in length\\nby twelve in breadth, and work on her hull was well\\nadvanced by the end of February. Being without rig-\\nging or sails for his vessel (they having been unluckily\\nlost with the Griffin), the indomitable leader now formed\\nthe bold design of returning over-land to Fort Frontenac,\\nto procure these and other appliances, leaving De Tonty in\\ncommand at Creve-coeur, while Hennepin should meantime\\ngo up the Mississippi on a voyage of exploration, La Salle\\npromising to send men to meet him at the mouth of the\\nWisconsin, on his own return from the East.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "96 Louis Hennepin.\\nCHAPTER V.\\n1675-1701.\\nFATHER LOUIS HENNEPIN.\\nThe name of Father Hennepin having been already\\nintroduced in connection vt ith La Salle s history, it is\\ndeemed proper to devote the present chapter to a delinea-\\ntion of his shifting and romantic career, since no more\\npicturesque and interesting personage is to be found in\\nthe annals of French exploration and discovery in North\\nAmerica.\\nAbout the year of grace 1640, in the ancient town of\\nAth, in the interior province of Hainault, and in what was\\nthen a part of the Spanish Netherlands, but is now a part\\nof the kingdom of Belgium, was born the celebrated Louis\\nHennepin. With respect to his early domestic life, we pos-\\nsess no definite information. In his writings he tells us\\nmuch about himself, but very little concerning his family,\\nfrom which it may be inferred that he came of obscure\\nparentage. He appears to have been sent to school at a\\ntender age, and he quaintly informs us that wliile prose-\\ncuting his early studies, he felt a strong incliuation to\\nleave the world and to live in the rule of strict virtue.\\nHe accordingly entered the monastic order of Saint Fran-\\ncis,* to spend his days in a life of religious austerity. His\\nnovitiate was made in the RecoUet convent at Bethune, in\\n*The Franciscans were an ofl shoot of the old Carmelite friars, of\\nMount Carmel, Palestine. The order was first established in Europe by\\nSt. Francis, of Assisi, Italy, in the year 1209. Through an excess of\\nhumility, he denominated the monks of his order little brethren, or\\nfriars minor a name by which they are still distinguished. They\\nare also called gray friars, from the color of their dress. It was a\\nmendicant order (says Breese s Hist. 111., p. 102), vowed to the lowest\\npoverty and the severest penance gray coats and bare feet as badges of\\ndistinction, and an entire devotion to the precept, preach my gospel to", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "His Youthful Bambles in Europe. 97\\nthe province of Artois, France, and his master of Novices\\nwas Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, a man eminent in the\\norder for his social position and exemplary life, who was\\ndestined, at a later day, to die for the Faith, while labor-\\ning as a missionary among the savages in America.\\nIn order to learn Flemish, young Hennepin went from\\nBethune to Ghent, where a married sister of his resided,\\nand where he stayed some time. As he approached the\\nage of manhood, he manifested a strong propensity to\\ntravel in foreign parts, which occasioned his sister much\\nanxiety. With the consent of the general of his order, he\\nfirst set off to see Italy, and visited the principal Francis-\\ncan churches and convents in that country, as also in Ger-\\nmany. On returning home, he was sent to the convent of\\nHalles in Hainault, where he discharged the duties of a\\npreacher for a year, and then went to Artois. He was\\nthence sent to Calais, and afterward to the convent of Biez\\nat Dunkirk, in both of which places he appears to have\\nbeen employed to solicit alms for the fraternity. During\\nhis sojourn at those seaport towns, the strange stories he\\nheard related by old mariners stimulated anew his curi-\\nosity and desire to visit foreign lands and with a view to\\nfurther gratify his taste for travel, he went in the char-\\nacter of a missionary to the principal cities of Holland.\\nWliile sojourning in that country, on August 11, 1674, he\\nwas present, as an assistant chaplain, at the obstinate and\\nbloody battle of Seneffe, fought between the Prince ol\\nOrange and the Prince of Conde, and he there found\\nabundant occupation in relieving and comforting the\\nwounded and dying soldiers.\\nAt about this time Canada again became a field ol\\nlabor for the Recollet missionaries and Louis XIV., yield-\\ning to the appeal of Governor Frontenac, ordered that five\\nRecollet religious be sent to Canada, to reinforce the little\\nthe heathen, marked its members. From this and its kindred order,\\nthe Dominicans, has the Roman Church been supplied with many\\npopes, cardinals, bishops, and other noted ecclesiastics, while in saints\\nthev have been most wonderfully fruitful.\\n7-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "98 Louis Hennepin.\\ncommunity of that order already established there. Friar\\nHennepin was one of the number chosen to go upon this\\nmission, which he readily undertook. Receiving the re-\\nquisite authority from his superior, he repaired to the sea-\\nport of La Rochelle, and there, in the summer of 1675,\\nembarked in the same ship with Francois de Laval, an\\neminent prelate, who had been recently appointed Bishop\\nof Quebec. Among his other fellow passengers was La\\nSalle, who was now returning from France to Canada, and\\nwith whose fortunes Hennepin was subsequently to become\\nclosely identified but for whom, at their first meeting, he\\nseems to have formed no admiration.\\nAfter a somewhat eventful voyage, they arrived in the\\nmonth of September at Quebec, where Hennepin was\\nshortly appointed priest to the cloister of the Hospital Nuns\\nof St. Augustine. As the duties of this position were not\\nonerous, he found time to make frequent excursions to the\\nneighboring French and Indian settlements, and visited, in\\nturn, the Three Rivers, St. Anne, Cape Tourmente, Bourg\\nRoyal, Point de Levi, and the Isle de St. Laurent. On\\nthese trips he went by canoe in the summer season, and in\\nthe winter his light luggage was drawn on the snow by a\\nlarge dog, while he himself, on foot, was exposed to all the\\nfury of the elements, with no covering save his cloak and\\nhood, and with but very little to eat. In the fall of 1676,\\nor the following spring, he was sent with Father Luke\\nBuisset to Fort Frontenac, where they founded a small\\nconvent. Soon after this, Hennepin made a journey to the\\nJesuit missions among the Mohawks, and others of the\\nFive Nations. Extending his tour to Albany (called Fort\\nOrange by the early Dutch settlers), he was well received\\nby the Catholic residents, who, if we may receive his own\\nstatement, entreated him to stay there and become their\\npriest.\\nWhen the Sieur de la Salle undertook his first great\\nexpedition to the West, he solicited Father Hennepin,\\namong other of the RecoUet friars, to accompany him as\\na chaplain and missionary. The I cstlesH and irujuisitive\\nmind of Hennepin was fascinated by the very dangers of", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "Hennejnn at Niagara Falls. 99\\nso bold an adventure, of which he was destined to become\\nthe principal chronicler. Accordingly, in November, 1678,\\nhe left Fort Frontenac with the advance party of the ex-\\npedition under La Motte. Sailing slowly up Lake Ontario\\nin a small brigantine, they reached the outlet of the Niagara\\nRiver on the 6th of December, and, immediately after land-\\ning, chanted a Te Dewn in gratitude for their safe arrival,\\nwhich was listened to with silent wonder by a group of the\\nnatives from a neighboring village. Hennepin, with a few\\ncompanions, then went in a canoe up the river seven miles\\nto the foot of the high bluff or escarpment overlooking\\nthe lake, and, climbing the rocky heights above what is\\nnow- Lewiston, soon came in sight of the great double\\ncataract of Niagara, thundering in its solitude. We\\nshould not assume that the friar and his party were the\\nfirst Europeans to look upon these wonderful falls, since\\nthe}^ had been known to the French from the time of\\nChamplain yet he is popularly credited with their dis-\\ncovery, probably from, the circumstance that he wrote and\\npublished the first good description of them, barring his\\nextravagant estimate of their height.* Proceeding with\\nhis companions along the bank of the river to the head of\\nthe rapids, opposite the modern Canadian town of Chip-\\npewa, he thence returned the next day, and was the first\\n*In his Descriptiou of Louisiana (1G83), Hennepin writes: The\\nriver (Niagara) plunges down a height of more than five hundred feet, and\\nits fall is composed of two sheets of water and a cascade, with an island\\nsloping down between. In his New Discovery, he increases the\\nheight of the falls to six hundred feet, and La Houtan fixes it at about\\nthe same figure. Father Charlevoix (Travels in North America, pp.\\n152-3), in endeavoring to account for these gross exaggerations, re-\\nmarks It is certain that if we measure its height by the three\\nmountains (or ascents) which we must first pass over, there is not much\\nto bate of the six hundred feet which the map of M. Delisle gives it;\\nwho, without doubt, did not advance this paradox but on the credit of\\nthe Baron de la Houtan and Father Hennepin. Charlevoix own meas-\\nurement of the cataract with a cord, in 1721, fell short of the jiresent\\naltitude of the American Fall, which is 165 feet.\\nIn L750, seventy years after the time of Hennepin, the Great FallS\\nwere visited and carefully described by Professor Kalm, the eminent\\nSwedish traveler.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "100 Louis Hennepin.\\npriest to offer mass at the Falls of Niagara. He then\\nbegan the erection of a bark chapel on the eastern side of\\nthe river, near the Great Rock, where the Sieiir la Motte\\nand his men were building a fortified house. Shortly after-\\nward he accompanied La Motte, and five other Frenchmen\\non a journey of thirty leagues through the snow-incumbered\\nforests of western New York to the principal village of the\\nSeneca nation, to negotiate with the sachems for permis-\\nsion to complete the house or fort at Niagara. Describing\\nthe elders of that village, Hennepin graphically says They\\nare for the most part tall and well shaped, covered with a sort\\nof robe made of beavers and wolves skins, or black squirrels,\\nholding a pipe or calumet in their hands. The senators of\\nVenice do not appear with a graver countenance, and per-\\nhaps do not speak with more majesty and solidity than\\nthose ancient Iroquois.\\nAfter the completion of the Griffin, Hennepin sailed\\nin her, with La Salle and others, through Lakes Erie, St.\\nClair and Huron, and reached Michilimackinac on the 26th\\nof August, 1769. Continuing his voyage in that vessel\\nwith the commander to Green Bay, and thence in canoes\\nup Lake Michigan to the mouth of the Miamis, or St.\\nJoseph, they shortly entered the country of the Illinois.\\nOn their way down the Illinois River, Hennepin observed\\nindications of stone-coal, and other minerals, in the upper\\nvalley of that stream. The approach of the explorers to\\nthe outlet of Lake Pimiteoui, he thus narrates\\nToward the end of the fourth day, while crossing a\\nlittle lake, formed by the river, we observed smoke, which\\nshowed us that the Indians were cabined near there. In\\nfact, on the fifth, about nine in the morning, we saw on\\nboth sides of the river a number of parakeets (pirogues),\\nand about eighty cabins full of Indians, who did not per-\\nceive us until we had doubled a point behind which the\\nIllinois were camped within half gunshot. We were in\\neight canoes abreast, all our men arms in hand, and allow-\\ning ourselves to go witli the current of the river.\\nDescription of Louisiana, by Father Louis Hennepin trans-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "His Description of Fort Crhe-Cmur. 101\\nSome two weeks after the landing of the French ad-\\nventurers here, and when it was decided to erect a fort in\\nthe vicinity of their camp, Hennepin went with La Salle to\\nchoose a site for the same. Of the building of this fort\\nthe friar gives the following descriptive account\\nA great thaw having set in the 15th of January\\n[1680], and rendered the river free below the village, the\\nSieur de la Salle begged me to accompany him, and we\\nproceeded with one of our canoes to the place which we\\nwere going to select to work at this little fort. It was a\\nlittle mound about two hundred paces distant from the\\nbank of the river, which, in the season of the rains, ex-\\ntends to the foot of it two broad, deep ravines protected\\ntwo other sides and a part of the fourth, which we com-\\npletely intrenched by a ditch which united the two ravines.\\nTheir exterior shape, which served as a counterscarp, was\\nfortified with good chevaux de friese, and (we) cut this emi-\\nnence down steep on all sides, and the earth was supported\\nas much as was necessary with strong pieces of timber\\n(and) with thick planks, and for fear of any surprise we\\nplanted a stockade around, the timbers of which were\\ntwenty-five feet long and a foot thick. The summit of the\\nmound was left in its natural figure, which formed an ir-\\nregular square, and we contented ourselves with putting on\\nthe edge a good parapet of earth capable of covering all\\nour force, whose barracks were placed in two of the angles\\nof this fort, in order that they might be always ready in\\ncase of an attack.\\nFather Gabriel, Zenobe, and I lodged in a cabin cov-\\nered with boards, which we adjuvSted with the help of our\\nworkmen, and in which we retired, after work, all our peo-\\nple for evening and morning prayer, and where, being una-\\nble any longer to say mass the wine which we had made\\nfrom the large grapes of the country having just failed us\\nwe contented ourselves with singing vespers on holidays\\nand Sundays, and preaching after morning prayers.\\nlated from the French edition of 1683, with notes, etc. By John G.\\nShea (New York, 1880), p. 156.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "102 Louis Hennepin.\\nThe forge was set up along the curtain which faced\\nthe wood. The Sieur de la Salle posted himself in the\\nmiddle, with the Sieur de Tonty and wood was cut down\\nto make charcoal for the blacksmith.\\nOn page 175 of the same work, Hennepin also tells us\\nthe fort was called Creve-coear, and that it was situated\\nfour days journey from the great village of the Illinois,\\ndescending toward the river Colbert (Mississippi). By\\nthe phrase great village, he undoubtedly referred to the\\none that stood in the vicinity of The Rock. In his\\nsecond publication, entitled l^ew Discovery, etc. (Eng-\\nlish edition, London, 1698-1699, p. 103), Hennepin gives a\\nshorter account of the construction of Fort Creve-cceur,\\ncontaining, however, some further particulars, which we\\nreproduce here.\\nI must observe, he writes, that the hardest winter\\nlasts not above two months in this charming country so,\\nthat on the 15th of January came a sudden thaw, which\\nmade the river navigable and the weather as mild as it is\\nwith us in the middle of the spring. M. la Salle, improv-\\ning this fair season, desired me to go down the river with\\nhim to build our fort. After having viewed the country,\\nwe pitched upon an eminence on the bank of the river,\\ndefended on that side by the river, and on two others by\\ntwo ditches (which) the rains had made very deep by suc-\\ncession of time, so that it was accessible only by one way\\ntherefore, we cast a line to join these two natural ditches,\\nand made the eminence steep on every side, supporting the\\nearth with great pieces of timber. We made a hasty lodg-\\nment thereupon, to be ready to defend us in case the sav-\\nages would obstruct the building of our fort but nobody\\noffering to disturb us, we went on diligently with our\\nwork. The fort being half finished, M. la Salle\\nlodged himself in the middle with M. Tonti, and every-\\nbody took his post. We placed our forge along the cur-\\nHennepin s Description of Louisiana same edition as before\\ncited, pp. 170-178.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "Membre s Account of the Illinois. 103\\ntain, on the east side, and laid in a great quantity of coals\\nfor that use.\\nLa Salle s own story of the building of Creve-coeur, as\\nrelated in Pierre Margry s work (vol. II.), does not differ\\nessentially from that of Hennepin, nor does he appear to\\nfix its location with any more precision. The Indians con-\\ntinuing friendly, the fort was substantially completed and\\noccupied before the first of March,\\nIn the meantime, Father Membre devoted himself to\\nmissionary instruction among the Illinois, at their village\\nor camp about half a league above the fort. La Salle, it is\\ntold, had made a present of three axes to one of their\\nchiefs named Oumahouha (meaning the wolf), on condition\\nthat he should adopt Membre as his son and care for him.\\nThe good friar visited the Indians daily in their lodges,\\nand in spite of his repugnance to their filthy habits and\\ndisgusting manners, labored earnestly, though with scant\\nsuccess, for their spiritual enlightenment. Marquette had\\npreviously described the Illinois as having an air of hu-\\nmanity, which he did not observe in any of the other\\nnations seen on his route. But Membre, after a familiar\\nacquaintance with this people, has portrayed them more\\nnearly as they really were, in all their ignorance and degra-\\ndation.\\nThe greater part of these tribes, says he, and es-\\npecially the Illinois, with whom I have had most inter-\\ncourse, make (the coverings of) their cabins of double\\nmats of flat rushes, sewed together. Their villages are not\\ninclosed with palisades, and being two cowardly to defend\\nthem, they take flight at the first news of a hostile army.\\nThey are tall of stature, strong and robust, and good arch-\\ners. They had as yet no fire-arms we gave some to a\\nfew. They are wandering, idle, fearful and desolate al-\\nmost without respect for their chiefs irritable and thiev-\\nish. The richness and fertility of the country gives them\\nfields every-where. They have used iron implements and\\narms only since our arrival. Besides the bow, they use in war\\na kind of short pike and wooden maces. Hermaphrodites are\\nnumerous. They have many wives, and often take several", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "104 Louis Hennepin,\\nsisters that they may agree the better and yet they are so\\njealous thg,t they cut off their noses on the slightest provo-\\ncation. They are lewd, and even unnaturally so, having\\nboys dressed as women, destined for infamous purposes.\\nThey are, moreover, very superstitious, although\\nthey have no religious worship. They are, besides, much\\ngiven to play, like all the Indians in America that I am\\nable to know.*\\nHaving come to the conclusion that Hennepin might\\nbe more advantageously employed than in preaching homi-\\nlies to the Frenchmen at Fort Creve-coeur, La Salle re-\\nquested him to lead an exploring party down the Illinois\\nand up the Mississippi river. The worthy friar, accord-\\ning to his own subsequent account, was very averse to this\\ndifficult and perilous undertaking, which yet was to make\\nhim famous. He set up the plea of bodily infirmity, claim-\\ning that he had an abscess in his mouth, which had lasted\\nfor more than a year, and which required his return to\\nCanada for medical treatment. His excuse, however, was\\nnot held sufiicient, since neither of his two missionary as-\\nsociates was so well qualified for the bold task as himself;\\nFather liibourde being too old and Membre too young.\\nAnybody but me, writes Hennepin, in his Neio Discovenj^\\nwould have been much frightened with the dangers of\\nsucli a journey, and if I had not put all my trust in God, I\\nshould not have been the dupe of La Salle.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0See A Narrative of the adventures of La Salle s party at Fort Creve-\\ncoeur, and in the Valley of the Illinois, by Zenobe Membre printed in\\nLeClercq s First Establishment of the Faith in New France. En-\\nglish translation, New York, 1881, vol. II, p. 1.34.\\nWith reference to this adventurous river voyage, the Margry Re-\\nlation has the following: At the same time the Sieur de la Salle pro-\\nposed to have the route he was to take to the river Mississippi explored\\nin advance, and the course of that river above and l)elow the mouth of\\nthe Divine river, or of the Illinois. Father Louis Hennepin offered to\\ntake this voyage, in order to begin and make acquaintance with the\\nnations among whom be proposed to go and settle to jireach the faith.\\nThe Sieur de la Salle was reluctant to impose this task on him, but\\nseeing that he was resolute, he consented. See note in Shea s llenne-\\nl)in, p. 179.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "His Famous Mississippi Voyage. 105\\nHis compagnons dc voyage were Michael Ako, or Ac-\\ncault, and Picard dii Gay, a native of Picardy, whose real\\nname was Anthony Augelle. Accault was tolerably versed\\nin the language of the Illinois, and, for this reason, and be-\\ncause of his experience, he was made the business director\\nof the party. Both of these men were robust and hardy,\\nthough physically, somewhat smaller than Hennepin. Be-\\nsides being well clad and armed, they were supplied with\\na good canoe, a large peace calumet, and about one thousand\\nlivres worth of goods, to be used in trading with and con-\\nciliating the Indians who might be met on the river. The\\nlittle party embarked near Fort Creve-coeur, on the even-\\ning* of tlie last day of February, 1680. La Salle and the\\nrest of his men quietly escorted them to the bank of the\\nriver to see them ofl and wish them a bon voyage. With a\\nparting benediction from the good old Father Ribourde,\\nwho advanced to the waters edge to bestow it, the voya-\\ngers plied their light paddles, and were soon lost to sight\\nin the shadows and bend of the stream.\\nThe Lower Illinois, on which they were now afloat,\\nand which Hennepin called the Seignelay, is described by\\nhim as being as deep and broad as the river Seine, at Paris,\\nand as widening out in several places to a quarter of a\\nleague. The first Indians met on the way were a party of\\nthe Peorias, who were returning up to their village, and\\nwho used every effort to induce the voyagers to turn back\\nwith them. Continuing to descend the river until the 7th\\nof March, and having arrived within two leagues of its\\nmouth, they found a tribe called the Maroas, or Tamaroas,\\nnumbering about two hundred families, who wished to\\ntake them to their village, which lay some distance below,\\non the bank of the great river. Upon reaching the\\nMississippi it was discovered full of running ice, a sight\\nwell calculated to shake the strongest nerves. Being de-\\n*This was the time of their departure, as stated by La Salle, and it\\nwould seem to have been selected on purpose to avoid observation and\\nannoyance by the neighboring Indians. See La Salle s letter of Aug.\\n22, 1682, in Margry, IL, p. 245.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "106 Louis Hennepin.\\ntained from this circumstance till the 12th of March our\\nintrepid voyagers re-embarked, and, turning the prow of\\ntheir canoe against the sweeping current of the unexplored\\nriver, continued to ascend it, slowly and with difficulty, for\\nthe succeeding four weeks.\\nOn the 11th or 12th of April, having passed the mouth\\nof the river Des Moines, they were surprised and captured\\nby a var party of one hundred and twenty Sioux Indians,\\nwho were coming down the Mississippi in lifty canoes, in\\npursuit of a band of the Miamis. Having made this un-\\nexpected capture, the Sioux warriors held a council, and\\ndecided to return to their own country. Accordingly, on\\nthe next day, they began their homeward voyage, taking\\nwith them as prisoners Hennepin and his two companions.\\nAfter a rapid navigation of nineteen days, and having\\npassed through Lake Pepin, where the savages kept up a\\nterrible howling, they landed in a cove of the river a few\\nleagues below the Falls of St. Anthony. Here the Sioux\\nwarriors hid their own canoes in a clump of alders, and\\nthen broke up the canoe of the Frenchmen, lest the latter\\nmight return in it to their enemies. They next divided\\nthe property of their captives, including Hennepin s vest-\\nments and portable chapel, and distributed their persons to\\nthree separate heads of families, to take the place of their\\nsons who had been killed in war. This being done, though\\nnot without sharp wrangling among themselves, the Indians\\nstarted northward across the country for their homes, taking\\ntheir captives with them. After a hurried march of five\\ndays, during which the friar and his companions had well\\nnigh perished from cold, hunger and fatigue, they reached\\nthe Sioux villages nearMillo Lacs, Minnesota, about the 5th\\nof May.\\nThe savage dwellers in these northern villages were\\ncalled the Issati, or Isanati, and they formed one of the\\nthree divisions of the powerful Sioux Nation.* It was\\nThe earliest record of the Siouau languages, says Professor J.\\nW. Powell, is that of Hennepin, compiled about 1680. The earliest\\nprinted vocabulary is that of the Naudowessie {i. e., the Dakota) in\\nCarver H Travels, first published in 1778. It is worthy of mention hero,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "His Life Amoncj the Sioux. 107\\nwith thiB imcouth people that Hennepin spent the ensuing\\nsummer and early autumn. He experienced some rather\\nhard usage at first, but, upon the whole, was better treated\\nthan might have been expected. He was assigned to the care\\nOf a chief named Aquipaguetin, whom he did not like, but\\nwho adopted him as a son, and took him to his lodge and\\nvillage. Here, in consequence of his enfeebled condition,\\nthe Indians made for him one of their sweating baths, in\\nwhich he was immersed three times a week, and derived\\nmuch benefit from the treatment. Regaining his health,\\nhe studied the language and manners of this barbarous\\nrace, and acted as physician to such of them as required\\nhis services. But he did not find among these wild men\\nany encouragement for the exercise of his clerical func-\\ntions. I could gain nothing over them, he tells us, in\\nthe way of their salvation, by reason of their natural stu-\\npidity. Yet, on one occasion, he baptized a sick child\\njust before its death.\\nAt the end of about two months, Hennepin and his\\nassociates in captivity were allowed to accompany a numer-\\nous hunting and fishing party of the Sioux down Rum\\nRiver, from Mille Lac to the Mississippi. Arrived thither,\\nthe restless friar and Du Gay, after obtaining permission\\nfrom the chief, Ouasicoude, set out in a birch canoe for the\\nmouth of the Wisconsin, where they hoped to meet some\\nFrenchmen whom La Salle was expected to send to meet\\nthem. Accault did not accompany them on the journey,\\nas he preferred to stay with the Indians. Rapidly descend-\\ning this hitherto unexplored part of the Mississippi, our\\ntwo voyagers soon drew near the Falls of St. Anthony, so\\nnamed by Hennepin in honor of his patron saint of Padua.\\nHe describes the falls as from forty to fifty feet high, with\\nan island of pyramidal form lying nearly midway the\\nstream.* Carrying their light canoe and luggage below\\nthat some philologists have traced an apparent analogy between the\\nlanguage of the Sioux and that of the Tartars in northern Asia.\\n*A8 late as 1820, according to Schoolcraft (H. R.), the perpendicular\\nheight of the cataract, in its highest part, was about forty feet, its\\nbreadth being twelve hundred feet. But by the constant reaction of", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "108 Louis Hennepin.\\nthe roaring cataract, they re-embarked, and held on their\\nlonely way down the sinuous river to the confluence of the\\nWisconsin, a distance of sixty French leagues from the\\nfalls. Finding no Frenchmen there to receive them, they\\nreturned disappointed, and joined a large band of the\\nSioux who were hunting on the Chippewa, a stream which\\nenters the Mississippi from the east at Lake Pepin, and\\nleisurely followed them back up tlie river.\\nAt length, after an irksome and anxious captivity of\\nfive and a half months, the friar and his associates were\\nallowed to go free. Their release was effected through the\\nopportune arrival of one of their own countrymen, Daniel\\nGreysolon du L hut,* who, with five armed Frenchmen,\\nhad penetrated into the Sioux country from Lake Superior,\\nand made satisfactory terms with the savages.\\nToward the end of September, Father Hennepin and\\nhis compatriots eight Frenchmen in two canoes left the\\nSioux villages on their return to the French settlements,\\nand journeyed south and east, via the St. Francis, the Mis-\\nsissippi, the Wisconsin, and Fox Rivers, to Green Bay.\\nThence they coasted around the northern shore of Lake\\nMichigan to Michilimackinac, where Hennepin spent the\\nwinter with the Jesuit Father Pierson, a former fellow-\\nthe water against the underlying strata of soft sandstone, and the conse-\\nquent breaking off of the upper and harder table rock, the height of\\nthe falls is now reduced to fifteen feet. Their natural beauty has also\\nbeen marred and obscured by the erection of mills, and other works\\nof civilized man.\\nSome additional notice of the Sieur du L hut, or Du Luth, may be\\nacceptable to the general reader. He was a native of Lyons, France,\\n^nd a cousin of the Sieur de Tonty, whom he more than once visited at\\nFort St. Louis of the Illinois. Having come to Canada as a young of-\\nficer, he led the life of a militarj adventurer, and became noted for his\\nenterprise and hardiliood. In 1686 he was ordered by De Nonville, then\\ngovernor of Canada, to fortify the Strait of Detroit. Proceeding thither\\nwith fifty men, he built a stockade called Fort St. Joseph, and occupied\\nit till the summer of 1687, when he headed a force of French and In-\\ndians from the upper lakes in the war against the Senecas. In 1695 he\\nwas commandant at Fort Frontenac, and retained this position for some\\nyears. He died of chronic gout, in Canada, during the winter of 1709-MO.\\nIt was doubtless from this noted Frenchman, that the modern commer-\\ncial nitv of Duluth derived its name.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "He Returns to France. 109\\ntownsman, at the mission of St. Io:nace. On the 29th of\\nthe following March, 1681, before the ice had disappeared\\nfrom the straits, our restless friar, with a few boatmen, re-\\nsumed his journey eastward from Michilimackinac* Drag-\\nging their canoes and provisions over the snow and ice un-\\ntil open water was reached, they then embarked and rowed\\nalong the western shore of Lake Huron to and through the\\nSt. Clair, and thence over Lake Erie to the Falls of Niag-\\nara. Making a portage round the falls, they next entered\\nLake Ontario and sailed along its southern side thirty\\nleague to a large village of the Senecas, where Hennepin\\nstopped for a while and renewed his acquantance with the\\nchiefs of that nation. He thence proceeded to Fort Fron-\\ntenac, and afterward descended the St. Lawrence to Mon-\\ntreal, where Governor Frontenac then was. Here he was\\nvery graciously received by the governor, to whom he gave\\na graphic recital of his river voyages and captivity among\\nthe wild tribes on the upper Mississippi, and showed him\\nthe advantages to be derived from their discovery.\\nTaking ship at Quebec for Old France, Father Henne-\\npin reached that country again near the close of 1681, after\\nan absence of six years. He then went to reside for a time\\nat the Convent of St. Germain-en-Laye. After this he was\\nMackinac, or Michilimackinac, was then a place of much less con-\\nsequence than in 1688 (seven years later), when the Baron de la Hon-\\ntan was sent thither with a company of French troops. He gives us\\nthis quaint yet interesting description of the mission and settlement\\nMissilimackinac is certainly a place of great importance. It lies in\\nlatitude of forty-five degrees and thirty minutes; but as to its longi-\\ntude I have nothing to say, for reasons expressed in my second letter.\\nT is not above half a league from the Illinois Lake (Michigan). Here\\nthe Hurons and Outaous have each a village the one being severed\\nfrom the other by a single palisade. In this place the Jesuits-\\nhave a little house or college, adjoining to a sort of church, and inclosed\\nwith pales that separate it from the village of the Hurons. These good\\nFathers lavish away all their divinity and patience in converting such\\nignorant infidels. The coureurs de Bois have a very small set-\\ntlement here, though tis not inconsiderable, as being the staple (or\\nmart) of all the goods that they truck with the soutli and west savages\\nfor they can not avoid passing this way when they go to the seats of the\\nlUinese and the Oumamis (Miamies), or to the Baye des Puant and the\\nRiver Mississippi. La Hontan s Voyages, English ed., vol. I., pp. 87, 88", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "110 Louis Hennepin.\\nvicar and acting superior of the Recollets at Chateau Cani-\\nbresis, where he was visited by his former companion,\\nFather Zenobe Membre, about 1683. Subsequently, he\\nwas Guardian for some three years of the RecoUet convent\\nat Rentz, in Artois. During this time he was requested by\\nhis superior to return to the mission in Canada, but he de-\\ncUned to comply; his excuse being that the particular laws\\nof his religious order did not oblige him to go beyond the\\nsea against his will, and that the malice of his enemies:\\nthere would expose him to perish among the savages.\\nAt or before the year 1697, owing in part to his in-\\ntriguing character, Hennepin was ordered by the Minister\\nof W^ar to quit the French realm and, with the consent of\\nhis superior, withdrew into Holland, where he gained pro-\\ntection at the court of William III. In order to travel in that\\ncountry without attracting particular notice, he laid aside\\nhis monastic garb, but did not renounce his vows, and con-\\ntinued to sign himself Recollect and 1^^ otaire Apostolique.\\nBecoming tired of Holland, we are told that he ottered to\\nreturn and again go as a missionary to America, but that\\nhe was not permitted to re-enter France for the purpose.\\nWith respect to his peregrinations in the last years of his\\nerratic and checkered life, we have no authentic informa-\\ntion. It is stated by some writers that he went on a pil-\\ngrimage to Rome, and was at the convent of Ara-celi in\\n1701, but that he returned thence, and died shortly after at\\nUtrecht. He was then probably sixty-two years old.\\nDuring his extended travels in North America, Friar\\nHennepin had kept a diary or journal, and his first labor\\non returning to France was to prepare it for publication.\\nHis first and most valuable work, because written from\\npersonal observation, and without an} special motive to\\nprevaricate, was published at Paris early in January, 1683,\\nand was dedicated to his Christian Majesty, Louis XIV.\\nIts French title runs as follows Description de la Louisi-\\nane, novellem.ent decouvcrf.e au sud-ouest de la Nouvelle France\\nAvec la Carte du. Pays, les moeurs etla maniere deine dcs iSav-\\nvages. Dediee d, sa Majestic. Par Ic R. P. Hcnnepiny Mis-\\nsionaire Recollect e.t Notaire Apostolique.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "His Writings. Ill\\nThis book became immediately popular, both in France\\nand the adjacent countries, and translations of it soon ap-\\npeared in the English, Dutch, and Italian languages. It\\ncontains a copious though desultory narrative of La Salle s\\nfirst expedition to the West, and of Hennepin s own voy-\\nages and discoveries in connection therewith and despite\\nits author s egotism and propensity to magnify his individ-\\nual exploits, the work is equally entertaining and instruc-\\ntive. The style is simple and natural, and the language\\nperepicuous, though losing much of itvS originality in its\\nEnglish dress. He was an observant traveler, using his eyes\\nwherever he went, and his pictures of the wild country and\\nof savage life are very graphic. He had studied the In-\\ndians attentively, and portrays their manners vividly.\\nHis second and more comprehensive, but less reliable,\\npublication, did not see the light of print until fourteen\\nyears after the first. It is thus lengthily entitled in French\\nNouvelle Decouverte crun tres grand pays, situ.e dans U\\nAmerique, entre le Noveau Mexiquc et la Mer Glaciale Avec\\nles Cartes et les Figures necessaire, et de plus UHistoire nat-\\nurelle et morale, et les avantages qu on peut tier par le etablisse-\\nment des colonies. Le tout dediee d su Majeste Brittanique,\\nGuillaume III., Par le Louis Hennepin, etc. A. Utrecht\\n1697, Amsterdam 1698, and London 1698- 99.*\\nIn this book was first inserted the narrative of Henne-\\npin s pretended descent of the Mississippi to the Gulf, and\\nand in the preface thereto, by way of explanation, he says\\nTis true I published part of it in the year 1684 (1683),\\nin my account of Louisiana, printed at Paris by order of\\nthe French king; but I was then obliged to say nothing of\\nthe course of the river Meschasipi, from the mouth of the\\nriver Illinois down to the sea, for fear of disobliging M. la\\n*The English of this reads as follows: New Discovery of a very\\nGreat Country, situated in America between New Mexico and the Icy\\nSea with some necessary maps and illustrations, and, moreover, the\\nhistory, natural and moral, and the advantages that may be had by the\\nestablishment there of some colonies. The whole dedicated to his\\nBrittanic Majesty, William Til. By Louis Hennepin, etc. Printed at\\nUtrecht 1G97, Amsterdam 1698, and London 1698- 99.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "112 Louis Hennepin.\\nSalle, with whom I began my discovery. This gentleman\\nwould have the glory of having discovered the course of\\nthat river but when he heard that I had done it two years\\nbefore him, he would never forgive me, though, as I have\\nsaid, I was so modest as to publish nothing of it/\\nHennepin s third and smaller work on America, bear-\\ning the title of Nouveau Voyage d un pais plue grand\\nque L Europe; avec les reflexions des enterprises du Sieur\\nde la Salle, fur les mines de St. Barbe, etc., was issued at\\nUtrecht in 1698, and was also dedicated to the King of\\nEngland and Holland, in that style of fulsome adulation\\nthen in vogue. In his prefatory note to this book, the friar\\nspeciously replies to those who had doubted the possibility of\\nhis havingsailed down and up the Mississippi within thebrief\\ntime mentioned in his New Discovery. The story of his\\nfeigned descent of that river to the Gulf of Mexico obtained\\ngeneral credence in this country, notwithstanding the man-\\nifest difficulty of reconciling its dates and conflicting state-\\nments, until the appearance of Spark s Life of La Salle (in\\nhis series of American Biographies, 1844\u00e2\u0080\u0094 47), since which\\ntime it has been rejected as a fiction. Hennepin would\\nthus seem to have been guilty of deliberate falsehood, and\\nin seeking to rob La Salle of his principal laurel, he only\\ntarnished his own fame. La Salle, however, is not deserv-\\ning of any especial commiseration for it appears from the\\nanonymous brochure or memoir put forth in his interest,\\nin the year 1678, that he was not unwilling to have the\\nworld believe he had discovered the Mississippi, before the\\nhistoric voyage thereon by Joliet and Marquette.\\nBefore this publication, however, Tonty s Relation had been\\npublished, and, in 1691, a work entitled: The Establishment of the\\nFaith in New France, by the Recollet missionary, Father (Chretien) Le\\nClercq, who had derived his materials relating to La Salle s expedition\\nto the Gulf from the letters which the Father Zenobe Membre, who ac-\\ncompanied it, had written to the Bishop of Qu(^bec. Parallel passages\\nfrom Le Clercq and Hennepin have been examined, so closely resembling,\\nin every important particular, as to compel the belief that Hennepin s\\npublication of 1098 is a piracy upon it, and a wicked attempt to deprive\\nLa Salle of hie hard-earned honor. Breese s Early Hist. 111., p. 128;\\nChicago, 1884.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "His Writings. 113\\nHenuepin was, at this time, in the service or pay of\\nthe Dutch-English court and it is affirmed that he was in-\\nduced (perhaps required) to write a new account of his\\ntravels and discoveries in North America, comprising a nar-\\nrative of his alleged voyage down the Mississippi to the sea,\\nin order to favor the pretensions of King William III., who\\nwished to set up for himself a claim to the country of Lou-\\nisiana. This statement derives plausibility from the circum-\\nstance that, in 1699, two English vessels were sent to ex-\\nplore the passes of the Mississippi. There were also other\\nmotives that influenced and may help to explain the friar s\\ndubious conduct. Among these was his inordinate vanity,\\nwhich seems to have augmented with his years, and\\nprompted him to air his personal grievances, and to pose\\nbefore the reading world as a persecuted man. Then again,\\nthe prospective increase in the sale of his book, from the\\ninsertion of new and entertaining matter, must have exer-\\ncised no little influence, particularly with his publishers.\\nYet, apart from all this, there are reasons for suspecting\\nthat Hennepin himself was not responsible for all the fic-\\ntions printed in his New Discovery. The hand of an\\nanonymous and careless editor is traceable in various parts\\nof the book, which is said to have been altered even after\\nits first printing. This charitable view of the matter, while\\nit lessens Hennepin s culpability, does not exculpate him\\nfrom censure. The whole truth about the origin and appear-\\nance of his last two publications, though inviting attention\\nand inquiry, will probably never be known.*\\nBut still, with all his faults and failings and caprices,\\nLouis Hennepin was no ordinary man, and his was no or-\\ndinary destiny. Distinguished not only as a traveler and\\nRecollet missionary, he was also the first popular writer on\\nthe French in North America. Moreover, his memory is\\nlastingly linked with two, at least, of the great natural\\nFor a critical disquisition upou this curious and recondite subject,\\nthe inquring reader is referred to the late Dr. Shea s Notice of the Life\\nand Writings of Father Hennepin, in his annotated edition of the De-\\nscription de la Louisiane, N.. Y., 1880.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "114 Louis Hennepin.\\nmonuments of this country the Falls of Niagara and the\\nFalls of St. Anthony and it was he who first publicly gave\\nthe name to that vast and magnificent territory, lying mostly\\non the west of the Mississippi, which is still worn by that\\nportion of it incorporated into the sovereign State of Lou-\\nieiana.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "La Salle Returns to Fort Frontenac. 115\\nCHAPTER VI.\\n1680-1681.\\nLA SALLE AND TONTY.\\nIt is now time to return to La Salle, the central figure\\nin this important and difiicult enterprise. On the second ot\\nMarch, two days after the departure of Father Hennepin\\nfrom Creve-coeur, the resolute chief himself set forth on\\nhis return journey to Fort Frontenac. He left Tonty, his\\ntrusted lieutenant, in command at the Illinois fort, with a\\ncompany of fifteen men, and took with him four French-\\nmen, besides his indispensable Mohegan hunter. The last\\nmontVi of the winter had been extremely cold, so that the\\npassage of La Salle and his little party up the river and\\nlakes was much obstructed by ice, either firm or drifting.\\nAt Peoria Lake his men had to make sledges for their two\\ncanoes, and drag them over the frozen surface. From\\nthence they slowdy and laboriously advanced, alternately\\nby land and water, amid the chilling rains and melting\\nsnows of the opening spring.\\nArriving at the great town of the Illinois on the 11th\\nof March, they found it still a solitude, and the roofs\\nof its lodges crested with snow, the copper-hued in-\\nhabitants not having as yet returned from their winter\\nhunt. Encamping here, one of the hunters killed a stray\\nbuflfalo, and while his men were smoking the meat of the\\nanimal, La Salle reconnoitered the adjacent country. Fall-\\ning in with three Illinois Indians, he brought them to his\\ncamp, gave them food and presents, and secured from them\\na promise to send provisions to his men at the fort. Dur-\\ning his short stay at this place, he attentively examined\\nthat rugged and precipitous cliff, designated by him as Lc\\njRocher (The Rock), which had been passed without particu-\\nlar notice in his previous trip down the river. Being im-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "116 La Salle and Tonty.\\npressed with its rare capabilities as a defensive position, lie\\nsoon afterward sent back word to Tonty to occupy and\\nfortify it.\\nQuitting the vicinity of tlie Indian town on the 15th,\\nthe leader and his party continued their toilsome ascent\\nof the Illinois and its Des Plaines branch until they ap-\\nproached the place where Joliet now stands, when further\\nnavigation was rendered impracticable by the firmness of\\nthe ice in the river. Here they hid their canoes, strapped\\ntheir luggage on their shoulders, and started over-land for\\nLake Michigan, distant about fifty miles. The country all\\naround was a flat and dreary waste, covered with half-\\nmelted snow and intersected by swollen streams, some of\\nwdiich they forded, and others they crossed on log rafts.\\nOn the 23d of March they were cheered by glimpses of the\\nsouthern extremity of the lake, seen through the openings\\nin the leafless forest trees at night they encamped on its\\nbeach, and the next day followed its sandy shores east and\\nnortheast to Fort Miami. Here La Salle found the two\\nmen whom he had sent down the lake in the preceding\\nNovember to look for the Griffin, they having gone to\\nMackinac and returned without getting any tidings of the\\nmissing vessel. He now ordered them to proceed to the\\nfort on the Illinois, and gave them a letter to carry to De\\nTonty. In order to gain time, the dauntless chief, and his\\ntravel-worn companions, next turned their steps eastward\\nacross the southern peninsula of Michigan. Their journey\\nthrough its gloomy and trackless forests was one of pecu-\\nliar hardship, since they could keep no fire at night for fear\\nof straggling parties of Indians. Coming to a tributary of\\nthe Detroit, they made a log canoe and descended in it to\\nthat river, and thence marched across the country some\\nthirty miles to Lake Erie. Here they embarked in a canoe\\nand coasted the northern shore of the lake as far east as the\\nmouth of Grand River, and then proceeded overland to the\\npost which La Salle had established below the Falls of Niag-\\nara. From thence, with a party of fresh men, he pushed\\ndown and across Lake Ontario to his seigniory of Fort Fron-\\ntenac, whither he arrived on the 6th of May, 1680., Thus", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "La Salle s Financial Misfortunes. 117\\nwithin the brief interval of sixty-five days, he had per-\\nformed an arduous journey through the wilderness of over\\neight hundred miles, which, considering the season and\\ncircumstances under which made, was a most remarkable\\nexhibition of pluck and physical endurance.\\nArrived at his seigniory, La Salle found all of his af-\\nfairs in confusion. Not only had the Griffin been lost, with\\nher furs and pelts, but a vessel coming from France with\\na cargo for his company, valued at 2,200 livres, had been\\nwrecked on St. Peter s Island, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence;\\nand several canoes loaded with his merchandise had been\\nswallowed up in the rapids of the St. Lawrence. More-\\nover, some of his agents had acted in bad faith with him, and\\nhis creditors were preparing to seize upon the residue of his\\nproperty. But, in the presence of these accumulated mis-\\nfortunes, which would have crushed any other man, he was\\nneither disheartened nor swerved from his purpose. He at\\nonce hastened to Montreal to arrange matters with his prin-\\ncipal creditors, and such was still his credit and influence\\nthere, that he was enabled to procure the requisite supplies\\nfor continuing his great enterprise. Returning from Mon-\\ntreal to Frontenac, he was met by two messengers just ar-\\nrived with a letter from Tonty, stating that after his de-\\nparture from Fort Creve-coeur, a majority of his men there\\nhad deserted the fort, and wasted or destroyed such stores\\nas they could not carry away. Following his letter, came\\nnews by two traders on the lakes that the deserters had\\ndestroyed his fort at the mouth of the Miamis or St.\\nJoseph, and plundered his warehouse at Niagara. Being\\nfurtlier informed that twelve of the perfidious wretches were\\ncoming down the northern shore of Lake Ontario with evil\\nintent. La Salle, with a party of nine trusty men, sallied out\\nto meet them, and coming upon them unawares, killed two\\nand captured seven of the number, whom he imprisoned\\nat Frontenac, to await punishment by a civil tribunal.\\nOne of the chief diificulties attending the enterprises\\nof La Salle, and of other early French explorers in the\\nWest, was to secure the services of reliable men. The wil-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "118 La Salle and Tonty.\\nderueas was in a measure full of vagabond hunters, known\\nas coureurs des bois, who had fled from the restraints of\\ncivilization to lead lives of license and lawlessness, and\\nwhose consequent freedom from care and immunity from\\npunishment for crime was a constant allurement to draw\\nothers from legitimate employment. The provincial gov-\\nernment of Canada made stringent regulations from time\\nto time for the suppression of this growing evil; but it was\\neasier to enact such decrees than to enforce them.\\nOn the 10th of August, having completed his outfit,\\nand engaged the services of a lieutenant named La Forrest,\\nwith a company of twenty-five new men. La Salle again\\nset out from his seigniory for the Illinois country, to suc-\\ncor the forlorn hope under Tonty. Taking the most di-\\nrect route, he passed up the river Humber or Trent, crossed\\nLake Simcoe, descended the Severn to the Georgian Bay\\nof Lake Huron, followed its rugged eastern coast to the\\nManitoulin Islands, and thence moved westward to the\\nFrench post on the straits of Mackinac. Finding it dif-\\nficult to replenish his stock of provisions there on account\\nof the enmity and jealousy of the French traders, and not\\nwishing to be delayed, he pressed on up Lake Michigan\\nwith twelve men and four canoes, leaving La Forrest and\\nthe rest of the force to follow so soon as they could pro-\\ncure the needed supplies. On N^ovember 28th, the advance\\nparty under La Salle drew their boats ashore on the sandy\\nbeach close to the w^recked fort of Miami. Here, for the\\npurpose of facilitating his progress, he left the bulk of\\nhis stores in charge of five men, and continued his journey\\nwith the remaining seven. Ascending the river St. Joseph\\nto the portage, he thence crossed to the Kankakee, and\\nrapidly descended its channel to the Illinois.\\nAfter entering the latter stream, our voyagers found\\nthe adjacent prairies dotted over with fat buft aloes, and be-\\ning in want of fresh meat, they put to shore and soon shot\\na dozen or more of these favorite animals, the flesh of which\\nthey cut into thin strips and dried in the sun for future use.\\nResuming their canoes and passing the Rock, which\\nLa Salle had directed Tonty to occupy, they saw no sign", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "La Salle s Second Expedition. 119\\nthere of any fortification, and heard no tidings of that\\ntrusted ofiicer. Approaching the great town of the Illinois\\nnation, a scene of havoc and ruin was presented to their\\nastonished sight. A force of five hundred Iroquois war-\\nriors had then recently invaded the western country, driven\\naway the Illinois, sacked their town, cut down their grow-\\ning corn, and rifled their corn pits. Moreover, they had\\ndespoiled the sepulchers of the village dead,* scattered\\ntheir bones over the adjoining plain, and stuck the skulls\\nin derision on the charred poles of the burnt lodges.\\nHaving carefully inspected the scene of these acts of\\nsavage barbarity and desecration, to ascertain whether Tonty\\nand his band had fallen victims to the vengeance of the in-\\nvaders, La Salle stationed three of his men here in conceal-\\nment to keep a close watch, while he continued with the\\nother four to descend the river. At different points on the\\nway, he discovered the deserted camps of the opposing\\nIndian forces, who had moved southward in compact\\nbodies on both sides of the stream. Passing on through\\nPeoria Lake, and coming to Fort Creve-coeur, he found it\\ndismantled, but his unfinished boat was still on the stocks\\nand but little injured. Some distance farther down, and a\\nlittle way from the river, his eyes were met by the revolt-\\ning speotacle of the half-charred bodies of some Indian\\nwomen and children, who had been cruelly burned at the\\nstake by the Iroquois. Still discerning no traces of his\\nlost men, La Salle went on to the mouth of the Illinois,\\nwhere for the first time, perhaps, he beheld that great and\\nmysterious river, which he had long desired to trace to its\\nunknown embouchure in the sea. It is said that those\\nwho were with him proposed to proceed without delay\\nupon the projected voyage; but the prudent leader, having\\nhis men and resources dispersed, and being uneasy about\\nthe fate of Tonty, was compelled to wait a more propitious\\nopportunity.\\nAccording to the Jesuit Father Rasles, the custom of the Illinois\\nwas not to bury their dead, but to wrap them in skins, and expose them\\non scaffolds, or attach them by the head and feet to the boughs of trees.\\nBut it appears that this practice was not universal among them.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "120 La Salle and Tordy.\\nReturning expeditiously up the Illinois, he rejoined\\nthe three men who had been left in hiding near the ruined\\ntown, and, after procuring some half-burnt maize from the\\npillaged granaries, the united party re-entered their canoes\\nand paddled up the river. When they reached the forks,\\nand had gone a short distance up the Kankakee branch,\\nthey discovered on the bank a hut, containing a stick of\\nwood that had been recently sawed, which was mistaken\\nfor an indication that Tonty and company had passed this\\nway. Quitting the stream and concealing their canoes\\nnear this point, La Salle and his party made their way\\nslowly, on foot, through blinding snow storms, to Fort\\nMiami, whither they arrived late in January, 1681.* Here\\nthe weather-worn and exhausted travelers were warmly\\nwelcomed by La Forrest and his men, who, during the\\nabsence of the chief, had repaired the fort, cleared some\\nland on which to raise a crop, and prepared material for a\\nnew vessel on the lake.\\nLeaving La Salle within the wooden walls of Fort Miami,\\nto recuperate his energies and lay new plans for the un-\\npromising future, we must now go back and relate the\\nthrilling adventures of the Sieur de Tonty and his com-\\npanions.\\nAs before stated, he had been left in command of Fort\\nCreve-coeur in March, 1680, with a garrison of fifteen men.\\nTwo-thirds of these were worthless knaves, wlio disliked\\nLa Salle, took no interest in his important enterprise, and\\nwere ripe for revolt whenever the occasion offered.\\nHis departure for the East, therefore, was the signal for\\nthe open manifestation of their disaft ection. A month or\\nmore afterward, when the two men whom the chief had\\nDuring this retrograde journey, the great comet of 1680- 81 appeared\\nnightly in the heavens, with its brilliant and appalling train, covering\\nan arc of from sixty to ninety degrees. According to Mr. Parkman, La\\nSalle, in his correspondence, coolly referred to the comet as an object\\nof scientific curiosity whereas Increase Mather, the eminent Puritan\\ndivine of New England, spoke of it as fraught with terrific portent to\\nthe nations of the earth.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "Tonty Left in Command at Creve-cccur. 121\\nBent from Fort Miami, with a letter to Tonty, arrived at\\nGreve-coeur, they brought with them depressing intelli-\\ngence. They told the already demoralized garrison, that\\nthe Griffin was lost that Fort Frontenac was in the hands\\nof La Salle s creditors, and that he was without means to\\npay those in his employ. The belief now pervading the\\ngarrison that they would not be paid excited a spirit of\\nmutiny and mischief among them, which shortly found\\nthe desired opportunity to ripen into action. No sooner\\nhad Tonty, with a few of the men, departed up the Illinois\\nRiver to fortify the Rock, as ordered by his chief, than\\nthose left behind proceeded to demolish the fort, and then\\nfled, with such arms, ammunition and goods, as they could\\ncarry away. Two only of the number remained faithful,\\none of whom hastened to apprise Tonty of what had hap-\\npened. Alarmed at this revolt and desertion, he dis-\\npatched four men, by two difi erent routes, to carry the\\nunwelcome news to La Salle, two of whom, as we have\\nseen, reached their destination.\\nThe Sieur de Tonty now had with him only five white\\nmen, namely the young and spirited Francois de Boisron-\\ndet, L Esperance (servant of La Salle), a Parisian youth\\nnamed Etienne Renault, and the two friars, Ribourcle and\\nMembre. With a part of this little band, the lieutenant\\nrepaired to the deserted fort, collected the tools, forge, etc.,\\nwhich had not been molested, and conveyed them up the\\nriver to the great town of the Illinois, where he tempora-\\nrily iixed his quarters. But, as the sequel showed, it would\\nhave been better if the forge and tools had been left where\\nthey were. For the next five months the Frenchmen,\\nwhile anxiously waiting the return of their leader, enjoyed\\nthe dubious hospitality of the savages. During this time\\nTonty endeavored to make himself useful by teaching\\nthem the construction of rude fortifications and the simpler\\narts of military strategy, and the friars labored faithfully\\nto instruct them in the rudiments of Christianity.\\nIn this way a fairly good understanding was maintained\\nwith the natives until about the first of September, when\\nit was announced that an army of five hundred Iroquois", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "122 La Salle and Tonty.\\nand one hundred Miamis was swiftly marching into the\\ncountry. It appears that a Shawnee Indian, on his way\\nhome from a visit to the Illinois, had first discovered the\\napproach of the invaders, and returned to warn his friends\\nof their impending danger. This intelligence created\\nthe utmost consternation among the inhabitants of the\\ntown and Tonty, who had all along been an object of\\nsuspicion, was soon surrounded by a crowd of excited war-\\nriors, who brandished their weapons and accused him of\\nbeing an emissary of the enemy. Owing to his imperfect\\nknowledge of the Illinois language, he was unable to ex-\\nplain the situation to their satisfaction, and in their fury\\nthey seized upon the forge and implements, brought\\nthither from Creve-coeur and threw them into the river.\\nDoubting their ability to successfully defend themselves,\\nsince most of their young men were away on the war-\\npath, they hurriedly sent their squaws and papooses down\\nthe river to an island, where they were left in charge of\\nsixty old warriors. The remaining braves, to the number\\nof about four hundred, now spent the night in preparing\\nthemselves for battle, painting their faces and greasing\\ntheir bodies. Early the next day the scouts, whom they\\nhad previously sent out, returned and reported the Iroquois\\nas near at hand, and armed with guns and swords obtained\\nfrom the English. They further reported that they had\\nseen a chief with the enemy arrayed in the French dress,\\nand signified their belief that it was La Salle. This\\nturned out to be simply an Iroquois warrior, wearing a\\nEuropean hat and waistcoat, yet it served to again make\\nTonty an object of dark suspicion. Being surrounded by\\na throng of infuriated savages, who threatened his life, he\\nonly saved himself from their uplifted weapons by promis-\\ning that he and his men would go out with them to meet\\nthe common foe. Since no time was to be lost, the whole\\navailable force of the Illinois now hurried across the river\\nand took position on the plain beyond, just as the enemy\\nstealthily emerged from the timber that skirted the banks\\nof the Big Vermillion. Thus the two Indian armies soon\\nconfronted each other, and, simultaneously raising the war-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "Tonty s ,Adventures with the Iroquois. 123\\nwlioop, began to exchange shots and arrows, jumping from\\nside to side to elude each other s shots. At this crisis, the\\nSieur de Tonty, knowing the Illinois warriors to be cow-\\nards, and seeing that they w^ere outnumbered and likely to\\nbe defeated, determined to make an effort at negotiation,\\nand thus stay the unequal fight. Relying on the treaty of\\npeace then subsisting between the Iroquois nation and the\\nFrench, he laid aside his gun for a necklace of wampum\\nand started, at the imminent risk of his life, to meet the bel-\\nligerent invaders. An Illinois Indian accompanied him\\npart of the way, and they separated themselves from the\\nmain body of the Illinois, who were actively skirmishing\\nwith the enemy.\\nWhen I was within gun-shot, writes Tonty, the\\nIroquois shot at us, seized me, took the necklace from my\\nhand, and one of them plunged a knife into my breast,\\nwounding a rib near the heart.* However, having recog-\\nnized me, they carried me into the midst of their camp, and\\nasked me what I came for. I gave them to understand that\\nthe Illinois were under the protection of the King of France\\nand the governor of the country, and that I was surprised\\nthat they wished to break with the French and not con-\\ntinue at peace. All this time skirmishing was going on,\\non both sides, and a warrior came to give notice that their\\nleft wing was giving away, and that they had recognized\\nsome Frenchmen among the Illinois, who shot at them. On\\n(hearing) this they were greatly irritated at me, and held\\na council on what they should do with me. There was a\\nman behind me with a knife in his hand, who every now\\nand then lifted my hair. They were divided in opinion.\\nTegantouki, chief of the Tsonnouthouans, desired to have\\nme burnt. Agoasto, chief of the Onnontagues,f wished to\\nhave me set at liberty, as a friend of M. de la Salle, and he\\ncarried his point. They agreed that, in order to deceive\\nthe Illinois, they should give me a necklace of porcelain\\nbeads to prove that they also were children of the gov-\\n*Membre tells us that with his swarthy complexion aud half-sav-\\nage dress, they took him (Tonty) for an Indian.\\nt Onondagas.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "124 La Salle and Tonty.\\nernor, and ought to unite and make a good peace. They\\nsent me to deliver this message to the Illinois. I had much\\ndifficulty in reaching them, on account of the blood I had\\nlost. On my way I met the Fathers Gabriel de Ribourde\\nand Zenobe Membre, who were coming to look after me.\\nThey expressed great joy that these barbarians had not put\\nme to death. We went together to the Illinois, to whom I\\nreported the sentiments of the Iroquois toward them, adding,\\nhowever, that they must not altogether trust them.\\nShortly afterward the Illinois returned to their village,\\nand many of the Iroquois, under different pretexts, also\\ncrossed the river and disposed themselves in menacing\\ngroups about the place. These hostile demonstrations, be-\\ning repeated the next day, caused the more timid Illinois\\nto seek safety in flight. Accordingly, at nightfall, tliey\\nset fire to their lodges, and while the attention of the\\nenemy was diverted by the flame and smoke of the burn-\\ning, they secretly betook themselves to their canoes, and\\ndropped down the river to join their women and children.\\nTonty and his companions remained behind to deal as best\\nthey might with the faithless Iroquois. The latter now\\ntook possession of the village, and intrenched themselves\\ntherein.\\nTwo days later, when the Iroquois observed the scouts\\nof the Illinois on the neighboring hills, they thought that\\nTonty had some communication with them, and obliged\\nhim and his party to remove from their cabin into the fort,\\nor redoubt, of the former. They then requested Tonty to\\nrepair to the Illinois, and induce them to make a treaty of\\npacification, for their vaunted courage had subsided. He\\naccordingly proceeded, with Father Zenobe and a hostage,\\nto the camp of the Illinois. They gladly accepted the\\npeace proposal, and sent a hostage in return to the Iroquois.\\nBut the inexperienced Illinois hostage soon disclosed to his\\ncunning interviewers the numerical weakness of his people,\\nSee M. de Tonty s Memoir of 1093, covering the period from 1678 to\\n1691. Friar Membre, in his account of this exciting episode, conve5 R\\nthe idea that he himself went with Tonty into the Iroquois camp, but\\nthis is not sustained bv Tontv s Narrative.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "Tonty s Adventures with the Iroquois. 125\\nand offei ed to give them, if they wished for peace, the\\nbeaver skins and some slaves which they had. The Iro-\\nquois chiefs were now enraged at the Sieur de Tonty, and\\nloaded him with reproaches for having told them that the\\nIllinois had twelve hundred warriors, and that there were\\nsixty Frenchmen at the village. I had much difficulty,\\nwrites Tonty, in getting out of the scrape.\\nHowever, on the next day, a nominal peace was con-\\ncluded between the representatives of the two nations, and\\nthe Iroquois made some presents of necklaces and mer-\\nchandise to the Illinois. But, in utter disregard of the\\ntreaty, the Iroquois immediately began to construct canoes\\nof elm bark, with which to descend the river and fall upon\\nthe Illinois. In the meantime Tonty apprised the latter of\\ntheir danger, and advised them to retire to some distant\\nnation.\\nShortly after these events (on the 10th of September),\\nTonty and Father Membre were summoned to attend a coun-\\ncil of the Iroquois. It seems that they still entertained a\\nwholesome fear of Governor Frontenac, under whose protec-\\ntion the Illinois were, and did not want to renew their war\\nupon the latter in presence of the Frenchmen. Their purpose,\\ntherefore, was to induce the French to leave the country.\\nAccordingly, when Tonty and Membre appeared at the\\ncouncil, six parcels of beaver skins were brought into their\\npresence. And the Iroquois spokesman, addressing Tonty,\\nsaid, that the first two packages were to inform M. de\\nFrontenac that they would not eat his children, and that\\nhe should not be angry at what they had done the third\\nwas a plaster to heal the wounds of Tonty the fourth was\\noil to anoint him and Membre, that they might not be fa-\\ntigued in traveling the fifth proclaimed that the sun was\\nbright and the sixth, and last, required them to depart for\\nthe French settlements.*\\nThese proffered gifts were scornfully rejected by Tonty,\\nwho, in imitation of the Indian mode of expressing con-\\ntempt, indignantly kicked them away, and thus rebuked\\nTonty s Memoir of 1693.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "126 La Salle and Tonty.\\nthe savages for their insolence and perfidy. The council\\nended in recrimination and disorder, and on the next day\\nthe exasperated chiefs ordered the Frenchmen to quit the\\ncountry forthwith. The Sieur de Tonty had now, at the\\nrepeated risk of his life, tried every expedient to save the\\nIllinois from the fury of the invaders of their soil and\\nhomes, and since by remaining longer he would imperil the\\nlives of his own men, he made a virtue of necessity, and\\nspeedily departed.\\nOn the morning of the 11th, he and his five compan-\\nions embarked in a wretched bark canoe, with but scanty\\nsupplies, and made haste up the river. The same day,\\nabout noon, the canoe broke, and they landed to repair it\\nand dry their peltry. While some of the men were thus\\nemployed, Father Ribourde imprudently retired into an ad-\\njacent grove for the purpose of saying his breviary. As he\\ndid not return when expected, Tonty became alarmed for\\nhis safety, and started out with a companion to hunt him.\\nWith the quick eyes of woodmen, they soon discovered the\\ntracks of Indians, by whom it was thought the friar had been\\nseized, and they fired guns to direct his return, if still alive.\\nNot seeing or hearing any thing of him that afternoon, in\\nthe evening they built fires along the river bank, and then\\nwithdrew to the opposite shore, to observe who might ap-\\nproach them. Toward midnight several Indians were seen\\nflitting about the fires, and then vanished in the darkness.\\nIt was afterward learned that they belonged to a band of\\nyoung Kickapoo warriors, who had been hovering for some\\ndays about the Iroquois camp in quest of scalps. By chance,\\nit would seem, they had fiillen in with the innocent old\\nfriar, whom they killed and scalped, hiding his body in a\\nsink, and carrying away his breviary, which subsequently\\ncame into the hands of one of the Jesuit fathers. Thus\\nperished by the war-club of the merciless savage, in the\\nsixty-sixth year of his age, the Recollet father, Gabriel de la\\nRibourde. He was the only son and heir of a gentleman of\\nBurgundy, and had not only renounced his inheritance\\nand the world, to enroll himself among the lowly children\\nof St. Francis, but even when advanced in life and honored", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "Death of Father Bibourde. 127\\nwith the first dignities of his order, had sought (in 1670) the\\nnew and toilsome mission of Canada.*\\nWhile this painful tragedy was being enacted, the\\nIroquois invaders, unrestrained by the presence of French-\\nmen, were brutally desecrating the sepulchers of the dead\\nat the great town of the Illinois, and preparing to further\\nwreak their vengeance upon the living. Starting down\\nthe river in pursuit of the retreating Illinois, they steadily\\nfollowed them day after day but as both of the opposing\\narmies moved in close array, neither was able to gain any\\nmaterial advantage over the other. At length, the Iroquois\\nchiefs attained by strategy what their vaunted prowess and\\narms had failed to achieve. They publicly gave out that\\ntheir object was not to destroy the Illinois, but simply to\\ndrive them from the country. Deceived by this artifice,\\nthe Illinois separated, some of them descending the Missis-\\nsippi River, and others fleeing across and beyond it. But\\nthe Tamaroas tribe, more stupid or credulous than the rest,\\nlingered at their village, not far below the mouth of the\\nIllinois, until they were suddenly attacked by a superior\\nforce of the enemy. The pusillanimous men are said to\\nhave fled at the first onset, leaving their defenseless women\\nand children, numbering several hundred, to fall into the\\nhands of the merciless foe. Then followed those savaere\\nbutcheries and burnings, the horrible evidences of which\\nwere seen by La Salle only a few weeks afterward. Hav-\\ning scattered the tim brous Illinois in every direction, and\\nsatiated their greed for carnage, the rapacious horde of\\nIroquois now set oft on a forced march to their own coun-\\ntry, taking with them a number of captive squaws and\\npapooses, whom they had reserved to grace their triumph\\non returning to their eastern homes.\\nAfter the melancholy end of Father Ribourde, and the\\nineftectual search for his body, Tonty and his men resumed\\ntheir toilsome ascent of the Illinois River. On reaching-\\nthe forks of that stream, they neglected to leave there any\\nt Shea s Hist, of the Discov. and Explo. of the Miss. Val., page 159,\\nnote.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "128 La Salle and Tonty.\\nmark or trace indicating their course, which might have\\nserved as a guide to La Salle, and saved him no little\\ntrouble. But evidently afraid of encountering some hos-\\ntile band of Indians, they turned up the Des Plaines*\\nbranch of the Illinois, and made their way by short jour-\\nneys to Lake Michigan. Their aim was to find an asylum\\namong the friendly Pottawatomies. After coasting the\\nlake shore for a considerable distance, their canoe became\\ndisabled, and their provisions failed them. Leaving one\\nman in charge of their canoe and other articles, the Sieur\\nde Tonty and the rest of the party set ofi by land for the\\nnearest Pottawatomie village, which lay some twenty leagues\\nto the north. But as Tonty had a fever at the time, and his\\nlimbs were swollen, he did not reach the village until the\\n11th of November. During this hard journey the travelers\\nlived on wild garlic, which they grubbed from under the\\nsnow, and when they came to the village they found it de-\\nserted, for the Indians had gone to their winter quarters.\\nThey, however, discovered a little maize and some frozen\\ngourds, with which to appease their hunger.\\nEeturning to the lake shore, the Frenchmen re-em-\\nbarked and continued their voyage. Being again obliged\\nto land, they found a fresh trail, and, following it, made a\\nportage of a league across the peninsula to Green Bay.\\nEntering an estuary of |the bay, called Sturgeon Cove, they\\nappear to have ascended it several leagues, when they were\\nstopped by a high wind, which contin\\\\ied for a week. Dur-\\ning this time they consumed all their little stock of provis-\\nions, and were in despair of being able to overtake the\\nsavages. Their shoes having worn out, they now made\\ncoverings for their feet of the late Father Gabriel s cloak.\\nThe stream had meantime frozen up, so that they could not\\nproceed farther in their canoe. When they were preparing\\nto set out on foot, two Ottawa Indians chanced to arrive at\\ntheir camp, and conducted them to a village of the Potta-\\nwatomies. Here the famished travelers met a kind recep-\\ntion, and had their wants liberally supplied.\\nCalled by the ludians tbe Checagou.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "Tonti/s Flight to (Ire.en Bay. 129\\nAccording to the narrative of Father Membre, Onang-\\nhisse, the head chief of the Pottawatomies, was a great ad-\\nmirer of the French, whom he had before befriended. And\\nhe was accustomed to say that he knew of only three great\\ncaptains, Frontenac, La Salle, and himself.\\nAfter recruiting somewhat from the extreme hardships\\nof the journey, Father Membre went to spend the winter\\nat the mission-house of the Jesuits on Green Bay, while\\nTonty and the other four members of the party remained\\nwith the Pottawatomies. In the following spring, they all\\nproceeded to old Mackinac, and there awaited the arrival of\\ntheir leader.\\n*Both Tonty and Membre have left accounts of this journey of re-\\ntreat from the Illinois to the Pottawatomies, but, for the most part, we\\nhave followed the relation of the former.\\n9", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "130 La Salle s Exploits Continued.\\nCHAPTER VII.\\n1681-1683.\\nLA SALLe s exploits CONTINUED.\\nReverting to La Salle, wlio was left at Fort Miami to\\nrecruit his powers and resources, we again resume the ac-\\ncount of his stirring career. During the winter of 1680-\\n81, while his fortunes seemed at the lowest ebb, he was\\nnever more active, or more determined upon achieving\\nultimate success. Believing that the then recent foray\\nof the Iroquois into the country of the Illinois, was\\nmainly for the purpose of extending their territorial pos-\\nsessions, whence to draw fresh supplies of furs, and that\\nthose fierce warriors were also being used by his white ad-\\nversaries to put an end to his own operations in this wide\\nand attractive region, he evolved from his busy brain a\\nplan to counteract their designs. His scheme was to unite\\nall the difierent and often warring tribes of the West into\\na defensive league; to colonize such of them as would con-\\nsent about a fort to be erected and maintained by him on\\nthe Illinois River, and thus oppose an efl:ectual barrier to\\nthe further incursions of the Iroquois and their adherents.\\nThis extensive plan exemplifies La Salle s fertility of re-\\nsource in emergency, and its success in execution was an-\\nswerable to his expectations.\\nAfter the close of the bloody and desolating war of\\nPhilip, of Pokanoket, with the New England colonists, in\\n1676, some of his vanquished allies quitted their eastern\\nhomes, and sought a refuge in the forests on the south-\\neastern borders of Lake Michigan. These were mostly\\nAbenakis and Mohegans, or Mohicans the latter tribe\\nhaving furnished the reliable hunter and servant, who bad\\nalready rendered such useful service to La Salle. It was to\\nthese small bands of Eastern exiles that our explorer first", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "Confers with the Foxes and the Illinois. 131\\naddressed himself in the trial of his new expedient for the\\nfurtherance of his general plans. He found ,them very\\nwilling to join their lot with his in any undertaking he\\nmight propose, asking only the privilege of calling him\\ntheir chief. His next move was to effect a reconciliation\\nbetween the Miamis and Illinois, who, though kindred\\ntribes, had been long estranged. Desiring to first confer\\nwith the Illinois, many of whom had returned since the\\nevacuation of their country by the Iroquois, La Salle set\\nout with a party from Fort Miami on a journey thither.\\nOn entering the prairies, which were still white with\\nsnow, he and several of the men became snow-blind, so that\\nthey were- obliged to go into camp on the edge of a grove\\nuntil they could recover their sight. Resuming his journey,\\nhe met with a band of the Outagamies (Foxes), whose chiefs\\nhe drew over to his interest by means of presents. From\\nthem it was learned that Tonty and his party were safe\\namong the Pottawatomies, and that Hennepin had passed\\nthrough their country (Wisconsin) on his way to Canada.\\nThis was welcome intelligence to La Salle, who, for several\\nmonths, had been very anxious about their safety. Fol-\\nlowing down the Kankakee River, he fell in with a party\\nof the Illinois, who were stalking the prairies in quest of\\ngame, and who related to him the unhappy occurrences of\\nthe preceding year. La Salle expressed his regret at what\\nhad happened, and advised them to form an alliance with\\nthe Miamis, in order to prevent the recurrence of like dis-\\nasters in the future. He told them that he and his men\\nwould come back to reside among them, furnish them with\\nfire-arms and goods, and help them in repelling the hostile\\nincursions of the Iroquois. Well pleased with this propo-\\nsition, they gave him some maize, and promised to confer\\nwith other members of their tribe and report to him the re-\\nsult.\\nReturning now to Fort Miami, La Salle sent La For-\\nrest down Lake Michigan to Mackinac, whither it was ex-\\npected that Tonty would go, and where both were to stay\\nuntil he should follow them. It still remained for him to\\nconfer with the Miamis, and he accordingly started with", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "132 La Salle s Exploits Continued.\\nten men to visit their principal village, situated near the\\nportage between the St. Joseph and Kankakee. Here he\\nfound a small party of Iroquois warriors, who had for some\\ntime demeaned themselves with great insolence toward the\\nvillagers, and had spoken with contempt of himself and men.\\nOn being informed of this, he sternly rebuked them for\\ntheir arrogance and calumnies, and such was the fear his\\npresence inspired among them that at night they fled from\\nthe village.\\nThe next day the Miamis were gathered in council,\\nand La Salle made known to them the objects he wished to\\naccomplish. From long intercourse with the Indians, he\\nhad become an expert in forest diplomacy and eloquence,\\nand on this occasion he had come well provided with presents\\nto give eflicacy to his proceedings. He began his address,\\nwhich consisted of metaphorical allusions to the dead, by\\ndistributing gifts among the living. Presenting them with\\ncloth, he told them it was to cover their dead giving them\\nhatchets, he informed them that they were to build a scaf-\\nfold in their honor distributing among them beads and\\nbells, he stated they were to decorate their persons. The\\nliving, while appropriating these presents, were greatly\\npleased at the compliments paid to their departed friends,\\nand thus placed in a suitable state of mind for that which\\nwas to follow. Lastly, to convince them of the\\nsincerity of his intentions, he gave them six guns, a num-\\nber of hatchets, and (then) threw into their midst a huge\\npile of clothing, causing the entire assemblage to explode\\nwith yelps of extravagant delight. After this. La Salle thus\\nclosed his harangue\\nHe who is my master, and the master of all this\\ncountry, is a mighty chief, feared by the whole world but\\nhe loves peace, and his words are for good alone. He is\\ncalled the King of France, and is the mightiest among the\\nchiefs beyond the great water. His goodness roaches even\\nto your dead, and his subjects come among you to raise\\nthem up to life. But it is his will to preserve the life he has\\ngiven. It is his will that you should obey his laws, and\\nmake no war without the leave of Frontenac, who com-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "He Negotiates with the Miamis. 138\\nmands in his name at Quebec, and who loves all the nations\\nalike, because such is th^e will of the great king. You\\nought, then, to live at peace with your neighbors, and above\\nail with the Illinois. You have had cause of quarrel with\\nthem; but their defeat has avenged you. Though they are\\nstill strong, they wish to make peace with you. Be con-\\ntent with the glory of having compelled them to ask for it.\\nYou have an interest in preserving them, since, if the Iro-\\nquois destroy them, they will next destroy you. Let us all\\nobey the great king, and live in peace under his protection.\\nBe of my mind, and use these guns I have given you, not\\nto make war, but only to hunt and to defend yourselves.\\nHaving ended his mission to the Miamis nation, La\\nSalle sent two of his men, with two of the Abenakis, to\\nannounce the result to the Illinois, in order to prevent\\nfurther acts of hostility, and to recall the dispersed tribes.\\nMoreover, he dispatclied men with presents to the Shaw-\\nnees, to invite them to come and join the Illinois against\\nthe Iroquois, All this being done to his satisfaction, he left\\nFort Miami on the 22d of May, 1681, and, after a pleasant\\ncanoe voyage, arrived at the post of Mackinac about the\\nmiddle of June. Here he had the happiness of meeting\\nTonty, Father Zenobe, and others of his men, from whom\\nhe had been separated for more than a year. The Sieur\\nde la Salle (says Membre s Narrative, before cited,) re-\\nlated to us all his hardships and voyages, as well as his\\nmisfortunes, and learned from us as many regarding him\\nyet never did I remark in him the least alteration, always\\nmaintaining his ordinary coolness and self-possession. Any\\none but he would have renounced and abandoned the enter-\\nprise but, far from that, by a firmness of mind and an\\nalmost unequaled constancy, I saw him more resolute than\\never to continue his work, and to carry out his discovery.\\nBefore La Salle could resume and push forward his\\ngreat enterprise to a successful issue, it was necessary for\\nhim to return to Canada, collect his scattered resources, and\\nDavidson Stuve s Hist, of 111., 1st ed., p. 93. See Relations des\\nDecouverU s, compiled for the goveruiuent froui^Lu Salle s letters.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "134 La Salle and his Exploits Continued.\\nmake terms witli liis creditors. The whole party, there-\\nfore, embarked for Fort Frontenac. The lono^ and watery\\nway was measured without any noteworthy incident, and\\nby the end of Jul} our untiring chief had reached Mon-\\ntreal, and was consulting with the capitalists and merchants\\nwho had been furnishing him with money and goods. His\\nseigniory of Frontenac was already mortgaged for a large\\nsum, much of which had been expended in profitless ex-\\nplorations yet by surrendering some of his monopolies, by\\nthe aid of a rich relative named Plet,* and by the con-\\ntinued favor and support of Governor Frontenac, he found\\nmeans to appease his more pressing creditors, and obtained\\nadvances for another respectable outfit.\\nThe season was well advanced before La Salle could\\ncomplete his preparations, and again begin to move through\\nthe great lakes. He started upon this third and crowning\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0In order to secure this relative from loss iu case of his death, La\\nSalle executed an instrument in the nature of a will, of which the fol-\\nlowing is a copy\\n[Will of La .Salle.]\\nRobert Cavelier, Esq., Sieur de la Salle, seignior and governor of\\nFort Frontenac, in New France, considering the great dangers and con-\\ntinual perils in which the voyages I undertake engage me, and wishing\\nto acknowledge as much as I am able, the great obligations which I owe\\nto M. Francois Plet, my cousin, for the signal services which he has ren-\\ndered me in my most pressing necessities, and because it is through his\\nassistance that I have preserved to this time Fort Frontenac against the\\nefforts which were made to deprive me of it, I have given, granted, and\\ntransferred, and give, grant, and transfer, by these presents, to the said\\nM. Plet, in case of my death, the seigniory and property of the ground\\nand limits of the said Fort Frontenac and its depending lands, and all\\nmy rights in the country of the Miamis, Illinois, and others to the south,\\ntogether with the establishment which is in the country of the Miamis,\\nin the condition which it shall be at the time of my death that of\\nNiagara and all the others which I may have founded there, together\\nwith all the barges, boats, great boats, movables and immovables,\\nrights, privileges, rents, lands, buildings, and other things belonging to\\nme, which shall be found there willing that these presents be and serve\\nfor my testament and declaration in the maimer in which I ought to\\nmake it, such being my last will as above written by my hand, and\\nsigned by my hand, after having read it and again read it [lu el relu).\\nMade at Montreal the llth of August, 1681.\\n[Signed.] Cavkliku j k \\\\.x Sallk.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "His Third Expedition to the West. 135\\nexpedition with a company of thirty men (some of whom,\\nhowever, quit his service before reaching Mackinac), and\\nten or twelve heavily-laden canoes. Passing up Ontario\\nLake to the vicinity of the present Toronto, he thence made\\na long portage to Lake Simcoe. It was October when\\nhe entered the Georgian Bay of Lake Huron, and it was\\nnot until the close of that month that his little flotilla\\nwas pushed out upon the northern waters of Lake Michigan.\\nAs the voyagers crept slowly along the dreary eastern shore\\nof the lake, skirted by high and, for the most part, barren\\nsand-hill s, we may conjecture some of the melancholy\\nthoughts of their chief: A past of unrequited toil and sad\\ndisappointment, a present embittered by the tongue of\\nslander and hate, and the future clouded with uncertainty,\\nmust have intruded themselves into his mind, but could not\\nfor a moment divert him from the great purpose which, for\\nyears, had been the guiding star of his destiny. After a\\nmonotonous and toilsome trip, the leader and his men\\nreached the well-known mouth of the Miami in the latter\\npart of November, and drew their canoes ashore under the\\nshelter of the palisaded fort.\\nHere La Salle found his poor Mohegan and Abenaki\\nallies, in their squalid wigwams, patiently waiting his re-\\nturn, and from among them he chose eighteen men to ac-\\ncompany him on his southern exploration. These, being\\nadded to his twenty-three French and Canadians, made a\\nforce of forty-one men. The Indians insisted upon taking\\nwith them ten of their squaws to cook for them, and three\\nchildren, thus making a total of fifty-four persons. Some\\nof these supernumeraries were useless and others a burden\\nbut there seemed no help for it, and they all went. Aban-\\ndoning the old route via the St. Joseph and Kankakee for\\none more direct, the advance party of the expedition, under\\nthe conduct of the faithful Tonty and Membre, set out from\\nFort Miami on the 21st of December, in six canoes, and\\ncoasted around the southern bend of the lake to the mouth\\nof the little river Chicago. La Salle himself followed\\na few days later, with the rest of his men (the Indian\\ncontingent going by land), and rejoined the others on", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "136 La Salle s Exploits Continued.\\nthe 4th of January, 1682. It was now the middle of winter\\nin this latitude the earth was thickly carpeted with snow,\\nand the streams were all bridged over with ice. Tonty had\\ncaused sledges to be constructed, on which the explorers\\nconveyed their canoes, baggage, and provisions up the con-\\ngealed surface of the Chicago, and thence over the portage\\nto the Des Plaines, or northern fork of the Illinois, which\\nwas also found sheeted with ice. Filing down its smooth\\nsurface, in long and picturesque procession, to the head of\\nthe Illinois proper, and thence down that river, they passed\\non their wintry way the great town of the Illinois, now\\npartly rebuilt, but temporarily deserted of its inhabitants,\\nand at length came to open water at the foot of Peoria\\nLake. Here were found encamped and spending the win-\\nter a large number of Indians belonging to the great town\\nabove. Having relinquished for the time his project of\\nbuilding a sailing vessel for navigating the Lower Missis-\\nsippi, La Salle made no attempt to complete the one previ-\\nously begun at Fort Creve-coeur but, after obtaining a\\nsupply of maize from the natives, and leaving some orders\\nwith them, he and his Frenchmen resumed their canoes\\nand held on their course to the mouth of the river.\\nArrived thither the 6th of February, they were obliged\\nto wait on account of the floating ice in the Mississippi,\\nand also for their Eastern Indians, who had fallen behind.\\nBy the 13th, however, these laggards had all arrived the\\nnavigation was open, and the adveiiturous leader launched\\nhis small flotilla on the current of the majestic river which\\nwas to bear him southward to the sea. The voyagers trav-\\neled rather tardily, since they carried no provisions except\\nIndian corn, and were compelled to liunt and fish almost\\ndaily.\\nAbout seven leagues below the mouth of the Illinois\\nthey found the Missouri River (called the Osage by Father\\nMembre) putting in from the west, and pouring its yellow\\nand turbulent flood into the clearer and more placid waters\\nOn their return voyage the next summer (1682), the French ex-\\nplorers are said to liave found this unlinished bark burnt.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "He Descends the Mississippi. 137\\nof the Mississippi. On the 14th, they passed, on their left,\\nthe village of the Tamaroas, containing one hundred cabins.\\nThe Indians were away on the chase, but the voyagers left\\nthere some marks to indicate their presence and the course\\nthey had taken. After several more days of rowing and\\nBailing down the impetuous river they reached the conflu-\\nence of the Ouabache (Ohio), where they stopped a short\\ntime to replenish their stock of provisions. Re-entering\\ntheir canoes, they advanced about sixty leagues without\\nstopping to encamp, because the banks on both sides were\\nlow and swampy and full of rushes and underbrush.\\nOn the 24th of February, the commander landed at the\\nThird Chickasaw Blufls, not far above the future site of\\nMemphis, and the hunters were immediately sent out to scour\\nthe woods for game. All of them returned in good time\\nexcept one Pierre Prudhomme. Fearing that he had been\\nseized by some prowling band of the Chickasaws, who fre-\\nquented that region, La Salle put several Frenchmen and\\nIndians on his trail, and, in the meantime, threw up an in-\\ntrenchment and stockade. After nine days of active search\\nPrudhomme, who had lost his way in the forest, was found\\nand brought into camp in a famished condition. To con-\\nsole the unfortunate hunter, La Salle named the newly built\\nfort for him, and left him with a few others in charge of it.\\nAgain the explorers embarked; and with every day of\\ntheir adventurous progress, the mystery of this unknown\\nregion waV^ more and more unveiled. The hazy sunlight,\\nthe mild and balmy air, the tender foliage, the opening\\nflowers, the cheery notes of the birds, all betokened the\\nrevival of Nature, and that they had entered the realms of\\nspring.*\\nOn the 12th of March, having advanced some forty\\nleagues, and passed the village of the Mitchigameas, they\\nwere astonished to hear on their right the beating of In-\\ndian drums and war cries, emanating from a war-dance at\\na village of the Akansas (Arkansas). Apprel lending an\\nattack, La Salle, under cover of a fog, immediately with-\\nParkman s Discovery of the Great West.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "138 La Salle s Exploits Continiied.\\ndrew his flotilla to the opposite shore, and there, on a pro-\\njecting point or cape, threw up an intrenchment and felled\\ntrees to prevent a surprise. He then directed some of his\\nmen to go along the bank of the river, and b}^ signs, invite\\nthe Indians to come over to them. This being observed\\nby some chiefs of the Akansas, they sent several of their\\nyoung men in a pirogue, which approached within gunshot\\nof the French camp. Here the calumet of peace was dis-\\nplayed, and two of the savages, standing up in their canoe,\\nmade signs for the Frenchmen to come to them. At this\\ninvitation La Salle sent one of his Canadians and six Aben-\\nakis, who were received with manifestations of friendship,\\nand were escorted back by six of the Akansas. La Salle\\nthereupon made presents to them of tobacco and some\\ngoods, and they, in turn, invited him to visit their village.\\nBeing thus assured, he crossed the river with his entire\\nforce to the village called Kappa, where he stayed three\\ndays, and was feasted throughout with corn, beans, dried\\nfruit, and iish. On the day after his arrival La Salle took\\nformal possession of the country by planting a cross and\\nsetting up the arms of France whereat the villagers, not\\nknowing the purport of the ceremony, showed signs of\\ngreat joy. The explorers were surprised to And here many\\ndomestic fowls, and some tamed bustards, which were prob-\\nably kept for ornamental purposes. They took their de-\\nparture on the 17th, and six leagues farther down the river,\\ncame to another village of the same nation, called Toninga,\\nand three leagues beyond that still another,* the inhabitants\\nof which all received them hospitably. These Arkansas\\nIndians called themselves Oguappas, or Quappas, and are\\nsaid to have formerly dwelt higher up the Mississippi. It\\nwas observed that they were much less morose and severe\\nin their manners, and more open-hearted and generous\\nthan the tribes of the north, which was doubtless partly\\nowing to climatic influences.\\nHaving been furnished with the requisite guides, the\\n*.Joutel, who visited the Arkansas five years later, makes mention\\nof only two villages on the Mississippi; but there was a third on the\\nArkansas, just above its mouth.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "He Descends the 3Iississipj)i. 139\\nexplorers thence continued their voyage, and on the 22d,\\nafter passing the hilly site of Vicksburg, reached the terri-\\ntory of a tribe called the Taensas, who dwelt around\\na little lake or bayou, formed by the Mississippi. Being\\nfatigued. La Salle sent Tonty and Menibre thither with\\npresents. Arrived at the main village of the Taensas, they\\nwere agreeably surprised at the evidences presented of In-\\ndian civilization. The houses were built of earth mixed\\nwith straw, and roofed with cane mats in the form of a\\ndome, and were arranged around a square or quad-\\nrangle. The house of the head chief was a single room\\nforty feet square, and fifteen feet high to the top of the\\nroof. It was entered and lighted by one large door, in\\nwhich the chief sat in state, waiting the approach of his\\nvisitors. Around him were grouped some sixty old men,\\ndressed in white robes made of the under bark of the mul-\\nberry tree, and near him sat three of his wives clothed in\\nlike manner, who, to do him honor when he spoke to them,\\nindulged in guttural cries. After paying their respects to\\nthese dignitaries, the Frenchmen were conducted to the\\ntemple near by, which was oval-shaped and somewhat\\nlarger than the royal residence. Within it were deposited\\nthe bones of defunct chiefs, and in the middle stood an\\naltar, at the foot of which a fire was kept burning day and\\nnight by two old pretres, or priests, who were the directors\\nof their worship. The top of the temple was surmounted\\nby three roughly carved eagles, facing toward the rising\\nsun and, surrounding it, was a mud or adobe wall studded\\nwith sharp pointed stakes, on which were hung the skulls\\nof their enemies who had been sacrificed to the sun. The\\ndistrict around the village was planted with difierent kinds\\nof fruit and nut bearing trees and wild vines, which fur-\\nnished a considerable part of the subsistence of the people.\\nThe chief of the Taensas sent provisions to La Salle, and\\nthe next day paid him a formal visit at his camp. He came\\nwith wooden canoes, attended by the officers of his house-\\nhold, to the sound of the tambour and the wild music\\nof the women. The chief was clothed in a fine white\\nblanket, and was preceded by two attendants carrying fans", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "140 La Salle s Exploits Continued.\\nof white feathers. La Salle received him with great polite-\\nness, made him a few presents, and received in return pro-\\nvisions, aud some of their rohes or blankets. During this\\ninterview the Indian potentate maintained a grave de-\\nmeanor, not unmixed with curiosity and marks of friend-\\nship toward the Frenchmen.\\nRe-embarking on the strange river, and having ad-\\nvanced twelve leagues farther, the explorers (on the 26th)\\nfell in with some fishermen of the i^atchies (jSTatcliez) na-\\ntion, who were enemies of the Taensas, though a kindred\\npeople. With his usual precaution. La Salle passed over to\\nthe opposite bank, and then sent Tonty to them with the\\npeace calumet. The Indians were found well disposed, and\\nsome of them crossed the river with Tonty to the French\\ncamp. Although their village lay some three leagues in-\\nland. La Salle did not hesitate to go thither, with Membre\\nand a part of his men and on their arrival, they met\\na kindly welcome. The chief of this village was a\\nbrother of the great chief or Sun of the whole nation,\\nwhose village lay several leagues down the river, and about\\none league from the present city of Natchez. After spend-\\ning the night at the first village, La Salle and his party\\nproceeded the next day to the town of the Sun-chief, where\\nthey were handsomely entertained, and, by permission,\\nerected a cross bearing the king s arms. This proceeding\\nwas viewed with great satisfaction by the inhabitants, but\\nit would have been otherwise if they had understood its\\nreal significance. As with the Taensas, so here among the\\nNatchez, the French visitors saw substantial]} built houses,\\na royal residence, a rude temple of the sun, with its altar of\\nperpetual fire, and an established form of religious worship.\\nTlie friar Membre, in his Narrative, speaks of both tribes\\nas being half-civilized, and as presenting a good field for\\nmissionary eiFort.\\nOn the way back to their camp, La Salle and party were\\naccompanied by several of the head men of the Natchez,\\nand also by a chief of the Koroas, or Coroas. This chief\\nnow conducted the explorers to his village, which was situ-\\nated ten leagues below on a pleasant eminence. Arrived", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "He Reaches the Gulf of Mexico. 141\\nat the village, the usual Indian feast was made, and the\\ncustomary presents were given and received. Here the\\nvoyagers were told that they still had ten days sail to the\\nsea.* Leaving the Koroas on Easter Sunday, the 29th of\\nMarch, they passed the mouth of Red River two days after-\\nward, and still keeping on their course for a distance of\\nnearly forty leagues, the} discovered some Indian fisher-\\nmen on the bank of the river, and immediately heard the\\nbeating of drums and war-cries. Four Frenchmen were\\nsent forward to oiier them the calumet, but they had to re-\\nturn in haste, because the natives let fly at them a shower of\\narrows. These Indians belonged to the Quinipissa tribe,\\nand in consequence of their hostility La Salle continued\\nhis voyage two leagues lower down, when he landed at a\\nsmall village of the Tangibaos, which had been recently\\npillaged, and contained dead bodies.\\nAt length, on the 6th of April, after nearly two mouths\\nof navigation, the explorers arrived at a point where the\\nriver divides itself into three principal channels or passes,\\nwhich branch off to the Gulf. They landed and encamped\\non the bank of the most westerly. The next day (the 7th),\\nLa Salle divided his company into three bands, to go and\\nexplore the difterent passes. He himself took the south-\\nwestern, Tonty and Membre the middle one, and D Autray f\\nthe eastern. As the adventurous leader now drifted down\\nthe narrow channel, between low alluvial banks, the\\nbrackish water gradually changed to brine, and the breeze\\ngrew fresh with the salt breath of the sea. Then, lo the\\nbroad, heaving bosom of the great Gulf itself opened to\\nhis enraptured gaze, with its light-green waves foaming\\nand breaking upon the marshy shore without a sail, with-\\nout a sign of human life.\\nThe three passes or outlets of the river were found to\\nbe large and deep, and quite salt two leagues below their\\nhead. With an astrolabe, which La Salle always carried\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0An ordinary day s sail with the Indians was from ten to twelve\\nleagues.\\ntThe Sieur D Autray was a son of M. Bourdon d Autray, then lately\\ndeceased, but formerly procurator general of Quebec.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "142 La Salle s Exploits Continued.\\nwith him, he took the latitude of the mouth, and ascertained\\nit to be about 28\u00c2\u00b0 30 north, but kept this to himself. The\\nMississippi was roughly estimated by the explorers at eight\\nhundred leagues in length, and it was reckoned that they\\nhad traveled at least three hundred and iifty French leagues\\nfrom the confluence of the Illinois, which was considerably\\nless than the actual distance by the river. After coasting the\\nspongy and reed-fringed beach for a short distance, La Salle\\nretraced his course to his camp and on the 8th the reunited\\nparty mounted to a spot of dry ground on the bank of the\\nmain river. Here, on the 9th of April, with all possible\\nsolemnity, they performed the ceremony of taking posses-\\nsion of the country. A column had been prepared, to which\\nwas affixed the arms of France, with this inscription\\nLouis Le, Grand Boi de France et de Navarre, regne; Le\\nNeuvieme AvrU, 1682.\\nThe Frenchmen were all mustered under arms, and,\\nwhile the New England Indians of the party looked on in\\nwondering silence, the former, led by Father Zenobe,\\nchanted the Te Deum, the Exaudiat, and other hymns in\\npraise to God for their great discovery. Then, amid dis-\\ncharges of musketry and shouts of Vive le Hoi, the column\\nwas planted by the Sieur de la Salle, who, standing near it,\\nrecited, in a loud voice, the following declaration, which had\\nbeen drawn up at his dictation by Jacques de la Metairie, a\\nCanadian notary, who accompanied the expedition from\\nFort Frontenac:\\nIn the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and\\nvictorious Prince, Louis, the Great King of France and\\nNavarre, Fourteenth of that name, this ninth day of April,\\n1682, I, in virtue of the commission of his Majesty, which\\nI hold in my hand, and which may be seen by all whom it\\nmay concern, -have taken, and do now take, in the name of\\nhis majesty, and of his successors to the crown, possession of\\nthis country of Louisiana, the seas, harbors, ports, bays,\\nadjacent straits, and all the nations, peoples, provinces,\\ntowns, villages, mines, minerals, fisheries, streams, and\\nrivers, comprised in the extent of said Louisiana, from the\\nmouth of the great river St. Louis, on the eastern side,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "Takes Formal Possession of the Country. 143\\notherwise called Ohio, Alighin, or Chukagona, and this with\\nthe consent of the Chaouanons, Chicachas, and other people\\ndwelling therein, with whom we have made alliance as also\\nalong the river Colbert, or Mississippi, and rivers which dis-\\ncharge themselves therein, from its source beyond the coun-\\ntry of the Kious, or Nadouessious, and this with their con-\\nsent, and with the consent of the Motantees, Illinois, Mesi-\\ngameas, batches, Koroas, which are the most considerable\\nnations -dwelling therein, with whom also we have made\\nalliance, either by ourselves or by others in our behalf; ae\\nfar as its mouth at the sea, or Gulf of Mexico, about the\\n27th degree of the elevation of the North Pole, and also to\\nthe mouth of the river of Palms upon the assurance we\\nhave received from all these nations, that we are the first\\nEuropeans who have descended or ascended the said river\\nColbert hereby protesting ag.ainst all those who may in\\nfuture undertake to invade any or all of these countries,\\npeople, or lands above described, to the prejudice of the\\nright of his majesty, acquired by consent of the nations\\nherein named. Of which, and of all that can be needed, I\\nhereby take to witness those who hear me, and demand an\\nact of the notary, as required by law.\\nTo which the whole assembly responded with shouts\\nof Vive le Mot, and with salutes of fire-arms. Moreover,\\nthe Sieur de la Salle caused to be buried at the foot of\\nthe tree to which the cross was attached a leaden plate, on\\none side of which were engraved the arms of France, and,\\non the opposite, the following Latin inscription \u00e2\u0096\u00a0Ludovicus-\\nMagnus Begnat, Nono Aprilis, M.D. C. LXXXIl. etc.\\nAfter which the Sieur de la Salle said, that his maj-\\nesty, as eldest son of the church, would annex no country\\nto his crown without making it his chief care to establish\\nthe Christian religion therein, and that its symbol must now\\nbe planted; which was accordingly done at once by erecting\\nThere is some obscurity in this enumeration of places and Indian\\nnations, arising from ignorance of the geography of the country, and the\\nconsent of the aborigines is, of course, assumed but it appears to have\\nbeen La Salle s design to take possession of the whole territory watered\\nby the Mississippi and its numerous tributaries.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "144 La Salle s Exjploits Continued.\\na cross, before which the Vexilla, and the Domine mlvum fac\\nBegem, were sung. Whereupon the ceremony was concluded\\nwith cries of Vwe le Roi.\\nOf all and every of the above, the said Sieur de la\\nSalle having required of us an instrument, we have deliv-\\nered to him the same, signed by us, and by the undersigned\\nwitnesses, this ninth day of April, one thousand six hun-\\ndred and eighty-two.\\nLa Metairie, Notary.\\nWitnesses De la Salle, P. Zenobe (Recollect Mission-\\nary), Henri de Tonty, Francois de Boisrondet, Jean Bour-\\ndon, Sieur d Autray, Jacques Cauchois, Pierre You, Gilles\\nMeucret, Jean Michel (Surgeon), Jean Mas, Jean Dulignon,\\nNicolas de la Salle.\\nThese formal acts, attesting La Salle s important geo-\\ngraphical discovery, gave to Louis XIV. a territory far\\nmore extensive than his hereditary European possessions,\\n.though not destined in the sequence of events to become a\\npermanent appendage of the French crown.\\nHaving thus achieved the great object of the expedi-\\ntion, our explorers began their return voyage on the 10th\\nof April. As they laboriously ascended the current of the\\ndeep river, they were half famished, having nothing to eat\\nbut some potatoes and tough alligator meat. The adjacent\\nbanks were so low, and covered with thickets of canes and\\nundergrowth, that they could not stop to hunt without\\nmaking a long halt. On the night of the 12th, they slept at\\nthe village of the Tangibao8,t and the next day reached the\\ndistrict of the Quinipissas. Determined to have some maize\\nat any cost, La Salle now sent out a party of his Abenakis\\nto reconnoiter. They returned on the morning of the 14th,\\nbringing with them four of the Quinipissas women whom\\nthey had captured, and thereupon La Salle went and en-\\ncamped opposite their village. The day after he sent one\\n*See Historical Coil s of La., I art I., pp. 48-50. An authenticated\\ncopy of these proceedings was afterward sent to Paris, and deposited iu\\nthe Department of the Marine and Colonies.\\nt Supi)OBed to have been near the site of New Orleans.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "His RetarnVoyage. 145\\nof the women back with presents of merchandise to indi-\\ncate his good will, and the savages bronght him in return\\na little corn. Being invited to cross the river to the vi-\\ncinity of their village, the Frenchmen did so, but kept\\nstrictly on their guard. Before daybreak the next morn-\\ning, they were attacked in their camp by the Quinipissas,\\nwhom they easily repulsed, killing ten and wounding others,\\nbesides burning their canoes. This is the only recorded in-\\nstance of the sacrifice of human life during the course of\\nthe expedition.\\nRe-emliarking on the evening of that day (the 18tli),\\nLa Salle and his followers reached the village of the Ko-\\nroas, about the first of May, but found them no longer\\nfriendl} and obliging as before. Arrived at the district of\\nthe Natchez, they landed and went out to their village, but,\\nseeing no w^omen there, suspected some evil design. The\\nNatchez gave them food to eat, but the Frenchmen ate it\\nwith their guns in their hands, fearing an attack from the\\ngreat number of warriors by whom they Avere surrounded.\\nReturning hastily to their canoes, they held on their way\\nup the river, stopping at the Taensas and the Arkansas,\\nwhere they were well received.\\nLeaving the Arkansas villages about the middle of May,\\nLa Salle pushed ahead Vv ith two canoes of his Mohegans, but\\nfalling sick on the river, he stopped at Fort Prudhomme,\\nand was there joined by the rest of his company on the\\nfirst of June. His sickness being protracted and danger-\\nous, the Friar Membre remained with him to nurse him.\\nMeantime, Tonty was sent forward with a few compan-\\nions to Mackinac, to arrange his afiairs. It was not until\\nthe first of July that La Salle recovered sufticiently to\\ntravel. He then resumed his voyage, and advanced by\\nshort stages to Fort Miami, and thence to Mackinac,\\nwhither he arrived early in September.*\\nThe Sieur de la Salle had at length triumphed over\\nFor fuller details cencerning this memorable and successful expe-\\ndition, see the Narratives of Membre and Tonty, and the Proces Verbal of\\nLa Metaire.\\n10", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "146 La Salle s Exploits Continued.\\nevery opposing obstacle, and tlioiigli not finding the\\nlong-sought passage to the Pacific Ocean, he had followed\\nthe Mississippi River to its entrance into the Mexican Gulf,\\nand written his name high in the list of American dis-\\ncoverers. It remained for him to extend and utilize his\\ndiscovery to the best advantage for himself and his\\nsovereign. As the country of the Illinois formed the center\\nof his operations, he now resolved to abandon the tedious\\nand difiicult line of access to it through Canada and the\\nlakes, beset by so many enemies, and to open a passage to\\nhis western domain by way of the Gulf and Lower Missis-\\nsippi. He proposed to build a fort on the head waters of\\nthe Illinois, and found there a French and Indian col-\\nony, which might serve the twofold purpose of a bulwark\\nagainst the inroads of the Iroquois, and a central point for\\nthe fur-trade of the western tribes. And he hoped, before\\nthe close of the ensuing year, to establish another fort and\\ncolony at the embouchure of the Mississippi, thus placing\\nthe trade of the whole great valley under his control. This\\nnew enterprise was not unworthy of the genius of La Salle.\\nIt was his intention on his arrival at Mackinac to have\\ngone at once to Canada, and thence to France, to procure\\naid from the king in the execution of his plan but his\\nhealth and circumstances not permitting, he sent Father\\nMembre with dispatches, making known the extent and\\nimportance of his discovery.\\nSoon after this a report reached La Salle, that the\\nIroquois those fierce Romans of the wilderness were\\nabout to renew their raid upon the western tribes. As\\nsuch a hostile movement might be fatal to his projected\\ncolony, he deemed it the part of prudence to follow Tonty,\\nwhom he had already sent to the Illinois, and Joined him\\nat the great Indian town. This celebrated village stood\\non the northern side of the Illinois Kiver (which here runs\\nfrom east to west), about one mile from the modern town\\nof Utica, in what is now La Salle county.* It thus occu-\\npied a part of the wide strip of bottom land lying between\\nSo named in inomory of the great explorer.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "Fort St. Louis of the Illinois. 147\\nthe river and the bliifts to the north. The large quantities\\nof human bones and implements of savage life that have\\nbeen turned up here, from time to time, by the plough-\\nshare of the husbandman, form the only vestiges of the\\npopulous tribes, who once made this attractive locality\\ntheir principal abode. Along the southern border of the\\nstream extends a range of irregular sandstone bluffs, which\\nculminates a mile above the old village in a natural abut-\\nment, known to the early French explorers as Le Mocker,\\nbut, at a later period, as the Starved Rock. Several\\nmiles below this, on the same side, occurs a canyon in\\nthe hills and bluffs, through which the waters of the\\nBig Vermilion, or Aramoni of the French, find their way\\nto those of the Illinois. Of the Starved Rock and its sur-\\nroundings, Breese thus enthusiastically writes\\nIt is a most romantic spot. I have stood upon the\\nStarved Rock and gazed for hours upon the beautiful\\nlandscape spread out beneath me. The undulating plains\\nrich in their verdure, the rounded hills beyond clad in their\\nforest livery, and the gentle river pursuing its noiseless way\\nto the Mississippi and the Gulf, all in harmonious associa-\\ntion, make up a picture over whicli the eye delights to\\nwander; and when to these are added the recollection of\\nthe heroic adventurers who first occupied it that here the\\nbanner of France so many years floated freely in the winds,\\nthat here was civilization, whilst all around them was bar-\\nbaric darkness the most intense and varied emotions can\\nnot fail to be awakened.\\nFrom the river which washes its base, the huge cliff\\nrises perpendicularly to an altitude of one hundred and\\ntwenty-six feet; and only on one side, that next to the\\nland, can it be climbed with difhculty.\\nTo the summit of this natural citadel, embracing an\\narea of half an acre, La Salle and Tonty repaired in De-\\ncember, 1682, and commenced tlie work of tbrtificatiou.\\nWith the assistance of their men, the} felled the stunted\\ngrowth of pines and deciduous trees that crowned the\\nEarly History of Illinois, p. 121.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "148 La Salle s Exploits Continued.\\nRock, and with these built a rude storehouse. Then they\\ncut and dragged timbers, with great labor, up the rugged\\nascent of the clift and inclosed the top with a stout\\npalisade. The fort was practically finished during that\\nwinter, and was named by La Salle Fort de St. Louis, in\\nhonor to the reigning monarch of France. It was intended\\nas the nucleus of a permanent settlement, and was con-\\ntinuously occupied by the French until the year 1700, and\\noccasionally afterward.*\\nWith the completion of the fortress (in the spring of\\n1683) the Illinois Indians began to gather about it, looking\\nupon La Salle as the great chief who was to protect them\\nfrom the Iroquois and the surrounding country soon again\\nbecame animated with the wild concourse of savage life.\\nBesides the Illinois, there were also scattered along the\\nriver valley, and among the neighboring hills and prairies,\\nthe fragments of at least half a dozen other tribes, namely\\nMiamis from the sources of the Kankakee, Piankashaws\\nand Weas from the Wabash, Shawnees from the Ohio\\nvalley, and some Abenakuis and Mohicans from New\\nEngland. La Salle s dexterous diplomacy had thus been\\ncrowned with unexpected success, a result largely due to\\nthe general terror inspired by the ferocious Iroquois. In a\\nmemorial addressed to the French Minister of Marine, he\\nreported the whole number of warriors around Fort St.\\nLouis at four thousand, which would represent a popula-\\ntion of twenty thousand persons. But this exaggerated\\nnumber could only have been possible at particular seasons\\nof the year, since those nomadic people went and came\\naccording as the fish, game, and wild fruits were more or\\nless abundant.\\nBy virtue of the authority conferred in his patent, La\\nSalle ruled his broad domain as a seigniory, and went\\nthrough the form of parceling out portions of the land to\\nThe outline of another fort or earthwork, which might have been\\na work of the early French, is yet to be seen on the rocky bluff about\\nhalf a mile south of Fort St. Louis, near the edge of the prairie. See\\nBaldwin s Hist, of La Salle Co., 111., p. 55.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "He Corresponds with Gorernor La Barre. 149-\\nhis French followers. The latter, however, wore too indo-\\nlent and profligate to improve or derive any benefit from\\nsuch grants, thinking more of their Indian concubines than\\nof cultivating wild lands. To maintain his new colony, the\\nchief found it necessary to furnish its members with mili-\\ntary protection, and merchandise to barter for furs and\\npelts no easy task in his situation. While he was con-\\ncerting and endeavoring to execute measures for the main-\\ntenance and development of his colony, his rivals and ene-\\nmies in Canada, from envy or short-siglited policy, were\\ndoing all they could to defeat him. Unfortunately, his\\nfriend and patron. Count Frontenac, had been removed\\nfrom office, and Le Febvre de la Barre, a headstrong and\\navaricious old naval officer, governed in his stead. From\\nthe outset of his administration. La Barre show^ed himself\\na bitter enemy to La Salle. Yet the latter, busy with his\\nown affairs, and not knowing or assuming to know the\\njealousy with which he was regarded, wrote to the new\\ngovernor from Fort St. Louis, under date April 2, 1(388,\\nexpressing the hope that he would have from him the\\nsame support that he had received from his predecessor.\\nAfter saying that his enemies would try to influence the\\ngovernor against him, he went on to give some account of\\nhis explorations. He stated that, with only twenty-two\\nFrenchmen, he had formed amicable relations with the\\ndifferent tribes along the Mississippi River, and that his\\nroyal patent authorized him to establish posts in the newly\\ndiscovered country, and to make grants around them, as at\\nFort Frontenac, and then added\\nThe losses in my enterprise have exceeded 40,000\\ncrowns. I am now going four hundred leagues south-west\\nof this place to induce the Chicasas to follow the Shaw-\\nanoes and other tribes, and settle like them at Fort St.\\nLouis. It remained only to settle French colonists here,\\nand this I have already done. I hope you will not detain\\nthem as coureiLrs des bois when they come down to Montreal\\nto make necessary purchases. I am aware that I have no\\nright to trade with the tribes who descend to Montreal,\\nand I shall not permit such trade to my men; nor have I", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "150 La SalWs Exploits Continued.\\never issued licenses to that effect, as luy enemies say that I\\nhave done.\\nDespite this reasonable request on the part of La Salle,\\nthe men whom he had sent to Montreal on business were\\ndetained there, and on the 4th of June he again wrote to\\nGovernor La Barre, in a more urgent strain, as follows\\nThe Iroquois are again invading the country. Last\\nyear the Miamis were so alarmed by them that they aban-\\ndoned their town and fled, but on my return they came\\nback, and have been induced to settle with the Illinois at\\nmy fort of St. Louis. The Iroquois have lately murdered\\ngome families of their nation, and they are all in terror\\nagain. I am afraid they will take flight, and so prevent the\\nMissouris and neighboring tribes from coming to settle at\\nSt. Louis, as they are about to do. Some of the Hurons and\\nFrench tell the Miamis that I am keeping them here for the\\nIroquois to destroy. I pray that you will let me hear from\\nyou, that I may give these people some assurance of pro-\\ntection before they are destro3^ed in my sight. Do not suf-\\nfer my men, who have come down to the settlements, to be\\nlonger prevented from returning. There is great need\\nhere of reinforcements. I have postponed going to Mack-\\ninac, because, if the Iroquois strike any blow in my absence,\\nthe Miamis will think I am in league with them whereas\\nif I and the French stay among them, they will regard us\\nas protectors.\\nBut, monsieur, it is in vain that we risk our lives\\nhere, and that I exhaust my means in order to fulfill the in-\\ntention of his majesty, if all my measures are crossed in the\\nsettlements below, and if those who go down to bring mu-\\nnitions, without which we can not defend ourselves, are de-\\ntained under pretexts trumped up for the occasion. If I am\\nprevented from ])ringing up my men and supplies, as I am\\nallowed to do by the permit of (Jount Frontenac, then my\\npatent from the king is useless. It would be very hard for\\nus, after having done what was required, even before the\\ntime prescribed, and after suffering severe losses, to liave\\nour efforts frustrated by obstacles got np designedly. I\\ntrust that, as it lies with you alone to prevent or permit", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "Corresponds with Governor La Barrc. 151\\nthe return of the men whom I have s ent down, you will not\\nso act as to thwart my plans, as part of the goods which I\\nhave sent by them belongs not to me, but the Sieur de\\nTonty, and are a part of his pay. Others are to buy muni-\\ntions indispensable to our defense. Do not let my creditors\\nseize them. It is for their advantage that my fort, full as\\nit is of goods, should be held against the enemy. I have\\nonly twenty men, with scarcely one hundred pounds of\\npowder. I can not long hold the country without more.\\nThe Illi!iois are very capricious and uncertain. If\\nI had men enough to send out to reconnoiter the enemy, I\\nwould have done so before this but I have not enough. I\\ntrust that you will put it in my power to obtain more, that\\nthis important cokmy may be saved,\\n(Dated at) Portage de Chicagou, 4 Juni, 1683.\\nIt w^as in vain, however, that La Salle appealed to Gov-\\nernor La Barre for favor or su}\u00c2\u00bbport in his enterprise. That\\nfunctionary, on the contrary, was meantime writing letters\\nto the Minister of Marine and Colonies, disparaging La\\nSalle s discoveries, and pretending to doubt their reality\\nsaying, that with a score of vagabonds he had pillaged his\\ncountrymen and put them to ransom, and was about to set\\nhimself up as king, and that the imprudence of the man\\nwas likely to involve Canada in a war with the Iroquois.\\n^These calumnies, being repeated, at length reached the ear of\\nthe French monarch, who, under a mistaken notion of the\\ntrue state of affairs, wrote La Barre to this effect: I am\\nconvinced like 3^ou, that the discovery of the Sieur de la\\nSalle is very useless, and that such enterprises ought to be\\nprevented in the future, as they tend only to debauch the\\ninhabitants by the hope of gain, and to diminish the rev-\\nenue from beaver skins. f\\nApparently emboldened by the king s letter, the governor\\nseized upon Fort Frontenac, under pretext that La Salle\\nhad not fulfilled the conditions of his grant by maintaining\\nthere a sutiicient garrison; and, against the remonstrances\\nParkman s La Salle and the Great West, pp. 299-301.\\nLettre du Roy a La Barre, bth Aout, 1683, in Margry.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "152 Let Salle s Exploits ConUnued.\\nof the mortgagees of tlie fort and seigniory, lie ejected La\\nSalle s lieutenant, La Forrest, and put two of liis own\\nminions, La Chesnaje and La Ber, in cliarge of the fort.\\n1^0 sooner were these appointees installed in office, than\\nthey began living oft of La Salle s stores, and they were\\nafterward accused of selling what liad been provided them\\nby the government for their own benefit. But not content\\nwith this arbitrary stretch of power, and bent upon the\\nruin of La Salle, Gov. La Barre next sent the Sieur de\\nBaugis, an officer of the king s dragoons, to Fort St. Louis,\\nand made him the bearer of a letter to La Salle, requinng\\nhis presence at Quebec. The position of the latter had\\nnow become intolerable, and he resolved to proceed to\\nFrance, in order to obtain relief from the crown. Giving\\nthe command at Fort St. Louis to M. de Tonty, and bid-\\nding adieu to his French and Indian retainers, La Salle\\ndeparted for Canada about the lirst of October. Enroute,\\nhe met De Baugis, who informed liim of the nature of his\\nerrand. The former sul)mitted to the indignity with as\\ngood a grace as possible under the circumstances, and sent\\na letter to Tonty to receive the new commandant with due\\ncourtesy. Arrived at Fort St, Louis, De Baugis and Tonty\\npassed the winter there together, though not very harmoni-\\nously the one commanding in the name of La Barre, and\\nthe other representing the interests of La Salle.\\nIn the following spring they both had enough to do.\\nThe threatened incursion of the Iroquois had been post-\\nponed, yet not abandoned. In the last of March, 1684,\\nthose restless and enterprising warriors, to the number of\\nthree hundred takinc; advantao-e of La Salle s absence,\\nand incited thereto by certain of the provincial authorities\\nof New York, who wished to divei t the fur-trade of the\\nwestern Indians from Montreal to Albany again invaded\\nthe country of the Illinois, and laid siege to the rock-seated\\nfort of St. Louis. ]3ut it proved too strong for their un-\\nskillful and uhsteady assault, and after six days effort they\\nretreated with loss.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "He Arriva in Paris. ISH\\nCIIAPTKR VIII.\\n1( 84-1G87.\\nLAST GREAT ENTERPRISE OF LA SALLE.\\nThe Sieur de la Salle arrived from the west at Quebec\\nearly in ISTovember, 1683, and there embarked for Old France.\\nHe thus, unwittingly, took a last leave of the wide and wild\\ntheater of Canada, where, for sixteen years, he had played\\nso conspicuous a part as an explorer and negotiator with\\nthe Indians, sometimes achieving signal triumphs, but, more\\noften, experiencing severe reverses of fortune. After an\\nuneventful ocean passage, he landed at Rochelle on the\\n23d of December, and thence traveled by diligence to Paris\\nthen and still the eye of France, and the gay capital of Eu-\\nroj^e. Here he was joined by his lieutenant, La Forrest,\\nand later on, by Zenobe Membre, both of whom had pre-\\nceded him from Canada. Here, too, he found influential\\nfriends, who appreciated his merits and services to the\\ncrown. Among the number was his former patron. Count\\nFrontenac, who, though in retirement for the time, gave\\nhim the benefit of his influence, still considerable, at court.\\nLa Salle now prepared and laid before the Marquis de\\nSeignelay,* Mmister of Marine and Colonies, two memo-\\nrials (including a petition for the redress of his grievances),\\nsetting forth his discoveries and plans for the colonization\\nof Louisiana. He proposed to establish a fortified colony\\non the river Colbert, or Mississippi, some sixty leagues\\nabove its mouth, and to make it the principal depot for the\\ntrade of the great river valley. To accomplish this design,\\nhe asked for one war vessel of thirty guns, a few cannon\\nfor the forts, and authority to raise, in France, two hun-\\ndred men, who were to be armed and maintained at the\\nSeignelay was a son and successor of the great Colbert, who died\\nSeptember 0, l(iS3.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "154 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nking s charge for one year. He further proposed, with this\\nforce, and an army of Indian warriors, to be afterward\\nraised by himself, to undertake the conquest of New Biscay\\n(Durango), the most northerly intendency of Mexico, where\\nthere were not more than five liundred Spaniards. La Salle\\naccompanied his memorials with a map, indicating his dis-\\ncoveries in the country called Louisiana, which, however,\\nshowed that lie still had but an imperfect knowledge of the\\ngeography of that region.\\nIn the beginning of April, 1684, La Salle was granted\\nan interview with his majesty, Louis XIV., to whom he un-\\nfolded his fascinating scheme. The time was opportune for\\nhis application. The grand monarch had been long incensed\\nat Spain (with which kingdom he was now again at war)\\nbecause of her jealous exclusion of French ships from her\\nAmerican ports, and he was anxious to gain a permanent\\nfooting on the shores of the Mexican Gulf, within easy\\nreach of his West India possessions. It was, therefore, not\\ndifficult to obtain the royal assent and patronage to an en-\\nterprise which accorded so w^ell with his own ambition.\\nOur explorer had asked for the use of only one vessel, but\\nthe king, in his generosity, gave him four. At the same\\ntime, as an act of simple justice to La Salle, he wrote a\\nletter to Governor La Barre, at Quebec, directing him to\\nrestore to the former possession of Forts Frontenac and St.\\nLouis and La Forrest was shortly sent back to Canada,\\nempowered to re-occupy both forts in La Salle s name.\\nActive preparations were now begun for the colonizing\\nexpedition, and agents were sent to Rochelle and Rochefort\\nto collect recruits. About one hundred and fifty ex-soldiers\\nwere enrolled, most of wdiom, unfortunately, belonged to\\nthe beggar and vagabon,d class. There was, however, one\\nvokuiteer soldier, named Henri Joutel, who came from La\\nSalle s own town of Rouen, and whose father had been a\\ngardener to the Cavaliers. He proved a trusty and useful\\nofiicer, and subsequently became the principal historian of\\nthe exi)edition. La Salle had given orders to engage three\\nor four mechanics in each of the principal trades; but the\\nselection was so poor that when they reached their destina-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "Preparations for His Expedition. 155\\ntion it was found that they were very indifferent workmen.\\nEight or ten families of respectable people, and some young\\nwomen, attracted by the prospect of matrimony, offered\\nto go and help found the new colony. Their offers were\\naccepted, and considerable advances were made to them, as\\nwell as to the artisans and soldiers. Several adventurous\\nyoung gentlemen, of good families, also joined the expedi-\\ntion as volunteers. Among them were two nephews of La\\nSalle, the Sieur de Moranget, and the Sieur Cavelier, the\\nlatter being only fourteen years of age.\\nOne of the first cares of the leader had been to pro-\\nvide for the ecclesiastical part of his enterprise, in which it\\nbecame necessary to procure a special dispensation from the\\nPope. Applying to the superior-general of the Seminary\\nof St. Sulpice, the latter appointed three priests to accom-\\npany him and found a new mission. They were Jean Cav-\\nelier, brother of La Salle, M. Chefdeville, his relative, and\\nM. de Maiulle, called Dainmaville by Joutel. As the Re-\\ncollets had for a number of years actively seconded the de-\\nsigns of La Salle, he made it a point to take as many as\\nthree of those fathers with him also. He accordingly ap-\\nplied to the superior of that order, who granted him the\\nreligloas he desired, namely: Father Zenobious Membre,\\nsuperior of the mission, Anastasius Douay, and Maximus\\nLe Clercq.\\nSuch was the personnel of the soldiers, artisans, emi-\\ngrants, priests, and adventurers, who were to plant the\\nstandard of France and the cross on the wilderness shores\\nof far-away Louisiana. It were needless to observe that,\\nfor the most part, they were ill-adapted by discipline or\\nexperience for the stern task set before them.\\nThe fleet, which was furnished by the king, consisted\\nof four vessels, namely The Joly, a royal ship or frigate,\\ncarrying thirty-six guns the Belle, a small frigate of six\\nguns the Airaable, a store-ship and the St. Francois, a\\nketch of two masts. La Salle liad asked to be given sole\\ncommand of the expedition, with a subordinate officer and\\ntwo or three pilots to navigate the ships, as he might direct.\\nBut the Marquis de Seiguelay gave the command to Capt.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "156 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nBeaiijeu, of the royal navy, whose authority was restricted\\nto the management of the vessels at sea, while La Salle\\nwas to prescribe the route they were to take and com-\\nmand on shore. This division of authority displeased\\nboth men, and caused chafing and bickering between\\nthem from the start. Yet it was perhaps the best that\\nMinister Seignelay could do under the circumstances, as\\nLa Salle himself was without nautical skill or experience.\\nBeaujeu was a Franco-Norman, and an otiicer of approved\\nvalor and experience, but envious, self-willed, irascible,\\nand utterly wanting in the qualifications requisite to the\\nfounding of a distant colony. Moreover, his wife is said to\\nhave been dominated by the Jesuits, a circumstance that\\nexcited La Salle s suspicion. Amid the hurry and bustle of\\nthe embarkation. La Salle did not forget to write to his\\naged mother a farewell letter, which lias been preserved\\namong the family papers of the Caveliers.\\nAll things having been provided necessary for the voy-\\nage, the little fleet, bearing about two hundred and eighty\\npersons, including the crews of the vessels, sailed from\\nEochelle on the 24th of July, 1684. When two or three days\\nout, the bowsprit of the frigate Joly broke, which compelled\\nCapt. Beaujeu to return to the portof Chef deBois to procure\\na new one. This accomi\u00c2\u00bblished, the fleet again put to sea\\non the first day of August, steering to the south, southwest.\\nAfter weathering the Lshind of Madeira, they entered the\\nregion of the trade winds, and encountered two separate\\nstorms, the second of which dispersed the vessels. The Joly,\\nin which La Salle himself had taken passage, being a faster\\nsailer than the others, reached Petit Goave, on the west coast\\nof St. Domingo, on the 27th of September, and was soon after\\njoined by the Aimable and the Belle. The St. Francois, laden\\nwith ])rovisions, ammunition, and tools for the new colony,\\nlagged behind, and put in at Port de Paix, whence she\\nsailed to join the rest of the fleet; but during the night,\\nwhile her captain and crew thought themselves safe, they\\nwere surprised by two Spanish jtiraguas, which captured\\nthe ketch and her cargo. The loss of this vessel was prima-\\nrily due to the negligence of Beaujeu, who had refused to", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "ISca Voyage to the Gulf of Mexico. 157\\nstop at Port de Paix, although requested to do so by La\\nSalle. This was the first of the series of disasters that befell\\nthe expedition. It depressed the hopes of the colonists and\\ndistressed the mind of La Salle, who, shortly before his ar-\\nrival in St. Domingo, had been seized by a violent fever,\\nwhich afterward afiected his brain, and brought him to the\\nverge of the grave.\\nOwing to the continued illness of La Salle and other\\ncauses, the remaining vessels of his expedition were de-\\ntained at the port of Petit Goave, for over six weeks.\\nDuring this time they laid in fresh provisions, a store of\\nIndian corn, and all kinds of domestic fowls to stock tlie\\nnew colony. The French governor-general of the Isles,\\nand the governor and intcndant of St. Domingo, favored\\nthe enterprise in every way, and endeavored to restore a\\ngood understanding between La Salle and Beaujeu, so\\nnecessary to the success of the undertaking. Meanwhile,\\nthe soldiers and most of the crews plunged into every kind\\nof debauchery and intemperance, so common in the West\\nIndies, and thus contracted various diseases, of which some\\ndied in the island, and others never recovered.\\nAt length, on the 25th of November, the squadron,\\nnow consisting of three vessels, weighed anchor and again\\nput to sea. La Salle and his trustiest followers sailing in the\\nstore-ship Aimable. They pursued their way past the Cay-\\nman Isles, touched at the Isle of Pines to take in water,\\nand thence sailed to Cape San Antonio at the western ex-\\ntremity of Cuba, where they anchored. Attracted by the\\nbeauty of the spot, the French landed and rested here for\\ntwo days, and appropriated to their use some wine which\\nhad been left by the Spaniards. For fear of injury by\\nnortherly winds, said to be prevalent at the entrance to the\\nGulf of Mexico, on approaching it, they twice lay to, but\\nhappily entered on the first of January, 1685, when a sol-\\nemn mass of thanksgiving was celebrated by Father Anas-\\ntase Douay. The voyagers were now upon that great south-\\nern sea, over which no French vessel, carrying the national\\ncolors, had ever before sailed. Steering northward, they\\narrived on the 15th in sight of the Florida coast, when a", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "158 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nviolent wind eonipelled the Joly to stand off but the Aima-\\nble and Belle followed close to the shore.\\nLa Salle had been told in St. Domingo that the Gulf\\nStream ran with incredible velocity toward the Bahama\\nchannel. This false information, together with the incor-\\nrect sailing directions he had received, set him entirely es-\\ntray for thinking himself much farther north than he really\\nwas, he not only passed Appalache Bay without recogniz-\\ning it, but followed the coast ^vestward far beyond the out-\\nlet of the Mississippi, and would have continued to follow\\nit, if he and his fellow voyagers had not perceived by its\\nturning south, and by the latitude, that they had passed\\nthe hidden river. It will be remembered that when La\\nSalle w^as at the mouth of the Mississippi three years be-\\nfore, he had obtained its latitude, approximately, but not\\nthe longitude. Indeed, the mariners of that day knew lit-\\ntle or nothing about longitude.\\nThe Aimable and the Belle at last came to anchor,\\nabout the middle of February, at Espiritu Santo Bay, on\\nthe coast of Texas, and there awaited the arrival of Capt.\\nBeanjeu, who joined them a few days later with the Joly.\\nA conference was now held by the commanders, which re-\\nsulted in their resolving to retrace their course, and they\\nreturned ten or twelve leagues to a bay, which they named\\nSt. Louis, since known as St. Bernard, or Matagorda.\\nAs provisions began to fail, Beanjeu declined to further\\ncontinue the search on that exposed coast, unless his crew\\nwas provisioned from the stores of the colonists; to which\\nLa Salle objected. Finally, the Sieur La Salle, impatient\\nof further delay, anxious to get rid of his disagreeable col-\\nleague and command alone, and thinking, that the lagoons\\nof the coast might connect with the most westerly arm or\\noutlet of the Mississippi, decided to disembark his troops\\nand colonists on the western shore of Matagorda Bay. To\\nthis purpose, boats were sent to sound and buoy the inlet to\\nthe bay. This being done, the little frigate Belle was taken\\nin without accident on the 18th of February. On the 20tli\\nthe Aimable weighed anchor and started throuo-h the nar-\\nrow channel leading into the bay; but lier captain, M.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "He Lands on the Coast of Texas. 159\\nd Aigron, being on ill terms with La Salle, disregarded his\\norders, and either through gross negligence or design drove\\nthe vessel on the shoals, where she stranded, so that she\\ncould not be got off.\\nLa Salle was some little distance from the seashore\\nwhen this deplorable disaster happened, and was on the\\npoint of returning to remedy it, when he saw a large party\\nof wild Indians approaching. This necessitated his putting\\nhis men under arms, and the roll of their drums put the\\nsavages temporarily to flight, but he had trouble with them\\nafterward. The storeship remained stranded for three\\nweeks or more, without going to pieces, though full of\\nw^ater. The men saved all they could from her in boats,\\nincluding a quantity of flour and powder, but could ouly\\nreach her in fair weather. At length a gale arose, which\\ncompletely wrecked the ship, and scattered the residue of\\nher cargo on the waters of the bay.\\nAfter the landing had been eventually effected, which\\nincluded eight iron cannon from the hold of the Aimable,\\nBeaujeu prepared to depart for France. Although he and\\nLa Salle had been at variance throughout the long voyage,\\ntheir official relations became more amicable at its close.\\nHe seems, at heart, to have wished La Salle and his enter-\\nprise well, and was no doubt anxious to have it appear that\\nhe had discharged his duty as naval conductor of the expe-\\ndition, so as to avoid censure from the Minister of Marine.\\nBefore quitting this low and dangerous coast, it is stated\\nthat he offered to go to Martinique and return with addi-\\ntional provisions for the colony, but that La Salle, from\\nmotives of pride and over self-reliance, declined the ofter.*\\nOn the 12th or 14tli of March, after a polite leave-taking,\\nBeaujeu sailed away in the Joly, taking with him several\\nof the better class of the colonists, wlio had lost heart in\\nthe enterprise.\\nThe remaining adventurers, to the number of about\\none hundred and eighty, now found themselves stranded\\nSee the correspondence between Beaujeu and La Salle, printed in\\nVol. II of Margry s Publications.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "160 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nupon the borders of an unknown wilderness, nearly five\\nhundred miles from the place of their original destination,\\nand most of them were suffering, more or less, from dysen-\\ntery and other diseases contracted during their long sea-\\nvoyage. The first labor of the commander was to throw up\\nan iiitrenchment on the sandy beach, and to erect therein\\na temporary building in which to shelter his people and\\ngoods, and to protect them from the depredations of the\\nneighboring savages. The house was constructed of drift-\\nwood, cast up by the sea, and of the timbers and plank\\nfrom their wrecked ship. Leaving Joutel and Moranget\\nwith a hundred men at this naval camp, La Salle next set\\nout with some fifty others, including his brother and the\\nFathers Zenobe and Maxime, to explore the interior of the\\nbay, and seek a proper place to locate his colony. The\\ncaptain or pilot of the Belle had orders to sound the bay\\nand take his vessel in as far as he safely could. He accord-\\ningly advanced along the shore about twelve leagues, and\\nanchored opposite a point which took the name of Hurler,\\nfrom the ofiacer who was appointed to command there.\\nThis post served as a station between the camp on the\\nseashore and the fort, which La Salle and his party went\\n(on the 2d of April) to establish at the western head of the\\nbay. The site of the latter was fixed on a rising ground,\\ntwo leagues up a small river called LaVache, now La Vaca,\\nand in latitude about twenty-seven degrees north. The\\nbuilding of the fort was a work of severe and protracted\\nlabor, since there was no wood within a league, and all the\\ntimbers had to be cut and transported from a distance,\\nmany of them being brought from the wreck of the Aimable.\\nBy the 21st of April (Easter eve) the fort was so far\\nadvanced as to be ready for partial occupancy, and the\\nSieur de La Salle returned to the main camp. The suc-\\nceeding three or four days were devoted to celebrating with\\nall possible solemnity, under the circumstances, the festi-\\nvals of the church, after which preparations were made\\nfor removing the women and children, and such of the sick\\nas could be moved, to the new establishment. Meanwhile,\\nhowever, a few of the soldiers had deserted, and others had", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "Environs of his Texan Fort. 161\\ndied of the diseases contracted at St. Domingo, notwith-\\nstanding all the care they received, and the relief afibrded\\nby the use of broths, preserves, and wine.*\\nWhen the fort was completed, La Salle gave to it his\\nfavorite name of St. Louis. The naval camp at the mouth\\nof the bay was then abandoned, and Joutel and his com-\\nmand rejoined the main body of the colonists. The fort\\nwas mounted with eight pieces of rusty old cannon, and\\nhad a sort of magazine under ground for the safe deposit\\nof the more valuable eftects, in the event of fire. Here,\\nthen, in this lone spot on the Texan coast, the ensigu of\\nFrance was flung to the winds of heaven here a rude\\nchapel was raised, in which masses w^ere said and vespers\\nchanted by the missionary priests and friars; and here, too,\\nin the grassy prairie hard by, a common field was opened,\\nplanted, and tilled for the maturing of crops. By this early\\nyet transient occupation, the King of France gained a ^tAvv\\ncolor of claim to the country which, though contested by. -7 o^ou\\nSpain, was never finally relinquished until the vast and in-\\ndefinitely defined territory of Louisiana was ceded to the\\ngovernment of the United States. i^ fH\\nThe scenery environing Fort St. Louis was not without /f/\\nits charms, and served in a measure to relieve that feeling\\nof despondency arising in the minds of the colonists from r^ ^f-^jMr^v^\\ntheir isolation and misfortunes. At the foot of the stock-\\nade inclosure flowed the river, swarming with fish and\\nwater-fowl, and beyond that the bay, bordered by reedy\\nmarshes, stretched away to the south-east; while to the\\nsouth-west lay two large ponds, with a forest in the dis-\\ntance. To the north and west rolled a sea of grassy prairie,\\ndotted at certain seasons with grazing bufi[alo and wild goats,\\nSee I-e Clercq s (P ather Chretien) First Establishment of the\\nFaith in New France (Vol. II), for an account of La Salle s attempt to\\nreach the Mississippi by sea, and of the establishment of a French col-\\nony at St. Louis or ^Matagorda Bay. It is, in some respects, the best con-\\ntemporaneous narrative extant of that historical voyage. The discreet\\nfather only liiuts at the unfortunate disagreement between La Salle and\\nBeaujeu, but this matter is set forth in detail by Joutel and others.\\n11", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "162 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nand decked with the heautiful wild flowers for which Texas\\nis still remarkable. It was, in truth, as since demonstrated,\\na goodly land for the habitation of civilized man. But the\\ndegraded aborigines, with such uncouth names as Guoaquis,\\nGuinets, Bahamos, and Quealomouches, who then roamed\\nthe coast of this southern country, had no thought of cul-\\ntivating the soil, or of any other useful labor, beyond the\\nrequirements of a most meager subsistence.\\nHaving provided as well as he could for the comfort\\nand safety of his people, La Salle now prepared to renew his\\nsearch for the hidden river. But he iirst found it necessary\\nto make open war on the neighboring tribes of Indians,\\nwhose repeated acts of hostility gave him no peace and he\\naccordingly set out for this purpose on the 13th of October,\\nwith sixty soldiers, wearing wooden corslets to protect\\nthem against the arrows of the savages. In different en-\\ngagements with them he killed some, wounded others, and\\nput others still to flight. The execution thus done among\\nthe natives inspired them with terror, and rendered the\\ncolony somewhat more secure than before.\\nAbout the 31st of October, 1685, putting Joutel in com-\\nmand at the fort, with provisions for several months. La Salle\\nand his brother, with some fifty well-armed men, started os-\\ntensibly to seek the mouth of the Mississippi. The accounts\\nwe have of this long and rambling journey are rather\\nvague and contradictory. The leader himself was reticent\\nas to his plans and purposes, and the story told by the elder\\nCavelier is not very intelligible. They first passed eastward\\nalong the northern shore of the bay, and examined the out-\\nlets of the rivers emptying into it, none of which seemed\\nlarge enough to form an arm of the Mississippi. La Salle\\nthence turned northward and westward and traveled the\\ncountry a long distance, in the hope, it would seem,\\nof reaching the borders of Mexico. At length, on the\\n13th of February, 1686, liaving come to a large river,\\nhe built a small fort on its banks, in which he left a\\npart of his men, and with the others continued to explore\\nthe country in the direction of Mexico. Still advancing,\\nhe visited several villages and tribes, who treated him", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "His Wanderings in Texas. 163\\nkindly, and from whom he gained considerable information\\nin regard to the Spaniards, who were generally hated by\\nthe Indians in Texas. Under other circumstances, it would\\nhave been no very difficult task to have gathered an army\\nof native warriors and led them across the Rio del i^orte\\nbut La Salle was without horses and a sufficiency of men\\nto prosecute his contemplated invasion of New Biscay.*\\nHe was away on this expedition longer than he had expected,\\nowing to delays in rafting over so many rivers, and the ne-\\ncessit}^, wherever he went into camp, of throwing up in-\\ntrenchments to guard against Indian assaults. Retracing\\ntheir tortuous course, the leader and his followers reached\\nFort St. Louis in the latter part of March, tattered, weather-\\nbeaten, and worn out by long marchings and vigils, but\\nbringing with them a welcome supply of fresh meat for the\\nother colonists.\\nShortly before this the Belle, the only remaining vessel\\nof the colony, was lost on the farther side of the bay, though\\nit was some weeks before particulars of the accident were\\nreceived at the fort. Through a lack of precaution on the\\npart of those in charge of her, she was wrecked with all her\\nstores, consisting of thirty-six barrels of flour, a quantity of\\npowder, some tools, and a lot of the clothing and personal\\neffects belonging to La Salle. The priest Chefdeville, the\\npilot, and four of the crew escaped with difficulty in a\\ncanoe, but managed to save some of the papers and luggage\\nof their chief. Meantime, La Salle himself fell seriously ill,\\nthe fatigues of his great journey, and the tidings of this\\nlast misfortune, having overcome his physical strength.\\nIn truth (says the priest Cavelier, in his Relation du Voy-\\nage)^ after the loss of the vessel, which deprived us of our\\nonly means of returning to France, we had no resource but\\nin the firm guidance of my brother, whose death each of us\\nwould have regarded as his own. So long as the little\\nfrigate remained. La Salle had the means of following\\nalong the coast and finding the mouth of the Mississippi,\\n*According to Mr. Shea, La Salle was lured by Penaloso, a renegade\\nSpanish governor of New Mexico, to undertake the conquest of the rich\\nmines in northern Mexico.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "164 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nand he might also have sailed to St. Domingo and ob-\\ntained succor for his colony. But now, all his plans being\\ndisconcerted and his affairs brought to a crisis, he resolved\\nto try and reach Canada by land.\\nThis resolution was the result of dire necessity, and he\\nmust have anticipated the difficulties and hazards likely\\nto attend its execution. Preparations were speedily made\\nfor the journey and on April 22, 1686, after celebrating the\\ndivine mysteries in the little chapel. La Salle issued from\\nthe gate of the fort, accompanied by his brother, his nephew\\nMoranget, the friar Douay, the younger Duhaut, a German\\nfrom Wittemburg named Hiens,* and others to the number\\nof twenty in all. They traveled on foot, each man carrying\\nhis pack and weapons on his shoulders, and shaped their\\ngeneral course to the north-east. Crossing the Colorado on\\na raft, they journeyed through a pleasant country of alter-\\nnate prairie and woodland, decked with wild flowers, and\\nclothed in the fresh green livery of spring. After passing\\nthe Brazos and Trinity, and other smaller rivers, they\\nreached the habitations of the Cenis Indians (then a power-\\nful tribe, but now long since extinct), where they experi-\\nenced a friendly reception. Here the travelers were sur-\\nprised to see saddles, bridles, clothing, and various other\\narticles of Spanish manufacture, which these Indians had\\nobtained from their allies, the Comanches, who inhabited\\nthe country bordering New Mexico. After quitting the\\nCenis village, La Salle and his company advanced eastward\\nas far as the river Neches,! in the vicinity of which both\\nhimself and nephew were attacked by malarial fever. This\\nmishap caused a delay of some two months, and proved\\nfatal to the success of the expedition. When the sick leader\\nwas sufficiently convalescent to travel, he found that his am-\\nmunition was well nigh spent, and that four of his men had\\n*Hiens was an ox-bufcanecr, who had joined La Salle s expedition\\nat Petit Goave, in St. Domingo.\\ntThe name Tejas or Texas was first applied (b3 the Spaniards) as a\\nlocal designation to a spot on the river Neches, in the Cenis territory,\\nwhence it extended to the whole country. Yoakum s History of Texas,\\np. 52.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "His Journey to the Cenis Villages. 165\\ndeserted to the Assonis Indians. Under these untoward\\ncircumstances, no better alternative presented itself than\\nto return to Fort St. Louie. Their return march was\\ngreatly facilitated by the use of some horses, which La\\nSalle had bought of the Cenis, and they met with no serious\\naccident on the way, excepting the loss of one of their men,\\nwho was seized by an alligator while attempting to cross a\\nlarge river, supposed to have been the Colorado.\\nThe temporary excitement produced in the little band\\nof colonists by the return of their chief soon gave way to\\na feeling of dejection akin to despair, and La Salle had a\\nhard task to sustain their drooping spirits. But the jour-\\nney to Canada, by way of the Illinois, was their only hope;\\nand the chief, after a brief rest, prepared to renew the at-\\ntempt. In the month of November, while thus occupied, he\\nwas again taken sick with a flux, which prostrated him for\\nfour or five weeks. At the end of this time he was once\\nmore able to travel, and all hands at the fort were busied in\\nmaking from their scanty stores an outfit for his traveling\\nparty. Christmas day again came, and was solemnly ob-\\nserved. There was a midnight mass in the chapel, where\\nMembre, Douay, Cavelier, and their priestly brethren, stood\\nin vestments strangely contrasting with the rude temple\\nand ruder garb of the worshipers. And as Membre ele-\\nvated the consecrated wafer, and the lamps burned dim\\nthrough the clouds of incense, the kneeling group drew\\nfrom the daily miracle such consolation as true Catholics\\nalone can know.\\nIt was on the morning of the 7th of January, 1687,\\nthat La Salle mustered his small company of adventurers\\nfor this his last journey. The five horses purchased from\\nthe Cenis Indians were brought into the inclosed area of the\\nfort, and loaded for the march. Assembled here was the\\npoor remnant of the colony those who were to go, and\\nthose who were to stay behind. The latter numbered some-\\nthing over twenty persons. There was the Sieur Barbier,\\nwho was to command in place of Joutel the Marqu^is\\n*Parkman 8 La Salle and the Great West, p. 373.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "166 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nde Sablonniere, a dissolute young nobleman; the two friars,\\nMembre and Le Clercq, and the young priest Chefdeville\\nalso a surgeon, some few soldiers and laborers, seven women\\nand girls, and a few children all of whom were doomed\\nin this deadly exile to wait the issues of the journey, and\\nthe possible arrival of a tardy succor. La Salle had pre-\\nviously caused an earthwork to be throw^i up around the\\nhabitations of the colonists adjoining the fort, and had\\ntaken other precautions for their safety. He now made\\nthem a farewell address, full of touching pathos, and\\ndelivered with that engaging air which this unhappy man\\nsometimes assumed, and which moved them all to tears.\\nThen followed the painful parting scene. We separated\\nfrom each other, says Joutel, in a manner so tender and\\nso sad, that it seemed w^e all had the presentiment that we\\nshould never meet again. At length, equipped and armed\\nfor the journey, the adventurers filed from the gate, crossed\\nthe little river La Vache, and held their slow march over\\nthe prairie to the north-east, till intervening woods shut\\nFort St. Louis forever from their sight.\\nLa Salle s traveling party was made up of some good\\nand several bad men, and was perhaps not w^holly of his\\nown selection. It comprised his brother and their two\\nnephews, Moranget, and the boy Cavelier, now aged about\\nseventeen; the friar, Anastase Douay; the trusty soldier,\\nJoutel Duhaut, a man of reputed respectable birth and\\neducation Liotot, the surgeon of the company Hiens, the\\nGerman and ex-buccaneer; the Sieur de Marie; Teissier, a\\npilot L Archeveque, a servant of Duhaut, and a few\\nothers, numbering in all seventeen. Besides these, there\\nwas Nika, La Salle s Shawanoe hunter, who, together with\\nanother Indian, had twice crossed the ocean with him,\\nand still followed his fortunes with an admiring though\\nundemonstrative fidelity. f\\nPursuing the same route as before, the travelers ad-\\nvanced over a level country of grassy prairies and wooded\\nJoutel s Journal Historique.\\ntParkman s La Salle and the Great West, p. 397.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "Murder of his Ncpheio, Moranget. 167\\nriver bottoms, meeting on the way a war party of the\\nBahamos, and several other bands of Indians, more or less\\nfriendly. They successively crossed the Colorado and the\\nBrazos in a portable canoe covered with bullocks hides, and,\\nafter passing several other smaller streams, encamped near\\na western tributary of the Trinity, on the 15th of March.\\nLa Salle was now in the vicinity of some corn and\\nbeans, which he had concealed in a pit during his former\\nexpedition, and he sent seven of his men to find it. They\\nwere Duhaut, Liotot, Hiens, Teissier, L Archeveque, Nika,\\nthe Indian hunter, and Saget, a servant of the chief. They\\nfound and opened the cache, but its contents were unfit for\\nuse. In returning, however, they killed two buifaloes, and\\nsent Saget back to the main camp for horses to bring in\\nthe meat. The next day La Salle ordered Moranget and\\nDe Marie to go with his servant and the horses to the\\nhunters camp. Proceeding on their errand, the latter\\nfound the carcasses of the buffaloes cut up and placed upon\\na scaffold to dry. In accordance with a custom among\\nhunters, Duhaut and his companions had put aside the\\nmarrow bones and other choice bits of the game for their\\nown use. Seeing this, the hot-headed Moranget, whose\\nquarrelsome temper had before involved him in difficulties,\\nfell into a rage and abused and menaced Duhaut and his\\nfriends, and ended by appropriating both the smoked meat\\nand the bones to himself. This outburst of passion seems\\nto have kindled into an avenging flame an old grudge\\nwhich Duhaut had cherished toward Moranget, as well as\\nhis uncle.\\nDuhaut thereupon withdrew, and privately conspired\\nwith Liotot, Hiens, and others of their party, upon a bloody\\nrevenge. Waiting until night, when the Sieur Moranget,\\ntheir principal victim, after taking his turn at watch, had\\nfallen asleep, the conspirators silently approached the spot\\nwhere he lay, and while the others stood by with their guns\\ncocked, Liotot brained him with an ax. I^ika, the Indian,\\nand Saget, La Salle s footman, were dispatched in the same\\nmanner. The last two died without a struggle, but it ap-\\npears to have been otherwise with Moranget. The sacrifice", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "168 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nof the unoffending Nika and Saget shows the deep-seated\\nvillany of the assassins but it was no doubt made in order\\nto cut off all communication with the chief, whom they\\nhad singled out as their next and main victim. And so\\nit often happens that the commission of one bloody crime\\nleads on to another, and still another, until at last the per-\\npetrator expiates his offenses with his own life.\\nMeanwhile, La Salle himself was at the main camp,\\nsix miles or more away, impatiently waiting the return of\\nhis nephew and party. Two days were thus passed in\\npainful suspense, when, on the morning of the 19tli of\\nMarch, he started out in search of his missing relative and\\nservant, accompanied only by Father Douay and an Indian\\nguide. Joutel, whom he had at first intended to take with\\nhim, was left in charge of the camp, with instructions to\\nkeep a strict watch for it seems that La Salle, always\\nmore or less suspicious, had observed the mutinous spirit\\nof some of his men.\\nAll the way, writes Father Douay, he conversed\\nwith me of matters of piety, grace, and predestination; ex-\\npatiating on all his obligations to God for having saved him\\nfrom so many dangers during the last twenty years that he\\nhad traversed America. Suddenly, I saw him\\nplunged into a deep melancholy, for which he himself could\\nnot account; he was so troubled that I did not know him\\nany longer (and) as this state was far from being natural\\nto him, I roused him from his lethargy. Two leagues after,\\nwe found the bloody cravat of his lackey he perceived two\\neagles flying over his head, and at the same time discovered\\nsome of his people on the edge of the river, which he ap-\\nproached, asking for his nephcAv. They answered in broken\\nwords, showing us where we should find him. We pro-\\nceeded some steps along the bank to the fatal spot, where\\ntwo of these murderers were hidden in the grass, one on\\neach side with guns cocked one missed Monsieur de la\\nSalle, the other firing at the same time shot him in the\\nhead he died an hour after, on the 9th of March, 1687.\\nI expected the same fate, but this danger did not oc-\\n^cupy my thoughts penetrated with grief at so cruel a spec-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "His Assassination. 169\\ntacle, I saw him fall a step from me, with his face all full of\\nblood I watered it with my tears, exhorting him to the\\nbest of my power to die well. He had confessed and ful-\\nfilled his devotion just before we started he had still time\\nto recapitulate a part of his life, and I gave him absolution.\\nMeanwhile his murderers, as much alarmed as I,\\nbegan to strike their breasts and detest their blindness. I\\ncould not leave the spot where he had expired without hav-\\ning buried him, as well as I could, after which I raised a\\ncross over his grave.\\nSuch is the simple and pathetic narrative of the only\\neye-witness, who has given us an account of La Salle s un-\\nhappy death. So much of this narration as relates to the\\nalleged manifestation of remorse by his murderers, to the\\nburial of his body and the erection of a cross over it, is ex-\\npressly contradicted by Joutel, and is not sustained by any\\nwriting of the elder Cavelier. Indeed, it is affirmed that\\nDouay told a different story at the time and it would seem\\nthat he invented these fictions to soften the atrocity of the\\ncrime itself, as also to support liis own character as a priest\\nand man of resolution. As supplementary to the above,\\nwe here give M. Joutel s account of the catastrophe\\nHe (La Salle) seemed to have some presage of his\\nmisfortune, inquiring of some whether the Sieurs Liotot,\\nHiens, and Duhaut had not expressed some discontent.\\nAnd not hearing any thing of it, he could not forbear set-\\nting out the 20th, with Father Anastasius (Douay) and an\\nIndian, leaving me the command in his absence, and charg-\\ning me to go the rounds about our camp, to prevent being\\nsurprised, and to make a smoke for him to direct his way\\nin case of need. When he came near the dwelling (camp)\\nof the murderers, looking out sharp to discover something,\\nhe observed eagles fluttering about a spot not far from them,\\nwhich made him believe they had found some carrion, and\\nhe fired a shot, which was the signal of his death and for-\\nwarded it.\\nSee Douay s Narrative, in Shea s Discov. and Explo. of the Mies.\\nVal., pp. 213-14.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "170 Last Great Enterprise of La Salic.\\nThe conspirators, hearing the shot, concluded it was\\nM. de la Salle, who was come to seek them. They made\\nready their arms, and provided to surprise him, Duhaut\\npassed the river, with Larcheveque. The first of them spy-\\ning M. de la Salle at a distance, as he was coming toward\\nthem, advanced and hid themselves among the high weeds,\\nto wait his passing by so that M. de la Salle, suspecting\\nnothing, and having not so much as charged his piece again,\\n\u00c2\u00abaw the aforesaid Larcheveque at a good distance from him,\\nand immediately asked for his nephew, Moranget, to which\\nLarcheveque answered that he was along the river. At the\\nsame time the traitor, Duhaut, tired his piece and shot M.\\nde la Salle through the head, so that he dropped down dead\\non the spot, without speaking one word. This is\\nthe exact relation of that murder, as it was presently after\\ntold me by Father Anastasius.\\nThe shot which had killed M. de la Salle was also\\na signal of the murder to the (other) assassins for them to\\ndraw near. They all repaired to the place where the\\nwretched dead corpse lay, which they barbarously stripped\\nto the shirt, and vented their malice in vile and opprobri-\\nous language. The surgeon, Liotot,* said several times, in\\nscorn and derision There thou liest, great bashaw\\nThere thou liest! In conclusion, they dragged it naked\\namong the bushes, and left it exposed to the ravenous\\nwild beasts, t\\nThe precise locality of this gloomy tragedy, or suc-\\ncession of tragedies, can not now be determined. It is said\\n(correctly, we think) to have occurred on a small tributary\\nof the Trinity, since it was only about three days slow jour-\\nney from thence to the main trunk of that river. But Mr.\\nSparks, in his Life of La Salle, says, the place was proba-\\nbly on one of the streams flowing into the Brazos from the\\nAccording to Tonty s Relation, Liotot s grievance against La Salle\\nwas, that in the journey along the sea-coast, he had compelled the\\nbrother of Liotot, who could not keep up, to return to the camp, and\\nthat in returning alone he was killed by the savages; but this is not\\nconfirmed by Joutel.\\ntSee Joutel s Journal, printed in the Hist. Coil s of La., edited by\\nB. F. French, N. Y., 184G, Part L, pp. 143, 144.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "His Character. 171\\n^ast, perhaps forty or fifty miles north of the present\\ntown of Washington, Texas.\\nThus violently ended, at the age of forty-three years\\n;and four months, the extraordinary career of Robert Cave-\\nlier, Sieur de la Salle; a man celebrated alike for his\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2daring and discoveries, his merits and misfortunes. We\\ncould have wished that his life had been longer spared, so\\nthat he might have found means to extricate the remnant\\nof his Texan colony from impending destruction. The\\ncharacter of La Salle has been drawn by many difterent\\npens, yet, in general, they have found it easier to sum up\\nhis defects and failures than to set in a proper light his\\ntranscendent virtues. His reputation as a successful ex-\\nplorer and colonizer would probably have stood higher\\nwith his contemporaries and posterity, if he had never em-\\nbarked from France on his last expedition to the Mis-\\nsissippi; but then his name would be divested of much\\nof that dramatic and tragic interest with which it is en-\\nshrouded.\\nHennepin, in the preface to his New Discovery,\\nwritten chiefly for Dutch and English readers, uses this harsh\\nlanguage in regard to La Salle s melancholy fate God\\nknows that I am sorry for his unfortunate death bitt the\\njudgments of the Almighty are just, for that gentleman\\nwas killed by one of his own men, who were at last sensi-\\nble that he exposed them to visible dangers without any\\nnecessity, and for his private design.\\nAgain, in his Nouveau Voyage, or continuation of\\nhis New Discovery, he writes in a difterent strain, as\\nfollows Thus fell the Sieur Robert Cavelier de la Salle,\\na man of considerable merit, constant in adversities, fear-\\nless, generous, courteous, ingenious, and capable of every-\\nthing. He labored for twenty years together to civilize\\nthe savage humors of a great number of barbarous people\\namong whom he traveled, and had the ill-hap to be mas-\\nsacred by his own servants, whom he had enriched. He\\ndied in the vigor of his age, in the midddle of his course,\\nEnglish edition, London, 1699, p. 34.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "172 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nbefore he could execute the design he had formed on Xew\\nMexico. Elsewhere, in the same work, Hennepin further\\nsajs La Salle was a person qualified for the greatest un-\\ndertakings, and may be justly ranked amongst the most\\nfamous travelers that ever were.\\nHenri Joutel, the fullest and most reliable historian of\\nLa Salle s Texas expedition, has drawn the character of his\\ncommander in these measured words\\nlie had a capacity and talent to make his enterprises\\nsuccessful his constancy and courage, and extraordinary\\nknowledge in the arts and sciences, which rendered him fit\\nfor any thing, together with an indefatigable habit of body^\\nwhich made him surmount all difiiculties, would have pro-\\ncured a glorious issue to his undertaking, had not all these\\nexcellent qualities been counterbalanced by too haughty a\\nbehavior, which sometimes made him insupportable, and\\nby a rigidness to those under him, which at last drew on\\nhim their implacable hatred, and was the occasion of his\\ndeath.*\\nThis careful estimate seems just and impartial, though\\nJoutel did not know La Salle at his best, but rather when\\nhis constitution was broken by disease, and his temper\\nsoured by misfortunes. Moreover, he lived too near him to\\nfully appreciate the magnitude and significance of his serv-\\nices as a pioneer of civilization in North America. From\\nthe charge of harshness and tyranny toward his men. La\\nSalle, in a letter written to a business correspondent some\\nfive years before his death, thus defends himself:\\nThe facility I am said to want is out of place with this\\npeople, who are libertines for the most part; and to indulge\\nthem means to tolerate blasphemy, drunkenness, lewdness,\\nand license, incompatible with any kind of order. It will\\nnot be found that I have, in any case whatever, treated any\\nman harshly, except for blasphemies and other such crimes\\nopenly committed. I am a Christian, and do not\\nwant to bear the burden of their crimes.\\nJoutel e Journal Hhtorique.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "His Character. 173\\nAlthough proud, shy, cold, and austere in his general\\ndeportment, La Salle was not incapable of inspiring strong\\nattachments among those to whom he gave his confidence,\\nand who had the penetration to discern the lofty bearing of\\nhis genius. He required every sacrifice at the hands of the\\nmen in his employ, but he himself led the way in every\\ndifficulty and every danger. He was something of an en-\\nthusiast, and about his various schemes and enterprises\\nthere was much that appeared visionary and impracticable\\nyet such was his persevering energy that he succeeded in\\nmany things where others would have faltered and failed,\\nand his failure to found a colony at the outlet of the Mis-\\nsissippi was largely due to circumstances beyond his per-\\nsonal control.\\nIn no one particular was his superiority over contem-\\nporary explorers more manifest than in his intercourse with\\nthe aborigines of the country, whom he every- where made\\nsubservient to his designs. He was greatly respected by\\nthe Indians throughout the Mississippi Valley. This was\\nattributable not only to his liberal and conciliatory policy\\nin dealing with them, but to his grave and taciturn man-\\nner, which comported well with their own ideas of dignity\\nand decorum. It is worthy of remark, in passing, that he\\nnearly always traveled with a train of ecclesiastics, showing\\na preference for the Recollets. They went not merely as\\nmissionaries to convert the heathen, but to assist him in his\\nenterprises and write up his doings, and were among his\\nmost efiicient and faithful coadjutors. He was not a pru-\\ndent or successful business man his transactions as an In-\\ndian trader and fur-dealer, though on a large scale, were\\nusually attended with loss, and he died hopelessly insol-\\nvent. His ambition was fame fame as a discoverer and\\nexplorer of new and unknown lands. For the gratification\\nof this passion he sacrificed his means, his comfort, his\\nhealth, and finally life itself. His plans were too extensive\\nand complex for his resources or credit, and even his un-\\ncommon energy and fortitude could not always cope with\\nthe enmities and jealousies that were constantly arrayed\\nagainst him. Nevertheless, he stands in the history of the", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "174 Last Great Enterprise of La Salle.\\nperiod as the foremost pioneer in North America. More-\\nover, he was the first chartered owner and occupant of Illi-\\nnois, and the first to establisli a European settlement on\\nher soil.\\nPhysically as well as intellectually, La Salle seemed\\nborn to command. He was of a tall and martial figure,,\\nand appears to have inherited a vigorous constitution,\\nwhich, however, was considerably impaired by sickness\\nand hardships in his later years. His picture represents\\nhim with a fine oval face, and a high open forehead. From\\nhis Norman lineage he derived his pluck and tenacity of\\npurpose, qualities that nearly allied him to the ruling class\\nof England. He was never married, and left no oftspring\\nto perpetuate his name and fame. He held his lease of life\\nby the same fragile thread as the meanest camp-follower in\\nhis train. He died a martyr to his own ambition and the\\nglory of France. He was one of those great actors on the\\nstage of our earlier continental history, about whom men\\nwrite and converse while he sleeps the sleep that knows no\\nwaking. It has been felicitously observed of him, that he\\nwas as brave as the bravest, as pure as the purest, and as\\nunfortunate as the most unfortunate.\\nIn Masson s Abridgment of Guizot s History of France, p. 490,.\\nis the following condensed yet graphic, recital of La Salle s achieve-\\nments: La Salle, in his intrepid expeditions, discovered the Ohio and\\nIllinois, navigated the great lakes, crossed (descended) the Mississippi,\\nwhich the Jesuits had been the first to reach, and pushed on as far as\\nTexas. Constructing forts in the midst of savage districts, taking pos-\\nsession of Louisiana in the name of Louis XIV., abandoned by (some\\nof) his comrades, and losing the most faithful of them by death, attacked\\nby savages, betrayed by his own men, thwarted in his prospects by his\\nenemies, this indefatigable man fell at last beneath the blows of a few\\nmutineers in 1687, just as he was trying to get back to New France. He\\nleft the field open after him to innumerable travelers (and adventurers)\\nof every nation and tongue, who were one day to leave their mark on\\nthose measureless tracts. It is the glory and misfortune of France to\\nalways lead the van in the march of civilization, without having the\\nwit to profit by the discoveries and the sagacious boldness of her chil-\\ndren.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "The Travelers Cross the Trinity. 175\\nCHAPTER IX.\\n1687-1689.\\nSURVIVORS OF LA SALLE s TEXAN COLONY.\\nThe surviving members of La Salle s traveling party,\\nwho were not in sympathy with his murder, refrained from\\nopenly expressing their indignation through fear of their\\nown lives, and uneasily awaited the issue of events. Mean-\\nwhile, Duhaut and Liotot seized upon every thing in the\\ncamp belonging to the late commander, and arrogated to\\nthemselves the command in his stead.\\nOn the 20th of March, the day following the catastro-\\nphe, the combined party broke camp and recommenced\\ntheir journey, as if anxious to get away from the gloomy\\nlocality. Impeded in their advance by heavy rains they\\nwere three days in reaching the main stream of the Trinity,\\nwhich they crossed in a boat made of raw hides, swimming\\ntheir horses. Continuing their slow march through the\\ntimbered valley to the vicinity of another and smaller\\nriver,* the travelers halted and held a council in regard to\\ntheir future movements. Being short of provisions, it was\\ndecided that Liotot, Hiens, Teissier, and Joutel should pro-\\nceed to the villages of the Cenis Indians, about ten leagues,\\naway to the north-east, and there barter for a supply of maize\\nand beans. Joutel was thus assigned to the companionship\\nof three villains whom he detested, and at the same time\\nsuspected of contriving an opportunity to take his life, be-\\ncause of his fidelity to their late commander. But having\\nno choice in the matter, he dissembled his fears and set off\\nwith his sinister associates. A day s ride brought them to\\nthe nearest Cenis village, which consisted of a scattered\\ngroup of large, grass-thatched lodges, resembling huge hay\\nricks. The Frenchmen were received with much ceremony\\nProbably an eastern arm of the Trinity,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "176 Survivors- of La Salic s Texan Colony.\\nbj the painted and tattooed elders of the village, and were as-\\nsigned a cottage in which to lodge. But these Indian hosts,\\nwhile feeding their visitors by day, did not hesitate to pilfer\\nfrom them by night as opportunity offered. They had no\\nreligion worth considering, and, in common with the sur-\\nrounding tribes, were more or less addicted to cannibalism.\\nAfter a few days stay at the village, the companions of\\nJoutel returned to the French camp, leaving him to con-\\ntinue the traffic alone. During his sojourn there he met\\nwith two French sailors named Ruter and Grollet (Jacques),\\nwho had forsaken La Salle on the occasion of his journey\\nto this region in the preceding year, and who were now\\ndomesticated among the Cenis. When apprised of the\\nmurder of his late commander, Ruter expressed both sur-\\nprise and regret.\\nSome days afterward, Joutel was ordered to return\\nwith the provisions he had purchased to Duhaut s camp,\\nand upon his arrival thither found a miserable state of af-\\nfairs. The elder Cavelier and Friar Douay had been treated\\nwith harshness and contempt by Duhaut and Liotot, and\\nwere constrained to prepare their meals apart to themselves.\\nJoutel now joined them, and around their own camp-fire\\nthey talked of nothing else but how to escape from the com-\\npany of the miscreants in which circumstances had placed\\nthem. No other feasible expedient presented itself except\\nto continue their journey to the Mississippi, and thence to\\nthe Illinois and Canada, as originally undertaken by La\\nSalle himself. In carrying out this plan, the first and prin-\\ncipal difficulty was to get the consent of Duhaut and Liotot;\\nfor they had already announced their intention to return to\\nFort St. Louis on the bay, and there build a vessel with\\nwhich to sail to the West Indies. The announcement of\\nthis impracticable purpose impracticable because their car-\\npenters were all dead, and they were without suitable ap-\\npliances and material for the work showed that those\\ndesperate men had no mind to peril their personal safety\\nby going to Canada. In pursuance of that resolution\\nIliens and three other members of the party were sent to\\nthe village of the Cenis to barter for additional horses.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "Survivors of La Salle s Texan Colony. 177\\nIn this critical posture of affairs, the elder Cavelier,\\nwith whom a sacrifice of truth cost no particular effort,\\nopened negotiations with the Sieur Duhaut. The old priest\\nrepresented that he and his friends were too mucli fatigued\\nby travel to undertake a journey bacl?: to the fort, preferring\\nto remain among the Cenis Indians, and requested a share\\nof the goods, for which he ofiered to give his note of liand.\\nTo this preposition Duhaut, after consulting with his com-\\npanions, unexpectedly assented, but soon afterward changed\\nhis mind on being told that it was the secret intention of\\nCavelier and party to proceed to the Illinois and Canada.\\nHe then gave out that he would go with them to execute\\ntheir design, which disconcerted and troubled the latter.\\nDuhaut and the others appear to have remained at the\\nsame camp, east of the Trinity, through April and until\\nthe first week in May, only advancing a little nearer to the\\nriver which lay between them and the village of the Cenis.\\nHiens and his three French companions were still at the\\nvillage, being detained partly by the overflow in the river,\\nbut principally by the attractions of the Cenis women.\\nDuring his stay there he heard of Duhaut s new plan of\\ngoing to find the Mississippi, and declared to those with him\\nthat he was not of that mind, and refused his consent.\\nAfter we had been some days longer in the same\\nplace, writes Joutel, Hiens arrived with the two half-\\nsavage Frenchmen (Ruter and Grollet), and about twenty\\nnatives. He went immediately to Duhaut, and after some\\n(heated) discourse, told him he was not for going toward\\nthe Mississippi, because it would be of dangerous conse-\\nquence for them, and therefore demanded his share of the\\nefl:ects he had seized. Duhaut refusing to comply, and\\naffirming that all the axes were his own, Hiens, who it is\\nlikely had laid the design before to kill him, immediately\\ndrew his pistol and fired it upon Duhaut, who staggered\\nabout four paces from the place, and fell down dead. At\\nthe same time Ruter, who had been with Hiens, fired his\\npiece upon Liotot, the surgeon, and shot him through with\\nthree balls.\\n12", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "178 The Assassins Assassinated.\\nThese murders committed before us, put me in a ter-\\nrible consternation for, believing the same was designed\\nfor me, I laid hold of my firelock to defend myself. But\\nHiens cried out to me to fear nothing, to lay down my\\narms, and assured me he had no design against me but\\nthat he had revenged his master s death. He also satisfied\\nM. Cavalier and Father Anastase, who were as much fright-\\nened as myself, declaring he meant them no harm, and that\\nthough he had been in the conspiracy, yet had he been pres-\\nent at the time when M. de la Salle was killed, he would\\nnot have consented, but rather obstructed it.\\nLiotot lived some hours after, and had the good for-\\ntune to make his confession after which the same Ruter\\nput him out of his pain with a pistol shot,* We dug a hole\\nin the earth, and buried him in it with Duhaut, doing them\\nmore honor than they had done to M. de la Salle and his\\nnephew, Moranget, whom they left to be devoured by the\\nwild beasts. Thus those murderers met with what they\\nhad deserved, dying the same death they had put others\\nto. t\\nThe Indian spectators looked with astonishment and\\nterror upon these brutal homicides, which put to shame\\neven their own thirst for blood. The Frenchmen present,\\nhowever, excused the deed to the savages by telling them\\nthat those two men had been killed, because they had all\\nthe powder and ball, and would not give any to the rest.\\nJean L Archeveque, who had been entirely devoted to Du-\\nhaut, was absent hunting at the time, and Hiens was for\\nshooting him on his return to camp, but was dissuaded\\ntherefrom by Joutel and the two priests.\\nThe only excuse or apology Duliaut and Liotot had\\noftered for their own atrocious crimes, was that they had\\nbeen driven thereto by despair at their ill-usage. If they\\nIt is related by Father Douay, in his account of these murders,\\nthat the flash of Iluter s pistol set fire to Liotot s hair and clothing,\\nwhich were burned on his body, and that in this torment he died. This\\nhappened nearly two months after the death of La Salle.\\ntSee Joutel s Journal in Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part\\nI., pp. 157, 158.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "Survivors of La Salle s Texan Colony. 179\\nhad remained at home in France, and not been subjected to\\nany great temptations, they might have passed through life\\nas respectable citizens but, as it was and is, their names\\nmust be consigned to merited execration and ignominy.\\nThese latter tragedies came like a thunderbolt from a\\ncloudless sky, and cleared the way for the escape of the in-\\nnocent members of the party. Prior to this, however, Hiens\\nand his associate outlaws had promised the chiefs of the\\nCenis to accompany them on a foray against a tribe called\\nthe Kanoatinos, who dwelt some distance off to the north-\\nwest, and with whom the former were at feud. To facili-\\ntate this purpose the surviving Frenchmen now decamped\\nand removed their head-quarters to the Cenis village. The\\ntwo Caveliers, Joiitel, Douay, and two others were lodged\\nin a cabin by themselves, where they were watched by the\\nvillagers, while Iliens and his six followers, armed and\\nmounted, went with the native warriors on their raid.\\nAfter an absence of less than a fortnight, the war party re-\\nturned, bringing with them several Indian prisoners, and a\\nnumber of scalps, as trophies of their victory over the\\nenemy.\\nWhen the savage feasting and rejoicing thereat, which\\nlasted several days, had come to an end, M. Cavelier and\\nJoutel took occasion to inform Hiens of their proposed\\njourney to and up the Mississippi. The latter atfirst stoutly\\nopposed the project, as he had no thought of going thither\\nhimself, but finally consented on condition that Cavelier\\nshould give him a writing certifying to his innocence of La\\nSalle s murder, which the priest did not scruple to do. For\\nthe rest, Hiens treated his departing fellow-travelers with\\nthe liberality of a successful freebooter, giving them a fair\\nproportion of the booty he had acquired by his recent vil-\\nlanous crimes. Before our departure, says Joutel s\\nJournal, it was a sensible affliction to us to see that villain\\nwalk about the camp in a scarlet coat, with gold galons\\n(lace), which had belonged to the late Monsieur de la Salle,\\nand which he had seized.\\nThe escaping party was composed of seven persons,\\nviz.: the two Caveliers (uncle and nephew), Joutel, Douay,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "180 Journey of the Escaping Party.\\nDe Marie, Teissier, and a Parisian youth named Barthelemy.\\nTeissier was an accomplice in the death of both Moranget\\nand La Salle, but had received a pro forma pardon from the\\nelder Cavelier. They had six indifferent horses, a quantity\\nof powder and ball, and some axes, knives, and beads, for\\nuse in barter with the natives on the route. They left the\\nCenis village without regret, late in May, and were attended\\nby three guides. Hiens embraced them at parting, as did\\nthe other half-dozen ruffians who stayed with him. The\\ngeneral course of the travelers was to the north-east, in the\\ndirection of the Lower Arkansas, which was more than\\nthree hundred miles distant. After several days travel\\nthrough an open country, passing hamlets and villages on\\nthe way, they readied the nation of the Assonis, or Nas-\\nsouis, dwelling near the river Neehes, where they were\\nfairly well received. Here they were detained by continued\\nrain until about the 13th of June, when they again set\\nforward, with fresh guides, on their journey.\\nThe travelers next approached the village of a tribe\\ncalled by Joutel the Nathosos, who inhabited the country\\nbetween the Sabine and lied River. The dusky dwellers\\nin this village had hitherto known the Europeans only by\\nreport, and coming out to meet their visitors, regarded them\\nwith great curiosity. Desirous of doing the Frenchmen\\nspecial honor, they took them on their backs and carried\\nthem into the village; but Joutel, being a large and heavy\\nman, bore down his carrier so much that two other Indians\\nhad to assist him, one on either side. Arrived at the chief s\\ncottage, their horses were unloaded, and one of the elders\\nof the village proceeded to wash the faces of the visitors\\nwith warm water from an earthen vessel. Then they were\\ninvited to mount a scaffolding of canes, covered with white\\nmats, where they sat in the burning sun and listened to\\nseveral speeches of welcome, of which they did not under-\\nstand a single word.\\nTaking leave of this hospitable people, our travelers\\nnext came to a village of the Cadodaquis, where they ex-\\nperienced a similar reception. Crossing Red River and\\napproaching the Washita, they arrived at the village of", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "Survivors of La Salle s Texan Colony. 181\\nanother Dation, who gave them a still more oppressive wel-\\ncome. As the leader of the party the elder Cavelier be-\\ncame the principal victim of the Indian attentions. They\\ndanced the calumet before him, singing as loud as they could\\nroar, beat upon their calabashes, stuck feathers in his hair,\\nand performed various other antics. The old priest en-\\ndured the irksome ceremony as long as he well could, and\\nthen, pretending that it made him ill, he was assisted to\\nhis lodge; but they continued to sing, howl, and dance all\\nthrough the night. The meaning of all this Indian cere-\\nmony was that their visitors should make them a present,\\nwhich was accordingly done to their satisfaction.\\nAt length, after a wearisome journey of nearly two\\nmonths from the Cenis, during which time they had the\\nmisfortune to lose one of their number (De Marie), who\\nwas accidentally drowned, the travelers drew near to the\\nArkansas River, at a place some fifty miles above its junc-\\ntion with the Mississippi. Conducted thither by their\\nnative guides, they at last stood upon the banks of the Ar-\\nkansas, and, looking across to the farther side, beheld an\\nIndian village, and below and near it on a small eminence\\nwas a cabin built of cedar logs, and a tall wooden cross,\\nevidently the work of French hands. Overwhelmed with\\nemotions of gratitude at their deliverance, they all knelt\\ndown and, lifting up their hands, gave thanks to the\\nDivine Goodness for having directed their footsteps to this\\nlittle outpost of civilization. Presently, two white men\\nemerged from the door of the cabin and fired their guns as\\na salute to the wanderers, who answered it with a volley\\nfrom their own. Then two canoes crossed from the oppo-\\nsite shore and ferried them over to the village, where they\\nwere heartily greeted in their own tongue by Messrs. Cou-\\nture and De Launay, two of six men whom Henri de Tonty\\nhad stationed there during the preceding year.* The\\nwhole distance from Fort St. Louis of Texas, to the Ar-\\nThis station was afterward known to the French as Poste aux Ar-\\nkansas, and later, to the Americans, as Arkansas Post. The Arkansas\\nIndians had two villages on this river, the second one being near its\\nmouth.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "182 Tonhfs Trij) to the Gulf of Mexico.\\nkansas, following the route of the traveling party, was\\ncomputed by Father Douay at two hundred and fifty\\nleagues.\\nIt may be remembered that in the spnng of 1685,\\nby an order of the King of France, M. de Tonty had been\\nreinstated in command at Fort St. Louis of the Illinois,\\nwith the title of captain and governor. In the autumn of\\nthat year, he made a special journey to Mackinac to seek\\nintelligence of his absent chief. Arrived thither, he learned\\nthat a letter had been received from Governor Denonville,\\nthen lately arrived from France, stating that La Salle\\nhad landed on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and that\\nhe had lost one of his vessels there. Upon hearing this\\nnews, Tonty returned to the Illinois, and organized an\\nexpedition on his own responsibility, and at his own ex-\\npense, to go to La Salle s assistance. Accordingly, on the\\n16th of February, 1686, he departed from Fort St. Louis,\\nwith thirty Frenchmen and five Indians, in log canoes, and\\ndescended the Illinois and the Mississippi to the Gulf,\\nwhich he reached in Holy Week. Finding no traces of\\nthe French colony there, he sent some of his canoes to\\nscour the coast for thirty leagues on either side of the di-\\nverging outlet of the river. But all this search was futile,\\nfor La Salle was then rambling in the distant wilds of\\nsouthern Texas. Disappointed yet not disheartened at his\\nfailure, Tonty wrote a letter to his commander, informing\\nhim of this trip in quest of him, which he committed to\\nthe keeping of an Indian chief of the Quinipissas tribe, to\\nbe delivered so soon as an opportunity should offer. He\\nthen returned with his force up the Mississippi to the mouth\\nof the Arkansas, which he entered and ascended some dis-\\ntance to a village of that nation. Here, on lands which\\nhad been previously granted to him by La Salle, the Sieur\\nde Tonty stationed six of his men, who volunteered to re-\\nmain, and who were to report to him any information they\\nmight gather from the natives or otherwise concerning his\\nchief.\\nBut to go back to the party of Cavelier and Joutel.\\nThey tarried for several days at the French outpost on the\\nI", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "Survivors of La Salle s Texan Colony. 183\\nArkansas, resting from the fatigues and anxieties of their\\nextraordinary journey. As chief spokesman of the party,\\nthe elder Cavelier related to M. Couture and De Launay\\nthe history of their long sea-voyage, and subsequent wan-\\nderings and sufferings in the southern wilderness, including\\nan account of La Salle s dismal end, which drew tears from\\ntheir eyes. For various prudential reasons, this last bit of\\ninformation was kept from the Arkansas Indians, who held\\nhim in great respect, and impatiently expected his return.\\nThe travelers departed from the house of the French-\\nmen about the 28th of July, leaving behind them their\\nhorses and young Barthelemy, the Parisian, who afterward\\ntold slanderous stories about La Salle s alleged cruelty to\\nhis men. They embarked with a number of the natives in\\na pirogue forty feet long, belonging to one of the chiefs of\\nthe village, and were accompanied part of the way by M.\\nCouture. Descending the Arkansas to the next village\\n(called Torriman) of that nation, they tarried there until\\nthe following day, when they went in two canoes to cross\\nand ascend tlie Mississippi, which had been so long the ob-\\nject of their search, and which Joutel terms, in his journal,\\nthe fatal river. After stopping to visit the third village\\nof the Arkansas, which was seated on the banks of the Mis-\\nsissippi, they thence proceeded up the river eight leagues\\nto Kappa, the fourth and last village of that people. On\\nthe 2nd of August our five travelers took leave of M. Cou-\\nture at the Kappa village, and re-embarked in a single canoe\\nwith four Arkansas guides. In their north-bound voyage,\\nthey found it requisite to often cross the river, and some-\\ntimes to carry their canoe and luggage, on account of the\\nrapidity of the current, and at night, for greater safety, en-\\ncamped on some one of the smaller islands. On the 19th\\nthey reached the mouth of the Ohio, to which their In-\\ndians made a sacrifice of some tobacco and buffalo steaks.\\nLeaving that behind them, and still ascending, they passed\\nthe confluence of the turbid Missouri on the first of Sep-\\ntember, and tho next day turned from the Father of\\nWaters into the quiet channel of the Illinois.\\nIn navigating this central part of the Mississippi,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "184 The Escaping Party Ascend the Mississippi.\\nneither Joutel nor Doiuiy observed any thing very remark-\\nable in the painted rocks of the Piasa, as described by\\nMarquette. The 2nd (of September), writes Joutel, we\\narrived at the place where the figure is of the pretended\\nmonster spoken of by Father Marquette. That monster\\nconsists of two scurvy figures drawn in red, on the flat side\\nof a rock, about ten or twelve feet high, which wants very\\nmuch the extraordinary height that relation mentions.\\nHowever, our Indians paid homage, by offering sacrifice to\\nthat stone.\\nFather Douay saw, and briefly describes in his narra-\\ntive, certain rude figures on another rock, some forty leagues\\nbelow the month of the Missouri, which, on Thevenot s re-\\nproduction of Marquette s map, is marked as the evil Mani-\\ntou of the Illinois Indians. Douay goes on to state, that\\nabout midway between the river Ouabache (Ohio) and that\\nof the Massourites, is Cape St. Anthony it was to this\\nplace, and not farther, that the Sieur Joliet descended in\\n1673. But in the above unsupported and improbable\\nstatement, the Recollet father simply displays his own ig-\\nnorance and jealousy of the prior discoveries made by\\nJoliet and Marquette; for it is morally certain that they\\nwent a long distance below the confluence of the Ohio.\\nBut to return from this die^ression. After enterino- the\\nIllinois River, it required ten days more of hai-d rowing and\\npushing to bring the travelers to the rock-seated fort of\\nSt. Louis, whither they arrived on the 14th of September,\\nand were once more among friends and countrymen. The\\nSieur de Tonty was away in the east, fighting the Iroquois\\nbut his lieutenant. Belle Fontaine, was in charge of the\\nfort, and his little garrison received the way-worn voyagers\\nwith a salvo of musketry, which was supplemented by the\\nwhooping of the Indian occupants of the Rock, who ran\\ndown to the river to meet them. As the season was grow-\\ning late, our travelers were eager to press forward to Que-\\nbec, in order to take shipping there for France. After a\\nfew days of repose, therefore, they took leave of Belle Fon-\\nJoutel s Journal Hlstortque. See ante, Chap. III. of this work.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "Survivors of La Salle s Texan Colony. 185\\ntaine and his men (from whom they had studiously withheld\\nany knowledge of La Salle s death), and proceeded on their\\nway up the river to Lake Michigan. On arriving at the\\nmouth of Chicago rivulet, they embarked on the waters of\\nthe lake in a canoe, which had been procured for that pur-\\npose at the fort but being driven back by stress of weather,\\nthey abandoned their design, buried a part of their effects\\non the lake shore, and returned to Fort St. Louis to spend\\nthe winter.\\nAt the close of the month of October, Captain Tonty\\nreturned from the Seneca war, accompanied by several of\\nhis French friends, and he now listened with profound in-\\nterest to the long and sad narrative of his travel-worn\\nguests from the south-west. With the connivance of his\\nparty, the elder Cavelier did not scruple to practice on\\nTonty the same deceit he had used with his lieutenant.\\nHe told him that La Salle had been with them nearly to\\nthe Cenis villages, and that when they parted from him he\\nwas in good health, which was technically true so far as a\\nmajority of the old priest s party was concerned. The\\nmain purpose of this studied deception was to derive all\\nthe pecuniary advantage he could from his character of\\nrepresentative of his brother. Besides, both he and his\\nassociates were still not without some apprehension from\\nthe accomplices of La Salle s murderers, should any of them\\nreturn to Canada or France. If the elder Cavelier had\\nbeen frank and candid with Tonty, the expedition which\\nthe latter subsequently undertook for the relief of the\\nTexan colonists might have been attended with better re-\\nsults. Friar Douay tells us that the presence of Tonty made\\ntheir stay at the fort much more agreeable, and speaks of\\nhim, as this brave gentleman, always inseparably attached\\nto the interests of the Sieur de la Salle, whose lamentable\\nfate we concealed from him, it being our duty to give the\\nfirst news to the court.\\nThe elder Cavelier carried a letter of credit from La\\nSalle whether genuine or not, it were needless to inquire\\nNarrative of Father Anastase Douay, in Le Clercq s Etablissement\\nde la Foi, vol. II.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "186 Cavelier s Deception of Tonty.\\nrequesting Tonty to furnish him with supplies, and pay\\nhim 2,652 livres in beaver skins. On the strength of this\\nand his verbal representations, Cavelier drew upon Tonty\\nto the amount, it is averred, of four thousand livres in furs,*\\nbesides a canoe and a quantity of other goods, all of which\\nwere delivered to him on his quitting the fort, and for\\nwhich in return he gave his promissory note. The only\\nexcuse for this deliberate deception and fraud was the des-\\ntitution of the old priest and his companions, and the\\nfurther fact that he had a claim against his brother s es-\\ntate, which, however, he must have known was insolvent.\\nIt seems hardly credible that during all this time, the Sieur\\nde Tonty should not have received a hint of, or even sus-\\npected, the death of his former commander.\\nAfter living upon Tonty s generous hospitality for six\\nmonths, the Cavelier party finally departed from Fort St.\\nLouis the 20th of March, 1688. Seven days of travel up\\nthe Illinois River and its northern fork brought them to the\\nChicagou, whence they again embarked on Lake Michigan,\\nand, after many perils, reached Michilimackinac on the 6th\\nof May.f Here the elder Cavelier disposed of a portion of\\nhis ill-gotten furs to a trader, and received in exchange an\\norder on a Montreal house. Being thus supplied with funds\\nfor the rest of the journey our travelers left Mackinac about\\nthe 5th of June, and proceeded by way of northern Lake\\nHuron, Frenth River, Lake Nipissing, and the Ottawa River\\nto Montreal. Here, after converting the remainder of their\\nfurs into money, they provided themselves with much\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Tonty s Memoir does not make it so much.\\ntThe Baron de la Hontan, who was then at Mackinac witii a small\\ndetachment of French soldiers, in a letter dated the 26th of May, thus\\nspeaks of Cavelier and his party: M. Cavelier arrived here May 6th,\\naccompanied by his nephew, Father Anastase, the Recollect, a pilot, one\\nof the savages, and some few Frenchmen, which made a sort of party-\\ncolored retinue. These Frenchmen were some of those that M. de la\\nSalle conducted upon the discovery of Mississippi. They give out that\\nthey are sent to Canada, in order to go to France, with some dispatches\\nfrom M. de la Salle to the King. But we suspect that he is dead, be-\\ncause he does not return along with them. La Hontan s Voyages, vol.\\n1, p. 87.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "Survivors of La Salle s Texan Colony. 187\\nneeded clothing and other necessaries, and then went down\\nthe St. Lawrence to Quebec, whither they arrived the 29th\\nof July. Taking passage on the 20th of August for Old\\nFrance, they arrived in safety at Rochelle on the 9th of Oc-\\ntober, 1688, and thence proceeded to Rouen. The wander-\\ners had been absent from home something over four years,\\nand during that period had performed one of the most ad-\\nventurous and remarkable journeys on record.\\nIt was not until their return to France, that the gloomy\\nsecret of La Salle s tragic death was disclosed. When it\\nwas told to Louis XIV., he gave orders for the arrest of all\\npersons concerned in the murder who might appear in New\\nFrance, but no one was ever arrested. M. Joutel had hoped\\nthat a royal ship-of-the-line would be sent out for the rescue\\nof the surviving colonists on the coast of Texas yet this\\nwas not done. Being occupied with other and, to him,\\nweightier matters, the king left the miserable little band to\\ntheir fate. In fact, it was probably too late then to have\\nsaved them from destruction.\\nThe priest, Jean Cavelier, made a written report of\\nLa Salle s expedition to Seignelay, the Minister of Marine\\nand Colonies, and also wrote a journal of the sea-voyage to\\nthe Gulf, which is in print, but was not brought down to the\\ntime of his brother s death. It is stated that he afterward\\ninherited a large estate from a relative in France, and died\\nrich and very old. Apart from his natural prudence and\\nself-command, he had most of the defects without any of the\\nredeeming and ennobling traits of La Salle and the cor-\\nrespondence of the latter shows that he entertained but\\nlittle aftection for this elder brother, who was always in-\\nterfering with or crossing his plans.\\nJoutel, writes Parkman, must have been a young\\nman at the time of the Mississippi expedition, for Charle-\\nvoix saw him at Rouen thirty-five years after. He speaks\\nof him in terms of emphatic praise but it must be admit-\\nted that his connivance in the deception practiced upon\\nTonty leaves a shade on his character, as well as on that of\\nDouay. Joutel s Historical Journal of that expedition did\\nnot appear in print until the year 1713. As he was only", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "188 Tonty Attempts to Succor the Texan Colony.\\nan ordinary scholar, it is fair to presume that he had the\\nassistance of a competent scribe in preparing his work for\\npublication. Its general accuracy and impartiality are\\nunquestioned, though in the matter of dates it is perhaps\\ninferior to Douay s Narrative. It contains the best descrip-\\ntion extant of the country of Texas at that early day.\\nWe now return to M. de Tonty. In September, 1688,\\nhe was visited at his fort in the Illinois by M. Couture,*\\nand two Indians from the Arkansas, who danced the cal-\\numet. It was then, for the first time, we are told, that he\\nlearned with sorrow and indignation of the lamentable\\nfate of his chief, and of the deceit that had been practiced\\nupon him by the elder Cavelier and party. The opinion of\\nthis Fidas Achates of M. de la Salle is epitomized in his\\nobservation, that he was one of the greatest men of the\\nage. The leader whom he had so long followed was, in-\\ndeed, beyond any human aid but the still surviving colo-\\nnists, languishing on the distant shores of the Gulf, might\\nyet be saved from extermination. He therefore resolved\\nupon an expedition for their relief, and furthermore, if it\\nwere found practicable, to make them the nucleus of a war\\nparty to cross the Rio del Norte into Mexico. Tonty s\\nmeans or resources were utterly inadequate to the accom-\\nplishment of so bold and difficult an undertaking never-\\ntheless, he made the attempt.\\nAfter some little preparation, this impulsive and chiv-\\nalrous man set off from his fortified rock early in De-\\ncember of that year (1688),t in a large canoe, with five\\nFrenchmen, two Indian slaves, and a Shawnee hunter.\\nPassing down the Illinois and tlie Mississippi to the mouth\\nof Red River, and thence up the latter stream, he reached\\nthe Natchitoches on the 17tli of the ensuing February, and\\nthe Cadodaquis on the 28th of March. The Cadodaquis\\nwere allied with the Nachitoches and the Nassoui. All\\nCouture was a native of Rouen, and a carpenter by trade.\\nt Parkman s La Halle and the Great West, p. 439.\\nTonty s own Memoir says that he set out on this journey in Octo-\\nber, 1689 but as he probably wrote from recollection, his dates can not\\nalways be relied upon.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "Suroivors of La Salle s Texan Colony. 189\\nthree of these nations dwelt in the Red River Valley, and all\\nspoke substantiallv the same language. Upon his arrival\\nat the Cadodaqnis village, Tonty was told that Hiens and\\nhis French confederates were at a village of the Naoua-\\ndiches, some eighty leagues to the south-west. But when\\nhe was preparing to go there, all of his men refused to fol-\\nlow him, excepting one Frenchman and the Shawnee In-\\ndian. Not being able to compel the attendance of the\\nothers, he set forward on the 6th of April, with the two\\nmen who were faitliful, and five native guides. A few days\\nafterward, in crossing a stream, his French companion lost\\nhis bag containing the most of their powder. But, un-\\ndeterred by this accident he pressed on to the Naouadiche\\nvillage, lying east of the Cenis, where the criminals were\\nsaid to be. Arrived thither on the 23d, he found no traces\\nof Hiens and his associates. When he inquired for them\\nof the head men of the village, they told him different\\nstories, and when he charged them with having killed the\\nFrenchmen, the women began to cry, from which he in-\\nferred tliat his charge was true. These villagers refused\\nTonty guides to further continue his journey, although, as\\nhe tells us, it was only three days travel from thence to\\nwhere La Salle had been murdered. Owing, therefore, to\\nhis lack of guides, and the shortness of his ammunition, he\\nwas obliged to relinquish his purpose of endeavoring to\\nreach the fort on Matagorda Bay. While at this Texan\\nvillage, he seems to have heard rumors in regard to the\\nbreaking up and destruction of the French colony on the\\ncoast by the Indians.\\nIn retracing their winding track, Tonty and his com-\\npanions found the country flooded by the heavy vernal\\nrains, and experienced incredible hardships in threading the\\nRed River wilderness. They had to construct a raft and\\npaddle through the water, sleep on logs laid one upon an-\\nother, build fires on the trunks of trees, and subsist on a\\nlittle bear and dog meat. He says, in his memoir, that\\nhe never suffered so much in his life as during this journey\\nback to the Mississippi, which was reached on the 11th of\\nJuly. Making his way thence to the village of the Coroae,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "190 Spanish Expedition to Fort St. Louis.\\nTonty stayed there several days to recuperate, after which\\nhe went up to his post on the Arkansas. Here he fell sick\\nof a fever, brought on by exposure, which detained him till\\nthe 11th of August. He then resumed his river voyage\\nhomeward, and arrived at Fort St. Louis, of the Illinois,\\nlate in September, 1689. Ten months were consumed in\\nthis extraordinary journey, which was one of the longest\\nand hardest he ever made.\\nThis unavailing attempt was the last that was made\\nto rescue the unhappy colonists from the savage immensity\\nwhich shut them out from home and civilization. Their\\nfinal extirpation by the Texas Indians was subsequently\\nlearned from the Spaniards in Mexico. By priority of dis-\\ncovery and occupation, Spain claimed all the country sur-\\nrounding the Mexican Gulf, and the viceroys of Mexico\\nhad been active and energetic in enforcing this claim.\\nThe capture of one of La Salle s vessels off the coast of\\nSt. Domingo had first made known his designs to the\\nSpanish authorities, and during the succeeding three years\\nas many as four expeditions were sent out from Vera Cruz\\nto find and destroy his colony. They scoured the entire\\ncoast, and even found the wrecks of his vessels, but owing\\nto the secluded, inland position of the French fort, it had\\neluded their search. The Spaniards therefore rested for a\\ntime in the belief that the intruders upon their territory\\nhad perished, when fresh advices from the frontier prov-\\nince of JSTew Leon caused the viceroy to order a renewal\\nof the search.\\nAccordingly, in January, 1689, Don Alonzo de Leon\\nstarted with a strong body of horsemen from a military\\npost in the province of Quagila (Coaliuila), and marched\\nnorthward over the barren mountains until he came to the\\nSpanish-Mexican town of Calhuila. He then turned to\\nhis right, and, crossing the Ivio Bravo del Norte, entered\\nthe territory of the Bahamos Indians. Guided thence by\\na French prisoner (supposed to have been a deserter from\\nLa Salle), he traversed the country to the north-east,\\ncrossing in turn the ISTueces, the San Antonia, and the\\nGuadalupe, and at length reached the Bay of St. Bernard,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "Survivors of La Salle s Texan Colony. 191\\ncalled by the Spaniards Espiritu Santo.* Arrived at the\\nFrench fort of St. Louis on the 22d of April, the Spanish\\nleader and his cavalcade proceeded to reconnoiter the\\nplace. They found the dead bodies of several of the colo-\\nnists, who had been killed by blows or pierced by arrows\\nalso a lot of old French books (mostly religious works)\\nscattered around, and a number of iron cannon mounted\\nupon navy gun carriages; but no living thing was there,\\nand no explanation of the mystery was obtainable from\\nthe stolid savages dwelling on the shores of the bay.\\nAfter an interval of several days, however, there arrived\\nat the Spanish camp two strangers, whose faces were\\npainted, and who were otherwise attired as Indians. They\\nwere James GroUet and Jean L Archeveque, the latter\\nhaving been one of the principal accomplices in the mur-\\nder of La Salle. Finding life insupportable among the\\nsavages, these two Frenchmen had come, under pledges\\nof good treatment, to surrender themselves to the Spanish\\ncommander. From them was obtained about all that is\\ndefinitely known in regard to the melancholy end of the\\noccupants of the fort.\\nThe neighboring Indians, as we have seen, had been\\nfrom the first on ill terms with the French colonists and\\nit appears that some three months before a band of the\\nsavages had stealthily approached the fort, the inmates of\\nwhich had been suftering from the small-pox, to take\\nthem by surprise. Fearing treachery, the French refused\\ntheir visitors admittance, but received them at a house\\nwithout the palisade, where the savages made a pretense\\nof trade. Suddenly, at a preconcerted signal, the larger\\npart of this band of warriors, who had been in hiding un-\\nder the river bank, rushed from their cover, entered\\nthe gate, and massacred nearly all of the French inmates.\\nL Archeveque and Grollet stated that they, with some\\nothers of their companions, came hither from the Cenis\\nvillages and buried fourteen corpesof the slain. The four\\nSee manuscript map of the route of the Spaniards in INIargry s\\nCollection.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "192 Final Destruction of the Colony.\\nchildren of a Canadian named Talon, together with an\\nItalian and a young Frenchman named Eustache de Bre-\\nmen, were saved hy some Indian women who had been\\ndomesticated at the fort, and who hurried them away,\\ncarrying the children on their backs. These young cap-\\ntives were all soon after surrendered to the Spaniards.\\nConspicuous among those who are believed to have\\nthus perished under the war clubs and scalping-knives of\\nthe vengeful savages were the two friars, Maxime le Clercq\\nand Zenobe Membre. And here it may be as well to col-\\nlate the known facts in the adventurous life of the latter,\\nwho died at about the age of forty-four. Agreeably to a\\nstatement of Hennejtin, Membre was born at Bapaume, a\\nsmall fortified town in the south part of Artois, Fratice,\\nabout 1645. His name of Zenobius was probably assumed\\non entering the Recollet convent in Artois. He appears\\nto have been a cousin of Father Chretien le Clercq, who\\npublished an abridgment of his letters and journals in\\nL Mablissement de hi Foi. With this cousin, he was first\\nsent out to Canada as a missionary in the year 1675. In\\n1682, after returning from the memorable expedition down\\nthe Mississippi, he was sent by La Salle to lay the result\\nof that expedition before the government of France.\\nHaving fulfilled his mission at court, he went to Bapaume,\\nand there held the ])Osition of Warden to the Recollets\\nuntil 1684, when, at La Salle s request, he was appointed\\nsuperior of the Recollet missionaries who were to accom-\\npany his expedition by sea to the Mississippi. After the\\nstranding of the Aimable at the entrance to Matagorda\\nBay, he came near being drowned while passing tiiat ves-\\nsel in a boat, which was driven by the force of the waves\\nagainst the wreck and dashed to pieces. In January,\\n1687, when La Salle finally left Fort St. Louis of Texas,\\nMembre was intending, as soon as possible, with the aid\\nof Father Maxime le Clercq, to establish a mission among\\nthe friendly Cenis Indians but this project was never\\ncarried out.\\nFather Membre was not a man of superior parts or\\nlearning, llis letters and journals are often involved and", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "What Became of Heins and Others. 193\\nobscure, yet they bear intrinsic marks of fidelity, and show\\nhim to have been a less prejudiced observer of men and\\nthings than some of his clerical companions. Neither his\\nnatal year, nor the month nor day of his martyrdom, is defi-\\nnitely determined but, surely, this amiable man and de-\\nvoted missionary merited a better and happier destiny.\\nL Archeveque and Grollet were sent to Spain, where,\\nin spite of the pledge given them, they were thrown into\\nprison, with the intention of sending them back (to Mex-\\nico) to work in the mines. The Italian was imprisoned at\\nVera Cruz. The fate of Bremen is unknow^i. Pierre and\\nJean Baptiste Talon, who were now old enough to bear\\narms, were enrolled in the Spanish navy, and being capt-\\nured in 1696 by a French ship of war, regained their liberty;\\nwhile their younger brother and sister were carried by the\\nviceroy to Spain. With respect to the ruffian companions\\nof Heins, the conviction of Tonty that they had been put\\nto death by the Indians may have been correct but the\\nbuccaneer himself is said to have been killed by liuter, the\\nwhite savage. And thus, in ignominy and darkness, ex-\\npired the last embers of the doomed colony of La Salle.\\nHere ends the wild, lurid, and most tragical story of\\nthe first Grallic explorers and colonists of Texas a story\\nwhich exemplifies the familiar adage that truth is often\\nstranger than fiction. Such was the dismal fate of others\\nof the earlier European settlements in America, until the\\ncolonists became sufficiently numerous and powerful to\\ncope with the ravages of disease and the hostility of the\\nsavages.\\nParkman s La Salle and the Great West, p. 445.\\n13", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "194 Illinois as a Dependency of Canada.\\nCHAPTER X.\\n1689-1712.\\nILLINOIS AS A DEPENDENCY OF CANADA.\\nAfter La Salle s ineffectual attempt to plant a colony\\nin tlie delta district of the Mississippi, it was over twelve\\nyears before the government of France essayed another\\nexperiment in that quarter. Busily engaged in a great\\nwar with William of Orange and the German princes for\\nEuropean supremacy, the French monarch had neither the\\ntime nor the inclination to indulge in projects of distant\\nand expensive colonization. During this long interval\\nthere was but little immigration into the Mississippi Valley,\\nnor were any steps taken by kingly authority for the gov-\\nernment of the newly-acquired territory. Meantime, how-\\never, the Jesuit missionaries and fur-traders from Canada\\nwere both active and enterprising the one in disseminat-\\ning the Catholic faith among the aborigines, and the other\\nin bartering cheap goods and fire-water for their furs\\nand pelts.\\nFort St. Louis continued for some years to be the seat\\nof French power in the Illinois, with Henri de Tonty as\\ncommandant and governor, whose authority extended about\\nas far in every direction as his French-Italian imagination\\nchose to stretch it. In 1690, or 1691, the company of Foot,\\nin which he had held the rank of captain since 1684, but\\nwithout receiving au}^ regular pay, was ordered to be dis-\\nbanded. Being thus thrown out of employment in the line\\nof his profession, he made a trip down the lakes to Quebec,\\nand there prepared and forwarded to the French Minister,\\nCount de Pontchartrain, a petition setting forth his mili-\\ntary and other service to his king and country, and praying\\nthat a new command might be assigned to him. The truth\\nof Tonty s statements was certified to by the then aged", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "Decline of Fort St. Louis. 195\\nCount Frontenac, who had been reinstated in the governor-\\nship of Canada in 1689, and who remained in office until\\nhis death at Quebec. In answer apparently to this peti-\\ntion, the proprietorship of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois\\nwas granted to Tonty, conjointly with La Forrest, another\\nformer lieutenant of La Salle. Here they carried on for\\nsome years a limited trade in furs with the Indians. In\\n1699 a royal decree was issued against the coureurs des hois,\\nwho had long been a source of disquietude to the Canadian\\ngovernment but an express provision was made in the\\ndecree in favor of Messrs. Tonty and Forrest, who were em-\\npowered to send up the country, annually, two canoes laden\\nwith goods, with twelve men, for the maintenance of the\\nfort. Again, in 1702, a provincial order was made to the\\neffect that La Forrest should henceforth reside in Canada,\\nand Tonty on the Mississippi, and the establishment on the\\nIllinois was discontinued. Some two years prior to this,\\nhowever, as the sequel will more fully disclose, Tonty joined\\nD Iberville s colony in Lower Louisiana. He thus finally\\npassed from the country of the Illinois, where he had been\\na conspicuous and honorable figure for twenty years, and\\nhad achieved for himself a name which will outlast the ef-\\nfacing fingers of time.\\nThe decline of Fort St. Louis was partly due to the\\ndispersion of the surrounding native tribes, but chiefly,\\nperhaps, to a change in the main route of French travel\\nand transit from the great lakes to the Mississippi the voy-\\nageiirs and fur-traders having found the portage shorter\\nand less difficult by way of the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers,\\nthan the Illinois. In 1718, the fort was temporarily re-\\noccupied by some French traders, but, three years later, it\\nwas again deserted and when Charlevoix passed by the\\nRock in 1721, he saw only the remains of its palisade and\\nrude buildings.\\nThe founding of Kaskaskia has been variously ascribed\\nto members of La Salle s party, on returning from their\\nexploring expedition to the mouth of the Mississippi in\\n1682 to Father Jacques Gravier about 1685 to Henri\\nde Tonty in 1686, and to others still, explorers or mission-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "196 Illinois as a Dependency of Canada.\\naries, at different dates, in the last quarter of the seven-\\nteenth century. But the Kaskaskia of our time is not so\\nold as was formerly supposed.\\nThe original site of this Indian settlement has been\\nidentified with that of the tribe of the same name, first found\\non the banks of the Illinois River, at or near the wide bot-\\ntom lying immediately to the south of the modern town of\\nUtica, in La Salle county. It will be remembered that\\nwhen Father Marquette and his companions returned from\\ntheir voyage of discovery down the Mississippi (in 1673),\\nthey stopped at a village of the Kaskaskias,* on the Up-\\nper Illinois, which then comprised seventy-four lodges.\\nBeing very hospitably entertained by the villagers, the\\ngood priest, at their request, returned thither in April,\\n1675, and began a mission among tliem called The Im-\\nmaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin. After the\\ndeparture and death of Marquette, as already related.\\nFather Claude Allouez was appointed to succeed him by\\nthe superior general of the Jesuits at Quebec.\\nFather Allouez came to America from Toulouse,\\nFrance, in July, 1658, and had been actively and zealously\\nemployed, with other priests, in planting Jesuit missions\\namong the Indians of the upper lake region. Having es-\\ntablished the mission on Green Bay, in 1669, he was as-\\nsigned to its charge, including the neighboring tribes.\\nDuring October, 1676, he set out from that station, with a\\nfew French attendants, on a voyage to his new mission at\\nthe Illinois, and on the way skirted the western and\\nsouthern shores of Lake Michigan. In his narrative of\\nthis roundabout voyage (printed in Shea s Discovery and\\nExploration of the Mississippi the Father says:\\nIn spite of all our efforts to hasten on, it was the\\n27th of April (1677), before I could reach Kachkachkia,\\na large Illinois town. I immediately entered the cabin\\nwhere Father Marquette had lodged, and the sachems, with\\nOn Thevenot s reproduction of Father Marquette s map, the name\\nof this tribe is printed Cuchouadiouia, but on liis original map, as pre-\\nserved at St. Mary s College, Montreal, it is written ^t c/(Aa8^/o.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "The Jesuit Mission at the Illinois. 197\\nall the people, being assembled, I told them the object of\\nmy coming among them, namely, to preach the true, living\\nand immortal God, and his son Jesus Christ. They listened\\nvery attentively to my whole discourse, and thanked me\\nfor the trouble I took for their salvation.\\nI found this village much increased since last year\\n(meaning probably 1(375). It was before composed of only\\none nation, the Kachkachkia. There are now eight the\\niirst having called the others, who dwelt in the neighbor-\\nhood of the Mississippi. You can (readily) form an idea\\nof the number of Indians who compose this town they\\nare lodged in three hundred and fifty-one cabins, easily\\ncounted. They are mostly ranged on the banks of the\\nriver. The place which they have selected for their abode\\nis situate at 40\u00c2\u00b0 42 it has on one side a prairie of vast ex-\\ntent, and on the other an expanse of marsh, which makes the\\nair unhealthy, and often loaded with mists this causes much\\nsickness and frequent thunder. They, however, like this\\npost, because from it they can easily discern their enemies.\\nThis description corresponds in the main with that of\\nFather Hennepin,* who says that the village was situated\\nat forty degrees of latitude, in a somewhat marshy plain,\\non the right bank of the river, which was as broad as\\nthe Seine before Paris. But some allowance must be\\nmade for the old latitude, which was too low, and, with the\\nFrench explorers, was never more than approximately cor-\\nrect. That this Illinois village stood in the vicinity of\\nblufis or high ground is evidenced by the remark of Al-\\nThe population of this great village had still further increased in 1680,\\nwhen Hennepin computed the number of lodges at four hundred and\\nsixty, with several fires to each lodge. The RecoUet Father Membre,\\nwriting in the same year, fixes the number of cabins at between four and\\nfive hundred, and estimates the entire Indian population at from seven to\\neight thousand. This large estimate probably included the Cascaskias,\\nwhose village he locates south-west of the bottom of Lake Dauphin\\n(Michigan), at about latitude 41\u00c2\u00b0 north. In Margry s publication (vol.\\nII., pp. 128, 175), as cited by Shea, we are also told that the village of\\nthe Kaskaskia proper, was two leagues below the mouth of the Peste-\\ngouki, or Fox (of Illinois), and six leagues below the confluence of the\\nChecagou (Des Plaines) and Teakiki, and that both it and the great vil-\\nage were destroyed by the Iroquois.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "198 Illinois as a Dependency of Canada.\\nlouez, that, from it they could easily; discern their ene-\\nmies.\\nIn his journal, just quoted, Father Allouez relates\\nthat he relaid the foundation of the Illinois mission by the\\nbaptism of thirty-five children, and a sick adult, who soon\\nafter died. He furtlier states that on the 3d of May, 1677,\\nthe anniversary of the Feast of the Holy Cross, he erected\\nin the village a cross twenty -five feet high, and chanted the\\nVexilla in the presence of a great number of the Illinois\\nof all tribes. In 1679 he revisited this mission, and re-\\nmained until the approach of La Salle s expedition of that\\nyear, when he withdrew to the north. In 1684 he again\\nrepaired to the Illinois, accompanied by M. Durantaye, who\\nthen commanded at Mackinac. He was there sick in\\n1687, when the Cavelier-Joutel party reached Fort St.\\nLouis from Texas, but left shortly after, on hearing that\\nLa Salle was still alive. Although chiefly a missionary to\\nthe Miamis, Allouez still clung to his Illinois mission,\\nwhich he probably visited once more in 1689. He died at\\nFort Miami, in 1690. He is described as the ablest of all\\nthe Jesuit Fathers sent to the Illinois. A man of cold yet\\npersevering temper, he seems to have ruled his extensive\\ncharge principally by the sheer force of intellect.\\nThe inmiediate successor of Father Allouez, in the\\nIllinois mission, was Sebastian Rasles,* who embarked\\nin a canoe at Quebec in August, 1691, and completed his\\nlengthened voyage in the spring of 1692. After laboring\\nvith the Illinois for a year or more, he was recalled to his\\noriginal charge among the Abenakis on the Kennebec, in\\nMaine. Here, after long years of laborious service, he was\\nbarbarously slain by a party of New England soldiers in\\nAugust, 1724.\\nFather Jacques Gravier, who had visited the Illinois\\nmission as early as 1687, received it from Father Rasles.\\nWith the permission of Captain de Tonty, he erected a\\nchapel within the palisade of Fort St. Louis, which over-\\nlooked the Indian village across the river. His relation of\\nOtherwise written Sebaetien Raslo, or Kale.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "The Jesuit Mission at the Illinois. 199\\noccurrences at the Mission of the Immaculate Conception\\nof the Illinois, from March 20, 1693, to February 15, 1694,\\npresents an interesting view of his toils and trials with\\nthese Indians. He remained in general charge of the mis-\\nsion until 1697, when he was recalled to his former station\\nat Mackinac. In 1700, he made a canoe voyage, by way of\\nthe Illinois and Mississippi, to the French establishment at\\nBiloxi. Remaining there some time, he returned to the\\nIllinois and resumed his labors among the Peorias. Here,\\nin an assault upon him, instigated by the medicine-men of\\nthe tribe, he received a serious wound, from the effects of\\nwhich he subsequently died at the Mobile, about the year\\n1708.\\nFather Gravier was among the first of the Jesuit mis-\\nsionaries to investigate the principles of the Illinois lan-\\nguage, and to reduce them to grammatical rules. He was\\nan earnest, able, and faithful missionary priest.\\nGravier was succeeded in 1697 by the Fathers Julian\\nBinneteau and Jacques (or Francois) Pinet, the latter of\\nwhom went to labor among the Tamaroas. Of Binneteau\\nit is recorded by Bancroft, that, having followed the Illinois\\nin one of their annual hunts on the prairies bordering the\\nMississippi, he was there seized with a mortal fever, and\\nhis bones were left to bleach on the wilderness range of\\nthe buffalo. His death occurred in December, 1699.\\nIn 1698, came Gabriel Marest, or Maret, who, four\\nyears before, had accompanied D Iberville on a voyage to\\nHudson s Bay, and had chanted aves to the benighted Es-\\nquimaux on its frozen shores. Father Marest was espec-\\nially associated with the Kaskaskias, whose language he\\neasily mastered, and in which he compiled a catechism.\\nIt was under his immediate guidance, in the year 1700, that\\nthe mission to the Kaskaskias was removed from the Illi-\\nnois River to the Mississippi. The subjoined account of\\nthe transfer and migration of the tribe is extracted from an\\nexhaustive article upon the subject by Hon. E. G. Mason,\\nof Chicago, printed in the Magazine of American His-\\ntory, for March, 1881 (Vol. VI):\\nBut the evidence, says Mr. Mason, that this mis-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "200 Illinois as a Dependency of Canada.\\nsion remained upon the Illinois River until the year 1700,\\nand that there was no settlement before that time upon the\\nsite of the Kaskaskia we now know, appears to be well\\nnigh conclusive, A letter written to the Bishop of Quebec\\nby John Francis Buisson de St. Cosme, a missionary priest,\\ndescribes the journey of his party from Michillimackinac\\nto the mouth of the Arkansas, b} the Illinois and Missis-\\nsippi Rivers, in the year 1699. They stayed at the house\\nof the Jesuit Fathers at Chicago, and set out from there\\nabout November 1st, on wliat one of their predecessors\\ncalls the divine river, named by the Indians Checagou,\\nand made the portage to the river of the Illinois. Passing\\nthe Illinois village before referred to, they learned that\\nmost of the Indians had gone to Peoria Lake to hunt.\\nArriving there, they met the Fathers Pinet and Marest,\\nwith their tiock, of which St. Cosme gives a good account,\\nand he speaks of their work as the Illinois mission.\\nThe party journeyed onward under the guidance of\\nLa Salle s trusty lieutenant, Tonti. While on the Illinois\\nRiver, certain Indians attempted to prevent their going to\\nthe Mississippi, and intimated that they would be killed if\\nthey did so. Tonti replied that he did not fear men that\\nthey had seen him meet the Iroquois, and knew that he\\ncould kill men and the Indians offered no further opposi-\\ntion. They reached the Mississippi the 6th of December,\\n1699, and the next day reached the village of the Tamarois,\\nwho had never seen any black gown, except for a few\\ndays, when the Reverend Father Gravier paid them a visit.\\nA week later, they ascended a rock on the right, going\\ndown the river, and erected a beautiful cross, which their\\nescort saluted with a volley of musketry, and St. Cosme\\nprayed that God might grant that the cross, which had\\nnever been known in those regions, might triumph there.\\nFrom the context of this letter, it is evident that this cere-\\nmony took place not far below the site of the present Kas-\\nkaskia, which St. Cosme must have passed to reach this\\nThe term divine was applied to the river Des Plaiiies, which was va-\\nriously called Checagou, Chekagou, Ckkagou and CMgagov, by the early\\nexplorers.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "Transfer of the Kaskaskia Mission. 201\\nrock, but he makes no mention of such a village. Further-\\nmore, within fifteen miles or so of Kaskaskia, there is a\\nrocky bluff on the Mississippi side of the river, then known\\nas the Cape of the Five men, or Cap Cinq Homines. This\\nis doubtless a corruption of the name of the good Father\\nSt. Cosme, as appears from a map made a little more than\\none hundred years ago, which gives both names, Cinq\\nHomines and St. Cosme, to this very bluli It probably is\\nthe identical one he ascended, and he could not have spoken\\nof the cross as unknown in those regions, had there been\\nany settlement so near the spot as the Kaskaskia we now\\nknow. Tonti, who was the leader of this party, is thought\\nby some to have founded Kaskaskia in 1686. iSTobler\\nfounder could no town have had than this faithful and fear-\\nless soldier, but the facts just narrated make such a theory\\nimpossible.\\nAgain in the early part of the year 1700, a bold voy-\\nager, Le Sueur (on his way to the copper mines in the Sioux\\ncountry), whose journal is in print, pushed up the Missis-\\nsippi from its mouth, where D Iberville had just planted the\\nbanner of France, and passed the site of Kaskaskia without\\nnotice of such a place. He speaks of the village of the Tam-\\narois, where by this time, St. Cosme had taken up his abode\\non his return from the south.* About July 15th, going\\nnorthward, Le. Sueur arrived at the mouth of the Illinois,\\nand there met three Canadian voyageurs coming to join his\\nparty, and received by them a letter from the Jesuit Marest,\\nIt is doubtful if Father St. Cosme ever returned from the South as\\nabove stated, unless for a brief season. He was born in France about\\nthe year 1658, and ordained a Jesuit priest in 1683. We next find him\\nengaged as a missionary in Canada, from whence, in the autumn of\\n1699, he was sent to establish a mission among the Natchez Indians on\\nthe Lower Mississippi. Arrived thither, he soon gained the confidence\\nof the Sun Chief and the esteem of his nation, but did not succeed very\\nwell in converting those sun-worshipers to the Eoman Catholic faith.\\nIn 1707, being obliged to make a journey to Mobile, St. Cosme embarked\\nin a canoe with three other Frenchmen, and while sailing down the\\nriver, they were set upon and killed by a band of the Chetimacha In-\\ndians. The Natchez, it is said, avenged his death by the slaughter of\\na great part of the offending tribe. See Appleton s Encyclo. of Amer.\\nBiog., vol. 5, p. 369.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "202 Illinois as a Dependence of Canada.\\ndated July 10, 1700, at the Mission of the Immaculate Con-\\nception of the Blessed Virgin at the Illinois. The letter of\\nSt, Cosme and the journal of Le Sueur seem to show clearly\\nenough that down to the middle of the year 1700, the pres-\\nent Kaskaskia had not been settled, and that the mission\\nwas still on the Illinois River.\\nAnd, lastly, we have the journal of the voyage of\\nFather James Gravier, in 1700,* from the country of the\\nIllinois to the mouth of the Mississippi from which we\\nlearn that he returned from Michilimackinac, and set out\\nfrom Chicago on the 8th of September, 1700. He says he\\narrived too late at the Illinois, of whom Father Marest had\\ncharge, to prevent the transmigration of the village of the\\nKaskaskias, which was too precipitately made, on vague\\nnews of the establishment on the Mississippi, evidently re-\\nferring to the landing of D Iberville the year before. He\\ndid not believe that the Kaskaskias, whom Marest accom-\\npanied, would have separated from the Peorias and other\\nIllinois, had he arrived sooner, and he obtained a promise\\nfrom the Peorias to await his return from the Mississippi.\\nAfter having marched four days with the Kaskaskias, Gra-\\nvier went forward with Marest, whom he left sick at the\\nTamarois village, and departed from there October 9, 1700,\\nto go to the lower part of the Mississippi, accompanied\\nonly by some Frenchmen. The Indians, with Marest, we\\nmay presume, halted between the Kaskaskia and Missis-\\nsippi Rivers, where we soon after find them and thus\\ndoubtless was accomplished the transfer of the mission to\\nits final location. The eagerness of the Illinois tribes to be\\nin closer communication with the French was probably in-\\ntensified by their desire to escape any further assaults from\\ntlieir dreaded enemies, and to rear their wigwams where\\nthey would never hear the war-cry of the Iroquois. Both\\nmotives would operate more powerfully with the Kaskas-\\nkias than with any others, because they had been longer\\nRelation, ou Journal du Voyage du li. P. Jacques Gravier, de la Com-\\npagnie de Jcsuk, en 1700, depuis le pays de Illinois jusqu a V embouchure des\\noi, p. 68. Cramoisy Series of Relations, N. Y., 1859.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "Transfer of the Kaskaskia Mission. 203\\nunder the influence of the French, and because, in their old\\nlocation, they were the first to receive the onslaughts of the\\nrelentless foemen of the Illinois. Hence they set out to go\\nto the Lower Mississippi, hut Gravier s influence, and per-\\nhaps Marest s illness as well, led them to pause at the first\\nsuitable resting-place. And when we consider that, a few\\nyears later, this same Marest, who accompanied these In-\\ndians on their migration, was stationed at the present Kas-\\nkaskia, in charge of the Mission of the Immaculate Con-\\nception, as appears from his letters that he died and was\\nburied there, as is shown by the parish records, and that\\nwe hear nothing further of a mission of this name on the\\nIllinois River, we may reasonably conclude that the Kas-\\nkaskia of our time should date its origin from the fall of\\nthe year 1700, and should honor James Gravier and Gabriel\\nMarest as its founders.\\nShortly after the transfer of the mission had been ef-\\nfected, the site of the new settlement was fixed on the right\\nbank of the Kaskaskia or Okaw River, six miles above its\\nconfluence with the Mississippi, and nearly two miles east\\nof the latter river. It is not improbable that an Indian\\nsettlement had previously existed here, though this is a\\nmatter of conjecture. The village was christened by the\\nmissionaries if Village (V ImmaciiUe Conception de Cas-\\ncasquias but no regularity of design was observed by its\\nfounders, nor was any attempt made to profit by the natural\\nadvantages of its position.\\nAt that pristine period, the scenery about Kaskaskia\\nwas well calculated to attract and please the eye of such of\\nthe French missionaries as had a taste for the beautiful in\\nnature. The velvet verdure of the plain, the glassy sur-\\nface of the idle river, the lofty hill* (on the east), with its\\nstately forest, the air scented with the fragrance of its wild\\nflowers, the little springs gushing from its side in sparkling\\nbeauty, all reposing in the sleep of nature, with their virgin\\nThe river at Kaskaskia was three hundred and fifty feet wide, and\\nthe bluffs opposite the town rise to the height of about two hundred\\nfeet.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "204 Illinois as a Dependency of Canada.\\nfreshness upon them, there was a landscape to charm her\\nmost capricious lover.\\nFor the first few years of her existence, Kaskaskia is\\nlittle noticed in contemporaneous records, except as a mis-\\nsion station. The early history of the place is mostly drawn\\nfrom the parish records, and the letters and journals of the\\nmissionary priests. Some of these records are in the cus-\\ntody of the priest of the parish, and others are in the keep-\\ning of the hishop of the diocese. The oldest record of the\\nchurch at Kaskaskia is the Register of Baptisms of the\\nMission of the Illinois, of the title of the Immaculate Con-\\nception of the Blessed Virgin. The first entry in it, ac-\\ncording to Breese, bears date March 20, 1695. Retaining\\nthe French spelling of the names, it reads as follows\\nIn the year 1695, March 20th, I, Jacques Gravier, of\\nthe Society of Jesus, baptized Pierre Aco, newly-born of P.\\nMichael Aco. Godfather was De Hautchy, godmother\\nMaria Aramipinchicoue Maria Joanna, grandmother of the\\nchild. t\\nThis entry is claimed to be a copy of the original rec-\\nord, which was made before the removal of the mission\\nfrom the Upper Illinois River. The register was continued\\nuntil June 1719, when the mission of Kaskaskia was\\nchanged into a parish. A new baptismal register was then\\nopened, which bears this French title: Begistre des Bap-\\ntems fails dans L Eglisse de la Mission et Paroisse de la Con-\\nception de Notre Dame, commence le 18 Juin, 1719.\\nMarriage and burial registers were likewise kept from\\nquite an early date, and were continued down, with varying\\nregularity, until toward the middle of the present century.\\nOn these venerable records appear the signatures of many\\nmen of note an l influence in the early French history of\\nIllinois.\\nIn 1707, Father Marest was joined at Kaskaskia by\\n*Breese s Early Hist, of 111., p. 158.\\ntit is affirmed that Michael Aco s wife was the daughter of a Kas-\\nkaskia chief, and that he was the identical Ako, or Accault, who accom-\\npanied Friar llenneiiin in his voyage of exploration up the Mississippi\\nin 1680.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "Early History of the Present Kaskaskia. 205\\nFather Jean Mermet, who had previously attempted a mis-\\nsion among the Mascoutins and others on the Lower Ohio,\\nand had also labored at the great village of the Illinois.\\nMr. Bancroft, in the third volume of his History of the\\nUnited States, gives us the following distinct picture of\\nFather Mermet s labors and success at Kaskaskia\\nThe gentle virtues and fervid eloquence of Mermet\\nmade him the soul of the mission of Kaskaskia. At early\\ndawn his pupils came to church, dressed neatly and mod-\\nestly, each in a deerskin, or a robe sewn together from sev-\\neral skins. After receiving lessons, they chanted canticles;\\nmass was then said in presence of all the Christians, the\\nFrench, and the converts, the women on the one side and\\nthe men on the other. From prayers and instructions, the\\nmissionaries proceeded to visit the sick and administer med-\\nicine, and their skill as physicians did more than all the\\nrest to win confidence. In the afternoon the catechism was\\ntaught in the presence of the young and the old, when every\\none, without distinction of rank or age, answered the ques\\ntions of the missionary. At evening all would assemble at\\nthe chapel for instruction, for prayer, and to chant the\\nhymns of the church. On Sundays and festivals, even after\\nvespers, a homily was pronounced at the close of the day\\nparties would meet in houses to recite the chaplets in alter-\\nnate choirs, and sing psalms until late at night. These\\npsalms were often homilies, with words set to familiar\\ntunes. Saturday and Sunday were the days appointed for\\nconfession and communion, and every convert confessed\\nonce in a fortnight.\\nThis description by Bancroft is chiefly drawn from a\\nnarrative letter written by Father Marestto Father Germon,\\ndated November 9, 1712, and published in the Lettres Edifi-\\nantes, at Paris. In the course of that letter, Marest remarks\\nThe Illinois are much less barbarous than the other Indians.\\nChristianity and their intercourse with the French have\\nsomewhat civilized them. It would be diflicult to\\nFather Mermet continued to labor at the Kaskaskia mission until\\nhis death in 1718.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "206 Illinois as a Dependency of Canada.\\nsay what is their religion. It consists entirely in some\\nsuperstitions with which their credulity is amused.\\nThese missionary priests were truly a heroic and self-\\ndevoted class of men. Of their hard and trying manner of\\nlife, the same father gives us some glimpses in his printed\\ncorrespondence. On Good Friday, in the year 1711, he set\\nout on a trip across the country to the Peorias, who wanted\\na new mission opened among them. Concerningthis journey\\non foot through the wilderness, he thus vividly writes\\nI departed, having nothing about me but my crucifix\\nand breviary, and being accompanied by only two savages,\\nwho might abandon me from levity, or might fly through\\nfear of enemies. The terror of these vast, uninhabited\\nregions, in which for twelve days not a single soul was\\nseen, almost took away my courage. This was a journey\\nwherein there was no village, no bridge, no ferry-boat, no\\nhouse, no beaten path, and over boundless prairies, inter-\\nsected by rivulets and rivers, through forests and thickets\\nfilled with briars and thorns, through marshes in which we\\nsometimes plunged to the girdle. At night repose was\\nsought on the grass or leaves, exposed to the winds and\\nrains, happy if by the vside of some rivulet, whose waters\\nmight quench our thirst. Meals were prepared from such\\ngame as might be killed on the way, or by roasting ears of\\ncorn.\\nFather Marest was longer in missionary service with\\nthe Illinois Indians than any of his predecessors. He died,\\nit is said, near Peoria, September 17, 1715.\\nIt has been a mooted question among Illinois antiqua-\\nrians as to which is the more ancient of the two villages,\\nKaskaskia or Cahokia. Pittman, in his account of the\\nFrench Settlements, says that Cahokia was the first settle-\\nment on the Mississippi; and in the Annals of the West\\nit is stated that Cahokia appears to have been a trading\\npost and missionary station earlier than Kaskaskia. These\\nstatements are supported by the weight of probal)ility,\\nthough the difterence in age between the two can hardly\\nexceed one year. According to Breese s History, the Jesuit\\nFathers Pinet and Binneteau established the mission at", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "Founding of Cahokia. 207\\nCahokia, and christened the little community which grew\\nup around it by the name of aS Famille de Caoquias. It\\nis doubtful, however, if Father Binneteau ever labored at\\nthis mission.\\nThe credit of establishing the mission of Cahokia, at\\nfirst called Tamaroa, belongs to Rev. Jacques Pinet, but at\\nwhat date has been a matter of dispute. Up to the time of\\nSt. Cosme s visit to the Tamaroas in 1699, it appears that no\\nblack gown had been seen there, except Father Gravier\\nfor a few days. The following year, however, when Le\\nSueur had reached this village (where he remained seven-\\nteen days), he found three French missionaries, viz.: Rev.\\nJ. Bergier, and Fathers Pinet and Joseph de Limoges, and\\nalso a number of Canadian traders, who were purchasing furs\\nand skins. In October of the same year (1700), Father\\nGravier mentions the fact in his journal that, on his way\\ndown the Mississippi, he stopped at the village of the Tam-\\naroas, and found Father Pinet there, peaceably discharg-\\ning the functions of a missionary, and Rev. M. Bergier,\\nalso, who had care only of the French. Father Bergier\\nremained at Cahokia until his death, July 16, 1710.\\nFather Pinet met with unusual success in his mission\\nat Cahokia, and soon found his chapel too small to accom-\\nmodate the crowds that resorted thither to the mass. The\\nIndians under his spiritual charge were the Tamaroas and\\nCahokias, the latter being an allied tribe or branch of the\\nformer. The imposing rites of the Roman Church were\\nwell calculated to awe the senses of these ignorant and\\nsuperstitious savages, but the religious impressions made\\nupon their minds were feeble and transient, and when away\\nfrom the influence and guidance of the priests, they were\\nprone to relapse into the excesses of barbarism.\\nWhen the village of Cahokia was originally established\\n(say in 1699), it stood upon the immediate bank of the\\nMississippi; but in the course of a few years the river\\nIllinois, Historical and Statistical. By John Moses, Chicago,\\n1889, Vol. I., p. 85.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "208 Illinois as a Dependency of Canada.\\nshifted its bed to the west, so as to leave tlie village some\\ndistance inland. It long remained a place of considerable\\nimportance for trade, though there was never any thing\\nattractive in its situation or environs. At present it is a\\nstraggling, decayed, and antiquated little village, seated on\\na sandy ridge in the American Bottom,_,opposite Carondo-\\nlet, and about one mile east from the Mississippi River.\\nBesides Kaskaskia and Cahokia, other French villages\\nafterward sprang up in that vicinity, which will be noticed\\nhereafter. Other and branch missions were also established\\namong the Illinois Indians by the zeal and enterprise of the\\nJesuit clergy, who, prior to the introduction of any form\\nof civil government in the country, officiated in the double\\ncapacity of spiritual directors and temporal rulers of the\\npeople.\\nAlthough anticipating somewhat the chronological or-\\nder of events in our history, we make space here for the\\nfollowing extracts from Father Charlevoix interesting and\\ninstructive description of the Illinois country, through\\nwhich he traveled with an armed escort in the autumn of\\n1721. Of Peoria, then still an Indian village, he says\\nThe two following days, we traveled a charming\\ncountry and the 3d of October, about noon, we found our-\\nselves at the entrance of Lake Pimiteouy. It is the river\\nwhich grows wider here, and which for three leagues is\\none league in breadth. At the end of these three leagues,\\nwe find on the right a second village of the Illinois, distant\\nabout fifteen leagues from that at the Rock.* Nothing can\\nbe more pleasant than the situation it has over against it,\\nas in perspective, a very fine forest, which was then of all\\ncolors, and behind it a plain of immense extent, bordered\\nwith woods. The lake and the river swarm with fish, and\\ntheir sides with wild fowl. I met also in this village four\\nFrench-Canadians, who informed me that I was between\\nfour parties of enemies, and that it was unsafe for me either\\nto go forward or return.\\nBy the course of the river, the distance was nearer thirty than fif-\\nteen leagues.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "Charlevoix Visit to the Illinois. 209\\nAccompanied by two of the Canadians from Peoria as\\nguides, Charlevoix and party resumed their journey, and\\nnext stopped at Cahokia, concerning which village, and the\\nmissionaries stationed there, he thus writes\\nThe same day (10th of October), we went to lay in\\na village of the Caoquias and Tamarouas. These are two\\nnations of the Illinois which are united, and who do not\\ntogether make a very numerous village. It is situated on\\na little river which comes from the east, and which has no\\nwater but in the spring season so that we were forced to\\nwalk a good half league to the cabins. I was surprised\\nthat they had chosen such an inconvenient situation, as\\nthey might have found a much better but they told me\\nthat the Mississippi washed the foot of the village when it\\nwas built, and that in three years it (the river) had lost half\\na league of ground, and that they w^ere thinking of looking\\nout for another settlement. I passed the night in the house\\nof the missionaries, who are two ecclesiastics of the Sem-\\ninary of Quebec, formerly my disciples, but who might now\\nbe my masters. The oldest of the two (Dominique A.\\nThaumer) was absent. I found the youngest (Francois le\\nMercier) such as he has been reported to me, severe to\\nhimself, full of charity for others, and making virtue ami-\\nable in his own person But he has so little health, that I\\nthink he can not long support the way of life which they\\nare obliged to lead in these missions.\\nOf Kaskaskia and its environs, the same traveler\\nwrites I arrived next day (the 12th) at the Kaskasquias,\\nat nine in the morning. The Jesuits had here a very flour-\\nishing mission, which has lately been divided into two, be-\\ncause it was thought proper to form two villages of sav-\\nages instead of one. The most populous is on the side of\\nthe Mississippi two Jesuits* have the government of it in\\nspiritual affairs. Half a league lower is Fort Chartres,\\nabout a musket-shot from the river. M. Duquet de Bois-\\nbriant, a Canadian gentleman, commands here for the Com-\\nFathers Boulanger and Kereben.\\n14", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "210 Illinois as a Dependency of Canada.\\npany, to which the place belongs and all the space be-\\ntween the two places begins to be peopled by the French.\\nFour leagues further, and two leagues from the river, there\\nis a large village of French, who are almost all Canadians,\\nand have a Jesuit for their priest. The second village ot\\nthe Illinois is two leagues distant from it and farther up the\\ncountry, and is under the charge of a priest.\\nThe French here are pretty much at their ease, A\\nFleming, who was a servant of the Jesuits, has taught\\nthem how to sow wheat, and it thrives very well. They\\nhave some horned cattle and fowls. The Illinois cultivate\\nthe lands after their fashion, and are very laborious. They\\nlikewise breed poultry, which they sell to the French.\\nTheir women are sufficiently dexterous they spin the buf-\\nfalo s wool, and make it as fine as that of the English\\nsheep. Sometimes one would even take it for silk. They\\nmake stufis of it, which they dye black, yellow and dark\\nred they make gowns of it, which they sew with thread\\nmade of the sinews of the roebuck. They expose these to\\nthe sun for three days, and when dry beat them, and with-\\nout difficulty draw out threads of great fineness.\\nAll this country is open. It consists of vast meadows\\n(prairies) which extend for twenty-five leagues, and are\\nseparated by little groves that are all of good wood.\\nRemaining at Kaskaskia for a month, Charlevoix re-\\nsumed his way down the Mississippi, and reached the con-\\nfluence of the Ohio about the 15th of November, 1721.\\nWith regard to this river (then still called the Ouabache),\\nand the advantage of having a settlement at its mouth, his\\njournal says\\nImmediately after this reach, we passed on the left\\nby the fine river Ouabache, by which one can go quite up\\nto the Iroquois, when the waters are high. Its entrance\\ninto the Mississippi is a little less than a quarter of a\\nleague wide. There is no place in Louisiana more fit, in\\nmy opinion, for a settlement than this, nor where it is of\\nmore consequence to have one.\\nVide An Historical Journal of Travels in North America, under-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "Charlevoix Life and Works. 211\\ntaken by order of the King of France. By Father Charlevoix (English\\nTranslation, London, 1763j, i^p. 284-291, and 303.\\nPierre Francois Xavier de Charlevoix, an eminent Jesuit scholar,\\nhistorian, and traveler, was born at St. Quentin, in the North of France,\\nOctober 29, 1682. At the age of sixteen he entered the Society of Jesus,\\nand while still a student of divinity was sent to Canada in 1705. During\\nthe succeeding four years he taught in the Jesuit College at Quebec,\\nand afterward returned to France, where he was made a professor of\\nbelles-lettres in one of the Jesuit universities. In 1720 he again came to\\nCanada, and during the next year ascended the river St. Lawrence, and\\nthe great lakes to the head of Lake Michigan, from whence he entered\\nand traversed the Illinois country. Descending the Mississippi to New\\nOrleans, he thence visited the French establishments at Biloxi and on\\nthe Mobile, and afterward sailed via St. Domingo to France, whither he\\narrived (1722) after an absence of two years.\\nCharlevoix was author of several learned and valuable works. He\\nfirst published a history of the Catholic Missions in Japan, which was\\nfollowed by a history of Saint Domingo and in 1744 his Histoire d(\\nNouvelle France, which had been withheld for nearly twenty years, ap-\\npeared in three large volumes. Although quoted and praised by schol-\\nars, no translation of it was made from the French until somewhat re-\\ncently, when an edition in English, with copious notes, was published\\nby Dr. John G. Shea (N. Y., 1865-72), in six volumes.\\nAbout the year 1744, Charlevoix also published his Journal of Trav-\\nels in North America, in the form of letters addressed to the Duchesse\\nde Lesdiguiere. It is averred that from this work the British Ministry\\nfirst gained a correct notion of Canada and its dependencies, and of the\\ngreat advantages to be derived from the possession of that country.\\nThe last literary performance of our author was his History of Para-\\nguay, which contains a full account of the operations of the Jesuits in\\nthat southern quarter of the globe.\\nCharlevoix died in La Fl^che, France, on February 1, 1761, at a\\ngreen old age.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "212 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\nCHAPTER XL\\n1698-1 71 L\\nPERMANENT SETTLEMENT OF LOWER LOUISIANA.\\nBy the treaty concluded at Ryswick, in 1697, Louis\\nXIV. relinquished nearly all of his European conquests,\\nand recognized the Prince of Orange as King of England,\\nTemporary tranquillity being thus restored in Western\\nEurope, Louis had some leisure to devote to his American\\npossessions, and to the renewal of his former endeavor to\\nestablish a colony at or near the embouchure of the Mis-\\nsissippi River. This monarch was obviously ambitious to\\nenhance the glories of his reign by creating for France a\\ncolonial dominion on the sunny shores of the Gulf of\\nMexico, which might rival the flourishing English settle-\\nments on the Atlantic coast. Accordingly, in the begin-\\nning of the year 1698, he gave orders for the fitting out of\\na suitable expedition to colonize Louisiana. The command\\nof this royal enterprise was entrusted to Captain d lber-\\nville, a distinguished young naval officer, whose energy,\\ntact, administrative ability, and varied experience pecu-\\nliarly qualified him for so arduous and important an un-\\ndertaking.\\nPierre le Moyne,* Sieur d Iberville, was a native of\\nCanada, having been born in Montreal, July 16, 1661. He\\nwas, it is said, the third son of Charles le Moyne, himself a\\ngallant soldier, and was one of eleven brothers, seven of\\nwhom died naval ofiicers. When but a boy of fourteen,\\nPierre entered the French navy as a midshipman, and by\\nmeritorious service rose rapidly in his profession. In 1692\\nhe became captain of a frigate, and, ten years later, cap-\\ntain of a line-of-battle-ship. During this period of active\\nBy some authors, this family name is written Lemoine.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "Iberville s Colonizing Exjpedition. 213\\nservice, he acquitted himself not only as a brave and skill-\\nful naval officer, hut as an efficient agent of the French\\ngovernment in settling colonies in Acadia and Cape Breton\\nIsland. In 1697 he made a cruise with his ship, the Peli-\\ncan, into the misty and frigid waters of Hudson s Bay,\\nwdiere he engaged and sunk an English man-of-war, cap-\\ntured her two consorts, and reduced Fort Nelson, or Fort\\nBourbon, as it was called by the French. Returning to\\nFrance from this brilliant cruise, he sought and obtained\\ncommand of the new colonizing expedition to the Missis-\\nsippi.\\nOn the 24th of Septeml)er, 1(398, Captain d Iberville\\nset sail from Rochelle upon his distant and uncertain en-\\nterprise, taking with him M. de SauvoUe,* and his young\\nbrother, Bienville. His squadron consisted of two frigates,\\nthe Badine and Marin, of thirty guns each (the former was\\ncommanded by himself, and the latter by the Comte de\\nSurgeres) and two smaller ships, bearing a company of\\nmarines and about two hundred colonists. A majority of\\nthe latter were ex-soldiers, who had served in the armies\\nof France, some of whom were accompanied by their\\nwives and children. The other colonists were made up ot\\nartisans, laborers, and needy adventurers. They were all\\nsupplied with the necessary clothing, provisions and im-\\nplements for beginning a settlement in the remote solitudes\\nof Louisiana. Stopping at Brest to complete his outfit,\\nthe commander sailed from that port on the 24th of Octo-\\nber, shaping his general course to the south-west. After\\nan auspicious passage, he dropped anchor in the haven\\nof Cape Francois, now Cape Haytieu, St. Domingo, late in\\nthe following December.\\nOn arriving thither, his fleet was joined by the war\\nship Le Francois, of fifty guns, commanded by the Mar-\\nquis de Chateaumorant, who had received orders to escort\\nthe expedition to its destination. Being thus reinforced,\\nIt is doubtful if Sauvolle belonged to the Le Moyne family of\\nbrothers, though Mr. Gayarre treats him as a full brother, and tells\\nus that he inherited a fortune from his godfather.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "214 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\nD Iberville again put to sea on the 1st of January, 1699,\\ntaking the route via Cape Sau Antonio, at the western end\\nof Cuba. Having doubled that cape on the 15th of Janu-\\nary, he steered northward over the Mexican Gulf, and\\nreached the southern shore of Florida on the 24th. An-\\nchoring his ships securely off the Island of Santa Rosa,\\nhe then proceeded to reconnoiter the Bay of Pensacola\\n(called by the Spaniards Santa Maria de Galva), where he\\nfound two Spanish war vessels, and a small fort and garri-\\nson. Upon sending in a boat with two officers, the Spanish\\ncommander received them politely, but refused the French\\npermission to enter with their vessels. The Spaniards had\\nlong been in possession of East Florida, but it was not\\nuntil they had learned that a French armament was fitting\\nout for the western coast of the peninsula, that they made\\nhaste to establish this military post on Pensacola Bay.\\nThe new erection, therefore, was an obvious indication ot\\ntheir intention to anticipate, and, if possible, frustrate the\\ndesigns of the French in these waters.\\nLeaving Pensacola Bay and standing along the low\\ncoast to the west, D Iberville, on the 31st of the month,\\ncast anchor off Dauphin Island, lying on the west and near\\nthe entrance of Mobile Bay. This Island was first named\\nby the French Isle de Massacre, from the circumstance that\\non its level surface was found a mound composed of earth\\nand the bones of long dead Indians, who had fallen there\\nin combat with their enemies. Sailing still farther west-\\nward, the French commander next discovered a group of\\nsmall islands, to which was given the name of Isles dcs\\nChandeleur. Anchoring his frigates near them, he went to\\nexamine the channel between Cat Island and Ship Island,\\nand, having landed his colonists on the latter, he caused\\ntemporary huts to be erected there for their shelter from\\nthe weather. The Marquis de Chateaumorant, having now\\nfulfilled his mission, and finding the waters on this coast\\ntoo shallow to remain long in safety with his large frigate,\\nsailed away on his return to St. Domingo.\\nAbout the 11th of February, Iberville sent his brother\\nBienville, with a felucca and canoe, to the mainland, which", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "Iberville inters the Mouth of the Mississippi. 215\\nlay about four leagues to the north of his anchorage.\\nHaving entered a little bay, the exploring party discovered\\nseveral piroques filled with half-naked savages, who fled\\nwith consternation at the approach of the Frenchmen. On\\nthe next day, however, the latter contrived to intercept a\\nwoman of the Indians, by whom they were enabled to\\nopen an intercourse with her tribe, which was the Bilocci,\\nor Biloxi a name given by the French to the bay itself.\\nOn the evening of the same day there arrived at this bay a\\nwar party of some eighty Bayagoulas, so called, who were\\nthen at war with the Indians on the Mobile. From the\\nformer it was learned, by the language of signs (for there\\nwas no interpreter,) that they dwelt oiF to the south-west,\\non the shores of a large and deep river, called by them the\\nMalabouchia. Having ascertained by further inquiry among\\nthe natives the probable distance and course of the un-\\nknown river, Iberville prepared to go in quest of it.\\nAccordingly, on the 27th of February, he set off from\\nIsle de Vaisseau (Ship Island) with two shallops, carrying\\ntwenty-four men each one of which was commanded by\\nBienville and took with him as a guide Father Anastase\\nDouay, who had been a companion of La Salle in his last\\nMississippi expedition. Sailing cautiously southward along\\nthe low and marshy coast, at the end of three days the voy-\\nagers happily discovered the outlet of the hidden river,\\nwhich it was believed no European vessel had as yet pene-\\ntrated from the sea. On the 2d of March they entered\\none of its principal passes, which Father Anastase* thought\\nhe recognized as the Mississippi, from its turbid and seeth-\\ning waters. On the 3d they began to ascend the river, and,\\nafter seven days of sailing and rowing, had attained a dis-\\nFather Douay, as Hennepin informs us, was a native of Quesnoy\\nin Hainault, and, subsequent to his return from America in 1688, had\\nbeen appointed vicar of the RecoUet convent at Cambray. Remaining\\nthere until summoned to join D Iberville s colonizing expedition, he\\nprobably returned with the latter to France in 1699, since we find no\\nfurther mention of him in Louisiana. We were pleased to have met\\nwith Pere Anastase once more and now that he disappears from the\\nhistoric page, we can only say, hail and farewell.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "216 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\ntance of forty leagues from the Gulf. Here our explorers\\ncame upon three pirogues filled with naked savages, who\\nhastily fled at their advance. One of the natives, however,\\nwas overtaken in his flight, and by making him some trifling\\npresents, which gained his good will, he was induced to\\nbring back his companions. They belonged to the tribe\\nof the Bayagoulas, and readily undertook to conduct the\\nFrenchmen to their village, further up the river, which was\\nreached on the 14th of March. It was found to contain\\nbetween four and five hundred inhabitants, and mustered\\nabout one hundred warriors. Among the villagers were\\nfound stuffs of European fabric, said to have been given\\nthem by La Salle or Tonty. The chiefs of the Bayagoulas\\nreceived their French visitors in a very civil manner, and\\ngave to them, among other things, a few domestic fowls,\\nwhich they claimed to have reared from some they had ob-\\ntained from nations to the west of the Mississippi, near\\nthe seashore. Such fowls were not uncommon among the\\nsouthern Indians at this time, though it seems that they\\nwere kept more as pets than for use as an article of food.\\nThey were doubtless originally brought to the country by\\nthe Spaniards.\\nM. d Iberville was still in doubt whether the river he\\nwas ascending was the Mississippi or not for he had not\\nas yet seen or heard of the Tangibaos, of whom La Salle\\nhad made mention. Upon inquiry, however, it was ascer-\\ntained that this small tribe had been destroyed by another\\ncalled the Mongoulachas, or Bayagoulas, the Quinipissas of\\nLa Salle and Tonty. Soon afterward, Bienville found in\\nthe possession of one of these natives a letter which Tonty\\nhad penned to La Salle, and left in the keeping of a chief\\nof the Quinipissas tribe, on the occasion of his trip to the\\nGulf in the spring of 1686.* This opportune discovery\\n*This letter of Tonty s, to which we have previously alluded, or so\\nmuch of it as was jiuhlished, reads as follows\\nVii-LAGK OP THE QuiNiPissAs, April 20, 1685 {1()86).\\nSir: Having found the posts on which you had set up the King s\\narms thrown down by driftwood, I have planted another further in,\\nabout seven leagues from the sea, where 1 left a letter in a tree be-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "Iberville Explores the Lower Mississippi. 217\\ndissipated all doubts in the minds of Iberville and his asso-\\nciates as to what river they were navigating, and inspired\\nthem with fresh conlidence to continue their upward voy-\\nage. Among the Indians of this delta region, they also\\nfound jiart of an old suit of Spanish armor, which was sup-\\nposed to have belonged to De Soto s army.\\nOn the 18th, still cautiously ascending, our voyagers\\npassed on their right the Baton Rouge, the first high\\nbank they had seen since entering the river. Here was\\nestablished the northern limit of the hunting grounds of\\nthe Bayagoulas. Some distance above that they came to a\\npoint where the river made a long detour or circuit, and, to\\nsave time, the commander caused the trees to be felled, and\\ntransported his boats to the opposite side of the peninsula.\\nThe Mississippi afterward cut itself a channel through this\\npoint, which has ever since been known as \u00e2\u0096\u00a0Point Coupee.\\nOn the 20th the explorers arrived at a large village of the\\nOumas, containing over three hundred braves, who wel-\\ncomed them with music and dances, and acquainted them\\nwith the Indian ceremony of smoking the calumet of peace.\\nAt this village they saw many domestic fowls, which were\\nmostly kept for ornamental purposes.\\nHere the Sieur d Iberville, learning that there was a\\nriver or bayou to the eastward, which he could reach by a\\nshort portage, and down which he might descend through\\nlakes to the sea, left the Mississippi, with two canoes and\\na guide, sending Bienville down the main river with the\\nlarge boats, under instructions to meet him at the Isle de\\nside. All the nations have sung the calumet to me they fear\\nus excessively since you defeated this village. I conclude by saying,\\nthat it is a great disappointment to me that we should return without\\nthe good fortune of meeting you, after two canoes have coasted toward\\nMexico for thirty leagues, and toward Florida for twenty-five, etc. See\\nCharlevoix New France, V., p. 123.\\nOn this bluff, twenty-five feet above high water, and one hundred\\nand twenty-nine miles by the river above New Orleans, the French sub-\\nsequently established a fortlet and village (now city), which received\\nthe name of Baton Rouge, or Red Post. This name, according to Le\\nPage du Pratz s early History of Louisiana, is derived from the large\\ncypress trees that formerly grew there, the wood of which is red.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "218 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\nVaisseaii. Proceeding on his return course, Bienville\\nreached the island, without accident, about the first of\\nApril. Here he was met by Iberville, who had arrived\\nbefore him, having come down through the bayou Man-\\nshac or Iberville, and the two connecting lakes or arms of\\nthe Gulf, which he severally named Maurepas and Pont-\\nchartrain.\\nOn the 12th of April, M. d Iberville went to examine\\na small bay, lying several leagues north of Isle de Vais-\\nseau, to which he gave the name of St. Louis. Pleased\\nwith the situation and appearance of this bay, he would\\nhave removed his colony thither forthwith, but for the fact\\nthat the water at its entrance was too shallow for his ves-\\nsels of heavy draft. Finally, he decided to locate his es-\\ntablishment on the eastern side of the mouth of Biloxi\\nBay, a northern arm of Mississippi Sound. The spot thus\\nchosen was tolerably healthy, yet sandy and unproductive\\nin the extreme. Its sterility, however, was not particularly\\nobjected to by the colonists, who thought nothing about\\nagriculture, but only of trading with the Indians, and\\nscouring the country for its supposed mineral wealth.\\nIn his official report, D Iberville thus describes the first\\nsettlement ever made by white men upon the soil of what\\nis now the State of Mississippi\\nAfter having visited several places well adapted for\\nforming settlements, our provisions falling short, we\\nthought best to commence operations at the Bay of Biloxi,\\nfour leagues north-west of the place where the ships were\\nanchored, and which could be approached at a distance of\\ntwo leagues. We made choice of this place merely on ac-\\ncount of the road, where the small vessels can go and come\\nat all times, aiul where we could assist, without fear, with\\na portion of the crew, in building the fort which I ordered\\nto be constructed there whilst, in the meantime, the place\\nmost convenient for the colony can be selected at leisure.\\nThis fort is built of wood, with four bastions two\\nare made of hewn timber placed together, one foot and a\\nhalf thick, and nine feet high the other two of double", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "Iberville Plants his Colony at Biloxi Bay. 219\\npalisades. It is mounted with fifty-four pieces of cannon,*\\nwith a plentiful supply of ammunition. He left M. de\\nSauvolle in command DeBienville, as king s lieutenant\\nLeVasseur, major; DeBordenac, chaplain; M. Care, sur-\\ngeon two captains, two cannoniers, four sailors, eighteen\\nfilibusters, thirteen Canadians, ten mechanics, six masons,\\nand thirty sub-oflicers and soldiers (ninety in all).\\nM. d Iberville named this fort for Count Maurepas,\\nwho was then Secretary of Foreign Affairs. After causing\\na group of log huts to be built around the fort for the use\\nof the colonists, and having them to plant a quantity of\\nbeans and Indian corn, he distributed provisions for four\\nor five months, and, on the 3d of May, re-embarked for\\nFrance. Sailing through the old Bahama Channel^ and\\ntouching at St. Domingo, he arrived in safety at the port\\nof liochefort on July 2, 1699.t\\nOn the 22d of May, after the departure of Capt. d\\nIberville, Lieutenant Bienville set out with a small party on\\nan excursion into the interior of the country. During the\\ncourse of this trip, he was informed that a band of two hun-\\ndred Chickasaws, headed by two white men (supposed to\\nbe Englishman from the colony in Carolina), had fallen upon\\nand destroyed a village of the Colapissas, situated on the\\nnorthern shore of Lake Pontchartrain. He, however, met\\nwith no enemy. Returning to Fort Biloxi, he again set off,\\non the 9th of June, with two canoes, to explore the coast\\non the east. Having passed the mouth of Pascagoula River\\nand Mobile Point, he approached so near to Fort Pensacola\\nthat he perceived it was still occupied by the Spaniards.\\nAbout the first of July the colonists at Biloxi Bay\\nwere cheered by the unexpected arrival of two bark ca-\\nnoes, carrjdng several Canadians and two Jesuit priests,\\nFather Anthony Davion and Father Montigny. They came\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0This is manifestly an error or misprint. The real number of can-\\nnon mounted upon the fort, as stated by Bancroft, Gayarre and other\\nhistorians, was twelve.\\ntSee M. d Iberville s brief official narrative of this expedition,\\nprinted in Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, edited by\\nB. F. French. (New Series, N. Y., 1869), pp. 30-32.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "220 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\nby way of the Illinois and the Mississippi, and having\\nlearned from the Oumas that the French were establishing\\na colony near the Gulf, had come down to see them. After\\na pleasant visit here of ten days, the two priests departed\\nto begin a mission among the Tonicas on the Mississippi,\\nnear the Yazoo.\\nIn September of the same year (1699), while Lieuten-\\nant Bienville was descending the Lower Mississippi, and\\nwhen at a point some twenty-eight leagues from the sea,\\nhe discovered in the river an English ship of sixteen guns,\\ncommanded by one Captain Barr, who had left a consort\\nin waiting at the mouth. The English captain was not\\ncertain that he was actually upon the Mississippi, and Bien-\\nville gladly availed himself of the opportunity to assure him\\nthat it was not the Mississippi that the river he sought ran\\nmuch farther to the west, and that the stream on which he\\nwas sailing was within the limits of a country that had\\nbeen taken possession of in the name of his majesty, the\\nKing of France. By this deception the wily Frenchman\\ninduced the English mariner to face about and return to\\nthe sea and from this circumstance the place has ever\\nsince borne the name of Detour des Anglais, or English\\nTurn.\\nIt is related as a fact, that on board Captain Barr s ship\\nwas a Protestant Frenchman, who secretly handed to Bien-\\nville a letter addressed to the King of France, in which his\\nmajesty was assured that if he would accord liberty of con-\\nscience to a Protestant colony in Louisiana, more than four\\nhundred Huguenot families, already inured to exile and\\nhardships, would immigrate hither from the Carolinas.\\nThe letter was afterward transmitted to Count Pontchar-\\ntrain, the French Minister of Colonies, who, with the\\nharshness and bigotry of that age, returned for answer,\\nthat his Christian majesty had not expelled heretics from\\nhis kingdom in order to establish them in America.\\nOn the 6th of January, 1700, M. d Iberville re-appeared\\nin the waters of the Gulf oft Fort Biloxi, with two large\\nships of war the Renomme rating lifty guns, and the\\nGironde forty-six bringing with him sixty Canadian im-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "Iberville liaises a Fort on the Mississippi. 221\\nmigrants, and a fresh supply of provisions and stores for\\nthe needy colonists. He also brought royal commissions,\\nappointing Sauvolle governor, or commandant of the col-\\nony Bienville lieutenant, and Boisbriant major. By the\\nsame vessels arrived Pierre le Sueur and thirty miners,\\nwho had been sent by M. de Iluillier, of Quebec, to open\\nand work a copper mine which had been discovered on\\nthe St. Peter s (now Minnesota) River, one of the afHu-\\nents of the Upper Mississippi. Le Sueur, moreover, had\\ninstructions from the governor of Canada to erect a fort on\\nthe St. Peter s, to hold in awe the Sioux or Dakotas. He\\ndeparted in April on his mission to the far north.*\\nWhen the vigilant D Iberville was informed by his\\nbrother Bienville that two English ships had appeared in\\nthe mouth of the Mississippi, he determined to forthwith\\nconstruct a fort on that river, so as to anticipate any future\\nattempt of the English to gain a foot-hold on its shores.\\nHaving dispatched Bienville through the lakes and bayous\\nto the Bayagoulas, to procure guides to some suitable spot\\non the lower part of the river, the commander himself left\\nIsle de Vaisseau, or Ship Island, on the 15th of January,\\ntaking with him sixty men, two shallops, and two\\nsmaller vessels loaded with the necessary provisions, imple-\\nments, etc. After entering and ascending the Mississippi\\nabout eighteen leagues, he was met by Bienville, and they\\nselected a position secure from inundation, and there liegun\\nthe construction of a log and earth fort, which received the\\nname of Iberville.\\nToward the middle of February, while still engaged\\nupon the fort, M. d Iberville was joined by the veteran De\\nTonty, who arrived with a party of twenty Canadians from\\nthe Illinois, and who is said to have come in response to an\\ninvitation that had been sent him from Sauvolle. Tonty\\nwas now past his prime, yet his long and varied experience\\nStoddard, in his Sketches of Louisiana, on the authority of a MS.\\nnarrative of La Harpe, says that Le Sueur ascended the St. Peter s River\\nto the mouth of Blue Earth River, where he erected a fort called\\nL Huillier, which was abandoned the next year on account of the hos-\\ntility of the Sioux. Mohette s Val. of the Miss., I., p. 206.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "222 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\nwith La Salle, and his intimate knowledge of the principal\\nIndian nations of the Mississippi Valley, rendered him a\\nvaluable acquisition to the southern colony. Availing him-\\nself of Tonty s presence and assistance, D Iberville decided\\nto ascend the river as far as the Natchez, and establish ami-\\ncable relations with the natives on the way. Hastily or-\\nganizing an expedition for this purpose, he set out with\\nBienville and Tonty, proceeding in boats and canoes.\\nThey first stopped at the Bayagoulas, where they remained\\ntill the first week in March, when they proceeded to the Ou-\\nmas.* Continuing their upward voyage, they next reached\\nthe Natchez, whose villages lay about three hundred and\\nseventy-five miles from the Gulf, by the windings of the\\nriver.\\nWhen the great Sun-chief heard of the approach of\\nthe French, he came forth from his village to meet them,\\nborne upon a litter, and attended by a large and picturesque\\nprocession of his people. This nation, formerly very nu-\\nmerous and powerful, was now reduced to about twelve\\nhundred warriors. The missionary St. Cosme, already re-\\nferred to, had arrived the year before, and taken up his\\nresidence among them. The better class of these Indians\\nappeared to D Iberville much more civilized than any\\nothers he had met with in the country. During his brief\\nstay here, one of their temples was struck and set on fire\\nby lightning. The keepers of the temple thereupon solic-\\nited the squaws to throw their infants into the fire, in\\norder to appease the anger of the divinity and a number of\\nchildren were thus sacrificed before the Frenchmen could\\nprevail upon them to desist.f Delighted Avith the beauty\\nof the Natchez country, and especially with the high, bold\\nbluff, which commands an extensive prospect up and down\\nthe river, D Iberville selected it for the future capital of\\nLouisiana, and suggested the name of Rosalie, Avhich was\\ngiven to the fort afterward built here by the French.\\nOn the 22d of March, Bienville and St. Denis, attended\\nby twenty Canadians and a number of Indians, set oft\\nThe village of the Ounias, or Hounias, was situated two and one-\\nhalf leagues east of the river.\\nMartin s History of Louisiana, vol. 1., j). 152.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "Bienville s Excursion to Bed River. 223\\nfrom the Natchez on a tour of exploration to the westward,\\nwhich extended to Red River, and occupied them nearly\\ntwo months. At the same time, D Iberville, accompanied,\\nperhaps, by De Tonty,* returned to his fort above the\\noutlet of the Mississippi, and thence to the anchorage of\\nhis ships at Isle de Vaisseau. Upon his arrival, he was\\nsurprised to learn that the Spanish governor of Pensacola\\nhad been there with a twenty-four gun ship, manned by one\\nhundred and forty marines, and some armed shallops, in-\\ntending to drive the French from the coast. But finding\\nhis force insutficient for this purpose, he had left a written\\nprotest against the French occupation of the country,\\nclaiming that it was within the limits of his Catholic\\nmajesty s dominions in Mexico. The French, however\\nhad come to stay, and paid little heed to the protest of\\nSpain, whose power and prestige as a nation were on the\\ndecline. Having put his colony in as good a state of de-\\nfense as possible, and given Bienville command of the fort\\non the Mississippi, M. d Iberville sailed for France on the\\n28th of May, 1701.\\nAbout the middle of May, and before the sailing of\\nD Iberville, Bienville returned from his western expedition.\\nHe had ascended the Ouachita (Washita) a considerable dis-\\ntance, thence traversed the countr} westward to Red River,\\nand returned down the latter stream and the Mississippi,\\nhaving passed through a fertile region and visited several\\nIndian tribes, particularly the Yatasses and Natchitoches.\\nThe main object of this expedition was to search for mines\\nof the precious metals, and another Avas to ascertain the\\nprobable distance to the nearest Spanish establishments on\\nthe west. On the 22d of July in that year (1701), M. de\\nSauvolle died, an early victim to bilious fever, leaving the\\nsole direction of affairs in the colony to Lieutenant Bien-\\nville.\\nOn the 18tli of the ensuing December, D Iberville\\nAs Tonty still retained some interest in Fort St. Louis of Illinois,\\nit is not improbable that he returned there on business during that\\nyear (1700), though we find no reliable record of such a journey.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "224 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\nagain appeared in these southern waters with a French\\narmament, consisting of the Renomme, a fifty gun ship,\\nthe Palmier, of forty-four guns, and a large brigantine.\\nHis arrival was very opportune for the starving colonists,\\nwhose number had been diminished by disease and casualties\\nto about one hundred and fifty persons, and who had been\\ndriven to such straits as to have subsisted for some time\\nwholly upon maize. Considering the unfavorable condi-\\ntion and prospects of the colony, the commander now or-\\ndered the removal of the })rincipal establishment from\\nBiloxi to the Mobile.\\nAccordingly, in the first week of January, 1702, Bien-\\nville set out to execute the orders of his chief, leaving only\\ntwenty men as a garrison at Biloxi. The site of the new\\nestablishment was fixed on the west side of the Mobile\\nRiver, about eighteen leagues from the sea. Here a depot\\nwas formed and a fort soon built, which received the name\\nof Fort Louis de la Mobile. By the 20th of March, the\\ncolonists had become settled in their new quarters, to which\\nAvere transported such of their munitions and stores as had\\nbeen kept on Dauphin Island. This removal brought the\\nFrench into somewhat closer relations with the Choctaws,\\nwho inhabited the country to the north of Mobile Bay, and\\nwho were then at war with the Chickasaws. But M.\\nd Iberville, before his departure for France, was enabled to\\neffect a truce between those puissant tribes.\\nOn the 24th of June (1702), a Spanish shallop arrived\\nfrom Pensacola, bringing a letter from Don Francisco\\nMartin, governor of that post, stating that his garrison was\\nin a state of famine, and requesting a supply of provisions,\\nwhich was sent to him by Bienville. Again, on the 11th\\nof November, Don Martin himself arrived at Fort Louis\\nfrom Pensacola, with the intelligence that France and\\nSpain were at war with England. He asked for provisions\\nand munitions, and in view of the alliance of the two\\nformer powers, his request was granted. In the meantime,\\non the first of October, Father Davion visited the fort,\\nwith two Canadians from the Yazoo River. They were\\naccompanied by Father Limoges, who was stationed among", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "The Colony Reinforced. 225\\nthe Natchez, and who informed Bienville that the Coroas\\nIndians had killed his missionary colleague, Foucault, and\\nthree other Frenchmen.\\nOn the 28th of November two Spanish officers arrived\\nat the French head-quarters from St, Augustine, Florida,\\nwith a letter from the governor of that town, stating that\\nhe was besieged by an English force from Charleston, with\\na fleet of seventeen vessels, and some two thousand sav-\\nages. In response to the appeal of the Spaniards for aid,\\nM. de Bienville gave them a liberal supply of munitions of\\nwar, and also dispatched a force of one hundred men to\\ntheir assistance. It thus appears that, notwithstanding\\nthe jealousies of the rival colonies, situated so near each\\nother, with conflicting territorial claims, the French gen-\\nerously assisted their neighbors on different occasions with\\nboth provisions and ammunition. At this period the\\nSpaniards found great difficulty in maintaining their es-\\ntablishments in Florida. This was principally due to\\nthe inveterate animosity of the Indians of the countiy,\\nwho were encouraged in their hostilities, and sometimes\\nmaterially aided, by the English colonists of South Car-\\nolina.\\nIn the summer of 1703, M. d Iberville sent his brother,\\nAnthony le Moyne de Chateaugue, to Louisiana, with sev-\\nenteen Canadian colonists, who carried with them imple-\\nments of husbandry, etc. About the 1st of May, 1704, the\\nPelican, a fifty-gun ship, arrived from France at Dauphin\\nIsland, loaded with provisions and military stores for the\\ncolony. She brought out two companies of troops to re-\\ninforce the garrisons, four priests, two nuns, and twenty\\npoor young women, who were shortly afterward married\\nto the bachelor colonists. This was the first shipment of\\nunmarried women to Louisiana, and was followed by others\\nat intervals.\\nDuring the autumn of that year there was much sick-\\nness and mortality in the French colony, and the horrors\\nof famine were averted only by relief received from the\\nSpanish governor of Pensacola. On the 27th of October,\\n15", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "226 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\nintelligence was received that the Spanish fort of Pen-\\nsacola had been destroyed by fire, together with a large\\nquantity of provisions, clothing, and stores; and at the\\nsame time a request came that the French would send\\nthem a schooner to carry the tidings of their disaster\\nto Vera Cruz. On the 11th of December news came that\\nthe English were fitting out an armament at Charleston,\\nto operate against the French establishments at Biloxi and\\non the Mobile, but this fortunately proved to be incorrect.\\nIn January, 1705, a trader named De Lambert arrived at\\nthe Mobile from a small French post on the Wabash (prob-\\nably the Lower Ohio), which he had abandoned in conse-\\nquence of the hostile disposition of the savages in that in-\\nterior region. During this year war again broke out be-\\ntween the Choctaws and Chickasaws, which was character-\\nized by more than the usual Indian barbarities. A tempo-\\nrary peace, however, was at length eft ected through the\\nactive mediation of the French under Bienville, though at\\nconsiderable personal risk to the latter.\\nOn the 9th of July, 1706, Pierre le Moyne, Sieur\\nd Iberville, died at sea, near St. Domingo, aged forty-\\nfive years. He had been previously attacked with yel-\\nlow fever, and barely escaped with his life. Unable to\\nsustain the enervating influence of a tropical climate, he\\nhad retired to France to recuperate his broken health.\\nAfter a year or more he again sailed to the West Indies,\\nand was there stricken by a severe disease which termin-\\nated his earthly existence.* He thus fell a lamented victim\\nto his sense of oflUcial duty, and of devotion to the service\\nof his king and country. We have already passed in re-\\nview the chief incidents in his active and fortunate career,\\nand need only add here a brief estimate of his character.\\nHe was a man of great energy and determination of pur-\\npose, and, as a naval commander, was quick and judicious\\nto decide, and prompt and bold in the execution of his\\nplans. Less learned, brilliant, and fanciful than La Salle,\\nhe was better balanced, more practical, and therefore more\\nMonette s Valley of the Mississippi, Vol. I, p. 207.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "Misfortunes of the Louisiana Colony. 227\\nsuccessful as a colonizer. The idol of his Canadian coun-\\ntrymen, he was justly recognized as one of the ablest cap-\\ntains in the French navy. His premature decease cast a\\ngloom over the infant colony of Louisiana, of which he\\nhad been both the persevering founder and constant bene-\\nfactor. His name is fitly perpetuated in one of the rivers,\\nas well as in a parish, of the Pelican State of Louisiana.\\nAfter the death of B Iberville, contention and trouble\\narose in the colony. Bienville Avas charged with sundry\\nacts of misconduct and mismanagement, and was dis-\\nmissed from oflice, but his successor dying on the way\\nfrom France, he still retained the command. In January,\\n1707, intelligence was brought to the fort on the Mobile\\nthat St. Cosme, the Jesuit missionary among the l^atchez,\\nand three other Frenchmen, had been slain by the Cheti-\\nmaclias, as they were descending the river to the sea.*\\nPresents were thereupon sent by the French to the surround-\\ning nations, to induce them to wage war upon that treach-\\nerous tribe.\\nIn September, 1710, an English corsair, with an armed\\nparty, made a descent upon Dauphin Island, and pillaged\\nit of property said to have been worth sixty thousand\\nlivres. During the years 1709 and 1710, the Louisiana\\ncolonists suffered severely from sickness and famine and\\nin March, 1709, there was a great flood in the Mobile and\\nother rivers, wiiich inundated the houses of Fort Louis.\\nFor this reason the French abandoned the fort, and built\\nanother at or near the mouth of Mobile River, where the\\ncity now stands.\\nSuch, in imperfect outline, are the principal occurrences\\nin the history of the colony of Lower Louisiana during the\\nfirst twelve years of it precarious existence. In the French\\ncolonial annals of the period, nothing is more astonishing\\nthan the number of canoe and boat voyages made by them\\nto every part of the wilderness Valley of the Mississippi.\\nThe comparative ease and safety with which these long\\nand difiicult journeys were performed indicated great tact\\n*See note in the preceding chapter, j)age 201.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "228 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\nand facility on the part of the French in adapting them-\\nselves to the primitive modes of life and locomotion of the\\naborigines, and in gaining and retaining their good will.\\nWhat has been remarked by the brilliant historian, Pres-\\ncott, of the Spanish conquerors of Mexico, may apply with\\nequal pertinence to the French explorers of the Mississippi\\nValley\\nThe mere excitement of exploring the strange and\\nthe unknown was a sufficient compensation to the Spanish\\nadventurer for all his toils and trials. It seems to have been-\\nordered by Providence that such a race of men should exist\\ncontemporaneously with the discovery of the New World,\\nthat those regions should be brought to light which were\\nbeset with dangers and difficulties so appalling as might\\nhave tended to overawe and discourage the ordinary spirit\\nof adventure.\\nPecurring once more to Henri de Tonty, it may now\\nbe proper to relate what little is known in regard to his\\nlast years, and to sum up his character and career. In 1702\\nhe was sent by Captain d Iberville on a mission to secure\\nthe ChJckasaws in the French interest. The route taken\\nby him from Mobile is laid down on some of the old French\\nmaps, but of the incidents of his trip, or the measure of suc-\\ncess that attended it, we have no knowledge. After this we\\nfind no further special mention of his name, save that he died\\nin September, 1704, at Fort Louis on the Mobile.f That\\nwas a sickly season with the colony, and marked by more\\nthan the ordinary mortality and it seems probable that\\nno kind friend or priest was with our hero to chronicle the\\nparticulars of his last hours, or if so the record thereof has\\nperished. At the time of his singularly quiet exit from the\\nscenes of busy life, Tonty must have been aged about fifty-\\nfour. Though not an old man in point of years, he was old\\nin experience and knowledge of the world, and especially\\nPrescott s History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. 3, book vii.,\\nchap. iii.\\nt .See Charlevoix History of New Frauoe,^vol. HI, p. 201, note by the\\neditor.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "Condasion of Tonty s Eventful History. 229\\nin the number and variety of exciting adventures through\\nwhich he had passed, as well in Europe as in America.\\nHe could hardly be classed as a great captain or leader,\\nthough he was not incapable of devising and executing\\nthe boldest enterprises. As a first lieutenant, he rendered\\ninvaluable services to La Salle, and next to his chief, con-\\ntributed most toward the exploration of the Mississippi\\nValley. His courage and address were strikingly exhibited\\nin his intercourse with the Indians, both in war and in\\npeace; but his acts were mostly performed where there\\nwere few to observe, and fewer still to record them. He\\nwas honest, sincere, generous, faithful, and brave the\\nheau ideal of a true soldier. These admirable qualities en-\\ndeared him to all his compatriots in life, and have made\\nhim a prime favorite with all of La Salle s biographers.\\nVery few names in French- American history, writes\\nParkman, are mentioned with such unanimity of praise\\nas that of Henri de Tonty. Hennepin finds some fault\\nwith him; but his censure is commendation.* The dis-\\npatches of the governor, Denonville, speak in strong terms\\nof his services in the Iroquois war, praise his character,\\nand declare that he is fit for any bold enterprise, adding\\nthat he deserves reward from the king. The missionary\\nSt. Cosme, who traveled under his escort in 1699, says of\\nhim He is beloved by all the voyageurs. It was with\\ndeep regret that we parted from him he is the man who\\nbest knows the country; he is loved and feared every-\\nwhere. Parkman himself adds He seems never to\\nhave received the reward his great merit deserved. f La\\nSalle, however, had done what he could for Tonty, and, as\\nalready noticed, made him a grant of lands on the Ar-\\nkansas River.\\nHe had a younger brother named Alphonse de Tonty,\\na captain in the French service, who long held command\\nat the post of Detroit, and against whom charges of pecu-\\nWhen the Griffin was building at Niagara, Hennepin says that\\nTonty took some offense at his lieeping a journal, and tried to seize it.\\nt Discovery of the Great West, note, p. 441.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "230 Settlement of Lower Louisiana.\\nlation were preferred but no stain tarnishes the fair es-\\ncutcheon of the little, copper-handed Henri. Around his\\nname more than that of any other of the French explorers,\\nis wreathed a halo of chivalry and romance, and only a\\nfew years since, he was made the hero in a popular histori-\\ncal fiction, entitled The Story of Tonty. He is some-\\ntimes referred to as the Chevalier de Tonty, but, though a\\ntrue knight, it does not appear that he ever received the\\nhonor of knighthood. He did not share La Salle s antip-\\nathy to the Jesuits, but rather courted their favor, and in\\nreturn for his considerate attentions, they heralded his\\npraises and helped to embalm his memory.\\nAs early as 1697, a book, purporting to be a Memoir\\nof the Sieur de Tonty, was published in France under this\\ntitle \u00e2\u0096\u00a0^Dernieres Decouvertes dans L Amerique Septentrionale,\\nde 31. de la Salle, par Chevalier de Tonti, Gouverneur da Fort\\nSt. Louis aux Illinois. Paris, 1697. Copies of the same\\nhaving found their way to New France, Tonty disavowed\\nto M. d Iberville and Father Marest all responsibility for\\nthe w^ork, which he characterized as full of errors and ex-\\naggerations. But then he had written a memoir, and sent\\nit to Paris in 1693, which formed the basis of the above\\nspurious publication.\\nThe real or admitted memoirs of Henri de Tonty are\\nembraced in the valuable collection of Pierre Margry, di-\\nrector of the Archives of the Marine and Colonies at Paris,\\nunder this general title: \u00e2\u0080\u00a2Decouvertes et Etablissem.ents des\\nFrancais dans L Quest et Sud de L Ameriquc Septentrionale\\n(1614-1754), iH/fimoM .s et Documents originauz Paris, France,\\n1877-78. Volume I of this publication contains Voyages\\net etat des Francais sur les lacs et le Mississippi, sous les ordres\\nde M. de la Salle et de Tonty, du 1678 d 1684. Volume II\\ncontains \u00e2\u0096\u00a0Lettres of Henri de Tonty sur ce qu il a appris de\\nM. de la Salle, le voyage qu il a fait j^our V alter chercher, et son\\ndepart prochein pour marcher contre les Iroquois, 1686-1689.\\nAn English translation of this memoir, or relation, was printed in\\nLondon in 1698, entitled an Account of ]\\\\I. de la Salle s Last Expedi-\\ntion and Discoveries in North America, whi(;h was republished in New\\nYork in 1814.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "Petition of M. de Tonty. 231\\nBesides the above, Tonty wrote and addressed to Count\\nde Pontcliartrain a short memoir of himself (before noticed),\\nwhich is also printed in Margry s collection, as well as else-\\nwhere. It is without date, but is supposed to have been\\nwritten in the year 1690 or 1691. Following is an En-\\nglish version of this curious and interesting autobiographi-\\ncal paper:\\nPetition of the Chevalier de Tonty to Count de Pontchartrain, Minister of\\nMarine.\\nMonseignenr Henri de Tonty humbly represents to your highness,\\nthat he entered the military service as a cadet, and was employed in\\nthat capacity in the years 1668 and 1669, and that he afterward served\\nas midshipman four years at Marseilles and Toulon, and made seven\\ncampaigns, that is, four on board ships of war, and three in galleys.\\nWhile at Messina he was made captain, and in the interval lieutenant,\\nof the first company of a regiment of horse. When the enemy at-\\ntacked the post of Libisso, his right hand was shot away by a grenade,\\nand he was taken prisoner and conducted to Metasse, where he was de-\\ntained six months, and then exchanged for the son of the governor of\\nthat place. He then went to France to obtain some favor of his majesty,\\nand the king granted him three hundred livres. He returned to the\\nservice in Sicily, made the campaign as a volunteer in the galleys, and\\nwhen the troops were discharged, being unable to obtain the employ-\\nment he solicited at court on account of the general peace, he decided,\\nin 1678, to join the late Monsieur de la Salle, in order to accompany\\nhim in the discoveries of Mexico, during which, until 1682, he was the\\nonly officer who did not desert him.\\nThese discoveries being finished, he remained, in 1683, commandant\\nof Fort St. Louis of the Illinois and in 1684 he was there attacked by\\ntwo hundred Iroquois, whom he repulsed with great loss on their side.\\nDuring the same year, he repaired to Quebec, under the orders of M. de\\nla Barre. In 1685, he returned to the Illinois, according to the orders\\nwhich he had received from the court, and from M. de la Salle, as a\\ncaptain of foot in a marine detachment and governor of Fort St. Louis.\\nIn 1686, he went with forty men in canoes, at his own expense, as far as\\nthe Gulf of Mexico, to seek for M. de la Salle. Not being able to find\\nhim there, he returned to Montreal, and put himself under the orders\\nof Monsieur Denonville,* to engage in the war with the Iroquois.\\nAt the head of a band of Indians, in 1687, he proceeded two hun-\\ndred leagues by land, and as far in canoes, and joined the army, when,\\nwith these Indians and a company of Canadians, he forced the ambus-\\ncade of the Tsonnonthouans.t The campaign being over, he returned\\nJacques Reue de Brisay Denonville superseded La Barre, in 1685, as governor\\nof Canada, and served about four years.\\nOr Senecas.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "232 Petition of M. de Tonty.\\nto the Illinois, whence he departed, in 1689, to go in search of the re-\\nmains of M. de la Salle s colony but being deserted by his men, and\\nunable to execute his design, he was compelled to relinquish it when he\\nhad arrived within seven days march of the Spaniards. Ten months\\nwere spent in going and returning. As he now finds himself without\\nemployment, he prays that, in consideration of his voyages and heavy\\nexpenses, and considering, also, that during his service of seven years\\nas captain, he has not received any pay, your highness will be pleased\\nto obtain for him from his majesty a company, with which he may con-\\ntinue his services in this country, where he has not ceased to harass the\\nIroquois by enlisting the Illinois against them in his majesty s cause.\\nAnd he will continue his prayers for the health of your highness.\\nHenri de Tonty.\\nNothing can be more true than the account given by the Sieur de\\nTonty in this petition and should his majesty reinstate the seven com-\\npanies which have been disbanded in this country, there will be justice\\nin granting one of them to him, or some other recompense for the serv-\\nices which he has rendered, and which he is now returning to render at\\nFort St. Louis of the Illinois. Frontenac.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "Change of Officers in Louisiana. 233\\nCHAPTER XII.\\n1712-1717.\\nLOUISIANA UNDER M. CROZAT DEMISE OF LOUIS XIV.\\nHitlierto the small, isolated French settlements in the\\nIllinois, and those founded by D Iberville and Bienville on\\nthe shores of the Gulf of Mexico, had been separate and\\nunorganized dependencies of Canada, or Kew France. But\\nthey were now soon to be united in one large province,\\nunder the designation of Louisiana, with a government de-\\npendent upon and subordinate to that of New France.\\nThis immense wilderness territory extended from Lake\\nMichigan and the Wisconsin river on the north to the\\nMexican Gulf at the south, and from the Ohio Valley on\\nthe east to the base of the Rocky Mountains and New\\nMexico in the west. It was already known to possess a\\ntemperate and salubrious climate, a rich and very produc-\\ntive soil, and to abound in fur-bearing animals and it was\\nalso believed to contain metallic ores of untold value.\\nIn 1711 the government of Louisiana was committed\\nby the French king to a governor, or commandant-general,\\nwith other subordinate oflicers. The chief head-quarters of\\nthis colonial government was established, as before, on the\\nMobile, and a new fort was completed near the site of the\\npresent city of Mobile. The Sieur de Muys, who had been\\ncommissioned governor, died on the outward passage from\\nFrance but M. Diron d Artaguette, the commissiaire ordon-\\nnateur, who had arrived in Louisiana in 1708, entered upon\\nhis official duties.* This, however, was provisional.\\nIn order to the more speedy and systematic devel-\\nopment of the commercial and mineral resources of the\\nBancroft s History, III., p. 343; and Monette s Hist, of Miss.\\nValley, I., 209.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "234 Louisiana under Crozat.\\ncountry, Louis XIV., by letters patent, bearing date at\\nFontainbleau, September 14, 1712, and registered in the\\nParliament of Paris on the 24th of September, granted a\\nmonopoly of the commerce, and sole direction of the affairs\\nof the new province (for the term of fifteen years) to M.\\nAntoine Crozat, Marquis de Chatel, a man of great wealth,\\none of his majesty s councillors, and secretary of his house-\\nhold, crown and revenue. This royal patent constituted\\nthe first regular charter of government for Louisiana. It\\nis a length} and elaborately drawn paper, the introductory\\nportion whereof reads as follows\\nLouis, by the grace of God, King of France and Na-\\nvarre,\\nTo all who shall see these \u00e2\u0080\u00a2present letters, greeting\\nThe care we have always had to procure the welfare\\nand advantage of our subjects, having induced us, not-\\nwithstanding the almost continual wars which we have\\nbeen obliged to support from the beginning of our reign,\\nto seek for all possible opportunities of enlarging and ex-\\ntending the trade of our American colonies we did, in the\\nyear 1683 (1684), give our orders to undertake a discovery\\nof the countries and lands which are situated in the\\nnorthern part of America, between New France and New\\nMexico, and the Sieur de la Salle, to whom we committed\\nthat enterprise, having had success enough to confirm a\\nbelief that a communication might be settled (opened) from\\nNew France to the Gulf of Mexico, by means of large\\nrivers, this obliged us immediately after the peace of Rys-\\nwick to give orders for the establishing a colony there, and\\nmaintaining a garrison which lias kept and preserved the\\npossession, we had taken in the year 1683, of the lands,\\ncoasts and islands, which are situated in the Gulf of Mex-\\nico, between Carolina on the east and Old and New Mexico\\non the west.\\nBut a new war having broke out in Europe shortly\\nafter, there was no possibility till now of reaping from that\\ncolony the advantages that might have been expected from\\nthence, because the private men, who are concerned in the\\nsea-trade, were all under engagements with other colonies,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "Crozafs Royal Patent. 235\\nwhich they have been obliged to follow. And, whereas,\\nupon the information we have received concerning the dis-\\nposition and situation of the said countries known at pres-\\nent by the name of the Province of Louisiana, we are of\\nopinion that there may be established therein a considera-\\nble commerce, so much the more advantageous to our\\nkingdom in that there has hitherto been a necessity of\\nfetching from foreigners the greater part of the commodi-\\nties which may l)e brought from thence, and because in ex-\\nchange thereof, we need carry thither nothing but commod-\\nities of the growth and manufacture of our own kingdom.\\nWe have resolved to grant the commerce of the coun-\\ntry of Louisiana to the Sieur Anthony Crozat, our council-\\nlor, secretary of the household, crown, and revenue, to\\nwhom we intrust the execution of this project. We are the\\nmore readily inclined hereunto, because his zeal and the\\nsingular knowledge he has acquired in maritime commerce\\nencourage us to hope for as good success as he has hitherto\\nhad in the divers and sundry enterprises he has gone upon,\\nand which have procured to our kingdom great quantities\\nof gold and silver in such conjunctures as have rendered\\nthem very welcome to us.\\nFor these reasons, being desirous to show our favor\\nto him, and to regulate the conditions upon which we mean\\nto grant him the said commerce, after having deliberated\\nthis affair in our council, of our certain knowledge, full\\npower and royal authority, we, by these presents, signed by\\nour hand, have appointed, and do appoint, the said Sieur\\nCrozat, solely to carry on a trade in all the lands possessed\\nby us, and bounded by New Mexico, and by the English\\nof Carolina, all the establishment, ports, havens, rivers,\\nand principally the port and haven of the Isle Dauphine,\\nheretofore called Massacre, the river of St. Louis, hereto-\\nfore called Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as far as\\nthe Illinois, together with the river of Saint Philip, here-\\ntofore called the Missoury s, and of Saint Jerome, hereto-\\nfore called Ouabaehe, with all the countries, territories,\\nlakes, within land, and the rivers which fall directly or in-\\ndirectly into that part of the river St. Louis.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "236 Louisiana under Crozat.\\nThe kind of government to be established under this\\npatent, and the powers, duties, and restrictions imposed by\\nit upon M. Crozat, are specifically defined in the Articles,\\nthe first of which is thus worded\\nI. Our pleasure is that all the aforesaid lands, coun-\\ntries, streams, rivers, and islands be and remain comprised\\nunder the name of the government of Louisiana, which\\nshall be dependent upon the general government in New\\nFrance, to which it is subordinate and, further, that all\\nthe lands which we possess from the Illinois be united, so\\nfar as occasion requires, to the general government of New\\nFrance, and become part thereof,* reserving, however, the\\nliberty of enlarging, as we shall think fit, the extent of the\\ngovernment of the said country of Louisiana.\\nArticle 11. granted to the said Sieur Crozat, for fifteen\\nsuccessive years, to be reckoned from the day of enrolling\\nthese presents, a right and power to transport all sorts of\\ngoods and merchandise from France into the said country\\nof Louisiana, and to traflic thither as he shall think fit.\\nAnd all other persons or companies were herein forbid-\\nden to trade thither, under any pretense whatever, under\\npenalty of confiscation of goods and ships, and other more\\nsevere punishments, as occasion should require.\\nArticle III. permitted him to search for, open, and\\ndig all sorts of mines, veins, and minerals throughout the\\nwhole extent of the said country of Louisiana, and to trans-\\nport the profits thereof into any part of France during the\\nsaid fifteen years. By this article there was also granted\\nto Crozat, in perpetuity, his heirs and others claiming un-\\nder him or them, the property of and in said mines, veins,\\nand minerals, wliich he should bring to bear, paying the\\nking, in lieu of all claim, the fifth part of all the gold and\\nsilver, to be transported to France at Crozat s own ex-\\npense (not including the risk of sea and war), and the tenth\\npart of what eftects he might draw from the other mines,\\nveins, and minerals, which tenth was to be conveyed to the\\nThis provision was doubtless iutended to apply to the northern\\npart of the Illinois country.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "Crozafs Royal Patent. 237\\nking s magazine in Louisiana. He was also permitted to\\nsearch for precious stones and pearls, paying the one-fifth\\npart of the same to his majesty, in like manner as directed\\nfor the gold and silver.\\nIt was further herein provided, that the said Crozat,\\nhis heirs, or those claiming under him or them the perpet-\\nual right aforesaid, should forfeit the property in the said\\nmines, veins, and minerals, if they discontinued the work\\nduring three years, and that in such case, the said mines,\\nveins, and minerals should be fully re-united to the king s\\ndomain, without the formality of any process of law, but\\nonly by an ordinance of reunion from the sub-delegate of\\nthe intendant of New France, who should be in the said\\ncountry.\\nArticles IV., V., and VI. relate to and regulate the\\ntrade to be carried on by said Crozat with the French and\\nIndians in Louisiana, and also to the mills and manufac-\\ntories he was authorized to set up in the said country.\\nArticle VII. provides, that the royal edicts, ordi-\\nnances and customs, the usages of the mayoralty and\\nshrievealty of Paris, shall be observed for laws and cus-\\ntoms in the said country of Louisiana.\\nThe next succeeding six articles specify the minimum\\nnumber of ships to be sent out annually by the said Crozat\\nto said Louisiana, and oblige him to transport thither at\\nhis own charge such of the king s troops as may be needed\\nfor garrison duty exempt from all duties the goods and\\nmerchandise by him exported from or imported to the said\\ncountry, but require the same to be deposited in and de-\\nlivered from the government custom and warehouses and,\\nfurther, grant him the use of the felluccas and canoes be-\\nlonging to the king in said Louisiana, on condition that at\\nthe expiration of his patent, he shall restore them, or an\\nequal number in their place, to the governor of the province.\\nThe three concluding articles of the patent are worded\\nas follows\\nXIV. If, for the cultures and plantations which the\\nSieur Crozat is minded to make, he finds it proper to have\\nblacks in the said country of Louisiana, he may send a ship", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "238 Louisiana under Crozat.\\nevery year to trade directly upon the coast of Guinea, taking\\npermission from the Guinea Company so to do, (and) he\\nmay sell those blacks to the inhabitants of the colony of\\nLouisiana and we forbid all other companies and persons\\nwhatsoever, under any pretense whatsoever, to introduce\\nblacks or traffic for them in the said country, nor shall the\\nsaid Sieur Crozat carry blacks elsewhere.\\nXV. He shall not send any sliips into the said coun-\\ntry of Louisiana, but directly from France, and he shall\\ncause the said ships to return thither again, the whole\\nunder pain of confiscation and forfeiture of the present\\nprivilege.\\nXVI. The said Sieur Crozat shall be obliged, after\\nthe expiration of the first nine years of this grant, to pay\\nthe officers and the garrison which shall be in the said\\ncountry during the six last years of the continuance of the\\npresent privilege.\\nThe said Sieur Crozat may in that time propose and\\nnominate the officers, as vacancies shall fall, and such\\nofficers shall be confirmed by us, if we approve them,\\nSuch are the material provisions of the ample charter\\ngranted by the king to M. Antoine Crozat, in the hope\\nof receiving thereby rich monetary returns to replenish his\\ndepleted exchequer. We have given the more space to the\\nexposition of this patent, because under it was instituted\\nthe first civil government for the Province of Louisiana,\\nincluding the Illinois.\\nTo effectuate the main purpose of his grant, Crozat\\nsent out from France the necessary miners and mining\\ntools, with other artisans and laborers, and some slaves\\nfrom St. Domingo, to begin prospecting for the precious\\nmetals.\\nOn May 17, 1718, a large French ship arrived in the\\nwaters of Louisiana, having on board Antoine de la Mothe\\nCadillac,t the newly appointed governor of the colony, his\\nFor the full text of Crozat e Letters Patent, see Historical Col-\\nlections of liOuisiana, vol. III.\\ntLa Mothe, or La Motte, Cadillac was born of noble parentage in\\nGascony, France, about tlie year 1666. .Sailing thence to America, he", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "Officers of Crozafs Government. 239\\nfamily, and M. Duclos, intendant commissary. By the\\nsame vessel was also brought a commission naming Bien-\\nville as lieutenant-governor. The coming of Cadillac and\\nhis associates would have had a more salutary inHuence on\\nthe future of the colony, if he and Bienville had acted in\\nconcert but they were mutually jealous of each other from\\nthe outset, and each had his party of followers, which\\nproved detrimental to the interests of both.\\nAt this early and unpromising stage of her history as\\na colony, although over two thousand persons had been\\ntransported thither. Southern Louisiana contained not more\\nthan four hundred whites, twenty negro slaves, and about\\nthree hundred head of horned cattle, which latter had\\nmostly been imported from St. Domingo.\\nThe Sieur Crozat expected to realize handsome profits\\nfrom the fur-trade with the Indians, and if he had confined\\nhimself to that alone, he would have succeeded better in\\nthe end but the possibility of sudden wealth from the dis-\\ncovery of rich mines of gold and silver was what chiefly\\nengaged the attention of his agents, and induced them to\\nthe most lavish outlay of capital. To accomplish this ob-\\nject, prospecting parties were sent out to various parts of\\nthe country, and small posts were established on the upper\\nwaters of Red River, the Washita, the Yazoo, the Coosa,*\\nthe Cumberland (near iSTashville), and on other southern\\nrivers. Indeed, to such a degree were Crozat and his part-\\nners affected by this mania for the precious metals, that\\nthey often magnified insignificant findings into supposed\\nrealities of great value. But though gold and silver were\\nnot to be found, either by washing, digging or boring,\\nlarge deposits of the less valuable ores of lead and iron were\\nfound in what is now south-eastern Missouri. The mining\\nadventurers in this wild region drew their principal sub-\\nsistence from the French settlements of Kaskaskia and Ca-\\nserved as a captain in Acadia, and in 1694 was sent by Frontenac to\\ncommand at Mackinac after which, in 1701, he founded the military\\npost of Detroit. During his five years stay in Louisiana, he not only\\nofficiated as governor, but was a partner in Crozat s commercial ven-\\ntures. His name is perpetuated in a thriving lumber city of Michigan.\\nThat on the Coosa was called Fort Toulouse.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "240 Louisiana under Crozat.\\nhokia, to which they added such of their number as pre-\\nferred to cultivate the soil and a fixed abode to the more\\nprecarious pursuit of mining. Hence, from this source, the\\nIllinois colony derived a considerable accession of European\\nbone and muscle.*\\nUnder the auspices of M. Crozat an attempt was made\\nto open trade with the Spaniards at Vera Cruz, by sending\\nthither a vessel laden with a valuable cargo of merchandise,\\nbut it was not allowed to land either there or at any other\\nMe:j^ican port. The occupancy of Louisiana by the French\\nhad been regarded by Spain from the first as an encroach-\\nment upon her territory, and a menace to her supremacy in\\nthe Gulf; and, therefore, after three years of ineffectual ne-\\ngotiations with the viceroy of Mexico, Crozat was obliged\\nto relinquish his scheme of commercial relations with the\\nSpanish ports. Another project was to establish trade\\noverland with the interior provinces of Mexico, but in this\\ncase, after repeated eflbrts, he also failed, his goods being\\nseized and confiscated and his agents imprisoned. I^ordid\\nthe fur-trade with the Indians prove so remunerative as\\nhad been anticipated. English agents from Carolina were\\nactive in their eftbrts to incite the Choctaws and Chicka-\\nsaws against the French, and, wherever it was practica-\\nble, they controlled the fur-tratfic by furnishing goods to\\nthe Indians at reduced prices. Agriculture, the only source\\nof permanent prosperity, was of course neglected. At the\\nend of four years, he had expended about 425,000 livres\\nand realized only 300,000,t and he found himself unable to\\nmeet his liabilities or pay his men.\\nOn the 23d of August, 1717, M. Crozat, despairing of any\\nbetter success in the future, surrendered his vested rights\\nand privileges to the young king, Louis XV., who then oc-\\ncupied the throne of France under the regency of the Duke\\nof Orleans, and thereupon the government of Louisiana\\nreverted solely to the officers appointed by the crown.\\n*At a later period the French opened and worked lead nnues, to\\nsome extent, on the Upper Mississippi, about (lalena and Dubuque,\\nt Davidson and Stuve s Hist. 111., p. 114.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "Bienville and the Natchez. 241\\nDuring the five years of his connection with the province,\\nalthough it was widely explored, the growth of the French\\nsettlements therein was inconsiderable, and but little was\\naccomplished for their real benefit. The principal pros-\\nperity they enjoyed grew out of the enterprise of individual\\nmerchants and traders, who, despite the restrictions of\\nCrozat s monopoly, managed to carry on a limited trade\\nwith the natives and with some of the neighboring European\\ncolonies. At the close of this epoch the colonists and\\nadventurers in Upper and Lower Louisiana, including the\\nking s troops sent thither to protect them, did not exceed\\nfifteen hundred souls.\\nFrom the foregoing review of the Parisian Crozat s\\noperations in Louisiana, we turn to chronicle certain civil\\nand military events which transpired in the province during\\nthat period. In February, 1716, Lieut. Bienville departed\\nup the Mississippi, under the orders of Governor Cadillac,\\non an expedition to the Natchez nation, where some French\\nhunters and traders had already found a lodgment.\\nHaving learned that five Frenchmen had been slain, and\\nthat six more were still prisoners in the hands of the IS^at-\\nchez, Bienville dissembled his knowledge of the matter\\nuntil he had induced the war-chiefs to meet him in\\ncouncil, when they gave up their six prisoners. He then\\nreproached them with the murder of the other Frenchmen,\\nand refused to treat with them until the guilty authors\\nshould be surrendered up to him. They replied that it was\\nnot possible for sun-chiefs and men of valor to thus give\\nup their people. Upon this they were immediately put in\\nirons and imprisoned under guard. On the next day the\\nprisoner chiefs requested permission to send a deputation\\nto their grand chief, desiring him to send the head of the\\nchief Whitehead, who was the principal murderer. Bien-\\nville having given his consent, the deputation was sent, and\\nreturned, not with the head of that chief, but with another\\nwho was willing to devote himself to death in place of\\nWhitehead. This and other similar offers the French com-\\nmander firmly declined.\\n16", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "242 Louisiana under Crozat.\\nIn the meantime lie received a letter from a Canadian\\namong the J^atchez, informing him that six pirogues of his\\ncountrymen were on their way down the river, and that,\\nignorant of this rupture with the Indians, they would fall\\ninto the hands of the latter. Bienville promptly dispatched\\na canoe from his camp, which passed the Natchez village\\nunperceived, and, meeting the Canadian voyageurs, apprised\\nthem of their danger. Not wishing to resort to extreme\\nmeasures against the Natchez, Bienville finally proposed\\npeace to them on condition that they should put to death\\nBig-beard, one of the murderers, and help to build\\na fort for the French; which terms they complied\\nwith. The fort was erected on an elevated blufi overlook-\\ning the river, and on the site that had been previously\\nselected by M. d Iberville. It was named Rosahe in com-\\npliment to the wife of Count Pontchartrain, formerly Sec-\\nretary of State for the Colonies. Thus was laid the mili-\\ntary foundation of the present city of Natchez, the oldest\\npermanent white settlement on the Lower Mississippi, save\\nthat of Arkansas Post, which was never a place of much\\nimportance. Having re-established peaceful relations with\\nthe Natchez nation, Bienville stationed a garrison at Fort\\nXiosalie to maintain it, and returned down the river with\\nthe rest of his men to the French head-quarters.\\nLate in August, 1716, Louis Juchereau de St. Denis re-\\nturned to Fort Louis on the Mobile from an extraordinary\\njourney overland to Mexico, or New Spain. Two years be-\\nfore, in 1714, he had been sent by Governor Cadillac to\\nthe middle provinces of Mexico for the double purpose of\\nfinding a market for Crozat s goods, and of forestalling the\\naction of the Spaniards, who were supposed to be meditat-\\ning an establishment at the Natchitoches. Having been\\nsupplied by the governor with ten thousand livres worth of\\nmerchantable goods, St. Denis, with twenty-four Cana-\\ndians, and an equal number of southern Indians, ascended\\nthe Mississippi and Red River to the village of the Natchi-\\ntoches, located on an island in the latter stream. Arrived\\nthither, he at first employed his men in building some log\\ncabins for the use of those whom he intended to leave be-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "St. Denis Overland Journey to Mexico. 243\\nhind. Then, taking with him twelve picked Canadians, and\\na few active yonng Indians, all well armed and mounted,\\nhe quit the low valley of Red River, and boldly struck\\nacross the far-spreading plains to the westward. After\\ntwenty days march, he reached a tribe of the Cenis nation,\\nin the vicinity of Trinity River. Being furnished by them\\nwith fresh guides, the leader and his troop traveled thence\\nabout one hundred and iifty leagues to the south-west,\\nwhen they arrived at the Spanish settlement of San Juan\\nBautista, or Presidio del N^orte, situate some two leagues\\nbeyond the Rio Grande. Here St. Denis was well received\\nby the Spanish commandant, Don Pedro da Vilescas, who\\ntook him and the principal men of his party to his own\\nquarters, and assigned lodgings for the remainder.\\nIt was now near the close of the year 1714, and, after\\na few days rest, St. Denis began negotiations with Don\\nPedro for the opening of a regulated trade with the French\\ncolonists of Louisiana. But the Spanish officer informed\\nhim that he could do nothing without the permission of his\\nimmediate superior, the governor of Caouis (Coahuila), to\\nwhom he sent a courier for orders. The governor de-\\ncided that St. Denis would have to go to the capital and\\nsee the viceroy in person. To this he assented, but was in\\nno hurry about starting, having meantime become enam-\\nored of Dona Maria, the handsome daughter of Don Pedro.\\nAt length, on setting out from Caouis, he wrote to the\\nFrenchmen-at-arms whom he had left at Presidio del Xorte\\nto return to the Natchitoches. He made the journey south-\\nward to the city of Mexico (distant over two hundred\\nleagues) with M. Jallot, one of his French companions, and\\nwas escorted by a body of twenty -five Spanish horsemen.\\nUpon his arrival at the capital, St. Denis presented his cre-\\ndentials to the viceroy, who, after perusing them, sent him\\nto prison, where he was detained for three months, and\\nmight have been kept in durance vile much longer, if it\\nhad not been for the personal intercession of some French\\nofficers in the service of New Spain. After his liberation\\nhe was generously treated by the viceroy, who spared no\\neffort to induce him to enter the military service of Spain.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "244 Louisiana wider Crozat.\\nAmong other arguments used for this purpose, the viceroy\\ntold him that he was ah^eady a half Spaniard, since he\\nsought the hand of the daughter of Don Pedro de Vilescas,\\nand was to marry her upon his return to San Juan.\\nPrior to his departure from the city of Mexico, St.\\nDenis is said to have concerted a plan with the viceroy for\\nthe planting of Eoman Catholic missions among the Indian\\nnations in Texas. Quitting the Mexican capital about the\\n26th of October, 1715, he journeyed, with a small escort,\\nback to Presidio del Norte. Here he performed a valuable\\nservice to the Spanish commandant, by preventing the re-\\nmoval of certain dissatisiied tribes from the Rio Grande,\\nwhose trade and friendship was of importance to the Span-\\niards. Soon after this he married Don Pedro s daughter,\\nwith whom he lived happily for six months, when it be-\\ncame necessary for him to return to Louisiana. But no\\nsooner had he arrived at the French head-quarters, and re-\\nported to Governor Cadillac the result of his lengthened\\nmission, than he made haste to join another land expedi-\\ntion to Mexico. Arrived thither, lie repeated some of his\\nformer experiences, and was again imprisoned by the Span-\\nish authorities, but managed to effect his escape.\\nReturning to Louisiana, in 1719, St. Denis was after-\\nward appointed commandant of the post of i^atchitoches,\\nwhere he was joined by his wife and family, and where we\\nshall find him taking part in the Natches war. He was,\\nindeed, one of the most remarkable personages of his time\\nin the province, and the narrative of his Mexican adven-\\ntures reads more like the story of a paladin of romance\\nthan sober reality. It is true that he accomplished little or\\nnothing in the way of establishing commercial intercourse\\nwith the arrogant and exclusive hidalgos of Mexico, yet\\nhis long journeys back and forth across the country added\\ngreatly to the geographical knowledge of the French, and\\nenabled them to extend and confirm their alliances with\\nthe principal aboriginal tribes of Texas.*\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2From Charlevoix History of New France (vol. vi., p. 12 and\\nTWte), we glean some further particulars in regard to the checkered life", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "jRecall of Governor Cadillac. 245\\nIn January, 1717, soon after the return of St. Denis\\nfrom his first overland journey to Mexico, the governor\\nsent a sergeant with a few soldiers to take possession of\\nthe before-mentioned island of Natchitoches, and to estab-\\nlish a military post there; it being regarded by the French\\nauthorities not only as a place of strategic importance, but\\nas a ffood location for interior trade with the natives of\\nthat region. This was the commencement of the still ex-\\nisting town of Natchitoches.\\nOn the 9th of March, in that year, M. de la Mothe\\nCadillac, having served almost four years as governor of\\nLouisiana, and failing to give satisfaction, was relieved by\\nM. de L Epinay, who arrived with three ships, bringing\\nout some fifty immigrants, and three companies of infantry\\nto fill the depleted garrisons of the province. The retiring\\nexecutive returned by the same vessels to France, where he\\ndied in the following year. Bienville, however, still re-\\ntained the position of lieutenant-governor, and, about\\nthis time received the decoration of the Cross of St. Louis.\\nHeretofore the business of agriculture had been almost\\ntotally neglected by the colonists, and they had often ex-\\nperienced a partial famine in consequence of such neglect.\\nIt was now proposed to form an agricultural settlement on\\nthe banks of the Mississippi River, and to raise necessary\\nprovisions for the consumption of the settlers. The grow-\\ning of articles for export, such as rice, indigo and tobacco,\\nwas also contemplated, for which the soil was found well\\nadapted.\\nIt was during the year 1717, while looking for a suita- C^^^\\nizj?**^\\nof Louis Juchereau de St. Denis. Born in Quebec, Canada, September ti C (Q\\n18, 1676, he was a son of Nicholas Juchereau Sieur de St. Denis, or _^\\nDenys, and an uncle of the wife of M. d Iberville. In 1720, after his-^fljj^^^.\\nsecond expedition to Mexico, the Chevalier de St. Denis received the^ ^jy*^^l\\nbrevet of captain, and the insignia of the Cross of St. Louis a military ^jlW^^^^*^\\norder instituted by Louis XIV., in 1693, for the encouragement of the V*\\n*iji:\\nsecond expedition to Mexico, the Chevalier de St. Denis received the\\nbrevet of captain, and the insignia of the Cross of St. Louis a military\\norder instituted by Louis XIV., in 1693, for the encouragement of the\\nofficers of the army and navy. In 1721, he was sent with a detachment #f\u00c2\u00ab\\nof regular troops to Natchitoches, and remained there in command of yj^ tnti^\\nthat post. The date of his death is not determined, though it was sub- ..^yW*^ u^*^\\nIndians of the Red River Valley, with whose language and customs he ^^CflTj^\\nwas entirely familiar, and over whom he wielded an extensive influence. f\\\\y*^^^\\nsequent to the year 1731. It is told that he died much regretted by the t", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "246 Demise of Louis XIV.\\nble location on the Mississippi, to become the nucleus of\\nthe projected agricultural and commercial settlement, that\\nBienville selected the tract whereon New Orleans now\\nstands, lying on the north bank of the river, where it\\nmakes a great curve to the east, and distant one hundred\\nand live miles from its mouth. The situation was low and\\nswampy, and b}- no means inviting to the superficial ob-\\nserver; but with its proximity to the waters of Lakes\\nBorgne and Pontchartrain, and with a deep river channel\\nto the sea, it promised ultimately to become a commercial\\nmart, considerations which no doubt influenced its choice.\\nHaving fixed upon the site, Bienville afterward caused it\\nto be surveyed, and sent a party of woodmen there to\\nmake a clearing. Such appears to have been the origin of\\nthat great southern emporium, of w^hose gradual rise into\\nprominence and importance, we shall have occasion to\\nfurther speak in the sequel.\\nAs a not inappropriate conclusion to the present chap-\\nter, some general notice may here be taken of the demise\\nand character of Louis XIV., the Grand Monarque, under\\nwhose authority all the discoveries, explorations, and set-\\ntlements by the French in the Mississippi Valley had\\nhitherto been eftected. On September 1, 1715, after a short\\nillness, the great king breathed his last in his palace at\\nVersailles, having reached the advanced age of seventy-\\nseven, and reigned seventy-two years. During the three\\npreceding years, he had been severely tried by domestic\\natflictions. His ambitious second wife, Madame de Main-\\ntenon, whom he had privately married, went into voluntary\\nretirement. He lost by death his son and heir apparent,\\nhis grandson and eldest great-grandson so that his young-\\nest great-grandson succeeded to the crown under the title\\nof Louis XV.\\nLouis the Fourteenth had fallen heir to the throne of\\nFrance in 1643, when less than six years old, and during\\nhis minority his mother was regent of the kingdom, with\\nCardinal Mazarin as her chief counciloj*. The reign of this\\nLouis was the longest and, in many respects, the most il-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "His Reign and Character. 247\\nlustrious in the annals of France. Among the princes of\\nhis time, he stood pre-eminent in commanding presence, in\\nregal dignity, and in absolute power. After the death of\\nMazarin, in 1661, he had no prime minister, but he wisely\\nchose great men for his assistants and ministers of govern-\\nment. Under him Colbert and Louvois long filled the first\\nofifices of state the former being the great promoter of\\nFrench industry and manufactures, while the latter was his\\nable and successful minister of war. His foremost gen-\\nerals were Turenne, Conde, and Luxembourg, while Vau-\\nban was his chief military engineer. The younger Mansard\\nwas made head architect and superintendent of the royal\\nbuildings.\\nDuring his reign, Paris and its environs were adorned\\nAvitli parks and public edifices to an extent previously un-\\nknown. The most noted of these were the Observatoire, the\\nChurch of Val dc Grace, the Colonnade of the Louvre, the\\nHotel des Bivalides, the completion of the Palais Royal, the\\nPlace des Victoires, the Place Vend.ome, and additi(nis to the\\npalace of the Tuileries but, above all others in extent and\\nmagnificence, is the palace and garden of Versailles.* The\\narchitecture of these various buildings, like the dress of\\nthat age, is profusely ornate, and wanting in pure taste.\\nLouis XIV. was a munificent patron of literature,\\nscience and the arts, and some of the most celebrated\\nwriters of France flourished under his reign. The French\\ntongue was then cultivated and polished to such a degree\\nthat it became the language of court and diplomatic circles\\nthroughout Europe. He made his capital the gayest and\\nmost luxurious in Europe. He caused the court of Ver-\\nsailles to be every-vvhere admired and imitated as a model\\nof taste and elegance, and of a princely and refined style\\nIt was on this splendid palace that Louis XIV. lavished the wealth\\nof his people, to give expression to his own grandeur and selfish ambi-\\ntion. It was built on the site of the hunting lodge of Louis XIII., ten\\nmiles from Paris, which city Louis disliked, because he saw there only\\nthe edifices and monuments of other kings. The buildings constituting\\nthe palace, undertaken in 1661, were committed in KwO to the architect\\nMansard, and their construction was continued to the end of the reign.\\nAnderson^ s History of France.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "248 Demise of Louis XIV.\\nof living. But as he sought only the gratification of his\\npride and vanity, his love of pageantry and pleasure, and\\nhis thirst for dominion and renown, his personal rule ex-\\ntinguished all civil freedom, sound morals and manly sen-\\ntiments among his subjects. Court favor, therefore, became\\nthe aim and end of all individual effort, and adroit flattery\\nwas the surest way to attain it. A venal age, virtue and\\nmerit were but lightly esteemed. In fine, such were the\\nbaneful efl ects of his policy and example, that from his\\nreign has been dated the decline of the great French mon-\\narchy, though it was accelerated by the incapacity of his\\nsuccessors.\\nThe latter years of Louis imperial sway were clouded\\nby reverses to his armies in the field, and by a spirit of\\nbigoted intolerance in his civil administration. His revo-\\ncation of the Edict of Nantes* was as impolitic as it was\\nunjustifiable, and his stern persecution of the Protestant\\nHuguenots drove from his kingdom nearly half a million\\nof his most industrious and useful subjects. But religious\\ntoleration, as now generally understood and approved, was\\nin that age little known, and still less practiced, on the con-\\ntinent of Europe. The king believed and acted upon the\\ntheory that unity of religious faith was essential to the\\nstability of his throne. His ruling principle of government\\nwas embodied in the famous aphorism ascribed to him Le\\netat c est moi, or, I am the state. f\\nTo the readers of English history Louis XIV. is re-\\nmembered as the generous friend and supporter of James\\nII., the dethroned Catholic king of England.\\nAmong the best known French works on this great\\nprince s reign are Voltaire s Siede de Louis XIV., St.\\nSimon s Memoirs, and Louis XIV. et son Siede, by Alexan-\\nder Dumas.\\nThis famous edict had heen enacted hy Henry IV., in April, 1598,\\nand being in the nature of a compromise, it was deemed irrevocable.\\nThe order for its revocation was issued October 22, 1685.\\nt The great king may never have uttered these words, though they\\nperfectly express his sentiments; for, in 1666, he wrote: It is God s\\nwill that whoever is born a subject should not reason, but obey.\\nParkman s Old Regime in Canada, p. 172.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "Sketch of John Law. 249\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\n1717-1723.\\nFRENCH FINANCES, AND LAW S MISSISSIPPI COMPANY.\\nThe long wars and general extravagance of Louis\\nXIV. had exhausted France, and entailed upon her a\\ndebt estimated at not less than two billions of livres,\\nor about four hundred millions of dollars. The people\\nwere oppressively taxed, but still the surplus revenues of\\nthe kingdom were wholly inadequate to meet the annual\\ninterest on the indebtedness. The consequence was that\\nthe government stocks sank to a merely nominal value,\\nand its credit was depressed to the lowest ebb. In this\\ndilemma, while the regency was casting about for some\\nmeans of financial relief, John Law, the famous financier-\\nadventurer, appeared at the Court of Versailles with his\\nmagnificent credit system.\\nJohn Law, eldest son of a Scotch silversmith and\\nbanker, was born in Edinburgh in April, 1671. He re-\\nceived a liberal education, and at an early age discovered\\na strong bent for finance. After the death of his father,\\nand before attaining to his majority, he became notorious\\nas a gambler and debauchee. Having unhappily killed an\\nantagonist named Wilson, in a duel, he fied to France to\\navoid arrest. From thence he passed into Holland, where\\nhe made a special study of banking in the great banking\\nhouse at Amsterdam. After perfecting his theory he re-\\nturned to Edinburg in 1700, and shortly published a work\\nadvocating the establishment of a bank which should hold\\nall the sources of revenue of the state in its own hands,\\nand, treating them as capital, should issue notes thereon,\\nand at the same time make a profit by discounting bills\\nand notes. His plan of banking was ridiculed by the\\nBritish wits of the day, and was discarded by the Scottish", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "250 French Finances, and Law s Mississippi Co.\\nParliament. He then went with his scheme to Paris,\\nwhere it attracted considerable attention, but was utterly re-\\njected by the old king and his comptroller-general of finance.\\nLaw sojourned for awhile in Paris, leading a gay and\\nluxurious existence, playing high and winning large sums\\nof money. But his prosperous career was interrupted by\\na message from the chief of police, ordering him to quit\\nParis, on the ground that he was rather too skillful at\\nthe game which he had introduced. For several years\\nsucceeding he shifted his abode from one state to another\\nin Italy and Germany, offering his scheme of finance to\\nevery court that he visited, though without success. The\\nDuke of Savoy, afterward King of Sardinia, was much\\nimpressed with his project, but, after considering it for a\\ntime, remarked I am not sufliciently powerful to ruin\\nmyself.\\nUpon the decease of the great Louis, in 1715, John\\nLaw returned to Paris with a fortune of half a million of\\ndollars, which he had acquired by gambling. Louis XV.\\nwas then but a child, and during his non-age the govern-\\nment was administered by Philippe, Due d Orleans,* as\\nregent. The finances of France being at this time in a\\nbankrupt condition. Law soon gained a hearing at court\\nfor his fiivorite banking project. The regent had before\\nbeen favorably impressed with the scheme, which suited his\\nbold and reckless spirit, and his taste for profligate ex-\\ntravagance. Accordingly, on the 2d of May, 1716, despite\\nthe opposition of his ministers and the Parliament of Paris,\\nhe granted letters patent to Law, authorizing him and his\\nbrother William to establish a bank of deposit, discount\\nand circulation, under the firm name of Law and Com-\\npany, to continue for twenty years. The capital of this\\ninstitution was fixed at six millions of livres, divided into\\nshares of five hundred livres each, which were to be sold\\nfor twenty-five per cent of coin, and seventy-five per cent,\\nof the public securities. The coin, which had been already\\ndebased by an arbitrary edict of the regent, was held in\\nHe was a cousin or second cousin of tlie young king.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "Law s Banking Scheme. 251\\nthe bank for the redemption of its notes. Inasmuch as\\nthe bank accepted at par government securities, on which\\nthere was a discount of seventy-eight per cent., and as\\nthere was a general lack of private credit, its stock was\\nsoon taken, and a very lucrative business was established.\\nThus, while the bank was limited in its operations, and\\nwhile its paper really represented the specie in its vaults,\\nit seemed to realize all that had been promised for it. It\\nspeedily acquired public confidence, and produced an activ-\\nity in commerce that was unknown under the preceding\\nreign. Moreover, the bills of the bank bore an interest,\\nand as it was stipulated that they would be of invariable\\nvalue, and as hints had been adroitly circulated that coin\\nwould experience successive diminution in value, every\\nbody hastened to the bank to exchange gold and silver\\nfor the paper money. In a few months the bank shares\\narose enormously, and the amount of its notes in circulation\\nexceeded one hundred and ten millions of livres.\\nHitherto all had gone on well enough, and all might\\nhave continued to go well, if the paper system had not\\nbeen further expanded. But Law had yet to develop the\\ngrandest part of his scheme. He had yet to disclose his\\nideal world of speculation, his El Dorado of unlimited\\nwealth. His financial theory was, that the currency of a\\ncountry is simply the representative of its moving wealth,\\nand that this representative need not possess any intrinsic\\nvalue, as in the case of gold and silver, but might consist\\nof paper, or any other substance which can be conveniently\\nhandled. He held that while there was no standard of\\nprices or money, credit was every thing, and that a state\\nmight safely treat even possible future profits as the basis of a\\npaper currency. The English had brought the vast imag-\\ninary commerce of the South Seas in aid of their banking\\noperations and Law sought to bring, as a powerful auxil-\\niary of his bank, the whole trade of the Mississippi Valley.\\nTo this end he now produced his Mississippi scheme, which\\nwas to make him a conspicuous figure in the colonial an-\\nnals of Louisiana and Illinois. The prolific resources and\\npossibilities of Louisiana still filled the imaginations of the", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "252 French Finances, and Law s Mississippi Co.\\nFrench people with visions of hounclless riches. The ill-\\nsuccess that had there attended the operations of Crozat\\nand his partners was not sufficient to dispel the illusion\\nfrom the public mind, or to beget therein more rational\\nviews. The stories of its vast mineral deposits were art-\\nfully revived ingots of gold, the products of its supposed\\nmines, were exhibited at the Paris mint and the sanguine\\ncourt saw in the future of that province an empire, with its\\nfruitful valleys, growing cities, busy wharves, and exhaust-\\nless mines of gold and silver, pouring its precious freights\\ninto the channels of French commerce.\\nAs soon, therefore, as the charter of the Sieur Crozat\\nwas annulled, Law proceeded, under letters patent from\\nthe regent, to organize the Compagnie cV Occident, or Com-\\npany of the West, which was based upon the plan of col-\\nonizing and drawing profits from the French possessions\\nin North America. The charter of the company was reg-\\nistered in the Parliament of Paris on the 6th of September,\\n1717 and all of the king s subjects, including corporate\\nbodies, and even aliens, Avere allowed to take stock in it.\\nThe capital was fixed at about one hundred millions of\\nlivres, divided into shares of five hundred livres each, bear-\\ning interest at four per cent., which were subscribed for in\\nthe public securities. As the bank was to co-operate with\\nthe company, the regent issued an order that its bills should\\nbe received the same as coin in all payments of the public\\nrevenue. Law was made chief director of the company,\\nwhich was copied after the Earl of Oxford s South Sea\\nCompany, originated in 1711, and which distracted all\\nEngland with the frenzy of speculation.\\nAmong the more important privileges conferred on this\\ncompany by the government, was the exclusive control of\\nthe commerce of Louisiana for twenty-five years, to begin\\nthe 1st of January, 1718. All other subjects of his majesty\\nwere prohibited from trading hither, under penalty of con-\\nfiscation of their merchandise and vessels; but this was not\\nintended to prevent the colonists from trading with each\\nother, or with the Indians. Power and authority were\\nalso given the company to make treaties with the Indian", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "Law s Credit System. 253\\nnations, and to wage war against them in case of aggres-\\nsion or insult to import negro slaves into the province to\\nopen and work all mines, free of duty to grant lands, even\\nallodially; to cast cannon, build ships of war, raise and\\nequip troops, and to nominate the provincial officers, who\\nwere to be commissioned by the crown. In addition to the\\nabove, the regent promised the company protection against\\nforeign powers, and presented it with all the forts, guns,\\nammunition, boats, and stores in Louisiana, that had been\\nsurrendered by the Sieur Crozat. Nor was this all. Dur-\\ning the continuance of its charter, the goods of the company\\nwere to be exempt from duty, and the white inhabitants or\\nthe province from the payment of any state tax.*\\nThe paper system of Law, and his scheme of coloniza-\\ntion, were earnestly opposed by D Anguesseau, the chan-\\ncellor, and by the Duke de Noailles, Minister of Finance,\\nwho foresaw the evils that the system was calculated to pro-\\nduce. Finding that they seriously interfered with his plans,\\nthe regent dismissed them from office but the opposition of\\nthe Parliament of Paris was not so easily managed, since\\nthat body aspired to an equal authority with the regent in\\nthe administration of affairs. The chief hostility of the\\nparliament was directed against Law, a foreigner, a heretic,\\nand an adventurer. So far was this hostility carried, that\\nsecret measures were taken to investigate his malversations,\\nand to collect evidence against him and it was resolved in\\nparliament that should the testimony collected justify their\\nsuspicions, they would have him seized and arraigned for\\ntrial, and, if convicted, would hang him in the court-yard\\nof the palace. Receiving intimation of his threatened dan-\\nger, Law took refuge in the Palais Royal, the residence of\\nthe regent, and implored his protection. The regent him-\\nself was embarrassed by the sturdy opposition of the parlia-\\nment, which contemplated nothing less than a decree re-\\nversing his own measures of finance. However, by assem-\\nbling a board of justice, and bringing to bear the absolute\\nHistory of Louisiana, by Francois Xavier Martin (New Orleans,\\n1827), vol. 1, pp. 198, 201.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "254 French Finances, and Law s Mississippi Co.\\nauthority of the king, he triumphed over parliament and\\nrelieved Law from the dread of being hanged.\\nThe credit system now went on with full sail. The\\nCompany of the West, being identified with the bank, rap-\\nidly increased in power and privileges. One monopoly\\nafter another was granted to it the trade of the Indian\\nseas, the slave trade with Senegal and Guinea, the farming\\nof tobacco, the royal coinage, etc. Each new privilege was\\nmade a pretext for emitting more bills, and caused a pro-\\nportionate advance in the prices of stock. At length, on\\nthe 4th of December, 1718, the regent gave the institution\\nthe imposing title of the Royal Bank of France, and pro-\\nclaimed that he had eiFected the purchase of all the shares,\\nthe proceeds of which were added to its capital. Arbi-\\ntrary measures were now begun to force the bills of the\\nbank into artificial circulation. On the 27th of December\\nan order was made in council, forbidding, under severe\\npenalties, the payment of any sum above six hundred livres\\nin gold or silver. This decree rendered bank bills neces-\\nsary in all considerable transactions of purchase and sale,\\nand called for a new emission. The prohibition was oc-\\ncasionally evaded or opposed, but confiscations were the\\nconsequence.\\nThe worst efit ect of this illusive system was the mania\\nfor gain, or for gambling in stocks, that now seized upon\\nthe French nation. Under the stimulus of lying reports,\\nand the compulsory efi ects of government decrees, the\\nshares of the company went on rising until they reached\\nthirteen hundred per cent. Nothing was talked of but the\\nprices of shares, and the immense fortunes suddenly made\\nby lucky speculators. The most extravagant dreams were\\nindulged concerning the wealth that was to flow in upon\\nthe company from its colonies, its trade, and its various\\nmonopolies. To doubt of these things was to excite anger,\\nor incur ridicule. And in a time of public infatuation, it\\nrequires no small exercise of courage to doubt a i opular\\nfallacy.\\nParis now l)ecame the center of attraction for the ad-\\nventurous and avaricious, who flocked thither not only", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "The Mania for Speculation. 255\\nfrom the provinces, but from the neighboring countries.\\nA stock exchange was established in a hotel on one of the\\nprincipal streets,* and immediately became the resort of\\nstock jobbers and speculators. Guards were stationed at\\neither end of the avenue to maintain order, and to exclude\\nhorses and carriages. The whole street swarmed through-\\nout the day like a bee-hive. Bargains of all kinds were\\nstruck with avidity. Shares of stock passed from hand to\\nhand, mounting in value, one knew not why. Fortunes\\nwere made in a moment, as if by magic, and every lucky\\nbargain prompted those around to a more desperate throw\\nof the die.\\nTo ingulf all classes in this ruinous vortex, Law di-\\nvided the shares of fifty millions of stock into one hundred\\nshares each, thus accommodating the venture to the hum-\\nblest purse. Society was thus stirred to its very dregs, and\\npeople of the lowest order hurried to the stock market to\\ninvest their small savings. All honest, industrious pur-\\nsuits, and moderate gains were now despised. The upper\\nclasses were as base in their venality as the lower. The\\nhighest nobles, abandoning all generous pursuits and lofty\\naims, engaged in the vile scuffle for gain. Even prelates\\nand ecclesiastical bodies, forgetting their true objects of de-\\nvotion, mingled among the votaries of Mammon. The\\nfemale sex likewise participated in the sordid frenzy. Prin-\\ncesses of the blood, and ladies of the first nobility were\\namong the most rapacious of stock-jobbers. Meanwhile,\\nluxury and extravagance kept pace with this sudden infla-\\ntion of fancied wealth, and a general laxity of morals was\\ndiffVised throughout society.\\nLaw went about with a countenance beaming with\\nsatisfaction, and apparently dispensing wealth on every\\nhand. Even his domestics were enriched by the crumbs\\nthat fell from his table. Wherever he went his path was\\nbeset by a base throng, who waited to see him pass, and\\nsought the favor of a word or a smile, aS if a mere glance\\nfrom him would bestow a fortune. The same venal atten-\\nIt was afterward removed to the Place Vendome.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "256 French Finances, and Law s Mississippi Co.\\ntion was paid by all classes to his family. The highest\\nborn ladies of the court vied with each other in meanness\\nto secure the lucrative friendship of Mrs. Law and her\\ndaughter. The wealth of the banker rapidly increased\\nwith the expansion of the bubble. In the course of a few\\nmonths he purchased some fourteen titled estates, paying\\nfor them in paper money and the unthinking public\\nhailed these vast acquisitions of landed property as so\\nmany proofs of the soundness of his system.\\nThe illusory credit continued its course triumphantly\\nfor eighteen months. Law had nearly fulfilled one of his\\npromises, viz., to pay oft the public debt but it was paid\\nin bank shares, which had been inflated several hundred\\nper cent above their real value, and which were shortly to\\nvanish like smoke in the hands of the holders.\\nToward the close of the year 1719, the Mississippi\\nBcheme had reached its culmination. Nearly half a million\\nof strangers had crowded into Paris, in quest of fortuue.\\nThe hotels and boarding houses were overflowing lodgings\\nwere procured with great difficulty granaries were turned\\ninto bed-rooms; splendid houses were multiplying on every\\nside and the streets were thronged vv-itli new and costly\\nequipages.\\nOn the 11th of December, Law obtained another pro-\\nhibitory decree, for the purpose of drawing all the remain-\\ning specie in circulation into the bank. By this it was for-\\nbidden to make any payment in silver above ten livres, or\\nin gold above three hundred. The repetition of decrees of\\nthis nature, the object of whicli was to depreciate the value\\nof coin and increase that of paper, awakened distrust of a\\nsystem which required such bolstering. Sound financiers\\nconferred together, and agreed to make common cause\\nagainst this continual expansion of the paper system. The\\nshares of the bank and of the company began to decline in\\nvalue. Wary speculators took the alarm, and began to\\nrealize a term now first brought into use, it is said, to sig-\\nnify the conversion of ideal property into something real.\\nThe regent, discerning these signs of decay in the sys-\\ntem, sought to sustain it by bestowing office upon its au-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "Edicts of the Regent. 257\\nthor. Accordingly, in January, 1720, he appointed Law\\nto be comptroller-general of the finances. But before his\\nappointment, the banker had to abjure his Protestant\\nfaith and take out letters of naturalization, a feat of no\\ngreat difiiculty with him.\\nIn February following, a decree was published in the\\nking s name uniting the Royal Bank to the India Com-\\npany, by which last appellation the whole establishment\\nwas subsequently known. By this time, the bank is said\\nto have issned notes to the amount of one thousand mil-\\nlions of livres being more paper than all the other banks\\nof Europe were able to circulate. Various compulsory\\nmeasures were now adopted, which gave a temporary\\ncredit to the bank but with all these props and stays,\\nthe system continued to totter. On the 22d of May a royal\\nedict was issued, in which, under pretense of having re-\\nduced the value of his coin, it was deemed necessary to\\nreduce the value of his bank notes one-half, and of the\\nIndia shares from nine thousand to five thousand livres.\\nOn the 27th this oppressive edict was revoked, and bank\\nbills were restored to their former value. But the fatal\\nblow had at length been struck the delusion was at an\\nend and specie payments, except in small sums, were sus-\\npended by the bank.\\nTo avert popular odium from himself, the regent, on\\non the 29th of May, dismissed Law from the office of\\ncomptroller-general, and stationed a Swiss guard in his\\nhouse to protect him from the anger of the populace.\\nBut he continued, in private, to co-operate with him in\\nhis financial schemes. A general confusion now took\\nplace in all financial attairs and execrations were poured\\nout on all sides against the unfortunate banker.\\nAbout the middle of July the last grand effort was\\nmade by Law and the regent to keep up the system, and\\nprovide for the enormous issue of paper. A decree was\\nformulated, giving the India Company the entire monopoly\\nof commerce, on condition that it would in the course of\\na year reimburse six hundred millions of livres of its bills,\\n17", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "258 French Finances, and Law s Mississippi Co.\\nat a fixed rate per month. On the 17th, when this decree\\nwas sent to Parliament to be registered, it raised a storm\\nof opposition in that assembly, and a vehement discussion\\nensued. In the forenoon of that day, several persons\\nwere stifled in the crowd at the door of the bank, where\\nthey had gone to change ten franc notes for specie to buy\\nprovisions in the market. During the same day Law\\nventured to go in his carriage to the Palais Royal. But\\nas he passed along the streets, he was saluted with cries\\nand curses, and reached the palace in a terrible fright. The\\nregent, whose nerves were stronger, amused himself with\\nhis fears, but kept him there and sent away his carriage,\\nwhich was assailed by the mob and pelted with stones un-\\ntil its glasses were shivered.\\nIn December, 1720, John Law finally quit Paris\\nand France, traveling in a private conveyance of the\\nregent. When he was fairly out of the way, a council of\\nthe regency was summoned to deliberate on the state of\\nthe finances and the aflairs of the India Company. It was\\nthen ascertained that bank bills were in circulation to the\\nenormous amount of two milliards and seven hundred mil-\\nlions of livres, while the specie remaining in the kingdom\\nwas estimated at not more than thirteen hundred millions\\nof livres.\\nWhen Law left Paris, he took with him only eight\\nhundred louis cVor, and a few personal eflects. The chief\\nrelic of his immense fortune was a big diamond, which, it\\nit is said, he was often obliged to pawn. His furniture and\\nlibrary were sold by auction at a low price, and his landed\\nestates were confiscated to the government. In October,\\n1721, he went to England, and was presented at court to\\nhis majesty George I. Returning again to the continent,\\nhe led an adventurous life, shifting about from place to\\nplace. He received from France an annual pension of\\ntwenty thousand livres until the death of the Duke of Or-\\nleans in 1723, and down to that time entertained hopes of\\narranging a settlement of his accounts with the French\\nIndia Company ,Jto which he was heavily indebted. By de-\\ngrees, however, he sank into obscurity, and finally died in", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "End of Law s Career. 259\\npoverty in Venice, March 21, 1729, at the age of fifty-eight\\nyears.\\nIt is now generally conceded that John Law was a\\nvery ingenious calculator, a sincere believer in his own\\nmonetary theory, and the founder to some extent of the\\nmodern system of banking. The evil genius of his sys-\\ntem appears to have been the regent, who in a manner\\nforced him on to an expansion of his paper currency far\\nbeyond what he had originally contemplated. Law was\\nlike a poor conjuror in the hands of a potent spirit that he\\nhad evoked. He only thought at the outset to raise the\\nwind, but the regent compelled him to raise the whirl-\\nwind.\\nWorks on Law and his system are numerous, saya\\nthe American Encylopedia (X., p. 218); but it is only\\nwithin the present century that justice has, to any degree,\\nbeen done to the extraordinary talents of which he was\\nreally possessed.\\nThe unsound financiering and mania for speculation,\\noriginating with and fostered by the great projector,\\nproved most disastrous to the material and moral welfare\\nof France yet a great impetus was given to the settle-\\nment of Louisiana through the agency of his Company\\nof the West, which, under difterent names and auspices,\\nwas continued for fifteen years. The first efibrts of the\\ncompany at colonizing the new province were upon a large\\nscale indeed, extraordinary measures were adopted for\\nthis purpose. A royal edict was issued, authorizing the\\ncollection and transportation of settlers to the Mississippi,\\nunder which the streets and prisons of Paris and other\\ncities were swept of their mendicants and vagabonds.\\nThese unwilling colonists were conveyed to the seaport of\\nRochelle, and, with implements of all kinds for the work-\\ning of mines, were crowded on board of ships, and sent to\\nLouisiana.\\nSee the admirable essay, entitled Tlie Mississippi Bubble, in the\\nCrayon Papers, by Washington Irving, from which the foregoing\\nsketch of Law s personal career is chiefly condensed.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "260 Louisiana under Laws Company.\\nOn the 9th February, 1718, three ships, of the West-\\nern Company the Dauphine, the Vigihmte and the Nep-\\ntune arrived at Dauphin Island to take possession of Lou-\\nisiana. After discharging their cargoes, these vessels\\nsailed on their return to France and on the 8th of March\\ntwo frigates, the Duchesse de Noailles and the Victoire, cast\\nanchor at Ship Island.* By the first named frigate came\\nPierre Duque de Boisbriant, a French-Canadian, who had\\nreceived the appointment of king s lieutenantf of the\\nprovince, and who was the bearer of a commission appoint-\\ning his cousin, Bienville, governor and commandant-gen-\\neral, in place of M. L Epinay removed. Besides the of-\\nofficers and the soldiers belonging to the company, these\\nditferent vessels brought out about six hundred colonists,\\nwho were intended to settle the various concessions or land\\ngrants that had been made to persons of prominence, as\\ninducements to immigration. The new colonists were of\\ndifferent ages, sexes and conditions, but mostly belonged\\nto the poor and ignorant class. Some of them perished\\nfrom the lack of thrift and enterprise; some from impru-\\ndence and the diseases incident to the climate while\\nothers lived and prospered by their own energy and in-\\ndustry.\\nIn October, of that year (1718), Bernard de la Harpe,\\none of the leading spirits of the province, at^ this period,\\nstarted to take possession of a grant or concession of land\\nthat had been made to him on the upper waters of Red\\nRiver. With a party of fifty Frenchmen, in two boats and\\nthree pirogues, he pushed up that stream to the Natchi-\\ntoches, where he found M. Blondel in command of the\\nFrench fort, then recently erected there, and on the island\\nnear by were about two hundred Indians, belonging to\\nthe Natchitoches, Dulcinoes and Yatasse tribes. LaHarpe\\nthence continued to ascend the river until he reached the\\nnation of the Nassonis, whose villages w^ere located from\\nseventy to eighty leagues above the Natchitoches. Upon\\nFrench s Historical Collections of La. New Series (N. Y.,\\n18(J9), p. 140; also vol. II, First Series, p. 66.\\nt That is luutenant du roi, or lieutenant-g(*vernor.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "Adventures of La Harpe. 261\\nhis arrival thither, he at first employed his men in con-\\nstructing a block-house for their use and the storage of his\\ngoods, in which labor they had the friendly assistance of\\nthe !N assonis. From this point of vantage, he afterward\\nattempted to open a trade with the Spaniards in New Mex-\\nico, and also explored the wide range of country between\\nRed River and the Upper Arkansas. Agreeably to his own\\nnarrative, he ascended the Arkansas, or one of its con-\\nstituent branches, to the base of the Rocky Mountains,\\nand there found several tribes living together in one large\\nvillage. In pursuance of the usual French policy, he made\\nhimself well acquainted with the different Indian nations\\ninhabiting those wild and hitherto unvisited regions, and\\nformed amicable relations with several of them. His\\nprinted journal of his voyage and discoveries is charac-\\nterized by simplicity of style and easy credulity, but it is\\nnone the less entertaining, and contains, withal, much use-\\nful information respecting the aborigines whom he vis-\\nited.* It was not until the end of the year 1719 that\\nLa Harpe returned to the head-quarters of Governor Bien-\\nville.\\nFrom the beginning of operations by the Western\\nCompany in Louisiana, the directors thereof had evinced\\nmuch anxiety for the occupation of the Gulf coast, west\\nof the river Sabine, with a colony. But Governor Bien-\\nville, believing in the policy of concentrating the settle-\\nments near the Mississippi, had declined sending colonists\\nto that remote quarter, where they would be exposed to the\\nattacks of both the Indians and Spaniards. At length, in\\nAugust, 1721, under special instructions from the direct-\\nors, he issued the following official order, addressed to La\\nHarpe, for the establishment of a post near the Bay of St.\\nBernard, or Matagorda\\nWe, Jean Baptiste de Bienville, chevalier of the mil-\\nVide Journal du voyage de la Louisiane fail par le \u00c2\u00bbS V Bernard de la\\nHarpe, et des decouverte^ qiC il a faites dan la partie de L ouest de cette colo-\\nnic, from the year 1718 to 1722, inclusive printed in the Historical\\nCollections of Louisiana.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "262 Louisiana under Law s Company.\\nitary order of St. Louis, and commandant-general for the\\nkins: in the Province of Louisiana:\\nIt is hereby decreed that M. de la Harpe, command-\\nant of the Bay of St. Bernard, shall embark in the packet,\\nSubtile, commanded by Beranger, with a detachment of\\ntwenty soldiers, under Belile, and shall proceed forthwith\\nto the Bay of St. Bernard, belonging to this province, and\\ntake possession in the name of the king and the Western\\nCompany; shall plant the arms of the king in the ground,\\nand build a fort upon whatsoever spot appears most advan-\\ntageous for the defense of the place.\\nIf the Spaniards or any other nation have taken pos-\\nsession, M. de la Harpe will signify to them that they have\\nno right to the country, it being known that possession\\nwas taken in 1685 by M. de la Salle, in the name of the\\nKing of France, etc. Bienville.\\nAugust 10, 1721.\\nPursuant to this order, La Harpe sailed shortly after\\nupon his doubtful enterprise but on arriving at the bay\\nhe found no safe harbor, and owing to the opposition man-\\nifested by the natives on its shores (who were partly in-\\nfluenced by the Spaniards in Mexico), he built no fort there.\\nMindful, indeed of the fate of La Salle s colony, and un-\\nwilling to expose his own men to savage massacre, he re-\\nturned to Dauphin Island early in the following October,f\\nand the enterprise was thereafter abandoned.\\nIn 1719 the directors of the company sent out for pub-\\nlication in the province of Louisiana a proclamation and\\nschedule, fixing the prices at which goods and merchandise\\nwere to be obtained in the company s stores at Dauphin Is-\\nland, Mobile, and Biloxi. To these prices an advance of\\nfive per centum was to be added to goods delivered at ISTew\\nOrleans ten per cent, at Natchez thirteen at Yazous\\ntwenty at Katchitoches, and fifty at the Illinois and on the\\nMonette s Valley of the Mississippi, vol. 1, p. 235.\\ntThe town of La Harpe, in Hancock County, 111., ajipoars to have\\nbeen so named in memory of this noted Frenchman.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "Bienville Founds New Orleans. 263\\nMissouri. The commodities of the country were to be re-\\nceived at the company s warehouses in Mobile, Biloxi, Ship\\nIsland, and New Orleans, at the rates following, viz Silk,\\nof which very little was produced, from one dollar and\\nfifty cents to two dollars the pound tobacco, of the best\\nkind, five dollars the hundred rice, four dollars super-\\nfine flour three dollars wheat, two dollars barley and oats\\nninety cents the hundred deer-skins from fifteen to twenty-\\nfive cents dressed, without head or tail, thirty cents hides\\neight cents per pound.*\\nNo sooner had M. de Bienville superseded L Epinay\\nas governor of Louisiana, in 1718, than he revived his\\nscheme for transferring the seat of government of the\\nprovince from the sterile sands of the Gulf coast to the al-\\nluvial banks of the Mississippi. Having already selected\\na site for the new capital, he now sent the Sieur de\\nla Tour, chief engineer of the colony, with a force of\\neighty convicts (lately arrived from the prisons of France),\\nto clear a strip of land along the river, and trace out the\\nplan of the town. The settlement thus begu]i here was\\nnamed Noaveau, Orleans, in honor to the Duke of -Orleans,\\nthen prince regent of France. But M. Hubert, commis-\\nsary of the colony and Company of the West, refused to\\ntransfer the ofiices and warehouses of the company from\\nMobile and Dauphin Island, which were more accessible to\\nvessels from the sea. For this reason, New Orleans was\\nmaintained for several years only as a small military and\\ntrading post. In 1720 La Tour surveyed the mouths or\\npasses of the Mississippi, and reported that New Orleans\\nmight be made a commercial port. At this time it was a\\ncollection of less than one hundred palisade cabins, built of\\ncypress wood on low, malarious ground, subject to inun-\\ndations, and surrounded by a forest or thicket of willows,\\ncanes, and dwarf palmettos. In January, 1722, the town\\nwas visited by Father Charlevoix, who thus recorded his\\nimpressions of the place\\nThe environs of New Orlans have nothing very re-\\nt Martin s History of Louisiana, vol. 1, page. 219.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "264 Louisiana under Law s Company.\\nmarkable. I did not find this city so well situated as I had\\nbeen told others are not of the same opinion. Again, he\\nwrites I have nothing to add to what I said in the be-\\nginning of my former letter concerning the present state\\nofJS^ew Orleans. The truest idea that youcauform of it is to\\nrepresent to yourself two hundred persons that are sent to\\nbuild a city, and who are encamped on the side of a great\\nriver, where they have thought of nothing but to shelter\\nthemselves from the air, while they wait for a plan, and\\nhave built themselves some houses. M. dePauger,* whom\\nI have still the honor to accompany, has just shown me one\\nof his drawings. It is very fine and very regular, but it\\nwill not be so easy to execute it as to trace it on paper. f\\nThe Mobile and Alabama Rivers had formed a favorite\\nline of communication with the northern interior, and from\\nits closer connection with the sea. Fort Louis on the Mo-\\nbile remained a principal post but in August, 1723, the\\nofiicial quarters of Bienville were removed to New Orleans,\\nand its destiny was fixed. Thus the central point of French\\npower in Louisiana, after hovering for over twenty years\\nround Ship and Dauphin Islands, and the bays of Biloxi\\nand Mobile, was at last permanently established on the\\nbanks of the Mississippi, and the southern colonists began\\nto gather in settlements along that great river, so as to be\\nwithin easy reach of the rising capital. Although many of\\nthe French doubted the wisdom or propriety of Bienville s\\nconduct in thus changing the seat of government, yet time\\nhas amply demonstrated the clearness of his foresight, and\\nthe soundness of his judgment in this important action.\\nFrom a mere provincial head-quarters and central depot\\nfor the commercial transactions of a single company, New\\nOrleans has since progressively grown to be the great em-\\nporium of the Lower Mississippi Valley, the recipient of\\nthe trade of some fifteen thousand miles of river naviga-\\ntion, to say nothing of her extensive railway connections,\\nDe Paug^r was second or assistant engineer of the colony and in\\n1722 ho established the little post called Balize, at the south pass of the\\nMississippi.\\nt Journal of Travels in North America, pp. 332, 334.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "The Province Divided into Districts. 265\\nand the busy port where the ships and merchants of all\\nnations do congregate.\\nEven at that early day her rare commercial advantages,\\npresent and prospective, were well understood on the Paris\\nBourse. Yet, all around the nascent city, was then a mat-\\nted and marshy forest, calculated by its dreariness and\\nsolitude to inspire far other thoughts than those of com-\\nmerce, empire, wealth, and power.\\nAt or before this time (1723), the Province of Louisi-\\nana was divided for civil and military purposes into Jiine\\ndistricts, each of which was placed under the jurisdiction\\nof a separate commandant. These military districts were\\nnamed as follows: (1) Alibamons,* (2) Mobile, (3) Biloxi,\\n(4) New Orleans, (5) Natchez, (6) Yazoux, (7) Illinois and\\nWabash, (8) Arkansas, (9) Natchitoches. The province was\\nalso divided into three ecclesiastical districts.\\nWe must now revert to the war which broke out in\\n1719 between France and Spain, and which extended to\\ntheir American colonies. On the 19th of April in that year\\ntwo ships arrived from France, bringing out some colonists,\\nand an abundant supply of provisions and ammunition.\\nBy these vessels, Governor Bienville received letters from\\nthe court informing him that war had been declared in\\nEurope betweeu France and Spain. The governor there-\\nupon called a council of his oHicers, at which it was de-\\ntermined to make an attack on Fort Pensacola, before the\\nSpanish garrison there could be reinforced. For this expe-\\ndition he assembled his regular troops, together with some\\nCanadians and Indians, and put them under the command of\\nCaptain de Chateaugue, his brother, and Captain de Riche-\\nbourg. Embarking his little army in three vessels, the\\ncommander sailed early in May to Santa Rosa Island, where\\nthe Spaniards had an outpost. This the French seized\\nwithout opposition, and then advanced upon Pensacola,\\nwhich they invested and took by surprise for the Spanish\\ncommandant claimed that he was not aware of the exist-\\n*The district of the Alibamons lay between the rivers Alabama\\nand Tombigbee.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "266 Louisiana under Law s Company.\\nence of war between the two nations. Having made him-\\nself master of Pensacola, Bienville sent the prisoners he\\nhad taken in a vessel with some troops, commanded by\\nCaptain de Richebourg, to Havana. He then left his\\nbrother, Chateaugue, in command of Fort Pensacola, with\\na garrison of sixty men, and retnrned to Dauphin Island.\\nThe French, however, were soon compelled to relin-\\nquish their conquest. On the 5th of August two Spanish\\nvessels arrived from Havana before Pensacola, and sum-\\nmoned the commandant to surrender. This being refused,\\na brisk cannonade began on both sides, and was continued\\nuntil night. On the next day the Spaniards again sent a\\nsummons to Chateaugue to surrender. He asked four days\\ntime to consider the matter, and was allowed two, during\\nwhich he sent by land to Dauphin Island for assistance.\\nUnfortunately, Bienville was not then in a position to af-\\nford liim any aid, and the attack was renewed. Captain\\nChateaugue defended the fort as long as he could, but be-\\ning deserted by a part of his garrison, he was obliged to\\ncapitulate, when he was sent a prisoner to Havana. The\\nSpanish commandant was now reinstated, and immediately\\nset to work to repair the injuries done by the cannonading;\\nand in order to strengthen the defenses of the place, he\\nerected a little fort on the Isle of Santa Rosa.\\nSoon after this the Spanish commander of Pensacola\\ndispatched a large bateau, armed with six pieces of cannon,\\nto harass the French establishment on Dauphin Island. The\\nbateau being joined by another armed vessel, they opened\\na sharp fire upon the island, which was stoutly returned\\nby the French ship, Philip, and a battery on shore. After\\nbombarding the island several days, and making various\\nineffectual attempts to land their forces, the Spanish vessels\\nwere compelled to witlidraw, their departure being hastened\\nby the unexpected appearance of a French squadron of five\\nvessels, commanded by M. de Champmeslin.\\nThis fleet arrived before Dauphin Island on the 1st of\\nSeptember, 1719, and brought out about eight hundred peo-\\nple, comprising officers, soldiers, and colonists, for Louis-\\niana. A council of war being held, it was decided to re-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "The Capture of Pensacola. 267\\ntake Pensacola, and rescue the French soldiers who had\\nbeen taken prisoners by the Spaniards. Accordingly, on\\nthe 7th of September, the entire fleet, with the exception\\nof one vessel, set sail for Pensacola. The French and Cana-\\ndian troops, from Dauphin Island, who formed a little army\\nby themselves, commanded by the Sieur de St. Denis, were\\ndebarked near the mouth of the river Perdido, to attack\\nthe large fort by land, while the squadron held on its way.\\nNo sooner had the French ships of war entered and come\\nto anchor within the harbor at Pensacola, than they opened\\nfire upon the Spanish forts and vessels. After a fierce can-\\nnonade of two or three hours, the Spaniards, numbering\\nabout twelve hundred, surrendered, and were made prison-\\ners of war. Among them were found forty French de-\\nserters, twenty of whom were hung at the yard-arm of the\\nadmiral s ship, and the remainder condemned to ten years\\nlabor as galley slaves. On the next day a Spanish vessel,\\nladen with provisions and stores, entered the port of Pen-\\nsacola, not knowing that it had changed masters, and was\\nimmediately captured by the French.\\nAfter the re-taking of Pensacola, the two forts were\\ndemolished, and all the houses were destroyed save four,\\nwhich were kept for the use of the small garrison left there.\\nThe captured munitions and stores were transported to\\nDauphin Island.*\\nBut the operations of this inter-colonial war, which\\nlasted two years, were not wholly confined to the fringe\\nof European settlements on the coast of Florida and\\nLouisiana. Adventurous white traders and explorers had\\nalready found a route across the wide and barren plains\\nof the west, from the Missouri River to New Mexico and\\nduring the year 1720 a Spanish expedition was organized\\nat Santa Fe t to operate against the French in jSTorthern\\nDuinont s Historical Memoir of Louisiana.\\nNote. It was during the autumn and winter of that year (1719),\\nthat Governor Bienville removed the main body of the colony from\\nDauphin Island to Old Biloxi, and thence to New Biloxi, on the west\\nside of the bay of that name.\\nt Santa Fe was settled by the Spaniards as early as 1582- S3.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "268 Louisiana under Law s Company.\\nLouisiana, while, at the same time, it was expected that a\\nfleet would assail the posts of the latter on the Gulf.\\nAccordingly a force of three hundred Spanish cavalry,\\ntogether with some tradere, women, and a few priests, set\\nout from Santa Fe on their eastward march across the\\ncountry, guided by a band of Padouca, or Comanche, In-\\ndians. The intention of the leaders of the expedition was\\nto proceed by way of the Upper Arkansas, and to secure\\nthe co-operation of the Osage Indians in a combined\\nattack upon the Missouris, who were friends or allies of\\nthe French. Seventy only of the Spaniards appear to have\\npersevered in this dangerous enterprise, and they w6re con-\\nducted by their ignorant guides so far to the north that\\nthey struck the Kansas, instead of the Arkansas River, at\\na point not far above its junction with the Missouri.\\nHere they unwittingly found themselves among the Mis-\\nsouri Indians, who spoke the same language as the Osages.\\nThe wily chiefs of the Missouris dissembled their own in-\\ntentions until they had ascertained the purpose of the in-\\nvaders, and received a supply of arms from them. They\\nthen assembled their young warriors, and, falling suddenly\\nupon the Spaniards, put them all to death, save the com-\\nmander, who is said to have escaped by the fleetness of his\\nhorse.\\nSuch, in substance, is the storj of the invasion and\\nattempted occupation of the country of the Missouris by the\\nSpaniards from New Mexico, whose objective point was the\\nlUinois. (Martin s Hist, of La., pp. 234-5.)\\nThe account of this Spanish expedition, as given in\\nBossu s Letters of Travel, agrees in essential points with\\nthe above, but varies from and is fuller in its details. He\\nwrites\\nIn 1720 the Spaniards formed the design of settling at the Mis-\\nsouris, who are near the Illinois, in order to confine us (the French)\\nmore on the westward tlie Missouris are far distant from New Mexico,\\nwhich is the most northerly province the Spaniards have.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "Bossivs Account of the Spanish Expedition. 269\\nThey believed that in order to put their colony in safety, it was\\nnecessary they should entirelj destroy the Missonris; but concluding\\nthat it would be impossible to subdue them with their own forces alone,\\nthey resolved to make an alliance with the Osages, a people who were\\nthe neighbors of the Missouris, and at the same time their mortal en-\\nemies. With that view, they formed a caravan at Santa Fe, consisting\\nof men, women and soldiers, having a Jacobine (Dominican) priest for\\ntheir chaplain, and an engineer captain for their chief and conductor,\\nwith the horses and cattle necessary for a permanent settlement. The\\ncaravan being set out mistook its road, and arrived at the Missouris,\\ntaking them to be the Osages. Immediately the conductor of the car-\\navan ordered bis interpreter to speak to the chief of the Missouris,\\nas if he had been that of the Osages, and tell him that they were come\\nto make an alliance with him, in order to destroy together the Missouris,\\ntheir enemies.\\nThe great chief of the Missouris concealed his thoughts upon\\nthis expedition, showed the Spaniards signs of great joy, and promised\\nto execute a design with them which gave him much pleasure. To\\nthat purpose, he invited them to rest for a few* days after their tiresome\\njourney, till he had assembled his warriors, and hel l council with the\\nold men but the result of that council was, that they should entertain\\ntheir guests very well, and affect the sincerest friendship for them.\\nThey agreed together to set out in three days. The Spanish captain\\nimmediately distributed fifteen (five) hundred muskets, with an equal\\nnumber of pistols, sabers and hatchets but the very morning after this\\nagreement, the Missouris came by break of day into the Spanish camp,\\nand killed them all except the Jacobin priest, whose singular dress did\\nnot seem to belong to a warrior.\\nAll these transactions the Missouris themselves related, when they\\nbrought the ornaments of jthe chapel hither (to the Illinois). These\\npeople, not knowing the respect due the sacred utensils, hung the\\nchalice to a horse s neck, as if it had been a bell. They were dressed\\nout in these ornaments; the chief having on the naked skin the\\nchasuble, with the paten suspended from his neck.\\nThe i\\\\Iissouris told him (Boisbriant) that the Spaniards intended to\\nhave destroyed them that they had brought him all these things as being\\nof no use to them, and that if he would, he might give them such goods\\nin return as were more to their liking. Accordingly, he gave them some\\ngoods, and sent the ornaments to M. de Bienville, who was then the\\ngovernor of the Province of Louisiana. As the Indians had got a great\\nnumber of Spanish horses from the caravan, the chief of the Missouris\\ngave the linest of them to M. de Boisbriant. They had likewise brought\\nwith them the map which had conducted the Spaniards so ill who came\\nto surrender themselves, confessing their intention to their enemies.\\nNouveau Voyages aux Indies Occidentales, Par M. Bossu, Capitaine dans Jes\\nTroupes de la. Marine. A Paris, 1768. English edition, London, 1771,\\nPart I., pp. 150-155.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "270 Boisbrianf s Rule in Illinois.\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\n1718-1732.\\nLIEUTENANT BOISBRIANT S RULE IN THE ILLINOIS THE NATCHEZ\\nWAR.\\nEarly in the month of October, 1718, Pierre Duque de\\nBoisbriant, as king s lieutenant for Louisiana, departed from\\nthe Mobile up the Mississippi, with a considerable detach-\\nment of regular troops, to regulate affairs in the Illinois,\\nand to establish a permanent military post for the better\\nprotection of the French inhabitants in that important part\\nof the province. Arrived at Kaskaskia, he temporarily lo-\\ncated his head-quarters there, which was the lirst military\\noccupation of the village but it was only for about fifteen\\nmonths that he made it his residence. Selecting a con-\\nvenient site for a post, some sixteen miles above and to the\\nnorth-west of Kaskaskia, he sent a number of artisans and\\nlaborers to work there, and by the spring of 1720 they had\\nbuilt and completed the fort, which was thenceforth the\\nhead-quarters of the commandant and the seat of authority\\nin the district. It was erected at the expense of the Com-\\npany of the West, and was named Fort Chartres, or Fort\\nde Chartres, probably in compliment to the then Regent of\\nFrance, from the title of his son, the Due de Chartres.*\\nThe fort stood less than one mile from the Mississippi, and\\na little to the east of an older fortlet that had been raised\\nby the adventurers under Crozat. This second fort was\\nnot a place of much military strength, being constructed\\nprincipally of wood but it subserved the pnr})Ose of its\\nbuilders and occupants, and in time was supplanted by that\\nextensive stone erection, at the same place, which figures\\n80 prominently in the later French history of Illinois.\\nIt might also have been so called from a city of that name in\\nFrance.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "First Building of Fort Chartres. 271\\nUpon the building of Fort Chartres, a village began\\nto grow on the bottom between it and the river. The\\ncompany erected its warehouses here, and the Jesuits\\nbuilt the church of St. Anne de Fort Chartres. Under the\\njurisdiction of the priest of this church, chapels were sub-\\nsequently erected at Prairie du Rocher and St. Philippe s.\\nAfter the rebuilding of the fort in 1756, the village took\\nthe name of i^ew Chartres; and, a few years later, it is\\nsaid to have contained forty families. Part of the ancient\\nrecords of the parish of St. Anne have been preserved to\\nthis day.*\\nShortly after the occupation of Fort Chartres, all the\\nFrench villages in Illinois became extended and received\\nconsiderable accessions to their population. In 1719, a par-\\nish was formed of the mission at Kaskaskia, of which, in\\nthe succeeding year, Father Nicholas Ignatius de Beaubois\\nhad charge. In 1721 the Jesuits established a monastery\\nand college (so called) at Kaskaskia, and in 1725 the vil-\\nlage became incorporated as a town. At Caliokia, the Sul-\\npitians erected a water-mill for grinding corn and sawing\\nlumber, and also improved and stocked a fine plantation.\\nAs the transactions of the Western Compimy were\\nmultiplied and extended in Lower Louisiana, the district\\nof the Illinois was likewise benefited for they furnished\\na market for its surplus agricultural productions, already\\nconsiderable, and to the furs and pelts gathered in traffic\\nwith the Indians, as well as to the lead dug from the mines\\nof Missouri. But this was not all. The colonists could\\nnow obtain from the company titles to their landed pos-\\nsessions, and thus be quieted in any uneasiness they might\\notherwise have felt in regard to them. The only tenure by\\nwhich they had hitherto held their village lots and parcels\\nof land was by verbal grant or mere acquiescence of the\\nIndians, with no reference to the king, the lord para-\\nmount of the soil according to French law.\\nThe company had succeeded to the rights of the\\ncrown in the land, and, though extensive domains were\\nHistory of Randolph Co., 111., etc., p. 376.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "272 Boisbrianfs Rule in Illinois.\\ngranted by it to some favored or influential persons in the\\nsoutliern part of Louisiana, there were but few in the north-\\nern part who sought to secure more than those small par-\\ncels or tracts, the cultivation of which had inspired them\\nwith a feeling of home. Moreover, it was important to the\\nmanagers of the company that the soil should be cultivated,\\nas a ready and certain source of subsistence to those at-\\ntached to it, and for the success of all their operations.\\nDisappointed in the eager search for mineral wealth, many\\nof the adventurers betook themselves from necessity to the\\npursuits of agriculture. Grants of land were therefore\\nmade, for the purposes of settlement and cultivation, to all\\nwho applied for them. The earliest recorded private grants\\ndate back to 1722, and were mostly executed by M. de\\nBoisbriant, commandant in the Illinois, representing the\\nking, and Marc Antoine de la Loire des Ursins, on behalf\\nof the Royal Indian Company, successor to the Company\\nof the West. The following is one of the earliest of\\nrecord\\nPierre Duquet de Boisbriant, Knight of the Military\\nOrder of St. Louis, and tirst King s Lieutenant of the\\nProvince of Louisiana, commanding at the Illinois, and\\nMons. Antoine de la Loire des Ursins, principal Commissary\\nfor the Royal India Company, on the demand of Charles\\nDanie, to grant him a piece of land of five arpents in front\\non the side of the Mitchigamia River, running north and\\nsouth, joining to Michael Philip on one side, and on the\\nother to Meleque, and in depth, east and west to the Mis-\\nsissippi. In consequence, they do grant to the said Charles\\nDanie, in socage, tlie said land, whereon he may from this\\ndate commence working, clearing and sawing, in expecta-\\ntion of a formal concession,* which shall be sent from\\nFrance by Messrs. the Directors of the Royal India Com-\\npany, and the said land shall revert to the domain of the\\nThis more formal concession seems to have been neglected by\\nthe company.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "Land Grants by the Company. 273\\nsaid company if the said Charles Danie does not work\\nthereon within a year and a day.\\nGiven this 10th day of May, 1722.\\n(Signed,) Boisbriant,\\nDes Ursins.\\nRemarking upon the above and similar grants, Judge\\nBreese writes Incipient titles were only granted by these\\nofficers, but almost all of them ripened into a right without\\nthe formality of a concession from the company in France,\\nand became allodial, though granted in socage, for the sim-\\nple reason that they were considered of so little value as\\nproperty that the agents of the company did not trouble\\nthemselves to see whether the conditions and services were\\nperformed or not.\\nThe manner in which the settlers cultivated is pecu-\\nliar, I believe, to the French, and deserves a passing notice.\\nThey had not, as we have, separate fields, nor did they re-\\nside on the cultivated lands in general. They dwelt in\\nvillages, on lots of ground containing generally an arpent\\nsquare (less than the English acre), which they inclosed\\nwitli pickets of cedar or other durable wood, sharpened at\\nthe top, and appropriated it to the purpose of a garden, re-\\nserving a small part only for a barn, stable, and other out-\\nhouses. Their farming lands were adjacent to the village\\nin the neighboring prairie, divided into strips, sometimes\\nnot more than half an arpent in width, extending originally\\nwest from the Kaskaskia to the Mississippi River, a mile or\\nmore in length, and uninclosed by any fence whatever.\\nThese farming strips, thus lying contiguous to each other,\\nembraced what was long known as the common field. f\\nIt appears from a petition presented by the inhabitants\\nof Kaskaskia to the district commandant of the Illinois,\\nearly in 1727, that in the year 1719 Major Boisbriant had\\ncaused to be drawn the lines of the grand square in the\\nHe was afterward killed in the massacre at Fort Rosalie.\\nt Early History of Illinois, p. 173.\\n18", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "274 Boisbrialfifs Rule in Illinois.\\nprairie which they then tilled, and designated to each in-\\nhabitant his respective parcel of land. He then established\\na common for stock, lying outside of the lines of the\\ncultivated fields, and extending south to the mouth of the\\nKaskaskia River, and also including the adjacent islands in\\nthe Mississippi, and a strip of bottom land on the east side\\nof the former river, for their cattle, horses, and swine to\\nrange upon. But the written instruments of concession\\nwere not delivered to them by the Superior Council of\\nLouisiana.\\nUnder this arrangement, it was necessary to watch\\ntheir live stock while grazing on the common adjacent to\\nthe cultivated lands, the idea not having occurred to them\\nuntil Boisbriant gave them the hint, that a fence would\\nprotect them from their ravages and render watching use-\\nless. It was not, however, until 1727 that they did inclose\\nthese lands by planting pickets upon the lines marked out\\nby Boisbriant, thus making a large field of several thousand\\nacres. The commons aftbrded a rich pasturage for their\\ncattle and horses, and much of it was covered with a lux-\\nuriant growth of walnut, oak, and hickory, the mast from\\nw hich, added to the hazel-nuts, served to fatten their numer-\\nous swine.\\nOn the 22d of June, 1722, Messieurs Boisbriant and\\nDes Ilrsins granted to the inhabitants of Cahokia their\\ncommons, situated on the alluvial bottom between that\\nvillage and the Mississippi, and near to the present great\\ncity of St. Louis. The same officials also confirmed to\\nthem their common field, which extended from the\\nbluffs that line the American Bottom on the east to the\\nliigolet or creek of Cahokia.*\\nIn the following year, on June 14, 1723, Boisbriant\\nand Des Ursins granted to Philip Francois de Renault, di-\\nrector-general of the mining operations of the company,\\none league scpuxre of land in the south-west part of what is\\nnow Monroe county, Illinois, and also a tract of land of\\nmore than fourteen thousand acres at Peoria, lienuult was\\nBreese s History, pp. 174 to 176.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "Land Grants to the Sieur Renault. 275\\na man of fortune and enterprise, who had left La Belle\\nFrance in the spring of 1719, with two hundred miners and\\nlaborers, and every thing needful to prosecute the business\\npertaining to his office. On the voyage to Louisiana, he\\npurchased at St. Domingo five hundred Guinea negroes to\\nwork in the mines. Arriving on the Lower Mississippi, he\\nthence ascended the river in canoes to the Illinois and Mis-\\nsouri, where gold and silver were supposed to exist in\\nabundance. Sanguine hopes were entertained by the stock-\\nholders of the company at his anticipated success, but\\nthey all eventually ended in disappointment. Prospecting\\nand mining parties were sent out into various parts of the\\ncountr3\\\\ Diligent search was made for minerals on\\nDrewry s Creek, in what is now Jackson county; about St.\\nMary s, in Randolph county; along Silver Creek, in Monroe\\ncounty at several points in St. Clair county, and in other\\nparts of Southern Illinois, as well as in Missouri. But,\\nafter expending a large amount of money and four years\\nof valuable time, Renault had to content himself with the\\ngift of the before mentioned wild lands, and with dull lead\\ninstead of the glittering ores.*\\nOn the concession made to him in Monroe county, he\\nlaid out a little village, which he honored with his own\\nbaptismal appellation of St. Philippe. It stood on the\\nplain, about one mile east of the Mississippi, and five miles\\nfrom old Fort Chartres. Like all the other French villages,\\nit had its common field, the allotments being made by\\nthe founder, and also its commons, embracing a large\\nscope of the unappropriated domain. It contained at one\\ntime sixteen houses, besides a small chapel, but in 1765\\nnearly all the inhabitants deserted it, and went to reside on\\nthe western bank of the Mississippi. ]^ot a vestige of\\neither this or Charte Village now remain to tell the story\\nof their rise, progress, or decline. The name of the worthy\\nRenault, however, is still perpetuated in that of a precinct\\nand post-office of Monroe county.\\nLater geological investigation has shown that silver is combined\\nwith the lead mined in this region, but in hardly sufficient quantities\\nto pay for its separation.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "276 Boisbria7ifs Hide in Illinois.\\nTo Boisb riant himself, the Company of the Indies, be-\\nfore the surrender of its vast privileges to the crown,\\ngranted what in Europe would have been considered a\\nhandsome principality, embracing several thousand acres\\nof rich bottom land, extending from the bluffs on the east\\nto the Mississippi. In 1733, he transferred this fine tract\\nto his nephew, Jean St. Therese Langlois, an officer of the\\nking s troops then quartered in the Illinois. Imitating\\nRenault s example, Langlois established upon his estate the\\nvillage of Prairie du Rocher, reserving to himself certain\\nseignorial rights recognized by the feudal law and the cus-\\ntoms of Paris. He divided the land set apart for the vil-\\nlage into small, narrow allotments, with a common field,\\nas usual, to actual settlers, some of whose descendants\\ncontinue to cultivate it in a primitive way to the present\\ntime. This village took its name from the rocky bluff that\\nbounds it on the east, and runs parallel with the river at\\nthe distance of a league therefrom. It is situated about\\nthree miles east of Fort Chartres, and, at the close of the\\nFrench dominion, comprised twenty-two dwelling-houses\\nand a chapel.\\nAside from those we have mentioned, but few grants\\nof any magnitude were made by the Royal India Company\\nto persons in Illinois. Good lands were far too abundant\\nin those days to be much cared for, or considered of any\\nparticular value otherwise, many of the French settlers\\nmight have possessed dukedoms. At this period, the pres-\\nence of the commandant, and of the local officers of the\\ncompany, together with a detachment of his majesty s\\ntroops, at Fort Chartres, made it the focus of whatever of\\nwealth, culture, and fashion there was in the district of the\\nIllinois.\\nIn 1725, Governor Bienville, owing to the jealousy and\\nopposition of his enemies, was recalled to France, and his\\nbrother, Chateaugue, was also deposed from his office of\\nlieutenant-governor in the colony. M. de Boisbriant, as\\nfirst king s lieutenant, now became governor ad interim of\\nLouisiana, with head-quarters at New Orleans, and his po-\\nsition of major-commandant at the Illinois was filled by", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "Gov. Bienville Succeeded by Perier. 277\\nthe Sieur de Liette, a captain in the royal army. Boisb riant\\nwas an amiable and benevolently inclined gentleman, and\\nhis administration of affairs was deservedly popular, both\\nin Upper and Lower Louisiana. In August, 1726, he was\\nrelieved of his duties as commandant-general of the prov-\\nince by M. de Perier, an officer of the marines, and a\\nknight of St. Louis, who had been appointed to succeed\\nBienville.\\nShortly after his arrival and installation in office. Gov-\\nernor Perier s attention was called to the Natchez and\\nChickasaw Indians, and to the insincerity of their profes-\\nsions of friendship for the French. He thereupon ad-\\ndressed the directors of the India Company, and urged\\nupon them, as his predecessor had done before, to provide\\nmore effective protection for the white settlers exposed to\\nthe hostility of those tribes. But his apprehensions were\\nnot shared by the directors, and no additional troops appear\\nto have been provided.\\nWe now approach one of the most memorable epi-\\nsodes in the French annals of Louisiana, viz, the war with\\nand destruction of the Natchez nation. The history of\\nthis strange and interesting people has been imparted to\\nus by their destroyers and we may therefore presume that\\nall the more amiable and polished traits ascribed to them\\nare true. They and their kindred, the Taensas (who dis-\\nappeared as a distinct tribe before 1712), inhabited that\\nrange of sunny hills on the east side of the Mississippi,\\nwhich constitutes one of the finest districts in the present\\nState of Mississippi. Their traditions pointed to the fact\\nthat their ancestors had come from countries to the south-\\nwest. Their language, Sabianism, human sacrifices, and\\nmound building, seem to connect them with the Toltecs of\\nMexico, or the Mayas of Yucatan. Their singular custom\\nof distorting the head by compression corresponds with the\\ndescription of the ancient Mexicans, by Bernal Diaz. They\\nare described as mild, friendly and brave, though preferring\\npeace to war, and as being very dissolute.\\nCompared with the Indians around them, the Natchez\\nmight be called a semi-civilized people. It is true that", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "278 Boisbrianfs Rule in Illinois.\\nsome barbarous customs prevailed among them, but these\\nonly indicate that a cruel and sanguinary superstition may\\ntaint the character and manners of a people, otherwise\\npeaceable and humane. They had fixed laws or usages,\\ngradations of rank, and an established worship, with tem-\\nples dedicated to the sun. They were governed by a chief\\ncalled the Great Sun, said to have been descended, in the\\nfemale line, from a man and woman who came down from\\nthe sun, and built tlieir first temple for perpetual fire, which\\nwas ever afterward maintained. This temple stood on a\\nmound about eight feet high, with a pitched roof, and\\nin it three logs were kept slowly burning. The power of\\nthe Sun-chief was absolute, as was that of the lesser suns,\\nor male members of his family. Such was the idolatrous\\nveneration in which the great chief was held by his sub-\\njects, that he was never approached by them without\\nspecial marks of reverence. Next to the Suns were the\\nsubordinate chiefs or nobles. The common people, called\\npuajits, by the French, were apparently a mixed race of\\nChoctaws and others. In war the N^atchez used bows and\\narrows, clubs, and other Indian weapons, but they had no\\nmetals of any consequence. They dressed in bufialo, bear\\nand other skins for winter, and in summer wore light robes\\nmade of flax, or the inner bark of the mulberry. They\\nhad various feasts, wiiich were duly celebrated and on\\nthe death of a chief killed many of his retainers to attend\\nhim in the future life. Their dead, after the practice of\\nthe Indians in general, were kept on raised platforms till\\nthe flesh was consumed, when the bones were buried.\\nThe Natchez, writes Mr. Gayarre, were of a light\\nmahogany complexion, with jet black hair and eyes. Their\\nfeatures were extremely regular, and their expression was\\nintelligent, open, and noble. They were tall in stature,\\nvery few of them being under six feet, and the symmetry\\nof their well-proportioned limbs was remarkable. This\\ndescription, however, could hardly apply to any but the\\nchiefs and nobles of that race. Originally a very numerous\\npeople, they occupied and ruled the country iar up and\\ndown the Mississippi; but they begati to decline l)efore the\\nI", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "Some Account of the Natchez Nation. 279\\nappearance of the French among them, which has been\\ntermed the era of their doom. The causes assigned for\\nthe dwindling of this race were, their frequent hecatombs\\nof human beings, the state of warfare in which they lived\\nwith the neighboring tribes, the prevalence of lung diseases\\namong them, and the ravages of the small-pox.\\nThe existence of the Katchez was known to Europeans\\nfrom the year 1560, when Don Tristan de Luna led a Span-\\nish expedition into their country from the southern coast\\nof Florida. La Salle, as we have seen, reached them in\\nMarch, 1682, and d Iberville was there in the spring of\\n1700. Soon after that, they were visited by English traders\\nfrom Carolina. At this period they occupied a group of\\nfive villages, situated to the east and south-east of the pres-\\nent city of Natchez, and about three miles from the Missis-\\nsippi River. The French both courted and dreaded this\\nformidable people, and in their intercourse with them had\\nneed for the exercise of all their tact and skill in Indian\\ndiplomacy. In 1716, the JSTatchez having killed some\\nFrenchmen and made prisoners of others, Bienville, as\\nlieutenant of the province, coerced them to put to death\\ncertain of the nmrderers, and built Fort Rosalie there for\\nthe protection of the French settlers. In 1722 acts of hos-\\ntility were renewed by the inconstant Natchez, when Bien-\\nville, as commandant-general, sent the Sieur Paillou, with\\na number of troops, to chastise them and in October, 1723,\\nthe governor himself conducted an expedition from New\\nOrleans against that people. Upon arriving with his army\\nat the Natchez, he destroyed two of their villages (White\\nApple and Gray Village), and compelled Stung-Serpent,\\nthe great chief of the nation, to bring him the heads of\\nOldhair, chiet of the White Apple Village, and of a free\\nnegro, who had settled among the Natchez and made him-\\nself the leader of an insurrectionary party. Having thus\\nbrought the war to an end, the governor returned to the\\ncapital.* But the peace now made was insincere, and new\\nDumont s Memoir, in Hist. Coil s of La., vol. v.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "280 The Natchez War.\\ntroubles arose from time to time between the whites and\\nthe Indians.\\nThe proximate cause of the war, which ended in the\\nextinction of the Natchez as a nation, was due to the ra-\\npacity and tyranny of the Sieur de Chopart, or Chepart,\\nwho was appointed commandant of Fort Rosalie in 1726.\\nHe first made himself obnoxious to the French settlers at\\nIfatchez by various acts of oppression and injustice, and\\nwas ordered to New Orleans to undergo an investigation of\\nhis conduct. But, at the solicitation of influential friends,\\nand with mistaken leniency on the part of Governor Perier,\\nhe was reinstated in his command. On his return to hia\\npost, in 1729, Chopart took with him some negro slaves,\\nintending to establish a plantation in that locality. Not\\ndaring to dispossess any of the French settlers, he resolved to\\ntake possession of the Great Village of the Natchez, which\\nwas seated in a beautiful plain, intersected by the little river\\nSt. Catharine. With this intention, he sent for the Sun-\\nchief, and by his interpreter, Papin, ordered him to remove\\nhis people from the Great Village, since it was needed for\\nthe erection of some large buildings. To so astounding a\\nproposition the great chief replied, that their nation had\\nlong been in possession of that village, and lived there\\nthat the ashes of their fathers reposed there, deposited in\\nthe temples which they had built that the Fi ench had\\nnever yet taken lands by force that if they had settled on\\ntheir lands, the nation itself gave them sites in the hope of\\nobtaining protection and defense against their enemies; and\\nthat many Frenchmen had given goods to the Indians in\\npayment for the lands they occupied.\\nThese representations made no impression on the\\nmind of the rapacious commandant, who repeated his order,\\nwith the threat that, if it was not complied with, he would\\nsend the chief bound hand and foot to New Orleans, The\\ngreat chief seeing that he could not move the command-\\nant, pretended to yield to his demand, and only asked two\\nmoons (months) in which to choose and prepare a new vil-\\nDumont s Memoir, in Hist,. Coil s of I.a., vol. v., p. (55.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "Tyrrany of the French Commandant. 281\\nlage for his nation. The time asked for was granted by\\nChopart, but on the condition that the inhabitants of the\\nvillage should pay him a certain quantity of poultry, bask-\\nets of corn, pots of bear s oil and bundles of skins.\\nWhen the great chief returned to his village, he sum-\\nmoned a council of his principal chiefs and warriors to\\nconsider what means should be adopted to prevent their\\nvillage and lands from being taken from them by the\\nFrench. Many secret meetings and conferences were held,\\nand it was finally resolved to massacre not only the com-\\nmandant and garrison of Fort Rosalie, but all the French\\nin their territory, and thus rid themselves of their hated\\npresence. So soon as this barbarous resolution was taken,\\nthey sent deputies to the principal Indian nations in the\\nprovince, requesting their aid in this supreme effort to pre-\\nserve their independence. The Choctaws, the Chickasaws,\\nand even the Illinois were invited to take part with them\\nin their meditated scheme of vengeance. The Choctaws\\nwere the first and readiest to embrace the quarrel of the\\nNatchez. They agreed to destroy all the French on the\\nlower part of the Mississippi, and for the execution of this\\npurpose fixed the day which ended the two moons granted\\nby the commandant. But as these Indians could not count,\\nthey exchanged with each other as many little sticks or\\ntwigs as there were days, till that fixed for the butchery.\\nAfter this negotiation, the Natchez deputies returned to\\ntheir village, bearing the fatal bundle of sticks. These the\\ngreat chief carried to the temple, and every morning he\\nthrew one of the twigs on the fire, which was kept burning\\nthere. The Indians, meantime, remained quietly at their\\nGreat Village, taking no steps to remove to another site.\\nAlthough kept very secret, the plot was neverthe-\\nless disclosed. The interpreter of the post, the sub-lieu-\\ntenant of the garrison, and several others were warned of\\nwhat was coming by certain Indian women, their mis-\\ntresses. Even the day (St. Andrew s-eve) of the bloody exe-\\ncution was foretold. But when this was reported to Cho-\\npart, the commandant, he refused to believe it, and went so\\nfar as to order those who brought him the disquieting news", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "282 The Natchez War.\\nto be placed under arrest. Warned as he was, he might\\nvery easily have prevented the misfortune which happened,\\nhad he chosen to do so it would have been enough to put\\nthe troops under arms, and fire a cannon even without ball.\\nBut either because wine and the table had troubled his\\njudgment, or that he was unfortunately prejudiced in favor\\nof the Indians, or that he believed them incapable of dar-\\ning to execute such a design, he would not take any meas-\\nures to thwart it and as his injustice provoked, so his ob-\\nstinacy crowned the evil and made it remediless.\\nThe fatal day for the outburst of the smothered ven-\\ngeance of the savages, according to the count kept by the\\nNatchez, was the 29th of November, 1729. On the morn-\\ning of that day the Sun-chief set out from his village, at-\\ntended by a numerous body of his warriors, with their\\nweapons concealed under their clothing, and with the calu-\\nmet raised aloft, they marched to the house of the com-\\nmandant, bearing the promised tribute of poultry, corn,\\nbear s oil, etc. The soldiers of the garrison were abroad in\\nfancied security, and the savages immediately seized the\\ngates of the fort, so as to exclude them from access to their\\narms. At the same time the houses of the French, and a\\nboat at the landing, were surrounded. The work of blood\\nnow began, and before noon nearly all the Frenchmen can-\\ntoned among the Natchez were slain. Two men only were\\nspared one a carter and the other a tailor and a few\\nothers escaped. Such was the abhorrence and contempt of\\nthe Natchez for Chopart, that none of their chiefs would\\nkill him, and a Puant warrior was deputed to perform that\\nservice.\\nIt is related that the Sun-chief took his seat under the\\nprojecting roof of the store-house belonging to the India\\nCompany, and complacently smoked his calumet, while the\\nheads of the Frenchmen were brought one after another\\nand laid at his feet. Among the more prominent victims\\n*Dumont s Historical Memoir, before cited. He was a lieutenant\\nin the P rench service, and a participant in some of the events he nar-\\nrates.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "Massacre of the French at Fort Rosalie. 283\\nof this treacherous massacre were, Father du Poissoii, a\\nJesuit missionary among the Arkansas Father Soulet, a\\nCapuchin missionary to the Natchez the Sieur de la Loire\\ndes Ursins, who had been judge and commissary at\\nNatchez M. de Koly and son, who had arrived only the\\nday before to visit their concession on St. Catherine s\\nCreek and the Sieur Codere, commandant of the post on\\nthe Yazoo, who happened to be at Fort Rosalie at the time.\\nThe French garrison of twenty men, at Fort St. Claude,\\non the Yazoo, also shared the fate of assassination but this\\nwas not until some weeks later, for the Natchez did not, at\\nfirst, admit the Yazoo Indians into the secret of their plot.\\nThe total number of men killed was reckoned at not less\\nthan two hundred and fifty. Several of the French women,\\nwho attempted to defend their husbands or brothers, were\\ncut down by the pitiless savages but the greater part of\\nthe women and children were held up as captives, and the\\nnegro slaves were kept for menial purposes.\\nWhen the tidings of this horrible massacre were car-\\nried to New Orleans and Mobile, it created a general con-\\nsternation. But Governor Perier promptly took measures\\nof defense and retaliation. A vessel was dispatched to\\nFrance for additional troops and military stores, and mes-\\nsengers were sent with the news, by way of Red River\\nand the Arkansas, to Fort Chartres, in the Illinois. The\\ntown of New Orleans was hastily fortified by a ditch and\\nembankment, and each house was furnished with arms.\\nThe governor assembled a force of regulars and militia to\\nmove up the river against the Natchez, and confided the com-\\nmand of it to the Chevalier de Lubois, king s lieutenant.\\nGovernor Perier also sent the Sieur de Lery,* a capable\\noflicer, familiar with the Indian languages, to sound the\\nChoctaws, and gain over that inconstant tribe to the French\\ninterest. The Choctaws were piqued at the Natchez for\\nhaving made their attack upon the French two days in ad-\\nvance of the time fixed by their fagot of sticks, and, more-\\nover, were dissatisfied with the reception accorded by the\\nOr Le Sueur, according to some authorities.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "284 The Natchez War.\\nISTatcliez to their deputies, who had been sent thither a few-\\ndays after the massacre. Under these circumstances, the\\nSieur de Lery, by distributing presents among the Choctaw\\nchiefs, easily induced them to serve the French in the cam-\\npaign, and he was followed across the country by over\\ntwelve hundred of their dusky warriors. Entering the\\nNatchez territory, and advancing to the vicinity of the\\nGreat Village, Captain de Lery and his Choctaw army en-\\ncamped about the 28th of January, 1730, to await the ar-\\nrival of the French army from New Orleans. Still exult-\\ning in their triumph, and not expecting to be attacked so\\nsoon, the Natchez were spending their time in idle festivi-\\nties and carousals. Early the next morning (the 29th), the\\nChoctaws rushed upon their village, liberated some of the\\ncaptive French women (whom they stripped of every thing\\nthe Natchez had left them), and brought away a number of\\nprisoners and scalps.\\nIn the following February the colonial troops arrived\\nfrom the capital, under the command of the Chevalier de\\nLoubois, who laid siege to the fort of the Natchez on St.\\nCatherine s Creek. In the meantime the Natchez made\\npreparations for a determined resistance; but upon the ap-\\npearance of so superior a force, and hearing tlie discharge\\nof French cannon, they humbly sued for peace, oflering to\\nrestore the prisoners remaining in their hands, and forsake\\nthe country. Anxious to save the captive women and\\nchildren, Loubois consented to postpone the attack for one\\nday. During the night of the truce, however, the Natchez\\nwithdrew from their fort and village so quietly as not to\\ndisturb the slumbers of their enemies. Their escape was\\ndue to a want of vigilance on the part of the French of-\\nficers, who may have connived at it, and the war was con-\\nsequently prolonged. Leaving a detachment of one hun-\\ndred and twenty men to rebuild Fort Rosalie, which had\\nbeen destroyed by the Natchez, the French commander em-\\nbarked with the remainder of liis army for New Orleans.\\nSome of the fugitive Natchez sought shelter and homes\\nwith the Chickasaws but the main body of the nation,\\nunder the lead of the Sun-chief, crossed the Mississippi and", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "Extinction of the Natchez Nation. 285\\nestablished a new village and fort on Black River, from\\nwhence they continued their acts of hostility. Thither they\\nwere pursued by Governor Perier in January, 1731, with\\na force of one thousand French and Indians and on the\\n25th of that month, partly by assault, and partly by strat-\\negy, he reduced their stronghold, capturing the Sun, his\\nbrother and nephew, forty warriors, and three hundred and\\neighty-seven women and children. These were sent to New\\nOrleans, whence they were shipped to St. Domingo, and\\nsold as slaves for the benefit of the company. A remnant\\nof the tribe, fleeing farther westward, came in conflict with\\nthe Natchitoches, by whom they were repulsed with loss,\\naided by the French under the veteran St. Denis after\\nwhich they joined the Chickasaws, and kept up a desultory\\nwarfare on the French settlers.*\\nThus perished the nation of the Natchez. Their pe-\\nculiar language, which has been still preserved by the de-\\nscendants of the fugitives, and is, perhaps, now on the\\npoint of expiring their worship (of the sun), their divis-\\nions into nobles and plebeians, their bloody funeral rites^\\ninvite conjecture, and yet so nearly resemble in character\\nthe distinctions of other tribes that they do but excite,\\nwithout gratifying, curiosity. f\\n*The Natchez never again appeared as a distinct nation. After a\\nconsiderable time they moved to the Muskogees, and in 1835 were re-\\nduced to 300 souls, retaining their own language and line of Suns, but\\nwithout restoring their temple or sun-worship. For their language, the\\nonly materials are the words preserved by Le Page du Pratz and other\\nearly French writers, and a vocabulary taken by Gallatin, in 1826, from\\nthe chief Isahalateh. Dr. P.rinton traced the analogy between it and\\nthe Maya. Amer. Encyclo., vol. xii., p. 158.\\nt Bancroft s History, vol. iii., p. 364.\\nNote.. In the vicinity of the modern city of Natchez there are, or\\nwere formerly, two or three groups of ancient mounds of considerable\\nsize, from which have been taken numerous relics, such as stone\\nweapons, pipes, earthen vessels covered with figures, fragments of pot-\\ntery, etc. It has been a question among local antiquaries whether these\\ntumuli \\\\vere in any way the work of the Natchez Indians. But the\\nprobabilities are, that while they may have been used as places of sep-\\nulture by these or other Indians, yet that, if not mere natural eleva-\\ntions, they were originally the work of the more ancient mound builders.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "286 The Company Surrenders its Charter.\\nThe heavy expenditures incurred in prosecuting the\\nwar against the Natchez, the consequent loss of trade with\\nother tribes, the inadequate returns from its commerce and\\nmines, and the financial embarrassments following Law s\\nfailure, induced the Company of the Indies to solicit leave\\nof the king for a surrender of its charter in Louisiana.\\nThe petition was granted; and on the 10th of April, 1732,\\nby proclamation of Louis XV., the jurisdiction and control\\nof the government and commerce of the colony reverted\\ndirectly to the French crown. The Company of the West\\nand its successor, the Royal India Company, had held act-\\nual possession of the Louisiana wilderness for fourteen\\nyears, which, upon the whole, were years of prosperity.\\nDuring this period the white population of the province\\nhad increased from something over one thousand to five\\nthousand, and the number of negro slaves from twenty to\\ntwo thousand. New Orleans had been made the seat of the\\nprovincial government and the chief mart of trade. The ex-\\ntravagant hopes at first entertained in regard to the precious\\nmetals had not been realized, but the search for them had\\nattracted hither man} immigrants, some of whom had now\\nmade such progress in agriculture as to be self-sustaining.\\nIllinois contained at this tiine several flourishing settle-\\nments, the inhabitants of which were more exclusively\\ndevoted to the cultivation of the soil than in any other\\npart of the province.\\nIt has been observed by an Illinois historian, that all\\nindustrial enterprises were, to a gi eat extent, paralyzed by\\nthe, arbitrary exactions of the company that the agri-\\nculturists, the miners, and the fur-traders of Illinois were\\nheld in a sort of vassalage, which enabled those in power\\nto dictate the price at which they should sell their products,\\nand the amount they should pay them for imported mer-\\nchandise and that the interest of the company was always\\nat variance with that of the producer.\\nAll of this might have been, and perhaps was, sub-\\nstantially true. But whoever takes a correct view of the\\ntransactions of the Mississippi Company, says Major Stod-\\ndard, nmst be convinced that it was of infinite utility to", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "Benefits of its Sway in Louisiana. 287\\nLouisiana, perhaps the preservation of it. Judge Breese\\nalso takes a very favorable view of the rule of the great cor-\\nporation in the Illinois. He writes\\nTheir sway here was more in name than in fact for,\\nsetting aside their power to grant lands, all real control of\\nthe people (in Illinois) was with the Jesuits. Their busi-\\nness pursuits were but little interfered with, and no arbi-\\ntrary or forced exactions of their little abundance were\\nmade. They did not find, as is too often the case in others,\\nin this overshadowing monopoly, whose sole principle of\\naggregation was wealth, a cruel and heartless tyrant, ready\\nand willing, in the various modes such corporations can de-\\nvise, to plunder them of their small revenues, or oppress\\nthem in any form. In their relations to it, it was as the\\nbenefactor to the benefited; and though the fortunes of its\\nproprietors were wrecked, the colony itself received a new\\nand immense impulse from its varied operations.\\nHistorical Sketches of Louisiana (Phila., Pa., 1812), p. 61.\\nt Early History of Illinois, p. 180.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "288 Louisiana Under the Crown.\\nCHAPTER X\\\\\\n1732-1752.\\nLOUISIANA UNDER THE DIRECT GOVERNMENT OF THE CROWN.\\nWhen the Eoyal India Company, successor to the\\nCompany of the West, gave up its charter and vast privi-\\nleges to the crown, another government was at once organ-\\nized for the Province of Louisiana, which severed it from\\nNew France, and continued Illinois as a dependency of\\nLouisiana. By letters patent of the 7th of May, 1732, the\\nSuperior Council of the province was re-organized, with\\nPerier as governor, Salmon as intendant commissary, and\\nLoubois and d Artaguette (Diron) as king s lieutenants.\\nThe ecclesiastical affairs of the colony were under the\\nmore immediate supervision of a vicar-general, residing in\\nNew Orleans.\\nIn 1733 the Canadian, Bienville, much to his own sat-\\nisfaction and that of his friends, was re-appointed governor\\nof Louisiana in place of Perier, who was promoted to the\\nrank of lieutenant-general as a reward for his important\\nservices in the colony. The new commandant-general\\nreached New Orleans early in 1734, and the Sieur Perier,\\nresigning the government into his hands, immediately cm-\\nbarked for France.\\nDuring that year Captain Pierre d Artaguette was ap-\\npointed by Governor Bienville major-commandant for the\\ndistrict of the Illinois, with head-quarters at Fort Chartres.\\nHe was a younger brother of Diron d Artaguette, the com-\\nmissaire ordonnateur of Louisiana, and one of the most\\nconspicuous men in the province. Pierre d Artaguette had\\nserved with gallantry in the Natchez war, and was after-\\nward sent by Perier to command at the new fort, wliich", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "The Chickasaw Nation. 289\\nwas bnilt on the site of the old one at ISTatchez.* After\\nhis transfer to the Illinois he had no pleasant path to tread,\\nas was the case with his predecessors.\\nThe Chickasaw Indians the Iroquois of the South\\nhad all along preferred an alliance with the English colo-\\nnists of Carolina, and had been stimulated by artful emis-\\nsaries of the latter (if they required any stimulus) to re-\\npeated deeds of rapine and blood against the French, who\\nwere waiting a favorable opportunity to make them feel\\nthe weight of their resentment. The Chickasaws were\\nknown to Europeans, or at least to the Spaniards, from the\\ntime of De Soto. They inhabited the country intermediate\\nbetween Upper and Lower Louisiana, extending eastward\\nfrom the Mississippi River into Alabama, and northward\\nthrough Western Tennessee. They were a less numerous\\npeople than the Cherokees, or even the Choctaws, but they\\nmade up in craft and pugnacity what they lacked in num-\\nbers. The presence of the Chickasaws in roaming bands\\non the eastern banks of the Mississippi not only rendered\\nnavigation perilous, but seriously interfered with trade be-\\ntween Kaskaskia and J^ew Orleans, and many of the\\nFrench boatmen and voyageurs successively fell victims to\\ntheir muskets and tomahawks. Such, indeed, was the ani-\\nmosity of this people that they sent emissaries to the tribes\\nof the Illinois to detach them from their long-established\\nfriendship with the French settlers, and to persuade them\\nto make war upon and exterminate the latter. But the\\nIllinois rejected the proposition with scorn, and sent a\\nThe new Fort Rosalie, as seen and described by Captain Pittman,\\nin 1766, stood on the east side of the Mississippi, about six hundred\\nand seventy yards from the river, and at an elevation of one hundred\\nand eighty feet above the usual water line. The fort was an irregular\\npentagon, without bastions, and was built of sawn or hewed plank five\\ninches thick. The buildings within the walls were a store-house, a\\nhouse for the officers, a barrack for the soldiers, and a guard-house.\\nThese houses were constructed of framed timbers, the spaces between\\nbeing filled with mud and Spanish moss. The fort was surrounded on\\nthree sides by a dry ditch, and the fourth or north side was fenced with\\npickets. Some traces of the ruins of this fort are said to be still visible\\nat Natchez.\\n19", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "290 Louisiana Under the Crown.\\ndeputation, headed by their principal chief, Checagou, to\\nNew Orleans to offer their services to the governor. In an\\ninterview with Bienville the chief presented the pipe of\\nfriendship, saying: This is the pipe of peace or war you\\nhave but to speak, and our braves will strike the nations\\nthat are your foes.\\nBy authority of the King of France an invasion of the\\nChickasaw country was now projected, with the three-fold\\npurpose of re-establishing safe communication between the\\nnorthern and southern districts of the province, of reducing\\nthose truculent savages to submission, and of driving the\\nEnglish traders from among them. The French were not\\nwanting in a plausible pretext for commencing hostilities.\\nMany of the I^atchez Indians who escaped the war of ex-\\ntirpation against them had taken refuge among the Chick-\\nasaws, and become incorporated with that nation, where\\nthey continued to cherish their hatred of the French. Be-\\nfore the beginning of the year 1736, Governor Bienville\\nmade a demand on the Chickasaws for the surrender of\\nthose fugitives, and foreseeing that his demand was not\\nlikely to be complied with, he assembled an army to march\\nagainst them. Great preparations were made, considering\\nthe military strength of the colony, to render the expedi-\\ntion successful. In addition to the regulars and militia\\nraised in Southern Louisiana, the Governor sent Captain\\nLeblanc up the river to Fort Chartres with orders to the\\nSieur d Artaguette, commandant of the district, to get in\\nreadiness the troops under his command, together with\\nsuch of the Illinois and other Indians as could be induced\\nto join the expedition. D Artaguette was further ordered\\nto be in the Chickasaw country, with his forces, by the\\n10th of the ensuing May, and to there await the arrival of\\nthe conmiander-in-chief and his army from the south.\\nOn the 4th of March, 1736, Bienville embarked at New\\nOrleans, with a force of live hundred and fifty-four French-\\nmen and forty-five negroes, for Fort Mobile, the rendez-\\nvous of the troops. Resting here until Easter-day, the first\\nof April, the army began to ascend the river in bateaux\\nBancroft s History, Vol. Ill, p. 305.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "Bienville s Expedition Against the Chickasaws. 291\\nand pirogues, which moved in line by force of oars. On\\nthe 20th the army reached a place called Tombecbe (Tom-\\nbigbee), to which the governor had sent a company of sol-\\ndiers nine months before to build a fort, intending it as a\\nplace of defense and a depot of supplies. This fort was\\non the Tombigbee River, and within the territory of the\\nChoctaws. The artillery which the French had brought\\nwith them was now placed in position, and its discharge\\nbroke, for the first time, the stillness of the surrounding\\nforest. Here the Choctaw chiefs, in consideration of a\\ncertain quantity of merchandise, joined Bienville s expe-\\ndition with over six hundred of their warriors. Re-em-\\nbarking on the 4th of May, and continuing to ascend the\\nriver, the troops reached the place of debarkation on the\\n24th of that montli. They were now within seven or eight\\nleagues of the nearest and principal Chickasaw village,\\nwhich was situated only a few miles from the present\\ncounty town of Pontotoc, in Northern Mississippi, a town\\nwhich still preserves the name of the Indian stronghold.\\nOn the 25th of May (two weeks behind the pre-\\narranged time), the commander formed his army in two\\ncolumns, and marched to within two leagues of the Chick-\\nasaw village, when he halted for the night. Early the\\nnext morning the impetuous Choctaws rushed forward\\nupon the village, expecting to take it by a couj) le main.\\nBut they found the Chickasaws awake and ready to receive\\nthem and not only so, but protected by a strong fortifi-\\ncation of earth and timbers, which had been constructed\\nunder the supervision of some resident English traders.\\nDuring that day Bienville made two vigorous attempts to\\ncarry the enemy s works by storm, but was repulsed both\\ntimes, and sustained a loss of thirty-two killed and sixty\\nwounded, including several commissioned officers. He\\nwas, therefore, compelled to draw off his army, leaving his\\ndead on the field of battle.\\nDuring the night of the 26th, a party of Indians ar-\\nrived from another village, as they claimed, to present the\\ncalumet and a letter to Bienville but, provoked by the re-\\nverses of the day, he refused to receive them, and ordered", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "292 Louisiana Under the Crown.\\nhis Indians to attack them, which they did.* By this rash\\nconduct, the commanding general probably lost his only\\nopportunity of opening communication with D Artaguette\\nand his associate officers, who were then prisoners in the\\nhands of the Chickasaws.\\nOn the next day there was some skirmishing between\\nthe Choctaw and Chickasaw warriors, but without any de-\\ncisive result. Discouraged at his unexpected failure, con-\\nvinced of his inability to reduce the enemy s formidable\\nworks without cannon and the means of siege, and hearing\\nnothing from the army that was to co-operate with him\\nfrom the Illinois, Bienville now reluctantly abandoned the\\nexpedition. Dismissing his Indian auxiliaries, he made a\\nretrograde march to his boats, and descended the river to\\nFort Tombecbe. On arriving there, it is told that he threw\\nthe iron cannon belonging to the fort into the river, to\\nprevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, and re-\\nturned to New^ Orleans covered with humiliation at his dis-\\nastrous defeat.\\nPrior to these occurrences, however, Major d Arta-\\nguette had set out from Fort Chartres in the last week of\\nFebruary, with thirty regular soldiers, one hundred volun-\\nteers (including the Jesuit father Senat) and two hundred\\nIllinois and Missouri Indians, and descended the Missis-\\nsippi to the site of Fort Prudhomme, at the Third Chicka-\\nsaw Bluff Here he was soon after joined by the Sieur de\\nVincennes, from the Wabash, with twenty- Frenchmen and\\nabout one hundred Miamis braves. The Sieur de Mon-\\ncherval was also daily expected, with a contingent of Ca-\\nhokias and Michigamies from the Illinois. Leaving a de-\\ntachment at the river landing, to guard the canoes and\\nheavier baggage, Major d Artaguette set forward on his\\nmarch into the Chickasaw country, and advanced b}^ slow\\nstages in order to give Moncherval a chance to overtake\\nhim. But that officer did not arrive in time to participate\\nin the approaching battle. Having reached the appointed\\nrendezvous, which was on the head-waters of the Yalo-\\nbusha, on the 9th of May, D Artaguette waited ten days\\nDumont s Historical Memoir of Louisiana.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "D Artaguette s Ill-fated Expedition. 293\\nfor the appearance of the commander-in-chief, ready to\\nunite with him attacking the enemy.\\nMeanwhile, according to Mr. Gayarre, a courier\\nreached his camp with a letter, said to have been written\\nby Bienville, stating that in consequence of unexpected ob-\\nstacles and delays, he would not be able to reach the Chick-\\nasaws at the time designated, and authorizing him to act on\\nhis own military judgment. D Artaguette thereupon con-\\nvened a council of war, composed of his principal officers\\nand the Indian chiefs, and at this council it was resolved to\\nmake an immediate attack upon the enemy s stronghold.\\nAccordingly, about the 20th of May, having formed his\\nimpatient forces in order of battle forces who had the\\ncourage to strike, without the discretion to wait the proper\\ntime the commander led them against the Chickasaws.\\nThe charge was daring and impetuous, and the enemy was\\nsuccessively driven from two of his intrenched positions,\\nbut in the assault upon the third D Artaguette was se-\\nverely wounded and disabled, at the moment when the\\nvictory seemed within his grasp. Panic-struck at the fall\\nof their leader, his Indian confederates, the Illinois and\\nMissouris, precipitately retreated, and were hotly pursued\\nfor twenty-five leagues by the Chickasaws, in the flush of\\ntriumph. The Miamis, from the Wabash, appear to have\\nbeen guilty of deliberate treachery, they having been pre-\\nviously tampered with by English agents.*\\nFather Senat and the chivalrous DeVincennes might\\nhave both escaped, but the former, true to his profession,\\nstayed to console the wounded and dying, while the latter\\nwas so devoted to his unfortunate chief, that he would not\\nleave him in peril, preferring rather to share his captivity,\\nand, if necessary, to die by his side. As a consequence,\\nthey, with some fifteen other Frenchmen, including a\\nbrother of Captain Louis St. Ange, fell into the hands of the\\nChickasaws. The prisoners were, at first, civilly treated by\\ntheir captors, who expected to receive a large reward from\\n*See History of Louisiana, by Chas. Gayarre (New Orleans, 1885),\\n3d ed., vol. II., pp. 485-6.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "294 Louisiana Under the Crown.\\nthe Frencli for their safe return. But, after the discomfiture\\nand retreat of Bienville s army, the Chickasaw chiefs aban-\\ndoned hope of securing an adequate ransom for their pris-\\noners, and prepared to make them the victims of a savage\\ntriumph. To this end they were taken to a neighboring\\nfield and bound by fours to stakes; and neither valor nor\\npiety could save them from being tortured to death by slow\\nand intermitting fires. Two of the number were reserved\\nto be exchanged for a Chickasaw warrior, who had been\\nmade prisoner by the French.\\nAfter this cruel manner perished the gallant D Arta-\\nguette, the faithful Senat, and the heroic De Vincennes.\\nWe would not withhold the meed of sympathy due them\\nin their direful fate. At the same time it must not be\\nforgotten that, in hazarding an assault upon the enemy in\\nhis fortified position, before the arrival of the main army\\nunder Bienville, they invited the very fate that befell them,\\nand destroyed the chances of French victory in that cam-\\npaign.\\nThe Chickasaws were now more defiant than ever, and\\nbeing elated with vanity over their success in repelling the\\nattacks of two French and Indian armies, they sent a depu-\\ntation of chiefs to announce their triumph to the English\\nauthorities in Carolina, with whom they renewed their alli-\\nance, and by whom they were supplied with arms and\\nammunition, as well as merchandise.\\nAmbitious to retrieve his own military reputation, and\\nalso to recover the lost prestige of the French arms in\\nLouisiana, Governor Bienville resolved upon a second cam-\\npaign against the Chickasaws; but it was not until after\\nreceiving reinforcements from France that he was able to\\nrenew this arduous enterprise. In the spring of 1739, hav-\\ning previously obtained the sanction of the French Minister\\nof Colonies, he again began active preparations for the sub-\\njugation of that fierce tribe, which had so successfully de-\\nfied his power and authority. Orders were sent out to\\ncommandants of the various military posts in tlie jtrovince\\nto furnish as many troops as possible, which resulted in the\\nassembling of the largest and best appointed army hitherto", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "Bienville s Second Campaign. 295\\nseen in Louisiana. The general rendezvous was at. first\\nfixed on the St, Francis River, just above its junction with\\nthe Mississippi, where a fort and cabins were erected to\\nserve as a basis of operations. The commandant-general\\narrived at this post .toward the end of June, and in August\\nhe embarked his army and moved up to the mouth of Wolf\\nRiver, a small stream which tails into the Mississippi near\\nthe present city of Memphis. Here, on the blufl, another\\nand larger fort was built, with a house for the commandant,\\nbarracks for the soldiers, store-houses, etc. It received the\\nname of Fort Assumption, because the troops landed here\\non that day.\\nAt this fort the army received reinforcements from the\\nnorth. The first to arrive was the Illinois force, composed\\nof about two hundred Frenchmen and three hundred In-\\ndians, commanded by Alphonse de Buissoniere, who had\\nsucceeded the unfortunate D Artaguette as commandant at\\nFort Chartres. After that came Captain de Celeron and\\nLieutenant de St. Laurent, with thirty cadets from Canada,\\nand a large following of Indians. These united troops made\\na formidable army, numbering twelve hundred Frenchmen,\\nand double as many Indians and negroes. Owing in part\\nto the difiiculty in procuring supplies, which had to be\\nbrought a long distance, this large body of troops was al-\\nlowed to remain here in inactivity for six months.* In the\\nmeantime, provisions became so scarce that they had to kill\\nand eat their horses, and sickness breaking out in the camp\\ncarried oft a great number. Such were the ravages of\\ndisease and famine, that by the first of March, 1740, not\\nmore than two hundred French soldiers were fit for active\\nservice.\\nIn these straits. Governor Bienville sent the Sieur de\\nCeleron, with a body of French and Indian troops, to the\\nChickasaws, with orders, in case they sued for peace, to grant\\nit in his name. When Celeron arrived with his force in sight\\nof the enemy s fort, the Chickasaws, believing him to be\\nMr. Gayarre attributes Bienville s inaction to his jealousy of\\nNoailles, who had been sent to command the army.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "296 Louisiana under the Crown.\\nfollowed by the whole French army, seat to him to ask for\\npeace, promising to renounce their English alliance and re-\\nsume friendly relations with the French. To confirm this\\nagreement, a party of their chiefs returned with Celeron to\\nFort Assumption, and there entered into a treaty of pacifi-\\ncation with the governor, which was ratified with the cus-\\ntomary Indian ceremonies. Bienville now dismissed his\\nIndian auxiliaries, having first paid them off in goods, after\\nwhich he demolished his two forts, as being of no further\\nuse, and re-embarked for New Orleans,*\\nSo ended, in April, 1740, the second campaign against\\nthe Chickasaws. It was less inglorious and disastrous\\nthan the first, but its results were far from satisfactory, and\\nby no means commensurate with the costly preparations\\nthat had been made. Having failed to redeem his tarnished\\nmilitary record, and the prestige of the French arms in the\\ncolony, the commandant-general thereby incurred the dis-\\npleasure of his sovereign, and for this and other reasons he\\nwas, in no long time, removed from office. Toward the\\nclose of the year 1742, he was superseded by Pierre Fran-\\ncois de Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil-Cavagnal, a native\\nof Quebec, and a man of distinguished ftimily and social\\nconnections.\\nThus closed the official career of Jean Baptiste le\\nMoyne, Sieur de Bienville, in Louisiana, a career which,\\nwith some interruptions, extended through a period of\\nforty-three years, and which is without a parallel in French-\\nAmerican history. Born at Montreal, in February, 1680,\\nhe was nineteen years the junior of his celebrated brother,\\nD lberville, who introduced him when a mere lad into the\\nnaval service, took him with him to Hudson s Bay, and\\nafterward on his first colonizing expedition to the Missis-\\nsippi. Age and care had now cooled the ardor and energy\\nof Bienville s prime, and the luster of the honors achieved\\nin former years was obscured under a cloud of court cen-\\nsure, some of which, at least, was undeserved. In May,\\nFor more detailed accounts of this Chickasaw war, see Dumont s,\\nMartin s, and Gayarr^ s Histories of Louisiana. The account by Du-\\nmont is the earliest and most authentic.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "Retirement of Governor Bienville. 297\\n1743, he sailed from New Orleans for France, thus leaving\\nLouisiana forever. Although under the displeasure of the\\ncourt the colonists were loud in expressing their regrets at\\nhis departure and whatever errors or mistakes, insepara-\\nble from human nature, he may have committed, his pop-\\nularity in the province, where he had mostly lived from\\nearly manhood to old age, had never been seriously shaken.\\nHe has been justly stjded the Father of the Louisiana col-\\nony, of which his brother D Iberville was the founder.\\nHe left behind him a code, sometimes called Le Code Noir,\\nwhich was lirst promulgated in 1724, regulating the condi-\\ntion of the slaves, banishing the Jews, and prohibiting the\\nexercise of every religion except the Roman Catholic. This\\ncode, with some modifications, remained in force in Louis-\\niana until the cession of that country to the government\\nof the United States, when it was abolished, excepting\\nso much of it as related to the African slaves. After re-\\nturning to France, Bienville lived for over twenty years in\\ndignified retirement at Paris.\\nBut to return to Louisiana. After the peace of 1740\\nwith the Chickasaws, all the other aboriginal tribes in the\\nimmediate Valley of the Mississippi recognized the domin-\\nion of France, and became allies or friends of her colonists.\\nTrade with the natives was now renewed and enlai ged,\\nand agriculture, freed from former restrictions, took on a\\nnew life. The culture of fruit became general. The or-\\nange, the lemon, and the fig tree began to blossom about\\nthe houses on the Lower Mississippi, and near the shores\\nof the gulf; while farther to the north the apple, the peach,\\nthe apricot, and the plum were successfully grown. The\\nsweet potatoe and the melon, extending over a wide range\\nof latitude, also contributed largely to the sustenance of\\nthe people. Sugar-cane was brought by the Jesuits from\\nSt. Domingo as early as 1744, and was first cultivated by\\nthem in their orardens at New Orleans.* It was before this\\nIn 1758, M. de Breuil opened a sugar plantation on a large scale,\\nand erected the first sugar mill in Louisiana. His plantation occupied\\nthe lower part of New Orleans, known as the suburb of St. Marigny.\\nReynolds Pioneer History, second edition, p. 64.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "298 Louisiana Under the Crown.\\ntime that indigo began to be raised for export. The cotton\\nplant was not introduced until some years later, when it\\nwas successfully cultivated as far north as the Ohio. Every\\nvessel arriving from France added to the population of the\\nsouthern settlements; and many Canadians, fleeing from\\nthe rigor of their northern winters, sought homes and hap-\\npiness in the more genial climate of the IlUnois. Under\\nthe stimulus of private and associate enterprise, commerce\\nbetween the northern and southern districts of the prov-\\nince, and between New Orleans and foreign ports, was\\nlargely augmented. Cargoes of flour, bacon, tallow, pelts\\nand lead were annually transported in bateaux to New\\nOrleans, and thence reshipped to the West Indies or to\\nFrance, in exchange for rice, sugar, indigo, and goods of\\nEuropean manufacture. The difl erent districts of the prov-\\nince were mutually dependent, and, by means of the Mis-\\nsissippi and its numerous large tributaries, supplied with\\nfacility each other s wants. Upon the whole, the decade\\nfrom 1742 to 1752 was one of unwonted prosperity in the\\nFrench history of Louisiana.*\\nAfter some ten years of comparative peace and quiet,\\nthe Chickasaws, notwithstanding their existing treaty obli-\\ngations, renewed their depredations upon the French colo-\\nnists, and again interrupted their trade on the Mississippi\\nRiver. To curb the marauding disposition of these savages,\\nand coerce them into submission, Governor de Vaudreuil un-\\ndertook another armed expedition to their forest fastnesses.\\nEmbarking at New Orleans, in 1752, with seven hundred\\nregular soldiers, he was joined on the way by a horde of\\nChoctaw braves, ready for the fray. His route was up the\\nMobile and Tombigbee Rivers, the same as that taken by\\nBienville in 1736. He had cannon, munitions, and supplies\\nin abundance; yet, like his predecessor, he failed to van-\\nquish the stubborn Chickasaws, who avoided an open battle,\\nand shut themselves up in their fortresses. The French\\ncommander, however, destroyed some of their deserted\\nDavidson and Stuve s History, p. 127.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "The Beginning of Vincennes. 299\\nvillages, and left a strong garrison at Fort Tombecbe to\\nhold them in restraint.\\nReference having been made to the Sieur de Vincennes,\\nand to the sad fate that befell him in the first campaign of\\nthe Chickasaw war, the inquiring reader may desire to\\nknow something more of his history, and also of the ori-\\ngin of the French village (now city) which is indissolubly\\nlinked with his memory. Jean Baptiste Bissot, Sieur de\\nVincennes was the tenth child of M. Francois Bissot, a\\nleading merchant of Quebec, and was there born in Janu-\\nary, 1688. He appears to have been a relative of Joliet,\\nthe explorer, who was probably an uncle by marriage.\\nEarly bred to the profession of arms, young De Vincennes\\nwas sent out to the West, where he soon became noted for\\nhis activity and enterprise. In 1704, with a party of Cana-\\ndian troops, he attacked an Ottawa band, and rescued from\\nthem some Iroquois prisoners that had been taken in viola-\\ntion of treaties, thus averting a cause of war with the latter\\nnation. In the autumn of 1705, he was sent by Governor\\nde Vaudreuil* on a mission to the Miamis, who then prin-\\ncipally occupied the territory immediately to the north-west\\nof the Upper Wabash. In 1712 he took part in the defense\\nof Detroit from an invasion of the Fox Indians, and during\\nthat year was again sent as an agent to the Miamis.\\nAs early as 1719, De Vincennes probably established,\\nor aided in establishing, the trading post on the Wabash\\nwhich still bears his name; for it M^as about this time that\\nFort Ouatanon, higher up the river, was also founded by\\nthe French. A more ancient date than this has been\\nclaimed for the first settlement at Vincennes, but it doubt-\\nless originated in the confounding of the Wabash and\\nLower Ohio together as one stream.\\nBefore the close of the year 1702 (says Dillon s His-\\ntory of Indiana, p. 21), the Sieur Juchereau, a Canadian\\nofllcer, assisted by the Jesuit missionary Merniet, made an\\nThis was Philippe de Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, who had\\nbeen appointed governor of Canada in 1703, to succeed M. de Callieres.\\nHe was the father of that Marquis de Vaudreuil, who became succes-\\nsively governor of Louisiana and of Canada.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "300 Louisiana under the Crown.\\nattempt to establish a post on the Ohio, near the mouth of\\nthat river; or, according to some authorities, on the Wabash\\nat the site now occupied by Vincennes. But La Harpe,*\\nand after him Charlevoix, fix the position of that post at the\\nmouth of the Ouabache (Ohio), which discharges itself into\\nthe Mississippi. It was probably on the site of the more\\nmodern Fort Massac, and the date of its establishment is\\nfixed by some French writers in the year 1700.\\nThe neighboring Mascoutins, who later became asso-\\nciated with the Kickapoos, soon gathered about this post\\non the Ohio for the purpose of barter, and Father Mermet\\nundertook, without success, to convert them to Christianity.\\nIn 1705, or thereabouts, the post Avas broken up in conse-\\nquence of the increasing hostility of the Indians, and the\\nFrench traders fled, leaving their eflects behind them.f\\nIn 1702 M. Juchereau, a French officer of Montreal, accompanied\\nby thirtj -four Canadians, attempted to form a settlement at the mouth\\nof the Ouabache, to collect buflalo skins. Extract from La Harpe s\\nJournal, dated Feb. 8, 1703, cited in Dillon s Hist, of Ind., p. 400.\\nt Acording to the authoritj of La Harpe, and the later historian\\nCharlevoix, the French, in the year 1700, established a trading post near\\nthe mouth of the Ohio, on the site of the more modern Fort Massac, in\\nMassac county. 111., for the purpose of securing buffalo hides. The\\nneighboring INIascoutins, as was customary witli the Indians, soon gath-\\nered about it for the purpose of barter. Their numbers, as well as the\\nexpressed wish of the French traders, induced Father IMermet to visit\\nthe place and engage in mission work. At the end of four or five years,\\nin 1705, the establishment was broken up on account of a quarrel of\\nthe Indians among themselves, which so threatened the lives of the\\nFrenchmen that the latter fled, leaving behind them their effects and\\nthirteen thousand buffalo skins which they had collected. Some years\\nlater, Father Marest, writing from Kaskaskia, relates the failure of\\nFather Mermet to convert the Indians at this post on the Wabash and\\non the authority of this letter alon^-, and although Father Marest only\\nfollowed the prevailing style of calling the Lower Ohio the Wabash,\\nsome writers (the late Judge Law being the first) have contended that\\nthis post was on the Wabash and at Vincennes. Charlevoix says it was\\nat the mouth of the Wabash which discharges itself into the Mississippi.\\nLa Harpe, and also Le Sueur, whose personal knowledge of the post\\nwas contemporaneous with its existence, definitely fix its jiosition near\\nthe mouth of the Ohio. The latter gives the date of its beginning, and\\nthe former narrates an account of its trade and final abandonment. In\\nthis way an antiquity has been claimed for Vincennes to which it is not", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "Early History of Vmcennes. 301\\nWhen the French first explored the Wabash, they\\nfound the land on either side of the lower course of that\\nstream in possession of the Piankashaw Indians and Vin-\\ncennes was first known to the former as a Piankashaw vil-\\nlage, by the name of Chip- pe-coke, or Brushwood. It was a\\nsecluded spot on the eastern bank of the river, about one\\nhundred miles above its mouth. It was far removed from\\nthe French settlements on the northern lakes and on the\\nMississippi, and during many years it was a mere halting\\nplace for the missionaries and fur-traders, who chose to\\ntravel southward by the way of the Maumee and the Wa-\\nbash. Of this sequestered post very little was known to\\nthe outside world until some time after the Sieur de Vin-\\ncennes became its commandant. The priests and traders\\nof Kaskaskia and Cahokia kept up some intercourse with\\nthe place, but there was no regular communication with it.\\nThe route thither by river was circuitous and dangerous,\\nwhile the Indian trace or trail across the intervening\\nwilderness of Illinois was beset by roving bands of blood-\\nthirsty Kickapoos.\\nUnder the auspices of De Vincennes, who built an\\nearthen fort there about the year 1725, this Wabash post\\ngradually assumed importance. He appears to have granted\\nlands, in small parcels, to the French settlers for cultivation,\\nand from the neighboring Indian chiefs they received a gift\\nof more than two thousand acres, which they appropriated\\nchiefly as commons. It is conjectured by Breese that\\nthe land on which the village was built, and the common\\nfield as well, were originally granted to De Vincennes by\\nthe India Company, or by the governor of Louisiana after\\nthe dissolution of the company in 1732, and that he, as\\nhistorically entitled. History of Vermilion County, Illinois, by H.\\nW. Beckwith (Chicago, 1879), p. 102, note.\\nIn 1742, some years after the foundation of the post of Vincennes,\\nthe natives of the country made the French and their heirs an absolute\\ngift of tlie lauds lying between the point above and the river Blanche\\n(White) below the village, with as much land on both sides as might be\\ncomprised within the said limits. Dillon s Hist, of Ind., p. 402. See\\nalso Memorial signed by sixteen of the inhabitants of Vincennes, dated\\nNovember 20, 1793, and addressed to the president of the United States.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "302 Louisiana Under the Crown.\\ncommandant, parceled it out in small allotmenta to the\\nvillagers. But however this might be, it was all included\\nwithin the dependency of the Illinois, and difiered but little\\nfrom the other villages in this provincial district.\\nThe Sieur de Vincennes* was still commanding at this\\npost in 1735, and until the spring of 1736, when he was\\nsummoned by Major d Artaguette to join him, with a force\\nof French and Miamis, in his expedition against the Chick-\\nasaws, from which neither of these French officers ever\\nreturned. But the post village which the former had\\nfounded was thereafter variously known as Post de Vin-\\ncennes, Au Poste, Post Vincent, Post St. Vincents, and\\nfinally Vincennes. Louis St. Ange de Bellerive succeeded\\nDe Vincennes in command of the post, though in what\\nyear is undecided. During his lengthy incumbency, and\\nas early as the year 1749, he made some grants or deeds\\nconveying small lots of land to diiferent settlers in the vil-\\nlage. These were executed on coarse paper, and were\\nsigned by St. Ange, commandant au poste Vincenne.\\nIn 1749, a mission was established, under charge of the\\nmissionary Meurin, at the Piankashaw village, which stood\\nnear the site of Post Vincennes. In the course of the next\\nyear, 1750, a small stockade fort was built at that place, and\\nanother light fortification was erected about the same time at\\nthe confluence of the Wabash and the Ohio. Between the\\nyears 1754 and 1756 the white population of Post Vincennes\\nwas considerably augmented by the arrival of immigrants\\nfrom Detroit, Kaskaskia, and New Orleans. During this pe-\\nriod the French settlers at Post Vincent, Ouatanon,t and the\\nThere is some little reason for supposing that there were two men\\nof this name who figured in the Valley of the Wabasii at or near the\\nsame time. In a letter addressed to the Council of Marine, written at\\n(iuebec, and dated October 28, 1719, M. de Vaudreuil says: I learn\\nfrom the last letters that have arrived from the Miamis, that the Sieur\\nde Vincennes having died in their village, these Indians have resolved\\nnot to remove to the river St. .loseph. After citing the above extract\\nin his history, page 402, Mr. Dillon observes This report of the death\\nof Vincenne was untrue or there was soon afterward, in the West,\\nanother P ench officer who bore the name of M. de Vincenne.\\nt Ouiatenon, Ouatanon, or Watanon, stood on the north side of the", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "Early History of Vincennes. 303\\nTwightee village near the site of Fort Wayne, enjoyed a\\nstate of almost unlimited ease and freedom. Living in the\\nmidst of the forest wilderness, without taxes or church\\nrates, and in friendship with the neighboring Indians, they\\nspent their days in hunting and fishing, and in trading for\\npelts and furs, raising a few vegetables and a little maize\\nfor the sustenance of their families. Many of them inter-\\nmarried with the daughters of the red men, whose amity\\nwas thereby secured and strengthened.*\\nWabash, not far below the present city of Lafayette. When Colonel\\nGeorge Croghan visited this post in July, 1765, he found there fourteen\\nFrench families residing within the stockade. According to his printed\\njournal, Vincennes then contained from eighty to ninety families, and\\nwas a place of great consequence for trade. The fort was garrisoned\\nby only a few soldiers.\\nDillon s Hist. Ind., pp. 55 and 109.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "304 Events in the Illinois Dependency.\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\n1742-1756.\\nPROGRESS OF EVENTS IN THE DEPENDENCY OF ILLINOIS.\\nIn 1742, when the Marquis de Vaudreuil was made\\ngovernor of Louisiana, Captain Benoist de St. Clair was\\nmajor-commandant of the Illinois, having been appointed\\ntwo years before to succeed La Buissoniere. But, early in\\n1743, St. Clair was superseded by the Chevalier de Bertel,\\nor Berthel, who held the position until 1748-9.\\nAmong the earlier acts of his provincial administra-\\ntion. Governor de Vaudreuil confirmed to the inhabitants\\nof Kaskaskia their right of commons a right for which\\nthey had petitioned the Royal India Company, through\\ntheir commandant, De Liette,* in 1727, but which had been\\nuntil now wholly disregarded. It will be remembered that\\nin 1719 M. de Boisbriant, as commandant at the Illinois,\\nhad granted a right of commons to the citizens of Kaskas-\\nkia, but had neglected to put his grant in writing, and that\\nupon the surrender of the India Company s charter, in 1732,\\nthe whole country became united to the royal domain, so\\nthat the poor villagers continued in a state of painful un-\\ncertainty for sixteen years. At length, in June, 1743, these\\nloyal subjects of the French king addressed a respectful\\npetition to the new provincial governor to confirm their\\ntitle and in August they received a favorable response\\nthereto in writing, of which the following is the more im-\\nportant part\\nPierre de Rigault de Vaudreuil, governor, and Edme.\\nGatien Salmon, commissary orderer of the Province of\\nLouisiana\\n[Having] seen the petition to us presented on the 16th\\nBreese writes this naine De Lklte, and Mason De Siette.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "Confirmation of Kaskaskia s Right of Commons. 305\\nday of June of this present year, by the inhabitants of the\\nparish of the Immaculate Conception of Kaskaskia, de-\\npendence of the Illinois, tending to be confirmed in the\\npossession of a common which they have had a long time\\nfor the pasturage of their cattle, in the point called La\\nPointe de Bois, which runs to the entrance of the river Kas-\\nkaskia, We, by virtue of the power to us granted by his\\nmajesty, have confirmed and do confirm to the said inhab-\\nitants the possession of the said commons, on the following\\nconditions.\\n[Then follow the conditions in detail, which are omit-\\nted here.]\\nGiven at New Orleans, the 14th day of August, 1743.\\n(Signed) Vaudrieul.\\nSalmon.\\nConcerning the above act of confirmation, Breese\\nwrites: This confirmation took from the inhabitants the\\nislands in the Mississippi, and the land on the east side of\\nthe Kaskaskia River, which the benevolent Boisbriant had\\nverbally granted to them nevertheless, they were content,\\nas it secured to them nearly seven thousand acres of rich\\npasture and woodland, for house-bote, plough-bate, fire-bote,\\nand estooers, and yielding, also, in great profusion, grapes,\\nplums, persimmons, the lucious papaw, the delicate pecan,\\nand other rich and delicious nuts; whilst the common\\nfield, by this arrangement, did not embrace less than eight\\nthousand acres of the richest, deepest, blackest loam, cap-\\nable of itself of sustaining a numerous people.*\\nKaskaskia continued from the first to be the most con-\\nsiderable of the Illinois villages, and carried on a profitable\\ntrade by the river with Natchez and New Orleans. From\\nKaskaskia, as a parent hive, small swarms of colonists were\\nsent out, at intervals, to people the neighboring localities.\\nAs early as the year 1735, according to tradition, a few\\nFrench Canadian families had fixed their abode on the west-\\nern bank of the Mississippi,! attracted thither, no doubt,\\nBreese s Early Illinois, p. 187.\\nt The first military settlement of the French, in what is now the\\n20", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "306 Events in the Illinois Dependency.\\nby the salt springs and lead mines, which had been opened\\nin that vicinity. This hamlet was located on the low river\\nbottom, and took the name of Misere, signifying poverty\\nor misery, but only in a comparative sense, when contrasted\\nwith the older and more flourishing establishments on this\\nside of the river. After the great flood in the Mississippi,\\nin 1785, which completely inundated their village, the in-\\nhabitants removed to the present site, on a bluflf, three miles\\nnorth or north-west of the old one. The new village re-\\nceived the name of Ste. Genevieve, by which it has ever\\nsince been known.* It is still a place of considerable im-\\nportance, with a noticeable admixture of the original Gallic\\nelement in its population. The town has long been the\\nseat of justice of Ste. Genevieve county. Mo., and by the\\nlast United States census, contained fifteen hundred and\\neighty-six inhabitants.\\nThe population of the French and Indian villages in\\nthe district of the Illinois, at the period of which we write,\\nis largely a matter of conjecture and computation. Father\\nLouis Vivier, a Jesuit missionary, in a letter dated June 8,\\n1750, and written from the vicinity of Fort Chartres, says:\\nWe have here whites, negroes, and Indians, to say\\nnothing of the cross-breeds. There are five French vil-\\nlages, and three villages of the natives within a space of\\ntwenty-five leagues, situate between the Mississippi and\\nanother river called (Kaskaskia). In the French villages\\nare, perhaps, eleven hundred whites, three hundred blacks,\\nand sixty red slaves or savages. The three Illinois towns\\ndo not contain more than eight hundred souls, all told. f\\nThis estimate does not include the scattered French\\nsettlers or traders north of Peoria, nor on the Wabash. It\\nis stated that the Illinois nation, then dwelling for the most\\npart along the river of that name, occupied eleven diti erent\\nvillages, with four or five fires at each village, and each fire\\nwarming a dozen families, except at the principal village,\\nwhere there were three hundred lodges. These data would\\nState of Missouri, aj)pears to have been at Fort Orleans, ou the site of\\nJefferson City, in 1719.\\nSwitzler s History of Missouri, p. 14:;.\\nt Lettres Edifiantes et curieuses, Paria, ITSl.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "Form of the Provincial Government. 307\\ngive us something near eight thousand as the total number\\nof the Illinois of all tribes.\\nIt may be as well to observe here that the form of gov-\\nernment, if not the character of the civilization, instituted\\nby the French in Canada and Louisiana, was materially dif-\\nferent from that contemporaneously established by the\\nEnglish on the Atlantic seaboard. The government of\\nFrance was bureaucratic, and more on the feudal type a\\ngovernment in which all power was concentrated in the\\nofficers who administered it, while the paysans, or common\\npeople, had nothing to do but to obey the edicts and orders\\nof their rulers. It was a system more conducive to the\\ngeneral equality and contentment of the people, than to\\ntheir individual freedom and progress.\\nIn the Province of Louisiana the governor and com-\\nmandant-general, the intendant commissary, and the royal\\ncouncil exercised supreme authority in both civil and mili-\\ntary affairs, and were accountable only to the king from\\nwhom they received their appointment. The governor was\\ninvested with a great deal of power, which, however, was\\nchecked on the side of the crown by the intendant, who\\nhad the care of the king s rights and whatever pertained to\\nthe revenue, and on the side of the people it was restrained\\nby the royal council, whose duty it was to see that the\\ncolonists were not oppressed by the one nor defrauded by\\nthe other. The council was styled Le Conseil Superieur de\\nla Louisiane. It was composed of the intendant, who sat\\nas first judge, the procureur-general or king s attorney,\\nsix of the principal inhabitants, and the registrar of the\\nprovince; and they judged in all civil and criminal matters.\\nEvery citizen had the right to appear before this body and\\nplead his own cause, either verbally or by written petition,\\nand the evidences of each party were submitted to and ex-\\namined by the council.\\nThe commandants in the various districts of the prov-\\nince were appointed by the governor, for no fixed period,\\nand exercised all such executive duties as the exio^encies of\\ntheir respective districts required, though not without per-\\nsonal accountability to the power appointing them. The", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "308 Events in the Illinois Dependency.\\nmajor-commandant, as he was styled, was usually connected\\nwith the governor by interest or relationship. He was\\nabsolute in his authority, writes Captain Pittman, except\\nin matters of life and death capital ofienses were tried by\\nthe council at New Orleans. The whole Indian trade was\\n80 much in the power of the commandant, that nobody was\\npermitted to be concerned in it but on condition of giving\\nhim a part of the profits. Whenever he made presents to\\nthe Indians in the name of the king, he received peltry and\\nfurs in return (and) as the presents he gave were to be\\nconsidered as marks of his favor and love for them, so the\\nreturns they made were to be regarded as proofs of their\\nattachment to him. Speeches, accompanied by presents,\\nwere called paroles de valeur; any Indians who came to the\\nFrench post were subsisted at the expense of the king\\nduring their stay, and the swelling of this account was no\\ninconsiderable emolument.\\nAs every business the commandant had with the In-\\ndians was attended with certain profit, it is not surprising\\nthat he spared no pains to gain their aftections he made it\\nequally the interest of the oflicers under him to please them,\\nby permitting them to trade, and making themselves agents\\nin the Indian countries. If any person (or persons) brought\\ngoods within the limits of his jurisdiction, without his\\nparticular license, he would oblige them to sell their mer-\\nchandise at a very moderate profit to the commissary, on\\nthe king s account, calling it an emergency of government,\\nand employ the same goods in his own private commerce.\\nIt may be easily supposed, from what has before been said,\\nthat a complaint to the governor at New Orleans would\\nmeet with very little redress. It may be asked if the in-\\nhabitants w^ere not ofiended at this monopoly of trade and\\narbitrary proceedings. The commandant could bestow\\nmany favors on them, such as giving contracts for furnish-\\ning provisions, or performing public works; by employing\\nthem in his trade, or by making their children cadets, who\\nwere allowed pay and provisions, and he could, when they\\nwere grown up, recommend them for commissions. They\\nwere happy if, by the most servile and submissive behavior,", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "The Court of Royal Jurisdiction. 309\\nthey could gain his confidence and favor. Every person\\ncapable of bearing arms was enrolled in the militia, and a\\ncaptain of the militia regulated the corvees and other per-\\nsonal service.\\nFrom this military form of government, the authority\\nof the commandant was almost universal. The commis-\\nsary (district) was a mere cipher, and rather kept for form\\nthan any real use he was always a person of low de-\\npendence, and never dared to counteract the will of the\\ncommandant.\\nSubordinate to the major-commandant of the district,\\neach village had its own local commandant, who was usually\\na captain of the militia. He was as great a personage,\\nsays Breese, as our city mayors, superintending the police\\nof the village, and acting as a kind of justice of the peace,\\nfrom whose decisions an appeal lay to the major-command-\\nant. In the choice of this subordinate though important\\nfunctionary, the adult inhabitants had a voice, and it is the\\nonly instance wherein the} exercised an elective franchise.\\nAbout the year 1751, for the furtherance of justice, the\\nso-called Court or Audience of the Royal Jurisdiction of\\nthe Illinois was instituted at Kaskaskia. The proceedings\\nof this court were carried on before a single judge, without\\nthe assistance of a clerk, sheriff, or lawyers, the judge him-\\nself entering his decisions in a book called The Register.\\nFollowing is one of the decrees extracted from it, being the\\nopinion of the court by Justice Bucket\\nBetween Louis Chan eel lier, plaintiff, by petition on\\nthe 18th of this present month stating that having aban-\\ndoned the prosecution of the suit which he had formerly\\nbrought against the defendant hereinafter named (on the\\nsubject of his negro woman, to whom a fright caused by\\nthe son of the defendant has produced dangerous conse-\\nquences, since the said negro is afflicted with a falling sick-\\nness in consequence of this fright) on the one part, and\\nPierre Fillet, called De la Londe, defendant, who plead that\\n*Pittinan s State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi\\n(London, 1770), pp. 53, 54.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "310 Events in the Illinois Dependency.\\nhe would not answer for the deeds of his son, but would\\nsay in defense of his son that this negro woman fell sick\\nof this sickness before the fright, and, therefore, the plaintiff\\ncould not claim any damages on account of the fright which\\nhis son gave her, since the cause of her sickness is anterior\\nto that which he pretends to rely upon.\\nThe parties having been heard, we condemn the de-\\nfendant to make proof within eight days of what he ad-\\nvances, in order that it may be made to appear to whom\\nthe right belongs.\\nDone at Kaskaskia. Court held 20th May, 1752.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nBucket.\\nHere is another case of a later date, arising ex contractu,\\nagainst an administrator\\nBetween Raimond Brosse, called Saint Cernay, in-\\nhabitant of Kaskaskia, plaintiff, to the effect that the de-\\nfendant, Charles Lorain, be made to acknowledge a note\\nfor sixty francs, executed by the deceased Louis Langlois,\\nand of Louise Girardy, his widow, and now wife of Charles\\nLorain, the aforesaid defendant, on the other part.\\nThe said note being examined, the parties heard, and\\nall things considered, we condemn the defendant to pay,\\nwithout delay, to the plaintiff the sum of sixty francs\\n(livres), the amount of the said note, and also the costs of\\nsuit, wliich we have taxed at twenty-eight francs and ten\\ncents (sols).\\nDone at I^ew Chartre, in our hearing, we holding\\ncourt, Saturday the fifth of June, 1756. Chevallier.\\nThe practice, or mode of procedure, in this and other\\ncourts of the province was after the forms of the civil law,\\nvery simple and brief, and probably as well calculated to\\npromote the true ends of justice as the more cumbrous\\nforms of the English common law, filled with technical\\njargon. Trial by jury was unknown here the law and the\\nfacts in every case being decided by the presiding judge.\\n*Breese 8 Early History, pp. 217-219. At the time Judge Breese\\nwrote, the record of the i)roceeding8 of this high-sounding court was\\nyet extant, and it may be still.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "Mode of Administering the Government. 311\\nJudgments and decrees were executed by the captain of\\nmilitia, or the provost marshal, and no stay laws or\\nvaluation laws impeded its operation, nor was there any\\nredemption after sale. Occasion, however, did not very\\noften arise for the exercise of the judicial authority, as liti-\\ngation was expensive, and the people in general were peace-\\nable, honest, and punctual in their dealings wnth each other.\\nIn fact, the most common mode of settling small diiRculties\\nand disputes about money, etc., was by referring them to\\nthe arbitration of friends and neighbors, or else by the mild\\ninterposition of the village priest.*\\nThus were exercised the executive and judicial powers\\nin the provincial district of Illinois of legislative powers\\nthere were none. The laws in force were the edicts and\\nordinances of the King, and the usages of the mayoralty\\nand shrievalty of Paris. These were introduced by France\\ninto all her American colonies, but they were changed or\\nmodified, more or less, by the ignorance or caprice of those\\nwhose business it was to construe and apply them. The\\npeculiar local customs of the colony, also, had the force\\nof law.*\\nThe pernicious system of monopolies still prevailed in\\nthe province. In August, 1744, Gov. de Vaudreuil con-\\nceded to a Frenchman named Deruisseau the exclusive\\nright of trading in all the country watered by the Missis-\\nsippi River, and the streams falling into it. This privilege,\\nwhich seems to have embraced the entire district of the\\nIllinois, was for a term something in excess of five years,\\nbeginning January 1, 1745, and terminating on the 20th of\\nMay, 1750. Several conditions were annexed to the grant,\\nsuch as tlie maintenance of the posts on the Missouri, and the\\nregulation of the prices at which goods were to be supplied\\nto the settlements. One of the reasons assigned by De\\nVaudreuil for granting this monopoly to Deruisseau was\\nto deprive the colonists in the Illinois district of all means\\nof carrying on any commerce with the Indians, and thus\\nBreese s Early Illinois, pp. 221, 222.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "312 Events in the Illinois Dependency.\\nforce them into the cultivation of the soil, and the raising\\nof produce for the soutliern market.*\\nIn 1749, the Sieur de St. Clair was re-appointed major-\\ncommandant at the Illinois, hut, in the autumn of 1751, he\\nwas supplanted hy the Chevalier Macarty, or Makarty, an\\nIrishman by birth, and a major of engineers. Macarty\\nserved about nine years, and then yielded the position to\\nCapt. Neyonf de Villiers.\\nEarly in 1753, after a popular and successful adminis-\\ntration of over ten years, the Marquis deVaudreuil-Cavagnal\\nrelinquished the governership of Louisiana to accept the\\nhigher honor of governor-general of Canada. His suc-\\ncessor in the former office was M. de Kerlerec, a captain in\\nthe royal navy. He arrived in New Orleans the 3d of\\nFebruary, 1753, and on the 9th of that month, was installed\\nas chief executive of the province.\\nLet us now take a cursory view of contemporaneous\\nmilitary events, occurring beyond the confines of Louisiana.\\nIn 1744, war was again declared between France and Great\\nBritain, and their trans- Atlantic colonies speedily became\\nembroiled in the armed conflict, which is known as the\\nThird French War. The active military operations, so far\\nas they aflected the French-American possessions, were\\nchiefly confined to the eastern seaboard. But to guard\\nagainst surprise, or any sudden irruption of the Chickasaws\\nand other unfriendly tribes, some fresh levies of troops\\nwere made in Louisiana, and the garrisons were strength-\\nened at the principal posts in the province.\\nThe most noteworthy episode of this foreign war was\\nthe capture of the fortress of Louisburg, situated upon\\nCape Breton Island, by an army of four thousand men\\nfrom Boston, under the command of Colonel (afterward\\nSir) WiUiam Pepperell, in June, 1745. The reduction\\nof this stronghold, which had hitherto been considered im-\\npregnable, was a heavy blow to the French power, and\\nduring the succeeding year a powerful fleet was fitted out\\nGayarre s Hist, of La., Vol. II, pp. 23, 24.\\nt Written Noyon in old Frenr-h docunuMits.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "Peace of 1748 Rebuilding of Fort Chartres. 313\\nin France to recover it and chastise its captors. The fleet,\\nhowever, was delayed, and its aim was frustrated by a\\nstorm. But by a provision of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle\\n(1748), Louisburg was restored to the possession of France\\nin exchange for certain territory that England desired in\\nIndia, an arrangement very displeasing to the New Eng-\\nlanders.\\nThe peace of 1748, which conferred increased pros-\\nperity on the Province of Louisiana, was not destined to\\nbe of long duration. Of the various causes at work to\\nbring about a renewal of hostilities between the two rival\\npowers, it is unnecessary now to speak, as we shall here-\\nafter take occasion to pass them in review. But the fear\\nthat the English might eventually gain a foot-hold in this\\ngreat Valley of the Mississippi was ever present to the\\nminds of the intelligent French inhabitants. And the\\nsuggestion was made by De Bertel, commandant at the\\nIllinois, to the governor in New Orleans, and through him\\nto the king, that additional means of defense were required\\nfor the protection of these valuable possessions, hinting at\\nmore troops and larger and stronger forts.\\nNothing appears to have been done at the time, how-\\never, excepting to enroll those able to bear arms into com-\\npanies of militia, and to provide for the maintenance of\\ngarrisons at the more exposed places.\\nIt was not until the year 1753, when Macarty was\\nmajor-commandant, that the rebuilding of Fort Chartres\\nwas begun, in accordance with plans and speciflcations\\nfurnished by M. Saucier, a French engineer.* This huge\\nstructure of masonry, an object of wonder and curiosity\\nto all who ever beheld it, was reared at an estimated cost\\nof over five millions of livres, or about one million dollars.\\nIt was so nearly completed by the beginning of 1756, that\\nSee Letters of Travel through Louisiana, by M. Bossu, captain in the\\nFrench Marines, and afterward Chevalier of the Order of St. Louis. Im-\\nprinted at Paris, 1768; English ed., London, 1771, p. 127. Of the fort\\nitself, Bossu says (p. 158) It is built of freestone, flanked with four\\nbastions, and capable of containing (or housing) a garrison of three\\nhundred men.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "314 Events in the Illinois Dependency.\\nit was occupied by the Illinois commandant, and the archives\\nof the local government were deposited therein. Thence-\\nforth, the fortress was popularly known as New Chartres.\\nAs a means of defense, writes Breese, except as a\\ncitadel to Hee to on any sudden attack of the savages, the\\nerection was Avholly unnecessary. Official emolument must\\nhave prompted it, and some of the many millions of livres\\nit is said to have cost must have gone into the command-\\nant s pocket, or into those of his favorites, and they enriched\\nby this mode of peculation.\\nThis extensive fortification was constructed during\\nKerlerec s administration of the government of Louisiana,\\nand he probably shared in the profits of the erection. Ma-\\nkarty was then major-commandant of the Illinois, and the\\nAbbe de Gagnon, of the order of St. Sulpice, was chaplain\\nat the fort.\\nM. de Kerlerec held the office of provincial executive\\nfrom February 9, 1753, until June 29, 1763, when he was\\nsuperseded by Mons. d Abbadie not as governor, but as\\ndirector-general, etc. and was ordered to return to France.\\nHe was accused of various violations of duty and assump-\\ntions of power, and, in particular, was reproached with\\nhaving spent ten millions of livres in four years, while M.\\nRochemaure was intendant-commissary, under the pretext\\nof preparing for war. Upon his arrival in Paris, he was\\nincarcerated for some time in the Bastile, and is said to\\nhave died of vexation and grief shortly after his discharge\\nfrom that gloomy state prison. f\\nIn Captain Pittman s Present State of the European\\nSettlements on the Mississippi, already cited, is contained\\nan excellent description of Fort Chartres, as seen by him\\nin 1766, while it was yet in its prime. He writes\\nFort Chartres, when it belonged to France, was the\\nseat of government of the Illinois. The head-quarters of\\nthe English commanding officer is now here; who, in fact,\\nis the arbitrary governor of the country. The fort is an ir-\\nregular quadrangle the sides of the exterior polygon are\\nOtherwise written Abadie.\\nt Gayarre K Hist, of La., II., p. 95 and Martin p Louisiana, I., p. 343.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "Pittman s Description of Fort Chartres. 315\\nfour hundred and ninety feet. It is built of stone plastered,\\nand is only designed as a defense against Indians the wall\\nbeing two feet two inches thick, and pierced with loop-\\nholes at regular distances, and with two port-holes for can-\\nnon in the faces and two in the flanks of each bastion.\\nThe ditch has never been finished. The (main) entrance to\\nthe fort is through a very handsome rustic gate within\\nthe walls is a small banquette, raised three feet, for the men\\nto stand on when they fire through the loop-holes.\\nThe buildings within the fort are the commandant s\\nand commissary s houses, the magazine of stores, corps de\\ngarde, and two barracks they occupy the square. Within\\nthe gorges of the bastions are a powder magazine, a bake-\\nhouse, a prison, on the lower floor of which are four dun-\\ngeons, and in the upper two rooms, and an outhouse be-\\nlonging to the commandant.\\nThe commandant s house is thirty-two yards long\\nand ten broad. It contains a kitchen, a dining-room, a\\nbed-chamber, one small room, five closets for servants, and\\na cellar. The commissary s house, now occupied by officers,\\nis built in the same line as this its proportions and distri-\\nbution of apartments are the same.\\nOpposite these are the store-house and guard-house.\\nThey are each thirty yards long and eight broad. The\\nformer consists of two large store-rooms (under which is a\\nlarge vaulted cellar), and a large room, a bed-chamber, and\\na closet for the store-keeper the latter of a soldier s and\\nofficer s guard-rooms, a chapel, a bed-chamber and closet\\nfor the chaplain, and an artillery store-room.\\nThe lines of barracks have never been finished.\\nThey at present consist of two rooms each for officers, and\\nthree rooms for soldiers. They are good, spacious rooms\\nof twenty-two feet square, and have betwixt them a small\\npassage. There are five spacious lofts over each building,\\nwhich reach from end to end. They are made use of to\\nlodge regimental stores, working and intrenching tools, etc.\\nIt is generally allowed that this is the most commo-\\ndious and best built fort in North America.\\nThe bank of the Mississippi next the fort is con-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "316 Events in the Illinois Dependency.\\ntinually falling in, being worn away by the current, which\\nhas been turned from its course by a sand-bank, now in-\\ncreased to a considerable island, covered with willows.\\nMany experiments have been tried to stop this growing\\nevil, but to no purpose. When the fort was begun in 1756,\\nit was a good half-mile from the water side. In the 3^ear\\n1766 it was but eighty paces. Eight years ago the river\\nwas fordable to the island the channel is now forty feet\\ndeep.\\nThe story of the subsequent dilapidation and ruin of\\nthis historic fortress, which was intended to secure the em-\\npire of the French in the West, may be told in a few sen-\\ntences. In tiie spring of 1772, a great freshet in the Mis-\\nsissippi, which submerged all the adjacent bottom, made\\nsuch inroads upon the crumbling river bank, that the west-\\nern wall and one of the bastions of the fort were under-\\nmined and precipitated into the raging current. The Brit-\\nish garrison then abandoned it, and took refuge at Fort\\nGage, on the high bluff of the Kaskaskia, opposite to and\\noverlooking the old town of that name. Thither the seat\\nof government was transferred, and Fort Chartres was\\nnever again occupied. It was left to become a ruin, and\\nsuch of its walls and buildings as escaped destruction by\\nsucceeding inundations were torn down and removed by\\nthe neighboring villagers for building purposes.\\nAfter the flood of 1772, the capricious Mississippi\\ndevoted itself to the reparation of the danmge it had\\nwrought. The channel between the fort and the island\\nin front of it, once forty feet deep, began to fill up, and\\nultimately the main shore and the island were united,\\nleaving the fort a mile or more inland. A thick growth of\\ntrees speedily concealed it from the view of those passing\\non the river, and the high road from Kaskaskia to Cahokia,\\nwhich at first ran between the fort and the river, was soon\\nafter located at the bluffs, three miles to the eastward.\\nThese changes, which left the fort completely isolated and\\nhidden, together with the accounts of the British evacua-\\ntion, gave rise to the report of its total destruction by the\\nriver. But this is entirely erroneous; the ruina", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "The Ruin of Fort Chartres. 317\\n(or part of them) still remain; and had man treated it as\\nkindly as the elements, the old fort would be nearly perfect\\nto-day.\\nI^ow and then a curious tourist or an antiquary made\\nhis way thither. In 1804, the fort was visited by Major\\nAmos Stoddard,! of the U. S. Engineers, who described it\\nas in a good state of preservation. In 1820, Dr. Lewis C.\\nBeck, and Nicholas Hansen, of Illinois, made a careful\\ndrawing of the plan of the fortress, for insertion in Beck s\\nGazetteer of Illinois and Missouri. At that time many\\nof the rooms and cellars in the buildings, and portions of\\nthe outside walls, showing the opening for the main gate,\\nand loop-holes for the musketry, were still in a state of tol-\\nerable repair. According to their measurements, the whole\\nexterior line of the walls and bastions was 1,447 feet. The\\narea of the fort embraced about four acres and the walls,\\nbuilt of solid stone, were in some places iifteen feet high.\\nIn 1851, ex-Governor Reynolds visited the remains of the\\nold fortress, concerning which he thus writes:\\nThis fort (situated in the north-west corner of Ran-\\ndolph county) is an object of antiquarian curiosity. The\\ntrees, undergrowth, and brush are so mixed and interwoven\\nwith the old walls that the place has a much more ancient\\nappearance than tlie dates will justify. The soil is so fer-\\ntile that it has forced up large trees in the very houses\\nwhich were occupied by the French and British soldiers.\\nThe same writer was there again in October, 1854, and\\nfound what was left of the fort a pile of moldering\\nruins, the walls having been torn away in many places\\nnearly even with the ground. Moralizing upon the scene\\nof desolation thus presented to his gaze, he quaintly wrote\\nThere is nothing durable in this world, except God and\\nNature. Later tourists to this interesting spot have seen\\nPaper read before the Chicago Historical Society, by Hon. E. G.\\nMason, June 16, 1880.\\nt It was Stoddard who took possession of Upper Louisiana for the\\nGovernment of the United States, in March, 1804, under the treaty of\\npurchase from France.\\nt Reynolds Pioneer Hhtury, 2d ed., p. 40.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "318 Events in the Illinois Dependency.\\nthe outlines of the external walls and ditches, and scattered\\nheaps of broken stone also the vaulted powder magazine,\\na piece of solid masonry, existing almost entire.\\nIt is much to be regretted that this large and commo-\\ndious fortress the only great architectural work of the\\nFrench in the entire basin of the Mississippi over which,\\nin succession, had long and proudly floated the flags of two\\npowerful nations, should not have been built upon a firmer\\nand more elevated site, where it might have been preserved,\\nas an impressive and historical monument of the past, even\\nunto the present time.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "Movements of the French on the Upper Ohio. 319\\nCHAPTER XVII.\\n1753-1760.\\nTHE MEMORABLE SEVEN YEARS WAR.\\nWe now approach that momentous contest popularly\\nknown as the Okl French and Indian War, or the Seven\\nYears War, in which France and Great Britain stubhornly\\ncontended for the final possession of this continent. The\\nFrench, having begun their wonderful career of conquest\\nand colonization in the early part of the seventeenth cen-\\ntury, had gradually extended a chain of military and trading\\nposts from Quebec up the river St. Lawrence to Lake On-\\ntario, and thence westward along the great connecting lakes\\nto the head of Lake Michigan thence diagonally through\\nthe country of the Illinois to the Mississippi, and down\\nthat interior water-way to the Gulf of Mexico. The En-\\nglish, in the meantime, had been planting along the\\nAtlantic seaboard a reach of over two thousand miles\\nthe most prosperous and powerful colonies in the New\\nWorld. And it was the extension of their growing power\\nand settlements across the Appalachian range of mountains,\\nwhich had hitherto constituted their western boundary, that\\nfirst brought them into controversy and collision with the\\nFrench Canadian authorities.\\nFrance claimed the entire Valley of the Mississippi,\\nincluding that of the Ohio as well, which her enterprising\\nfur-traders and missionaries had been the first to explore\\nand formally occupy, but which she had as yet only very\\nsparsely peopled. In furtherance of this claim of exclusive\\njurisdiction, the alert French went so far as to carve their\\nnationsil Jieur-de-lis on the forest trees, and to bury metallic\\nplates, stamped with the arms of France, at various places\\nIt was really the fourth French and Indian war.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "320 The Seven Years War.\\nin the Ohio Valley. On the other hand, England, in virtue\\nof the primal discovery of the country by the Cabots,\\nmaintained the right to extend her possessions on the\\nAtlantic coast indefinitely westward, and in conformity\\nwith this view the charters of some of her colonies were\\nso worded as to reach across the entire breadth of the con-\\ntinent. The English sought to further strengthen their\\ntitle by annexing to it the pretense of their Indian allies,\\nthe Six Nations,* who claimed, by right of conquest, all\\nthat part of the northwestern territory lying south of the\\ngreat lakes and between the Alleghany Mountains and the\\nMississippi.\\nSo long as France and Great Britain were at peace,\\nwhich was never many years at a time, this standing,\\nnational controversy gave rise only to a series of border\\ndisputes, petty encroachments, and intrigues with the fickle\\naborigines, neither party being numerous enough to colon-\\nize the territory which both coveted. But when war ex-\\nisted between the two parent countries, their respective\\nAmerican colonies likewise engaged in murderous conflict,\\nwhich, because of the savages enlisted in it, was fearfully\\ndestructive of life and property.\\nBy the opening of the year 1753 affairs had reached a\\ncrisis, and France, in order to fix a barrier to the westward\\nmarch of English colonization, and thus protect her wide\\npossessions in the West and South, determined to run a line\\nof detached posts from Niagara and Lake Erie to the head\\nof the Ohio, and down that river. The Indians were the\\nfirst to take alarm at this movement; and in April, when\\nthe news reached the Upper Ohio that a French force was\\non the way to erect forts in that region, the Mingoes, Dela-\\nwares, and Shawnees met in council at a village called\\nLogston, on the Ohio, and sent an envoy to Fort Niagara\\nto protest against the French occupation, but their protest\\nwas unheeded. In pursuance of a pre-determined plan,\\n*The Five Nations were increased to six by the addition of the\\nTuscaroras from North Carolina, in the first quarter of the eighteenth\\ncentury.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "Major Washington s Mission. 321\\nthe French soldiery, under General Pierre Paul, Sieur de\\nMarin, built Fort Presque Isle on the south-eastern shore of\\nLake Erie, near the present city of Erie, and Fort le Boeuf\\non the head waters of French Creek, fourteen miles south-\\neast of the former fort, and then opened a wagon road be-\\ntween the two. They also converted into a military station\\nthe Indian village of Venango, situate at the junction of\\nFrench Creek with the Alleghany River but when they\\nundertook to erect a fort at the forks or head of the Ohio,\\nthey came into collision with representatives of the Ohio\\nCompany. This company, which had been formed in Vir-\\nginia as early as 1750, was authorized by the Virginia Coun-\\ncil to select five hundred thousand acres of land on both\\nsides of the Upper Ohio for the purpose of settlement, and\\nhad caused surveys to be made of the lands and built some\\nhouses thereon. The French troops, however, seized sev-\\neral of the English agents and traders and sent them pris-\\noners to Canada, and warned others away, an arbitrary\\nand unfriendly proceeding. The company thereupon made\\ncomplaint to Robert Dinwiddie, governor of Virginia, who\\ncommissioned young George Washington (then adjutant-\\ngeneral, with the rank of major, of the provincial militia in\\nthe northern division of the colony) to be the bearer of a let-\\nter to the commander of the French forces on the head waters\\nof the Ohio, requiring him to peaceably withdraw from that\\nterritory, which was claimed as a part of Virginia, and as\\nbelonging to the crown of Great Britain.\\nMajor Washington started on his diificult mission from\\nWilliamsburg (the old capital of Virginia) on the Slst ot\\nOctober, 1753, first stopping at Fredericksburg to engage\\nFrench interpreter, and proceeded via Alexandria to Win-\\nchester, where he procured horses and baggage, and thence\\njourneyed to Wills Creek. Here he employed a guide and\\nfour men as servants, and, continuing his journey over the\\nmountains in a north-westerly direction, reached the junction\\nof Turtle Creek and the Monongahela on the 22d of Novem-\\nber, and the forks of the Ohio on the 23d. The next day\\nhe went down the river to Logstown, several miles below the\\n21", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "322 The Seven Years War.\\nforks, and there held a conference with the Indians friendly\\nto the English cause. From thence, attended by a small\\nnative escort, he traveled up the valley of the Alleghany, and\\nits tributary of French Creek, to Fort le Boeuf,* whither\\nhe arrived on the 11th of December. Presenting his cre-\\ndentials and letter to Jacques le Gardeur de St. Pierre, who\\nhad succeeded the Sieur de Marin (then recently deceased) in\\ncommand of the French troops in that quarter, Washington\\nwas politely received and entertained by the commander\\nand his staft. Some days later, on taking his departure\\nfrom the fort, he was handed a letter by St. Pierre in an-\\nswer to that of the Virginia governor.\\nMajor Washington and his party set out on their re-\\nturn home the 16th of December, and after a most disa-\\ngreeable and dangerous winter journey, made partly on\\nhorseback and partly afoot, he reached Williamsburg on\\nJanuary 16, 1754. Calling without delay upon Governor\\nDinwiddle, he delivered to him the letter of reply from the\\nFrench commander, with which he liad been intrusted, and\\nof which the following is a translation\\nSir As I have the honor of commanding here in\\nchief, Mr. Washington delivered to me the letter which you\\nwrote to the commander of the French troops. I should\\nhave been glad that you had given him orders, or that he\\nhad been inclined, to proceed to Canada to see our general\\nto whom it better belongs than to me to set forth the evi-\\ndence and the reality of the rights of the kin^, my master,\\nto the land situate along the river Ohio, and to contest the\\npretentions of the King of Great Britain thereto.\\nI shall transmit your letter to the Marquis du Quesne.\\nHis answer will be a law to me. And if he shall order me\\nto communicate it to you, sir, you may be assured I will\\nnot fail to dispatch it forthwith to you. As to the sum-\\nmons you send me to retire, I do not think myself obliged\\nto obey it. Whatever may be your instructions, I am here\\nby virtue of the orders of general and I entreat you, sir,\\n1\\nOr Fort \u00c2\u00bbur la. RiriSre au Boeuf.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "General St. Pierre s Letter to Governor Dinwiddie. 323\\nnot to doubt one moment but that I am determined to con-\\nform myself to them with all the exactness and resolution\\nwhich can be expected from the best officer. I do not know\\nthat in the progress of this campaign any thing has passed\\nwhich can be reputed as an act of hostility, or that is con-\\ntrary to the treaties which subsist between the two crowns,\\nthe continuation whereof interesteth and is as pleasing to\\nus as to the English, etc.\\n(Signed) Le Gardeur de St. Pierre.\\nDated December 15, 1753.\\nWhen this rather defiant letter had been read and con-\\nsidered by the governor and council of Virginia, an order\\nwas issued to raise a regiment of mounted militia, for the\\ndouble purpose of driving the French intruders from their\\nterritory, and of completing and garrisoning the post at\\nthe confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela Rivers,\\nthe erection of which had been already begun by the\\nagents of the Ohio Company. The command of this regi-\\nment was assigned to Colonel Fry, with Washington as\\nlieutenant-colonel, and they were speedily equipped and on\\ntheir way across the mountains. But the object of this expe-\\ndition was thwarted in the main by the prompter action of the\\nFrench under Captain Antoine Pecody Contrecoeur, who,\\nin the month of April, in anticipation of the arrival of the\\nVirginia troops, moved down to the head of the Ohio with\\na force of about one thousand regulars and Indians, and\\neighteen pieces of cannon. After dispersing the employes\\nof the company and a small body of militia, whom he found\\nthere, Contrecoeur proceeded to finish the fort which they\\nhad commenced, and named it Duquesne, in compliment to\\nthe commander of the French forces in Canada.\\nLietenant-Colonel Washington had meantime pushed\\nforward, with one-half of the Virginia regiment, in advance\\nof the rest, to a place called the Great Meadows, fifty miles\\nnorth-west of Wills Creek (afterward Fort Cumberland),\\n^Vide Diaries of Washington, edited by Benson J. Lossing, N. Y.,\\n1860, p. 247.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "324 The Seven Years War Death of Jumonville.\\nand there erected a rude stockade fort, which received the\\nname of Fort Necessity, While he was thus engaged, N.\\nCoulon de Jumonville, a young French officer, was sent\\nfrom Fort Duquesne, with a detachment of thirty men, to\\nreconnoiter his movements and notif}^ him to surrender the\\nfort. On being apprised by his scouts of the approach of\\nthe French party, Washington planned to fall upon them\\nby surprise. Accordingly, on the evening of the 27th of\\nMay, with a part of his provincials and a few Indian allies,\\nhe suddenly surrounded De Jumonville s camp, at a se-\\ncluded spot called the Little Meadows, and ordered his\\nmen* to open fire. In the brief action of a quarter of an\\nhour that ensued, the Virginians had one man killed and\\nthree wounded.; while, on the side of the French, ten men\\nwere either killed or wounded, and the remainder made\\nprisoners. Among the slain was M. de Jumonville,* who\\ncommanded the French party. The killing of this brave\\nyoung officer, who bore on his person a summons to the\\nVirginians to surrender, caused much excitement in Can-\\nada and France, where it was claimed to be a violation of\\nthe law of nations, and it contributed to kindle into a flame\\nthe embers of war.\\nSo soon as intelligence of this bloody encounter was\\nbrought to the Illinois, Ne^^on de Villiers, a brother of the\\ndeceased Jumonville, and captain of a company then sta-\\ntioned at Fort Chartres, solicited leave of Makarty, the\\nmajor-commandant, to go and avenge the deatli of his rela-\\ntive. Permission being given, De Villiers set out with a\\nconsiderable force of French and Indians. Passing down\\nthe Mississippi and up the Ohio to Fort Duquesne, he was\\nthere joined by M. Coulon de Villiers, with other forces,\\nbent upon the same stern errand. The French on the Ohio,\\nbeing thus re-info reed, took the offensive.\\nSome little time before this Colonel Fry had deceased,\\nand Washington succeeded to the full command of his regi-\\nM. .Iiimonville de Villiers was born in Picardy, Franco, about 1725.\\nHe was one of seven brothers, all soldiers, six of whom, it is said, were\\nkilled during this war. His death was made the theme of a short epic\\npoem by M. Thomas, a French poet.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "Washington s Surrenders Fort Necessity. 325\\nment. Finding himself confronted by a superior force of\\nthe enemy, he now fell back to Fort Necessit}^ at the Great\\nMeadows, which he strengthened as well as he could in the\\nbrief time allowed him. Here, on the 3d of July, he was\\nattacked by De A ^illiers, with an army of some six hundred\\nFrenchmen and over one hundred Indians. The Virginia\\ntroops made a stubborn defense, and withstood the irregu-\\nlar fire of the French and their allies (who sheltered them-\\nselves behind the forest trees), from ten o clock in the morn-\\ning until sunset. At length, fearing the failure of his am-\\nmunition, and not desiring to sacrifice the lives of his men\\nby storming the fort, De Villiers sent in a flag of truce\\noft ering moderate terms of capitulation. In view of his\\ncritical situation. Colonel Washington, after some parleying\\nover details, accepted the terms oftered. By these he was\\nallowed to march ofii his troops with the honors of war, and\\nto carry away his baggage, but was required to leave his\\ncannon, and to surrender all of his prisoners previously\\ntaken. In this frontier battle the French are said to have\\nlost only three men killed and a few wounded, while the\\nVirginians, penned up in the stockade fort, lost over thirty\\nmen killed and wounded.\\nWhen the news of these stirring events reached Eng-\\nland and France, both nations prepared to settle their ter-\\nritorial disputes by the arbitrament of the sword, though\\nwar was not formally declared by the King of Great Britain\\nuntil May, 1756. Among other sources of irritation be-\\ntween the two governments at this time was the alleged\\nencroachment by French colonists upon the domain of the\\nEnglish in Acadia, or Nova Scotia, which had been ceded\\nto England by the treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, but the\\nboundaries of which remained unadjusted.\\nTo the mere superficial observer the impending con-\\ntest seemed a very unequal one. The population of the\\nAnglo-American colonies aggregated about one million\\nand a quarter, with wealth and military resources in pro-\\nportion whereas, the French, all told, did not count more\\nthan one hundred thousand souls. But the latter were\\ndifiicult to be reached, for the reason that their forts and", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "326 The Seven Years War.\\nsettlements were situated at remote points in the wilder-\\nness, and surrounded by numerous Indian allies, who could\\nbe quickly summoned to their aid and from these forest\\nretreats they menaced the entire western English frontier.\\nMoreover, the regular British army of that day was an un-\\nwieldy machine, incumbered with heavy baggage and mu-\\nnitions, commanded by brave yet conceited officers, who\\nwere inexperienced in the wild tactics of Indian warfare,\\nand in constant danger of being surprised and defeated\\nby a lighter equipped, more agile and vigilant foe.\\nIn February, 1755, General Edward Braddock, who\\nhad been given the chief command in the English colonies,\\narrived at Alexandria, Virginia, with two regiments of\\nregular troops. During the following April he met there\\nthe governors of five of the leading provinces, and con-\\ncerted with them a general plan of campaign. Three sep-\\narate expeditions were planned one against Fort Duquesne,\\nto be commanded by Braddock in person the second,\\nagainst Forts Niagara and Frontenac, to be led by Gov-\\nernor William Shirley, of Massachusetts and the third,\\nagainst Crown Point, by General (afterward Sir William)\\nJohnson.\\nEarly in May, General Braddock set out with his army\\nfrom Alexandria upon his luckless expedition. Arrived at\\nFort Cumberland, on the Upper Potomac, he was there\\njoined by several hundred Virginia militia, under the lead\\nof Colonel Washington, whom he had invited to serve as\\none of his aides de camp. Being thus reinforced, and hav-\\ning now completed the equipment of his army, the gen-\\neral resumed his march on the 10th of June. But the\\ndifficulty and delay attending the opening of a military\\nroad across the mountains induced him, partly at the sug-\\ngestion of Washington, to leave his wagon train and heavy\\ncannon behind with a guard of eight hundred men, under\\nColonel Thomas Dunbar, and to press forward Avith the\\nmain body of his army, over twelve hundred strong, in\\norder to reach the French fort before its garrison could\\nbe reinforced. After reaching and fording the Monongahela", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "BraddocWs Disastrous Defeat. 327\\nRiver, Braddock marched rapidly to the north down the\\nvalley of that stream.\\nMeanwhile, Daniel Lienard de Beaujeu, who had prac-\\ntically, if not formally, supplanted Captain Contrecoeur in\\nthe command at Fort Duquesne, being advised by his scouts\\nof Braddock s approach, marched out with a force of two\\nhundred and fifty Frenchmen, and six hundred and fifty\\nIndians, to intercept his advance. Proceeding up the\\nMonongahela seven miles from the fort, the French and\\nIndians concealed themselves in the thick woods on the\\nbrow of a ridge overlooking the banks of the river, along\\nwhich Braddock was expected to pass, and there uneasily\\nawaited his coming.\\nIn the forenoon of the 9th of July, the British force\\nrecrossed the river near the mouth of Turtle Creek,* and\\nwithout taking any adequate precautions to guard against\\nan ambuscade, boldly climbed the first bank, and advanced\\nalong a defile of the second, above and near which the\\nenemy lay in ambush. And now, at a preconcerted signal,\\nthe Indians raised their hideous yell, and a deadly volley\\nwas poured upon the front column, which checked its ad-\\nvance, and caused it to fall back on the center, and the center\\non the rear, which was hemmed in by the river. Thus this\\nbrave army, which might have advanced and driven the\\nenemy from his covert, speedily became involved in inex-\\ntricable confusion, and, after a murderous conflict of three\\nhours, was utterly routed and put to flight. Of the four-\\nteen hundred and sixty ofiftcers and men who went into the\\nbattle on that hot July day, only five hundred and eighty-\\nthree came out uninjured. The carnage was frightful\\namong the oflicers, who were picked oft by the French\\nsharp-shooters. General Braddock himself fought with\\ngreat intrepidity, but, after having three or four horses\\nshot under him, received a mortal wound, of which he died\\na few days later.f\\nLieutenant-Colonel Gage, ^vho led the advance column, first forded\\nthe river, and sent back word that no enemy was in sight, whereupon\\nthe rest of the army followed after him.\\ntThis imprudent and unfortunate commander was born in Perth-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "328 The Seven Years War.\\nThe French lovss, not counting that of their Indian al-\\nlies, was less than forty; but it included their skillful com-\\nmander, Captain Beaujeu, who had planned the ambuscade,\\nand who was killed early in the action.*\\nColonel Washington s clothing was riddled with bul-\\nlets, and he escaped, as it were by a miracle, from that field\\nof slaughter. His Virginia riflemen, despite Braddock s\\ninjudicious orders to the contrary, took positions behind\\ntrees and rocks, and maintained the unequal fight until\\nmore than half of them were killed and wounded. With\\nthose that remained, the dauntless and self-possessed colonel\\ncovered the retreat of the routed army. Happily for the\\nfugitives, the Indian auxiliaries of the French were too in-\\ntent upon the spoils of the battle field to pursue them\\nbeyond the river; and never before, in a single engage-\\nment, had the savages reaped such a harvest of scalps and\\nbooty as was gathered here. The panic of the defeat was\\nquickly communicated to the rear-guard, commanded by\\nthe pusillanimous Colonel Dunbar, who abandoned his\\nheavy artillery and baggage, and fled over the mountains\\nto Philadelphia, leaving the frontier settlements defenseless.\\nOwing partly to the discouragement produced by\\nBraddock s defeat, the other expeditions that had been\\nplanned by him and the colonial governors, for that year,\\nalso ended in failure. The attempt of Governor Shirley\\nagainst Forts Frontenac and Niagara wholly miscarried.\\nThe governor, with a force composed principally of raw\\nshire, Scotland, about the y\u00c2\u00ab-ar ](li) and had risen to the rank of major-\\ngeneral after forty years of meritorious service in the British army. It is\\naffirmed, on what seems to be good authority, that Braddock was fatally\\nshot in the side or back at the battle of the Monongahela, by one of the\\nprovincials, whose brother had been stricken down by the irate general\\nfor refusing to obey orders yet it is equally probable that the shot was\\naccidental. General Braddock expired in the camp of Colonel Dunbar,\\non the 13th of July, and was buried in the military highway, seven\\nmiles east of Uniontown, Pa., where his grave is still shown.\\nFor some old French accounts of this celebrated battle, see Relatiom\\nDiverses sur la Bataille c? Malanguele, Gague le 9th a Jouillet, 1755, par It Frat)-\\ncais sous M. le Beaujeu, Commandant du Fort da Queue, sur les Angluis sous\\nM. Braddock, General en chef des troupes Angloises, pp. xv., 9-51, N. Y.,\\n1860 Cramoisy Series of Relations relative to the French in America).", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "The Beducfion of Acadia. 329\\nmilitia, marched to Oswego, on Lake Ontario but, in con-\\nsequence of the lateness of the season, and the difficulty of\\nprocuring provisions and transports, he abandoned the ex-\\npedition and returned to Albany.\\nIt is true that the Aeadians of I^ova Scotia were re-\\nduced to subjection, by a fleet fitted out for that purpose at\\nBoston, with a land force of over two thousand men under\\nthe command of Colonel John Winslow, of Massachusetts.\\nAfter the treaty of 1748, the French inhabitants of that\\npeninsula, living on the disputed territory, had not only\\nrefused to take the oath of unqualified allegiance to the\\nKing of England, but had contributed material aid to their\\nown countrymen in the existing war. They were now (in\\nAugust, 1755) inhumanly punished for their contumacy.\\nTheir petty forts at the head of the Bay of Fundy were\\ntaken and demolished their villages were burned, and their\\nfarms laid waste. As many as three thousand of the poor\\nAeadians men, women and children were forcibly put\\non shipboard and transported to the other English colonies,\\nwhere they were distributed around as paupers. Some of\\nthese unhappy exiles, as we shall see, eventually found an\\nasylum in Lower Louisiana, where they established a thrifty\\nand permanent settlement.*\\nThe army, under General Johnson, which was intended\\nto operate against Crown Point, on Lake Champlain,\\nreached the south end of Lake George in the latter pnrt of\\nLongfellow has graphically portrayed the touching scenes in this\\ndeportation of the unfortunate Aeadians, and thrown around it the halo\\nof romance, in the polished stanzas of his Evangeline, beginning\\nwith these lines:\\nIn the Acadian land, on the shores of the Basin of Minas,\\nDistant, secluded, still, the little village of Grand Pre\\nLay in the fruitful valley.\\nThe history of the Aeadians is long, varied and interesting. They\\nwere, in truth, the sport of fortune from the time of DeMonts (1604)\\nuntil the treaty of Paris, in 1763. Their descendants, however, are still\\nnumerous in northern Nova Scotia. The name of this peninsula was\\nfirst changed from Acadia to Nova Scotia in 1621, when Sir Wm. Alex-\\nander obtained a grant of the country from James I., and undertook to\\ncolonize it with Scotchmen.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "330 The Seven Years War.\\nAugust, (1755), when information was received that two\\nthousand of the enemy, commanded by Baron Dieskau,\\nwho had recently arrived with fresh troops from France,\\nwere marching against Fort Edward, on the Hudson. Gen-\\neral Johnson thereupon detached Colonel Williams, with a\\nstrong force, to intercept this movement of the French.\\nColonel Williams unexpectedly fell in with the army of\\nBaron Dieskau, on the 8th of September, when a blood}^\\naction took place, in which the English were defeated and\\nput to flight, aud Williams himself was slain. But when\\nthe French, flushed with their success, advanced to attack\\nthe main body of Johnson s army, they were warmly re-\\nceived, and, after an obstinate conflict, were driven from\\nthe field with heavy loss, Dieskau himself being mortally\\nwounded and taken prisoner. Satisfied with this hard-won\\nvictory. General Johnson gave over the further prosecution\\nof his movement against Crown Point. Soon after these\\nevents, the English constructed a regular fort at the head\\nof Lake George, and called it Fort William Henry.\\nIn July, 1756, Lord Loudon arrived in America, as\\ncommander-in-chief of the British forces. An army of\\nabout twelve thousand men was raised this year, which was\\nbetter prepared to take the field than any other that had\\nbeen assembled within the colonies. But the change of\\ncommanders delayed military operations, and nothing of\\nany consequence was accomplished by the English army.\\nThe French, however, under the able conduct of the Mar-\\nquis de Montcalm, struck at least one vigorous blow. This\\nwas directed against Fort Ontario, at Oswego, on Lake\\nOntario. In the early part August they attacked this fort,\\nwith a strong armament, and quickly compelled its sur-\\nrender, with a garrison of over one thousand men, and a\\nlarge quantity of artillery and valuable stores. By the loss\\nof Oswego, and the defeat of Braddock in the preceding\\nyear, all the western country was laid open to the ravages\\nof the enemy; and the Indians, sustained and encouraged\\nby the French, now wasted the frontiers of Pennsylvania\\nand Virginia, in particular, with a pitiless and desolating\\nwar.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "Montcalm Takes Fort William Henry. 331\\nThe next year, 1757, was marked by the same inactiv-\\nity and inefl ciency on the part of the English, and by an-\\nother successful expedition on the side of the French. The\\nEnglish colonists, as a rule, displayed great energy in rais-\\ning men and money for the war but their efforts were\\nparalyzed by the want of concert with each other, by the\\nnecessity of awaiting orders from England, and by the\\ndilatory and do-nothing policy of the incompetent gen-\\nerals sent over to command them. On the other hand,\\nMontcalm, as general-in-chief of the French, not being\\nobliged to take counsel with any one (unless it was the\\ngovernor of Canada), speedily collected a force of about\\neight thousand men, including Canadians and Indians, with\\nwhich he passed up lakes Champlain and George, and laid\\nsiege to Fort William Henry. The garrison here was nearly\\nthree thousand strong, commanded by Colonel Monroe, a\\nbrave officer, and General Webb was at Fort Edward, only\\nfourteen miles away, with four thousand more. But the\\nlatter made no effort to succor the beleagured fort, and\\nmanifested so much indifference to its fate that he was sus-\\npected of treachery. After standing a close siege for six\\ndays, and seeing that he was to have no relief from General\\nWebb, Colonel Monroe capitulated on terms honorable to\\nhimself and the garrison. But the savage auxiliaries of\\nthe French, paying no regard to the articles of capitula-\\ntion, nor to the entreaty of Montcalm, fell upon the En-\\nglish after the surrender, robbed them of their baggage\\nand other effects, massacred their sick and wounded, and\\nkilled and scalped the Indians in their service.\\nThe unexpected capture of this valuable post, together\\nwith the Indian atrocities attending it, caused great alarm\\nthroughout New York and New England, and, when too\\nlate, large re-inforcements of militia were assembled and\\nsent forward to Albany and Fort Edward. Meantime,\\nhowever. General Montcalm, after ravaging the settle-\\nments on the Mohawk River, retired into Canada.\\nThus far the war had been very disastrous and dis-\\ncouraging to the English. After three consecutive cam-\\npaigns, the French not only retained every foot of the", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "332 The Seven Years War.\\ndisputed territory, but had captured Oswego, driven their\\nantagonists from Lake George, and, through their Indian\\nconfederates, had carried the brand and tomahawk into\\nthe heart of the English settlements. To remedy this\\nseries of defeats in America, as well as elsewhere, Will-\\niam Pitt, afterward Earl of Chatham, was called to the\\nhead of the English ministry. He took the helm in June,\\n1757, and by his vigor and consummate ability, soon gave\\na new and surprising turn to affairs.\\nIn the spring of 1758, General Abercrombie, who\\nhad been appointed to the chief command in place of\\nLord Loudon, found himself at the head of about fifty\\nthousand fighting men, one-half of whom were regulars.\\nThis was the largest force that had ever been seen in\\nAmerica, and from it was expected great results. On the\\nother hand, all the French Canadians capable of bearing\\narms did not exceed twenty thousand, and they had been\\nso constantly in the service that agriculture was neglected,\\nand the horrors of partial famine were added to those of\\nwar.\\nOn the 28th of May a powerful armament, which had\\nbeen fitted out in England, sailed from Halifax for the\\nreduction of Louisburg the Dunkirk of New France\\nwhich was defended by the Chevalier de Drucourt, with\\n3,100 men. The English fleet, consisting of twenty ships\\nof the line and eighteen frigates, besides numerous trans-\\nports, was commanded by Admiral Boscawen, and carried\\na land force of fourteen thousand men, under General\\nAmherst. Arrived before Louislnirg the 2d of June, a\\nclose investment was begun of tlie town both by sea and\\nland. After a stubborn defense, the French garrison sur-\\nrendered on the 27th of July, and, together with the\\nsailors and marines (amounting in all to 5,737 men), were\\ntransported prisoners of war to England. The loss of\\nthis colossal fortress, with all its cannon, mortars, miHtary\\nstores, and shipping in the harbor, was the most etfectual\\nblow that France had received since the beginning of the\\nwar. It made the Eua-Jish masters of the entire coast from", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "Defeat of Genereil Abercrombie at Ticonderoga. 333\\nHalifax to the mouth of the St. Lawrence, and greatly\\nfacilitated their conquest of Canada.*\\nEarly in July of that year, General Abercrombie moved\\nwith an arm}- of fifteen thousand effective men against Fort\\nTiconderoga, on Lake Champlain. Montcalm had mean-\\ntime thrown himself with a strong force into the fort, and\\nhad so obstructed the approach to it by an abatis of felled\\ntrees that it was impregnable, except by the processes of a\\nregular siege. The English troops, with more courage than\\ncalculation, attacked the enemy s lines in front, and, after\\na desperate conflict of four hours, were routed with heavy\\nloss, and retreated precipitately to their camp at the foot of\\nLake George. To ofl set this mortifying defeat, the result\\nof bad generalship. Colonel John Bradstreet was shortly\\ndetached, with a force of three thousand provincials, on an\\nexpedition againset Fort Frontenac. He crossed the outlet\\nof Ontario Lake, landed within a mile of the fort, planted\\nhis batteries, and speedily compelled the surrender of its\\ngarrison and munitions. By the capture and demolition of\\nFort Frontenac, the English gained practical control of\\nLake Ontario, and cut off the main line of communication\\nbetween Montreal and the French posts in the West.\\nWhile these momentous events were transpiring in the\\nnorth. General Joseph Forbes, who had been appointed to\\ncommand the expedition to the Ohio, was slowly advancing,\\nwith an army of seven thousand men (including wagoners,\\nsutlers, and camp-followers), to the conquest of Fort Du-\\nquesne. The British general left Philadelphia in June, and\\nwas joined en route by Colonel Washington, with two regi-\\nments of Virginia militia. In consequence of the serious\\nobstacles encountered in opening a new road across the\\nAlleghanies, this army was greatly retarded in its march,\\nThe fortifications at Louisburg (wliicli stood on ttie south-eastern\\nside of Cape Breton Island) had been thirty years in building, and had\\ncost the French government over $5,000,000. After this second capture\\nby the British, the fortress was demolished and never again re-built.\\nThe town itself was ruined during the siege, and its present population\\ncomprises only a few fishermen.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "334 The Seven Years War.\\naud did not reach tlie head of the Ohio till the 25th of\\nNovember.\\nIn the meantime Colonel Grant, commanding a de-\\ntachment from the main army, had pushed ahead to recon-\\nnoiter the situation of the fort. But he was suddenly at-\\ntacked and driven back with considerable loss, by M. Aubry,\\nwho had recently arrived with a reinforcement of French\\ntroops from the Illinois.\\nWhen General Forbes reached Fort Duquesne, he found\\nit deserted and burned. The French garrison, numbering\\nabout five hundred men, had set fire to the wooden building\\non the preceding night, and fled clown the river in boats?\\ncarrying with them their ordnance and stores. Taking\\nquiet possession of the burnt fort, Forbes caused it to be\\nforthwith repaired, and changed its name to Fort Pitt, in\\ncompliment to the English prime minister. At the same\\ntime he sent out a body of men to the battle-ground on the\\nMonongahela, to bury the dead soldiers of Braddock s\\narmy, whose bones had been left to bleach there for three\\nyears on the hillsides.\\nLeaving two regiments of provincials as a garrison at\\nFort Pitt, General Forbes returned by short marches to\\nPhiladelphia but his constitution was so broken by the ex-\\nposure and fatigues of the campaign, that he died shortly\\nafter his arrival thither. And now the Indian nations,\\nthroughout the region of the Upper Ohio, seeing that the\\nFrench were losing ground, and ever ready to join the\\nstronger side,* made overtures of peace to the English. A\\ntreaty of pacification was accordingly entered into with\\nthem, which gave security for a few years to the border\\nsettlements in Pennsylvania and Virginia.\\nIn passing down the Ohio from Fort Ducpiesne, M.\\nAubry, the French commander, made a halt about thirty-\\nsix miles above its mouth, and there on the site of a former\\nfortlet, on the northern bank of the river, commenced\\nbuilding a fort, at which he left one hundred men for gar-\\n*ln this particular, tliey were not unlike many of the more civilized\\ndescendants of Adam.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "Fort Massac on the Ohio. 335\\nrison duty, and returned with the rest to Fort Chartres.\\nThe new post was called Fort Massac, in compliment to M.\\nMassac, or Marsiac, the officer who first commanded there.\\nThis was the last fort erected by the French on the Oliio,\\nand it was occupied by a garrison of French troops until\\nthe evacuation of the country under the stipulations of the\\nTreaty of Paris, in 1763\\nMouette s Valley of the Mississippi, vol. i, p. 317.\\nNote. The early French history of Fort Massac dates back to the\\nbeginniug of the last century, but it is obscured by time and fiction.\\nDr. Lewis C. Beck, in his Gazetteer of Illinois and Missouri (Albany,\\nN. Y., 1823, p. 114), describing the place, says: A fort was first built\\nhere by the French when in possession of this country. The Indians,\\nwho were then at war with them, laid a curious stratagem to take it,\\nwhich answered their purpose. A number of them appeared in the\\ndaytime on the opposite side of the river, each of whom was covered\\nwith a bear-skin, and walked on all-fours. Supposing them to be bears,\\na party of the French crossed the river in pursuit of them. The re-\\nmainder of the troops left their quarters, and resorted to the bank of the\\nriver in front of the fort to observe the sport. In the meantime a large\\nbody of warriors, who were concealed in the woods near by, came\\nsilently up behind the fort and entered it without opposition, and very\\nfew of the Frenchmen escaped tlie carnage. They afterward built\\nanother fort on the same ground, and called it Massac (or Massacre), in\\nmemory of this disastrous event. This romantic story is repeated by\\nJudge Hall, in his Sketches of the West, and by other western\\nwriters. Ex-Governor Reynolds, in his Own Times (2d ed., p. 16),\\nwrites more specifically of the fort, as follows: Fort Massac was first\\nestablished by the French about the year 1711, and was also a mission-\\nary station. It was only a small fort until the war commenced in 1755,\\nbetween the English and the French. In 1756 (1758), the fort was en-\\nlarged and made a respectable fortress, considering the wilderness it was\\nin. It was at this place that the Christian missionaries (first) instructed\\nthe southern Indians in the gospel precepts, and it was here also that\\nthe French soldiers made a resolute stand against the enemy. Fort\\nMassac was subsequently maintained by the United States government\\nas a military post, and a few families resided in the immediate vicinity,\\nuntil after the close of the war of 1812-14. During this later period of\\nits history it was sometimes called the old Cherokee Fort, from the\\nriver of that name, better known as the Tennessee. In 1855 Reynolds\\nvisited the place, which, in his Own Times, he thus describes: The\\noutside_ walls were one hundred and thirty-five feet square, and at each\\nangle strong bastions were erected. The walls were palisaded, with\\nearth between the wood a large well was sunk in the fortress and the\\nwhole appeared to have been strong and substantial in its day. Three\\nor four acres of graveled walks were made on the north of the fort, ou", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "336 The Seven Years War.\\nStimulated by the brilliant successes that had attended\\ntheir arms in the campaign of 1758, the British ministry re-\\nsolved to make a supreme effort the next year for the com-\\nplete conquest of Canada. The Anglo-American colonies,\\nzealously seconding the exertions of the home government,\\nbrought into the field twenty thousand provincials, and\\nraised a large sum of money for their equipment and sus-\\ntenance. At a general military council, held early in the\\nyear 1759, it was decided to invade Canada with three dif-\\nferent armies, which should enter the country by three\\nseparate routes, and commence offensive operations at about\\nthe same time. The command of the first and principal\\nexpedition, which was destined against Quebec, was in-\\ntrusted to General James Wolfe, a young brigadier of great\\nenterprise and promise, who had distinguished himself by\\nhis valor and conduct at the reduction of Louisburg. Of\\nthe two subsidiary expeditions, one, under General Sir Jef-\\nfrey Amherst, was to proceed by way of Lake Champlain\\nto Montreal, and the other w^as to march against Fort\\nNiagara.\\nGeneral Amherst s operations were impeded and re-\\nstricted by a lack of vessels and transports. Yet Ticon-\\nderoga and Crown Point successively fell into his hands\\nwithout a struggle the danger to Quebec having caused\\nthe withdrawal of the greater part of their French garri-\\nsons and a detachment of his army attacked and burned\\nthe Indian village of St. Francis, whence many of those\\nscalping parties were believed to have issued, which had\\nravaged the frontiers of New England. General Prideaux\\nwas unhappily killed by the bursting of a gun at the siege\\nof Niagara; but his successor in command, Sir William\\nJohnson, on the 24th of July, defeated a force of twelve\\nhundred French and Indians, who had advanced to relieve\\nthe fort, and he pressed the siege so vigorously that the\\ngarrison soon (capitulated. Johnson should then have\\nwhich the soldiers paraded. These walks were made in exact angles,\\nand are beautifully graveled with pebbles from the river. The site is\\none of the most beautiful on La Belle Riviere, anil commands a view that\\nis charming.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "Wolfe s Victory Over Montcalm at Quebec. 337\\npassed down Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence, to co-\\noperate with Wolfe in the attack upon Quebec, but the\\nwant of facilities for transporting his troops prevented the\\nexecution of this purpose.\\nIn the latter part of June, General Wolfe appeared in\\nthe St. Lawrence, below Quebec, with a powerful fleet, and an\\narmy of eight thousand regular soldiers. His force, though\\nhardly equal, in number to that of the French, was bet-\\nter equipped and provisioned but the latter had the ad-\\nvantage of one of the strongest natural fortresses in the\\nworld, which had been greatly strengthened by art, and\\nthey were commanded by a general of consummate ability,\\nwho had merited the first honors in war. So long as Wolfe\\nsought to bombard Quebec from his batteries at Point Levi,\\non the opposite height of the St. Lawrence, or assaulted\\nthe French intrenchments below the city, along the St.\\nCharles, his efforts were easily frustrated by the tact and\\nvigilance of Montcalm. But, after trying various expedi-\\nents, the British general at last hit upon the bold design of\\nmoving his forces from the Isle of Orleans (his base of op-\\nerations) up the river, and then dropping down at night, in\\nflat- bottomed boats, and silently scaling the high plateau\\nknown as the Heights of Abraham, at a point about one\\nmile above the citadel of Quebec. This critical movement\\nwas as skillfully executed as it had been daringly planned,\\nthough the aclivity was so steep and rugged that the sol-\\ndiers could, with difficulty, climb it by clinging to the pro-\\njecting rocks and roots of trees. Learning with surprise\\nand chagrin that the English had thus gained a position in\\nhis rear, where his defenses were rather weak, and seeing\\nthat a battle was unavoidable, Montcalm drew out his\\narmy of five thousand men on the sloping plain behind the\\ntown, and put the fate of Canada on the hazard of a single\\nengagement. Nor was the issue long in doubt. After\\nsome skirmishing in front by a body of light armed Cana-\\ndian and Indian marksmen, the French advanced briskly\\nto the charge. The English received them with firmness,\\nbut reserved their fire until the enemy was near, and then\\n22", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "338 The Seven Years War.\\ndelivered it with decisive effect. The French fought with\\nvalor and determination until the fall of their general and\\nhis second in command, when they retreated, and were pur-\\nsued almost to the gates of the city.\\nThis famous battle was fought September 13, 1759.\\nThe English lost in killed and wounded six hundred men,\\nand the French nearly one thousand. Generals Wolfe and\\nMontcalm were both mortally wounded, the former dying\\non the field of conflict, and the latter on the next day within\\nthe city walls.* On the 18th of that month the citadel of\\nQuebec was formally surrendered, and received a British\\ngarrison of five thousand men. The royal ensign of France,\\nwhich, with a single interval of three years, had waved\\nover this fortress for a century and a half, was now low-\\nered from its stafl and in its place was unfurled the victo-\\nrious cross of St. George.\\nBut the submission of Canada did not immediately\\nfollow after the fall of Quebec. The war was further pro-\\ntracted. The Chevalier de Levis succeeded to the com-\\nmand made vacant by the death of Montcalm, and strove\\nto retake the city by a coup de main. Another pitched\\nbattle was fought a few miles above Quebec, on the 28th\\nof April, 1760, in which the French army gained the ad-\\nvantage, and they made the most strenuous yet unavailing\\neflbrts to recover their lost citadel and seat of power. It\\nwas not until the 8th of September, 1760, when the united\\nBritish forces were concentrated before Montreal, that ar-\\nticles of capitulation were signed by the governor-general,\\nthe Marquis de Vaudreuil. By these terms Canada and\\nits dependencies were surrendered to the English crown,\\nwith a reservation to the French inhabitants of their civil\\nand religious privileges.\\nEqually unsuccessful, both in Europe and America, and\\nexhausted by her great and protracted exertions, France\\nnow made overtures of peace. These were favorably con-\\nAfter receiviuii; his mortal wound, Montcalm was carri.Ml into the\\ncity and when informed that he could survive only a few hours, he\\nreplied: So much the better; I shall not then live to see the surren-\\nder of Quebec.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "Submission of Canada to the English Grown. 339\\nsidered by England, and every thing seemed in a fair way\\nof adjustment, when the negotiations were suddenly broken\\noff by the attempt of the court of Versailles to bring in the\\naft airs of Spain and Germany. A secret compact of the\\nBourbon princes to support each other, in peace and in war,\\nhad rendered Spain averse to a treaty which weakened her\\nally, and this induced France to once more try the fortunes\\nof war. As the interests of these two nations were thus\\nidentical, it only remained for the King of England to pro-\\nclaim hostilities with Spain. The ^ew England colonies,\\nbeing interested in the reduction of the West Indies, on\\naccount of their commerce with them, furnished a liberal\\nquota of men and means for continuing the war; and\\na great fleet was dispatched from old England, bearing a\\nland force of some sixteen thousand men. These combined\\nforces acted with such vigor and celerity that, before the\\nend of the next year, Great Britain had gained possession\\nof Havana (the key to the Gulf of Mexico), Grenada, Martin-\\nique, St. Lucia, St, Vincent, and the Caribbee Islands.\\nThe rapid progress of her conquests, which threatened\\nthe remaining possessions of France and Spain, was arrested,\\nhowever, by the exchange of preliminary articles of peace\\nat Fontainebleau, toward the close of the year 1762. On\\nthe 10th of the ensuing February, 1763, a definitive treaty of\\npeace was signed at Paris, and it was soon after ratified by\\nthe respective powers. By this memorable treaty, France\\nceded to Great Britain all the conquests made by the latter\\nin JS^orth Anaerica during the war. The western boundary\\nof the British possessions was fixed to run along the mid-\\ndle of the Mississippi River, from its source down to the\\nIberville, and thence along the center of that river or bayou,\\nand through Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the\\nMexican Gulf. All of Louisiana lying west of the Missis-\\nsippi, together with the district of !N^ew Orleans on the\\neast, had been ceded from France to Spain by a private\\ntreaty, executed at Fontainebleau on November 3, 1762,\\nwhich was permitted to stand.* By the treaty of Paris,\\nSee Article seventh of the Paris treaty in Chap. XIX of this work.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "340 The Seven Years War.\\nEngland also acquired large territorial possessions in India\\nand elsewhere.\\nSuch was the final outcome of this prolonged and san-\\nguinary war, whereby the great power of the French mon-\\narchy in America was permanently annihilated. The strug-\\ngle was computed to have cost the Anglo-American colonies\\nthirty thousand lives, and over sixteen millions of dollars,\\nof which only five millions were ever reimbursed to them by\\nthe government of Great Britain. Among the more direct\\nadvantages accruing to the colonies from the war, was a\\nmarked increase in their trade and population while the\\nindirect benefits, such as unity and concert of action in\\nemergency, and knowledge and experience in military\\nscience, prepared the way for the War of Independence.\\nNotice of Montcalm.\\nLouis Jose])h, Marquis de Moncalm-Gozon de St. V6rain, the most\\ncelebrated soldier in French- American history, was born at the chateau\\nof Candiac, near Nismes, in the south of France, on the 29th of Febru-\\nary, 1712, and died in Quebec, Canada, September 14, 1759. His educa-\\ntion was directed by one Dumas, a natural son of his grandfather, and at\\nthe age of fourteen he entered the French ariny as an ensign, in the regi-\\nment of Hainault. He served with gallantry and distinction in Italy\\nand Germany, and was promoted from one position to another until he\\nattaijied the rank of general. In the spring of 1756 he was appointed to\\nsucceed the Baron Dieskau in command of the French forces in North\\nAmerica, and arrived at Quebec about the middle of May. His subse-\\nquent eventful career is written in the history of that war. It is believed\\nthat if he had received timely reinforcements from his home govern-\\nment, he could have maintained the authority of France in Canada.\\nGeneral Montcalm is described as a man of small stature, with a fine\\nhead, a vivacious countenance, and a rapid, impetuous speech. He had\\na nice sense of honor and ardent patriotism, combined with the tastes\\nof a scholar, and a love of rural pursuits. He possessed true military\\ngenius, and as a commander stands very high, though not in the highest\\nrank. His last years were embittered, and his popularity impaired, by\\ncontentions with the governor of Canada, the Marquis de Vaudreuil,\\nwho, during the life of his rival, and after his death, lost no opportunity\\nof traducing him. (Appleton s Cyclop, of Amer. Biog., vol. iv., p. 3()4.)\\nUpon the final overthrow of the French power in Canada, the friends of\\nthe dead general preferred serious charges to the king against Governor\\nVaudreuil, who was thereupon summoned to appear and answer them", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "Wolfe and Montcalm. 341\\nin France. But, after a full investigation of the acts of liis administra-\\ntion by a competent tribunal, he was exonerated. Having lost his prop-\\nerty, he died in Paris, October 20, 1765.\\nOn the 20th of November, 1827, during Lord Dalhousie s adminis-\\ntration in Canada, when the animosities and race prejudices, engen-\\ndered and perpetuated by centuries of cruel warfare, had been in a\\nmeasure obliterated, the corner-stone of a monument to the joint mem-\\nory of Montcalm and Wolfe was laid, with military and Masonic cere-\\nmonies, in tlie Palace Garden, formerly attached to the old Castle of\\nSt. Louis, in the Upper Town of Quebec. This appropriate monument\\nbuilt of gray granite in the form of an obelisk is sixty-five feet high,\\nand bears upon its pedestal the following Latin inscription\\nWolfe Montcalm.\\nMortem Virtuis Communem,\\nFamam Historia,\\nMonumentum Posteritas.\\nDedit A. D. 1827.\\nWhich, being freely rendered into English, reads thus: Military vir-\\ntue gave them a common death; History a common fame; Posterity a\\ncommon monument.\\n*In 1832 Lord Aylmar, governor-general of Canada, caused to be erected on the\\nPlains of Abraham, at the spot wliere Wolfe fell, a granite monument ten feet high.\\nBut it became so broken and defaced in a few years by relic hunters, that it was re-\\nplaced in 1849 by a Doric column, inclosed by an iron fence. This beautiful pillar\\nwas erected at the expense of the British Army in Canada; and on the west side of\\nits pedestal, as on the former monument, are inscribed the words: Here died\\nWolfe Victorious, Sept. 13, 1759.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "342 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nCHAPTER XVIII.\\n1760-17(35.\\nINDIAN CONSPIRACY AND WAR OF PONTIAC.\\nDuring the prolonged and bitter struggle between\\nFrance and Great Britain for supremacy on this continent,\\nas hereinbefore succinctly narrated, the French settlements\\nin Upper and Lower Louisiana, being remote from the\\nprincipal theater of warfare, were but slightly afiected by\\nits various fluctuations, though most of the garrisons in this\\nwestern province were withdrawn, from time to time, to\\nparticipate in the ensanguined contest. The dread of\\nBritish conquest no doubt operated to dull the energies and\\ncloud the future of these detached colonists yet they lived\\non in comparative tranquillity and happiness, no scenes of\\nrapine and bloodshed occurring in their midst to disturb\\nthe even tenor of their lives. It was only when the war\\nbetw^een the two rival kingdoms had ceased, and after the\\npeace of Paris, that its wide reaching results were brought\\ndirectly home to them.\\nM. Neyon de Villiers* was then major-commandant\\nof the Illinois, and the Sieur d Annville was king s ad-\\nvocate and judge, doing duty as commissary. Among the\\nfew records extant of their official acts, we find the grant\\nof a certain tract of land, for use as a stock farm, to one\\nJoseph Labusciere, who had^made written application there-\\nfor at New Chartre, the 22d September, 1761. t\\nDeVilliers had been taken prisoner by the English at Fort Niagara,\\nin July, 1759, but was afterward exchanged or released.\\nt Appended to Labusciere s application appears the following official\\nindorsement:\\nIn consideration of the above declarations and others from other\\nquarters, we have granted and do grant to Joseph Labusiere the land\\n(called la belle fontaine) situated between the hills and Outard s marshy", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "Major Rogers Occupies Detroit. 343\\nWe now proceed to recount the military transactions\\nthat took place in the West after the capitulation of Mon-\\ntreal. On the 12th of September, 1760, Major Robert\\nRogers, a gallant colonial officer of New Hampshire, re-\\nceived orders from General Amherst to ascend the lakes\\nwith a strong detachment of rangers, and take possession,\\nin the name of his Britannic majesty, of Detroit, Mackinac\\nand other western posts still held by the French. While\\nRogers flotilla was on its way up Lake Erie, being delayed\\nby stormy weather, he dispatched a courier in advance to\\ninform Captain Belestre, the French commandant at De-\\ntroit, that Canada had surrendered, and that an English\\nforce v^as on its way to relieve him of his command.\\nTaking umbrage at the informality of the notice, and\\ndoubtless wanting a pretext for delay, Belestre incited the\\nIndians around the post to measures of resistance. Ac-\\ncordingly, when Major Rogers reached the head of Lake\\nErie, he found a force of about four hundred warriors\\nready to dispute his farther progress. But through the\\nactive intervention of Pontiac, or Pondiac, the great Ot-\\ntawa chief (with whom Rogers had recently held an inter-\\nview on the lake shore), he and his men were allowed to\\nadvance unmolested to Detroit. They arrived thither in\\nthe last week of November, and on the 29th of that month,\\nthis military and trading post, the most considerable in the\\ncentral lake region, passed into the hands of the English.\\nThe French garrison, composed of three officers and thirty\\nprivates, quietly laid down their arms, to the astonishment\\nof the Indians present, and were sent prisoners of war to\\nMontreal. The Canadian residents of the district were left\\nin the undisturbed possession of their houses and lands, but\\nprayed for by him, according as it is explained and described in the\\npresent petition, on condition tliat the said land shall be subject to the\\npublic charges, and that it shall be put to profit or built upon in the\\ncourse of the year beginning from this day, under the penalty of being\\nagain reunited to the king s domain.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Given at Fort Charte, this fourth day of January, 1762.\\n(Signed), Noyon Devillikrs.\\nD Annville.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "344 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nwere required to take the oath of allegiance to the British\\ncrown.\\nAs heretofore remarked, the first permanent military-\\nsettlement of Detroit was made by Antoine la Mothe Cadil-\\nlac, in July, 1701. He had previously been in command of\\nthe post at Mackinac, and in his voyages up and down the\\nlakes had observed the strategic value of the place, com-\\nmanding the passage between Lakes Erie and St. Clair.\\nReturning to France in 1699, he laid the matter before\\nCount Pontchartrain, minister for the Colonies, who author-\\nized him to erect a fort on the strait. It was built on the\\nplain adjoining the western brink of the river, and at or\\nnear the site of the older fortlet of St. Joseph, erected by\\nDu L hut in 1686. It was named by Cadillac, Fort Pont-\\nchartrain, but it early assumed the name of Detroit, which,\\nin French, means a strait. From that time until the close\\nof the Anglo-American war of 1812-14, the history of this\\npost is one of marked vicissitudes of sieges, captures, bat-\\ntles, and bloodshed. As the fort slowly grew into a village,\\nwith a fixed population, it was inclosed with a quadrangular,\\nwooden stockade, having two gates as the only entrances.\\nAt the beginning of the English possession, the French-\\nCanadian population of Detroit, including their settlements\\nalong the river, was estimated as high as twenty-five hun-\\ndred persons, but the number soon diminished. The fort,\\nthen embracing the entire town, is described as a stout pali-\\nsade, twenty-five feet in height, furnished with bastions at\\nthe four angles, and block-houses over the two gateways.\\nA short distance below the fort, on the same side of the\\nstrait, stood a village of the Pottawatomies. To the south-\\neast, on the opposite bank, was that of the Wy an dots, and\\nfive miles above the latter, on the same bank, lay the vil-\\nlage of the Ottawas. The river, half a mile in width, ran\\nthrough a landscape of singular beauty, and in its pellucid\\nwaters were mirrored the outlines of the stately forest trees\\nthat stood on either bank. Back from the full-flowing\\nstream rose the whitewashed cottages of the settlers, while\\nin the distance were clustered the Indian wigwams, from\\nwhich curling columns of smoke rose high into the pure", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "French Intrigues Among the Indians. 345\\nnorthern atmosphere. At the Isle a la Peche, near the out-\\nlet of Lake St. Clair, dwelt Pontiac, the master spirit of\\nthis sylvan paradise, who, like Satan of old, revolved in his\\npowerful mind schemes for marring its beauty and inno-\\ncence. Here, according to Rogers journal, he lived with\\nhis squaws and children, and here, no doubt, he might have\\nbeen often seen reclining on a rush mat, like any ordinary\\nwarrior.\\nDirectly after the British occupation of Detroit, Major\\nRogers sent officers to take possession of Forts Miami on\\nthe Maumee, and Ouatanon on the Wabash. The major\\nhimself started to relieve the French posts on the upper\\nlakes, but was prevented from carrying out his purpose by\\nthe early approach of winter. During the ensuing spring\\nof 1761, however, the forts on the Straits of Mackinac and\\nSt. Mary, at the head of Green Bay, and on the river St.\\nJoseph, were all garrisoned by small detachments of British\\ntroops. But the flag of France still w^aved over the posts\\nin Illinois and Louisiana, which had not been included in\\nthe stipulations of the surrender at Montreal.\\nThe English were now in military possession of the\\nwhole of Canada yet the task of maintaining their author-\\nity in this vast region was found to be one of no small dif-\\nficulty, because of the general dissatisfaction with the change\\nof rulers pervading its inhabitants. The French settlers,\\nwho formed the ruling element, having their national liatred\\nintensified by years of warfare, were irreconcilable, and many\\nof the more discontented left their Canadian homes and re-\\nmoved to Illinois and Louisiana, w^hich still belonged to\\nFrance. Here they continued to cherish their animosity\\nand foment resistance, still hoping that Canada might be\\nagain restored to France. Illinois thus became a place of\\nrefuge and a center of French intrigues against the British\\nrule. Canadian traders and refugees went every-where\\namong the north-western tribes, whose good will they had\\nlong before secured by a conciliatory policy, and incited\\nthem to take up arms against the English, who, it was de-\\nclared, were seeking to compass their destruction by hedg-\\ning them round with forts and settlements, and by stirring", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "346 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nup the Cherokees and Chickasaws to attack them. To give\\nthe greater efficacy to their arguments, the French traders\\n1 liberally distributed among the Indian chiefs guns and am-\\nmunition, which the English refused to do, and otherwise\\nC treated them as inferiors. It should be observed that fire-\\narms, blankets, and other articles of European fabric had\\nbeen so long supplied by the French to the western Indians,\\nthat they were now become a necessity to the existence of\\nthe latter.\\njy_^ Cv- ^H^v^ Under these altered circumstances, Pontiac, who still\\nt\u00c2\u00ab4^ hated tlie British, although he had interfered on their side\\ng-j so far as to permit Major Rogers to take peaceable posses-\\nrfy*,^Jf sion of Detroit, soon began to show his old partiality for the\\n2/TAi**^ ^_^ French. He was now some fifty years of age, and in the\\nyiiJUy^^^ prime of his powers. Pontiac was born on the Ottawa\\n^iJl^^^ about the year 1712, and was, it is said, the son of an\\n?2*yi^ i ^^il^^ ^1 Chippewa woman. It has been claimed that he\\ny^jy^^ ft the Ojibwas and Pottawatomies, he became in time the prin-\\naL\u00c2\u00bb.3^^^ cipal chief of the three tribes. In 1746 he defended the\\n/%,^jj^9i chief post of Detroit from an attack of some discontented\\n1^ ^^ribes of the north, and in 1755 he appears to have com-\\nJjJjC^ jZ^ tM ttianded a band of Ottawa warriors at General Braddock s\\nJ^^y^^^* defeat. During the war between France and England he\\n(?ft ii\u00c2\u00ab-^*^ valiantly on the side of the former, and for his\\n1^ uiJ^** courage and devotion was presented with a full French\\nJV^ After the final defeat of the French and the surrender\\nX^tf^ of Canada, Pontiac at first manifested a disposition to cul-\\n^tf^ tivate the friendship of the conquerors, but was disappointed\\nSac lineage, but he belonged, by adoption at least,\\nthe Ottawa tribe.* As the Ottawas were in alliance with\\n^uniform by the Marquis de Montcalm, only a short time be\\n\\\\\\\\SJ^ fC*^ fore the fall of Quebec\\nReynolds says, in his Pioneer History, that Pontiac had French\\nblood in his veins; and his alleged lifijht complexion and strong bias\\ntoward the French lend credence to the assertion. The traditional de-\\nscriptions of this Indian chief vary in regard to his features and the\\ncolor of his skin, but all concur in depicting him as a savage of sym-\\nmetrical and noble form, of proud and haughty demeanor, and of com-\\nmanding address.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "Planning of the Conspiracy. 347\\nin the advantages he expected to derive from their favor.\\nIn the now^ changed state of affairs, his sagacious mind dis-\\ncerned the danger which threatened his race. The equi-\\nHbrinm that had hitherto subsisted between the French\\nand English gave the Indians the balance of power, and\\nboth parties were compelled to respect their rights to some\\nextent. But, under British domination, their importance\\nas allies was gone, and their doom sealed, unless they could\\nrestore the power of the French and use it to check the en-\\ncroachments of the English. Inspired with this idea, as\\nwell as by ambition and patriotism, he sent trusty mes-\\nsengers to the nations of the upper lakes, to those on the\\nIllinois, the Mississippi, and Ohio, and southward to the\\nGulf of Mexico. In the autumn of 1762 his emissaries,\\nbearing the red-stained hatchet and war-belt as symbols of\\ntheir mission, passed quickly from tribe to tribe, and every-\\nwhere the dusky denizens of the forest assembled, eager to\\nhear the fiery message, which had been prepared by the\\nleader for the occasion. The attending chiefs and warriors,\\nmoved by these stirring appeals, pledged themselves to\\nunite in the league and war against the common enemy of\\ntheir race.*\\nThus, by his own superior energy, activity, and ad-\\ndress, Pontiac became the acknowledged head and front of\\nthe most extensive confederation of Algonquin nations ever\\nbefore known in Indian history. He not only conceived\\nthe great scheme of uniting all these nations in a league or\\nconspiracy against the English colonists, but of simulta-\\nneously attacking all the accessible forts of the latter, and,\\nafter butchering their garrisons, to turn upon the defense-\\nless settlements and continue the death-dealing work until\\nthe entire English population should be exterminated, or\\ndriven into the sea. The conspiracy was planned or ma-\\ntured at a council of the Ottawas, Pottawatomies, Chippe-\\nwas, and Hurons, held near Detroit about April 27, 1763,\\nwhen Pontiac made a speech recounting the wrongs and\\nindignities that had been suffered by the Indians, and\\n*See Davidson Stuve s Hifit. of 111., pp. 140, 141.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "348 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nprophesied their extermination. The plot was well laid,\\nand it was more successfully executed than might have\\nbeen expected, considering the limited resources of the na-\\ntives, and the rankling jealousies and enmities that pre-\\nvailed among the diiferent tribes.\\nPrior to this, on February 10, 1763, was signed the\\ntreaty of Paris, by which all the territorial possessions of\\nFrance east of the Mississipi were ceded to Great Britain.\\nDuring the following spring, in pursuance of this act of\\ncession, all the French posts in Southern Louisiana, on\\nthe east side of the Mississippi, but not including the\\ndistrict of New Orleans, were occupied by English gar-\\nrisons. The immediate occupation of Illinois, however,\\nwas not deemed practicable, owing to the strong barrier of\\nhostile Indians surrounding the forts there, and the French\\nofficers then in command were therefore authorized by Sir\\nJeffrey Amherst, the British commander-in-chief, to retain\\ntheir posts until formally relieved. In the exercise of this\\ntrust they seem to have been guilty of a breach of faith,\\nboth in furnishing the Indians with arms and supplies, and\\nin concealing from them the transfer of the country to the\\nEnglish. But for this misplaced confidence, or want of\\nsoldierly foresight on the part of General Amherst, the war\\nthat ensued might have been abbreviated, and thus divested\\nof some of its barbarities.\\nAccording to the plan concerted by Pontiac and his\\ncouncil of war, the last of May (1763) was designated as\\nthe time for the general uprising, when each tribe was to\\nIt now appears from the best authoritiea (says a Report of Sir\\nWilliam Johnson, .Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to the Board of\\nTrade, December 26, 1764), and can be proved by the oaths of several re-\\nspectable persons, prisoners among the Indians of Illinois, and from the\\naccounts of the Indians themselves, that not only many French traders,\\nbut also French officers, went among the Indians, as they said, fully\\nauthorized to assure them that the French king was determined to sup-\\nport them to the utmost, and not only invited them to visit the Illinois,\\nwhere they were plentifully supplied with ammunition and other neces-\\nsaries, but also sent several canoe loads at different times up the Illi-\\nnois River to the Miamis, as well as up the Ohio to the Shawanese and\\nDelawares.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "Pontiac s Siege of Detroit. 349\\nattack the garrison of the nearest English fort, and the se-\\ncret was so closely kept that two-thirds of the posts at-\\ntacked were captured, either by surprise or stratagem.\\nThe taking of Detroit was to be the preliminary task of\\nPontiac himself, and the date of its execution was set for\\nthe 7th of May. He accordingly attempted, with a band\\nof trained warriors, to seize that post, but was foiled in his\\ndesign by the vigilance of Major Henry Gladwin, the Eng-\\nlish commandant, who had received information of the\\nplot the day before, from a young Chippewa woman, who\\nhad formed an attachment for him and wished to save his\\nlife.*\\nThe assault upon Detroit was renewed by Pontiac,\\nwith an augmented force, on the 12th of May, but, failing\\nin this, he turned it into an irregular siege. The garrison,\\nmeantime, obtained food from the neighboring Canadian\\nsettlers, who likewise supplied the Indians in turn. In con-\\nsequence of the largely increased number of his followers,\\nPontiac found it necessary to make regular levies on the\\nFrench farmers for provisions, and in lieu of other com-\\npensation, he gave them his promissory notes, scrawled on\\npieces of birch bark and signed with the figure of an otter,\\nthe totem of his family. This imitation of the practices of\\ncivilized men might have been suggested to him by some\\nof the farmers themselves, yet it is related to his credit that\\nall of these notes were afterward paid.\\nSupplies and reinforcements were sent to the belea-\\nguered fort in small schooners, by way of Lake Erie but\\nthese were mostly captured by the Indians, who compelled\\ntheir prisoners to row them to Detroit in hope of surpris-\\ning the garrison. At length, however, the garrison was re-\\ninforced, and thereupon took the oftensive. On the Slst\\nof July the English attacked Pontiac at his camp near the\\nmouth of a little stream known as Bloody Run but in this\\nengagement the assailants were defeated, and retreated to\\nIt may be hoped that no iconoclast will arise, as in the case of Po-\\ncahontas, to demolish this traditional story of the devoted Chippewa\\nmaiden.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "350 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nthe fort with a loss of tifty-niue men in killed and wounded.\\nThe siege of Detroit was maintained in a desultory manner\\nuntil about the 10th of October, when the ammunition of\\nthe natives fell short, and they became discouraged.\\nAlthough failing in all their efforts to capture this\\ncoveted post, the Indians were more successful elsewhere.\\nIt is true that Forts Pitt and Niagara, which they also at-\\ntacked, proved too strong for their destruction but be-\\ntween the first and twentieth of June, they took Fort Ve-\\nnango, LeBoeuf, Presque Isle, Sandusky, Miami (on the\\nMaumee), St. Joseph,* Mackinac and LeBaye,t and either\\nmurdered or made prisoners of their respective garrisons,\\nonly a few effecting their escape. The destruction of life\\nand property at these widely separated posts was but the\\nprelude to a general Indian war, which carried terror and\\ndesolation into many of the fairest and most fertile valleys\\nof Virginia, Pennsylvania and New York.\\nGeneral Amherst had now become aware that the oc-\\ncupation of the Illinois forts by French garrisons was con-\\ntributing to prolong and intensify the contest, and he would\\ngladly have displaced them at once, but still found it im-\\npracticable to break through the cordon of hostile tribes\\nby which they were environed. His only expedient, there-\\nfore, was to write to Neyon de Villiers at Fort Chartres,\\ninstructing him to make known to the Indian chiefs and\\nwarriors their altered-relations under the treaty of cession.\\nThat French otficer, being thus compelled to divulge what\\nhe had long concealed, reluctantly wrote to Pontiac, saying,\\nthat he must not expect any assistance from the French\\nthat they and the English were now at peace and regarded\\neach other as brothers, and that the Indians should aban-\\ndon their hostilities, which could lead to no good result.\\n*0n Lake Michigan, formerly called Ft. Miami.\\nt At the head of Green Bay.\\nX At or before that time De Villiers wrote to D Abbadie, at New Or-\\nleans, that it was the fault of the English if the Indians manifested\\nsuch enmity to them. The English, said he, as soon as they be-\\ncame aware of the advantages secun^d to them by the treaty of cession,\\nkept no measures with the Indians, whom they treated with harshness", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "Expeditions of Colonels Bouquet and Bradstreet. 351\\nThis letter was a grievous disappointment to Pontiac, who\\nrelied for ultimate success upon the continued support of\\nthe French, and it proved the entering wedge toward the\\nbreaking up of his prodigious power and influence. Shortly-\\nafter its reception, he departed from Detroit, with a num-\\nber of his followers, and went southward to the country of\\nthe Maumee, intending to return and renew the contest the\\nnext spring.\\nThe winter of 1763-4 passed without any very note-\\nworthy occurrence. In the early summer of 1764, the En-\\nglish authorities fitted out two considerable expeditions; one\\nto operate against the savages in the central lake region, and\\nthe other for the punishment of those in the Valley of the\\nOhio. The command of the latter column was entrusted to\\nColonel (afterward General) Henry Bouquet, who marched\\nfrom Fort Pitt, and, encountering the warlike Del a wares\\nand Shawnees on the banks of the Muskingham, soon de-\\nfeated and reduced them to submission. This eflSicient of-\\nfi.cer required these Indians to surrender all of their white\\nprisoners. In compliance with his demand, they reluctantly\\nbrought into camp a large number, principally women and\\nchildren, some of whom had been captured during the early\\npart of the French war, and had been in captivity so long\\nas to have almost forgotten their native tongue and the\\nhomes of their childhood or youth.\\nColonel Bradstreet, who commanded the other expe-\\ndition, proceeding up the southern shore of Lake Erie,\\nwrested Sandusky from the hands of the hostile Indians\\nand reinforced Detroit. He then sent Captain Thomas\\nMorris, with some Canadians and friendly Indians, to in-\\nduce the Illinois and their allies to make peace with the\\nEnglish. The captain and his party ascended the Maumee\\nRiver to the vicinity of Pontiac s camp, and thence went as\\nfar as Fort Miami, which had been captured by the Indians\\nin the preceding year. But, after experiencing great hard-\\nships, and being subjected to gross indignities by the Miamis\\nand the haughtiness of masters, and whose faults they punished hy\\ncrucifixion, hanging, and ev ery sort of torment. Gayarre s Hist, of\\nLa., Vol. II., p. 98.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "352 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nand Kickapoos, Morris was glad to escape from their grasp\\nwith his hfe, and returned to Detroit without having ef-\\nfected the object of his perilous journey.*\\nPreviously to this, in the early part of February, 1764,\\nMajor Arthur Loftus, then doing duty with the 22d regiment\\nat Pensacola, Florida,t was ordered to proceed to the Illinois\\nand take military possession of the posts there. He accord-\\ningly sailed from Pensacola with four hundred men for that\\npurpose, but on his arrival in New Orleans some of them de-\\nserted him. On the 27th of February he re-embarked his\\ntroops, with thirty-seven women and children, in ten heavy\\nboats and two pirogues, and started up the Mississippi. Ad-\\nvancing slowly, he reached Davion s Bluff, near Tunica\\nBend, on the 19th of March, when he was fired upon by a\\nparty of Tunica Indians, who had ambushed both sides of the\\nriver. They killed six and wounded seven of the English\\nsoldiers, and thus stayed the farther progress of the expe-\\ndition. The suspicion was strong among the English that\\nthe French, at Pointe Coupee, had aided the Tunicas with\\ntheir slaves in this murderous attack. Returning to New\\nOrleans in a rage. Major Loftus accused Governor D Abbadie\\nof complicity with the Indians but it does not appear that\\nthe governor was in any way responsible for the unfortunate\\noccurrence. On the contrary, he had furnished the British\\nofficer with an interpreter, and had sent orders to the com-\\nmandants of the French posts on the river to afford him\\nneeded aid and protection, and, in fine, had done all in his\\npower to insure the success of his expedition. The truth\\nis, that Loftus himself was partly to blame for his failure,\\nsince he took little pains to conciliate either the Frencli or\\nIndians.\\nSoon after this abortive effort to reach Fort Chartres,\\n*In a letter written during this adventurous trip, dated La Prairie\\ndes Mascoutins, September 2, 17G4, and addressed to Colonel Bradstreet^\\nat Detroit, Captain Morris suggestively says: I am certain, sir, that a\\nfew presents to the chiefs would have a good effect. Kind treatment\\nMill infallibly open a way to the Illinois country.\\nt In the treaty of Paris, Florida had been given by Spain to Eug-\\nlane in exchange for Havana.\\nt See Gayerr^ s History of Louisiana, Vol. II., pp. 102, 103.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "Croghan s Mission of Conciliation. 353\\nCaptain Pittman started from Mobile to make a second at-\\ntempt, but on his arrival in New Orleans he was deterred\\nfrom proceeding farther, owing to the excited state of feel-\\ning among the Indians along the Mississippi. During the\\nensuing summer. Major Robert Farmer was dispatched\\nfrom Mobile, with a part of the 34th regiment of foot,\\nupon the same mission, yet he did not advance far before\\nhe was stopped by the hostile savages. It was not, indeed,\\nuntil the first week in December, 1765, and after the final\\nsurrender of Fort Chartres, that he arrived with his force in\\nthe Illinois.\\nSuch was the continued great influence of Pontiac, and\\nsuch the strength of the combination he had formed among\\nthe aboriginal tribes of the Mississippi Valley, that General\\nGage (who had succeeded Sir Jefi:rey Amherst as com-\\nmander-in-chief of his Britannic Majesty s forces in North\\nAmerica) now became convinced that it would be impos-\\nsible to eradicate from the minds of the Indians the idea\\nof French assistance, so long as the forts in Illinois re-\\nmained in the hands of French ofiicers. He therefore un-\\ndertook to put a period to this tedious and humiliating war,\\nby removing the principal cause of its continuance. After\\nthe failure of the attempts of Majors Loftus and Farmer, it\\nwas determined to send troops to the Illinois by way of the\\nOhio River. To facilitate this design, Colonel George Cro-\\nghan, a deputy of the Superintendent of Indian Aft airs, and\\nan experienced trader among the western Indians, together\\nwith Lieutenant Alexander Fraser, of the English army,\\nwere sent out in advance, to prepare the savages by ne-\\ngotiation for the advent of the projected military expedi-\\ntion. They started from Philadelphia in February, 1765,\\nattended by a small mounted escort, and carried with them\\nan ample assortment of goods for use as presents in con-\\nciliating the natives. After a difiicult and fatiguing jour-\\nney over the mountains, obstructed with snow and ice, they\\nreached Fort Pitt (now Pittsburg) in March, but had the\\nill-luck to loose the larger part of their goods at the hands\\nof the freebooting borderers of Pennsylvania. Colonel\\n23", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "354 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nCroghau tarried at Fort Pitt a number of weeks, in order to\\ncomplete bis preparations, and to confer witb tbe sachems\\nof the Delawares and Shawnees, along whose southern\\nborders the armed expedition would have to pass.\\nMeanwhile, to expedite the main business of the mis-\\nsion, Lieutenant Fraser, with more boldness than discretion,\\nembarked in a canoe, with a trader named Sinnott, and de-\\nscended the Ohio and ascended the Mississippi to Kaskaskia.\\nArrived thither in the forepart of May, he experienced very\\nrough treatment from the Illinois Indians. He was buffeted\\nand his life threatened, and finding his position neither\\nagreeable nor safe, he fled in disguise down the Mississippi\\nRiver to New Orleans.\\nPontiac was then encamped in the vicinity of Fort\\nChartres, whither he had come some time before, with a\\ntrain of four hundred warriors, to demand arms and am-\\nmunition of the French for the further prosecution of his\\nwar against the English. About the 18th of April, on be-\\ning received into the fortress and presented to St. Ange,\\nthe commandant, he addressed him in the following ele-\\nvated strain\\nFather, we have long desired to see you and enjoy\\nthe pleasure of taking you by the hand. While we refresh\\nourselves with the soothing incense of the friendly calumet,\\nwe will recall the battles fought by our warriors against the\\nenemy, which still seeks our overthrow. But while we\\nspeak of their valor and victories, let us not forget our\\nfallen heroes, and with renewed resolves and more constant\\nendeavors, strive to avenge their deaths by the downfall of\\nour enemies.\\nFather, I love the French, and have led hither my\\nbraves to maintain your authority and vindicate the in-\\nsulted honor of France. But you must not longer remain\\ninactive, and suffer your red brothers to contend alone\\nagainst the foe who seek our common destruction. We\\ndemand of you arms and warriors to assist us, ;ni(l when\\nthe English dogs are driven into the sea, we will again in\\npeace and happiness enjoy with you these fruitful forests", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "Croghan s Party Af.faeked by Indians. 355\\nand prairies, the noble heritage presented by the Great\\nSpirit to our ancestors.\\nSt. Ange was constrained by circumstances to decline\\ngiving the expected aid but he accompanied his refusal\\nwith soothing compliments, and added a few gifts to ap-\\npease Pontiac s bitter disappointment.\\nBut to return to Colonel Croghan. On the 15th of\\nMay, 1765, having completed his conferences with the tribes\\nabout Fort Pitt, he started down the Ohio with two bateaux,\\nor long boats, and a small party of white men. Early the\\nnext day he was joined at Chartier s Island by several depu-\\nties of the Senecas, Shawnees, and Delawares, whom he had\\npersuaded to accompany him. Proceeding on his way, with\\noccasional short stoppages for refreshment, Croghan arrived\\nthe first of June at the head of the Falls of the Ohio, where he\\nlanded and encamped for the night. On the following morn-\\ning his party passed the Falls or rapids but as the river was\\nquite low at the time, they had to lighten their boats in order\\nto get safely through the channel on the Indiana side. Con-\\ntinuing their expeditious voyage, they reached the mouth\\nof the Wabash on the 6th, and found there a rude breast-\\nwork, supposed to have been erected by the Indians. Six\\nmiles below the Wabash, they put to shore and encamped\\nat a place known as the Old Shawnee Village, some little\\ndistance above the present Shawneetown.* From this land-\\ning place Croghan dispatched two of his Indians across the\\ncountry to Fort Chartres, with letters to Lieutenant Frazer,\\nwho was supposed to be still at that post, and to Captain\\nSt. Ange de Bellerive.\\nAt day-break, on the 8th of June, while yet in camp,\\non the site of the old Indian village, Croghan s party was\\nsuddenly surrounded and fired upon by a band of eighty\\nKickapoo and Mascoutin warriors, who had been watching\\nhis movements for several days. They killed five of his\\ncompany, two white men and three Delaware Indians, and\\nThe time occupied in this downward trip from Fort Pitt was\\ntwenty-one days, and the distance traveled, eight hundred miles, by\\nthe sinuosities of the river. It will thus be seen that they moved with\\nunusual celerity, averaging about forty miles per day.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "356 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nwounded several others, including the leader himself; then\\nmade him and the rest of the whites prisoners, and pro-\\nceeded to despoil them of every thing they had. The ex-\\ncuse afterward given by the assailants for this unprovoked\\nand murderous attack was, that they had been told that\\nCroghan was coming into their country with an armed es-\\ncort of Cherokees, their mortal enemies. But a better\\nreason was to be found in their instinctive love of blood\\nand plunder. Having quickly divided the spoils of Colonel\\nCroghan s camp, the Kickapoos and Mascoutins,* fearing\\nthe arrival of another marauding party, whom they sus-\\npected to be on their trail, left such heavy articles as they\\ncould not carry away, and set off in haste, with their prison-\\ners, for their villages on the Upper Wabash. Their course\\nlay on and through the heavily wooded river bottom, which\\nwas so intersected by morasses and beaver ponds, as to\\nrender traveling slow and laborious.\\nOn the 15th they reached Post Vincennes, where a\\nhalt was made of two days for rest and refreshment.\\nHere Croghan had some new apparel made for himself and\\nmen, and purchased a few horses of the Piankashaw Indi-\\nans, promising them payment when he should reach De-\\ntroit. In his printed journal he gives but a poor character\\nto the French at Vincennes, whom he describes as a lazy\\npeople, a parcel of renegades from Canada, and much worse\\nthan the Indians. He further says They took a secret\\npleasure at our misfortune, and the moment we arrived\\nthey came to the Indians, exchanging trifles for our valua-\\nble plunder. But Croghan was hardly in a frame of mind\\nto do those French settlers justice, for they refused him\\npermission to write to any one but the commandant at Fort\\nChartres.f\\nArriving at Fort Ouatanon on the 23d of June, he\\nwas set at liberty, and took up his temporary quarters\\nthere, where he found a number of French families living.\\nCalled Musquatimes by Croghan.\\nt Journal of George Croghan, who was sent in 1765 to conciliate\\nthe Indian nations that had hitherto acted with the French. Burling-\\nton (N. J.) reprint, 1831 small 4to, pp. 38.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "Groghail Meets Pontiac. 357\\nThis palisaded fort, as be informs us, was located on the\\nnorth side of the Wabash, about two hundred and ten\\nmiles above Post Vincent, hj the windings of the river. It\\nderived its name from a tribe of Weas, or Ouiatanous, whose\\nprincipal village stood on the south bank of the Wabash,\\na few miles below the site of what is now Lafayette, In-\\ndiana. The fort was maintained as a trading post with the\\nIndians until June, 1791, when it was destroyed by an\\nAmerican force, under the command of General Charles\\nScott, of Kentucky.\\nDuring Croghan s stay here, a messenger arrived with\\na letter from Captain St. Ange, inviting him to visit Fort\\nChartres and arrange matters for the withdrawal of the\\nFrench garrison from that place. As this request coincided\\nwith his own previous intentions, he set out with an Indian\\nescort, on a journey thither across the prairies, but had not\\ntraveled far before he was met by Pontiac and a numerous\\nretinue of his dusky warriors, on their return from the Il-\\nlinois. This astute chief, perceiving at last that the great\\nconfederation he had formed among the Indian nations in\\nthe west was falling to pieces, and that he had nothing\\nmore to hope for from the French, was coming to make\\nterms with the accredited agent of the English and for\\nthe purpose of further conference on the subject they now\\nreturned together to Fort Ouatanon. Having hastily con-\\nvened the neighboring chiefs and braves in council, Pontiac\\nproduced the calumet of peace, and made a plausible speech\\nto them. He declared, among other things, that the French\\nhad misled him with the story that the English purposed\\nto stir up the Cherokees against his brethren of the Illinois,\\nto conquer and enslave them. He allowed that the Eng-\\nlish might take possession of Fort Chartres and the other\\nposts in the Illinois, but suggested that as the French\\nsettlers had never bought their lands of the Indians, and\\nlived on them by sufferance only, their successors would\\nhave no legal right of possession. The amicable disposi-\\ntion shown by such of the Illinois warriors as were pres-\\nent at this council, with other sufficient reasons, induced", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "358 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nCroghan to forego his intended trip to Fort Chartres, and\\nto turn his attention to the tribes on the north-east.\\nHaving adjusted matters satisfactorily with the natives\\nat and about Fort Ouatanon, he departed thence on the\\n25th of July, being accompanied by Pontiac and a number\\nof his followers. Proceeding on horseback up the Valley\\nof the Wabash to the portage between that river and the\\nMaumee, Croghan stopped to visit a small village of the\\nTwightees near Fort Miami. He thence continued his\\njourney to the main Twightee xnllage, situated on the St.\\nJoseph s River,* which unites with the St. Mary to form\\nthe Maumee, or Miami, as it was called by him. Arrived\\nthither, he met a friendly reception from the Twightee\\nchiefs, and, after completing his conference with them, set\\nout on the 6th of August for Detroit, descending the Mau-\\nmee in a canoe to Lake Erie. On the 17th he landed at\\nthe battle-scarred post of Detroit, which he incidentally de-\\nscribes in his journal, as a large stockade, inclosing about\\neighty houses. During his stay here, he held frequent\\nconsultations with the chiefs of the Chippewas, Wyandots,\\nPottawatomies,and other congregated tribes, from whom the\\nfear of condign punishment, and the privations they had en-\\ndured in consequence of the long suspension of the fur-\\ntrade, had driven all thoughts of further hostility. They\\nhad had enough of war to curb their restless spirit for the\\ntime at least, and were anxious to make terms with the\\nEnglish authorities. At a general meeting of the sachems\\nand warriors, convened in the Council Hall on the 27th of\\nAugust, Croghan was present, and in imitation, or rather\\nexaggeration, of that figurative forest eloquence with which\\nhe had become so familiar, thus addressed the convocation\\nChildren, We are very glad to see so many of you\\npresent at your ancient council fire, which has been neg-\\nlected for some time past. Since then high winds have\\nblown, and raised heavy clouds over your country. I now,\\nby this belt (of wampum), rekindle your ancient fire and\\nThe above mentioned river St. Joseph should not be confused\\nwith another and larger stream of the same name, which flows west-\\nward into Lake Michigan.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "Peace Speeches by Oroghan and Pontiac. 359\\nthrow dry wood upon it, that the blaze may ascend to\\nheaven, so that all nations may see it and know that you\\nlive in peace with your fathers, the English. By this belt\\nI disperse all the black clouds over your heads, that the sun\\nmay shine clear upon your women and children, and those\\nunborn may enjoy the blessings of this general peace, now\\nso happily settled between your fathers, the English, and\\nyou, and all your younger brethren toward the sunsetting.\\nChildren, we have made a road from the sunrising to\\nthe sunsetting. I desire that you will preserve that road,\\ngood and pleasant to travel upon, that we may all share the\\nblessings of this happy reunion.\\nThe council reassembled the next day, when Pontiac,\\nin behalf of his people, replied to Croghan s address as\\nfollows\\nFather, we have all smoked out of this pipe of peace.\\nIt is your children s pipe; and as the war is all over now,\\nand the Great Spirit, who has made the earth and every\\nthing therein, has brought us all together this day for our\\nmutual good, I declare to all the nations that I have settled\\nmy peace with you before I came here, and now deliver my\\npipe to be sent to Sir Wiiliam Johnson, that he may know\\nI have made peace and taken the King of England for my\\nfather, in presence of all nations now assembled; and when-\\never any of these nations go to visit him, they may smoke\\nout of it with him in peace.\\nFathers, we are obliged to you for lighting up our\\nold council lire for us, and desiring us to return to it, but\\nwe (the Ottawas) are now settled on the Maumee River not\\nfar from hence whenever you want us, you will find us\\nthere. Our people love liquor, and if we dwelt near you\\nin our old village, our warriors would be always drunk, and\\nquarrels would arise between us and you. f\\nPontiac probably derived his correct notions of the Great Spirit\\nmainly from association with white men and there is no doubt but\\nthat his speeches were revised and iinproved somewhat by the English\\nHcribes.\\nt Vide History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac, by Francis Park-\\nman, Boston, 18(58; 4th edition, pp. 555, 550.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "360 Conspiracy and War of Pontiac.\\nThe conciliatory mission of Colonel Croghan being at\\nlast brought to a happy fruition, he started on his return to\\nthe East toward the close of September, going first to Fort\\nNiagara, and thence to report to the commander-in-chief.\\nBefore quitting Detroit, however, he had exacted from\\nPontiac a promise to repair to Oswego, jS^ew York, and\\nenter into a treaty of peace and amity with Sir William\\nJohnson, the Indian Superintendent, on behalf of those\\nwestern tribes with whom he had been leagued in the late\\nwar. In fulfillment of his promise, the veteran chief pro-\\nceeded, with a few attendants, to Oswego in the early sum-\\nmer of the next year (1766), and there, in presence of a\\nlarge gathering of whites and Indians, he thus addressed\\nthe representative of the British crown: Father, we thank\\nthe Great Spirit, who has given us this day of bright skies\\nand genial warmth to consider the great afiairs now before\\nus. In his presence, and in behalf of all the nations\\ntoward the sunsetting, of which- I am the master, I now\\ntake you by the hand. I call upon him to witness that I\\nhave spoken from my heart, and, in the name of the tribes\\nwhich I represent, I promise to keep this covenant as long\\nas I live.\\nAfter the executio!i of the treaty at Oswego, Pontiac\\nreturned to his home, on the banks of the Maumee River,\\nand for the ensuing three years buried his ambition and\\ndisappointment in the seclusion of its somber forests, pro-\\nviding, as a common hunter, for the wants of his family\\nand dependents.\\nIn the meantime Captain Thomas Stirling, following\\nupon the mission of Croghan, embarked in boats at Fort\\nPitt, with one hundred veteran Highlanders, of the 42d\\nEnglish regiment, and descended the Ohio to its mouth.\\nPushing thence up the Mississippi, he arrived at Fort Char-\\ntres in the early part of October, 1765, and on or about\\nthe 10th of that month took military possession of the\\nfortress. The flag of France descended from the ram-\\npart, and, with the stern courtesies of war, St. Ange\\nyielded up his post, the citadel of Illinois. In that act was\\nconsummated the double triumph of British power in", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "General Gauge s Proclamation. 361\\nin America. England had crushed her hereditary foe\\nFrance, in her fall, had left to irretrievable ruin the savage\\ntribes to whom her policy and self-interest had lent a\\ntransient support.\\nOn assuming command of the fort and country, Cap-\\ntain Stirling caused to be posted and published the follow-\\ning proclamation, which had been carefully prepared some\\nmonths in advance, and was intended as a kind of consti-\\ntution of government for the Illinois\\nBy his Excellency. Thomas Gage, Major-General of the King s\\narmies, Colonel of the 22d Regiment, General, commanding in chief of\\nthe forces of His Majesty in North America, etc.\\nWhereas, by the peace concluded at Paris, on the 10th of Febru-\\nary, 1763, the country of the IlHnois has been ceded to His Britannic\\nMajesty, and the taking possession of the said country of the Illinois\\nby troops of His Majesty, though delayed, has been determined upon,\\nwe have found it good to make known to the inhabitants,\\nThat His Majesty grants to the inhabitants of the Illinois the lib-\\nerty of the Catholic religion, as it has already been granted to his sub-\\njects in Canada; he has, consequently, given the most precise and effect-\\nive orders, to the end that his new Roman Catholic subjects of the Illi-\\nnois maj exercise the worship of their religion, according to the rites\\nof the Roman Church, in the same manner as in Canada;\\nThat His Majesty, moreover, agrees that the French inhabitants\\nor others, who have been subjects of the Most Christian King, may retire\\nin full safety and freedom, wherever they please, even to New Orleans, or\\n*Parkman s Conspiracy of Pontiac, p. 559.\\n[French Commandants at Illinois.]\\nNote. By way of recapitulation, we here present a list of the suc-\\ncessive French commandants at the dependency of the Illinois, with\\nthe years, as near as may be, of their respective service, beginning with\\nBoisbriant\\nPierre Duque de Boisbriant 1718-1725\\nCaptain de Tisne (temporarily) 1725-1726\\nThe Sieur de Liette 1726-1730\\nLouis St. Ange de Bellerive 1730-1734\\nPierre d Artaguette 1734-1736\\nAlphonse de la Buissoniere 1736-1740\\nBeuoist de St. Clair 1740-1743\\nThe Chevalier de Bertel 1743-1749\\nSt. Clair, again 1749-1751\\nThe Chevalier de Macarty 1751-1760\\nM. Neyon de Villiers 1760-1764\\nSt. Ange, again 1764-1765", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "362 Conspiracy mid War of Pontiac.\\nany other part of Louisiana, although it should happen that the Span-\\niards take possession of it in the name of His Catholic Majesty and\\nmay sell their estates, provided it be to subjects of His Majesty, and\\ntransport their effects, as well as persons, without restraint upon their\\nemigration, under any pretense whatever, except in consequence of\\ndebts or criminal process;\\nThat those who choose to retain their lands, and become subjects\\nof His Majesty, shall enjoj the same security for their persons and effects,\\nand liberty of trade, as the old subjects of the king;\\nThat they are commanded, by these presents, to take the oath of\\nfidelity and obedience to His Majesty, in presence of Sieur Stirling,\\nCaptain of the Highland Regiment, the bearer hereof, and furnished\\nwith our full powers for this purpose\\nThat we recommend, forcibly, to the inhabitants, to conduct them-\\nselves like good and faithful subjects, avoiding by a wise and prudent\\ndemeanor all cause of complaint against them\\nThat they act in concert with His Majesty s officers, so that his\\ntroops may take peaceable possession of all the posts, and order be kept\\nin the country; by this means alone they will spare His Majesty the ne-\\ncessity of recurring to force of arms, and will find themselves saved from\\nthe scourge of a bloodj war, and of all the evils which the march of an\\narray into their country would draw after it.\\nVv e direct that these presents be read, published, and posted up\\nin the usual places.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Done and given at head-quarters. New York. Signed with our\\nhand, sealed with our seal-at-arms, and countersigned by our Secretary,\\nthis 30th of December, a. d. 1764.*\\nBy His Excellency, Thomas Gage, [Seal.]\\nG. Marturin, Secretary.\\n*The attentive reader of American history will remember that it was General\\nGage whf), some ten years later, precipitated the War of the Revolution, by sending\\nout from Boston, Massachusetts, the expeditionary force that led to the battle of\\nIjcxingion.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "Occurrences in Lower Louisiana. 363\\nCHAPTER XIX.\\nI7(j4-17(jy.\\nOCCURRENCES IN LOWER LOUISIANA.\\nOn the 15th day of June, 1764, M, Neyon de Villiers,\\nhaving become impatient at the delay of the Britisli con-\\nquerors in arriving to take possession of Fort Chartres, and\\ndisgusted with liis position, relinquished the office of major-\\ncommandant at the Illinois, which he had filled nearly four\\nyears, and departed down the Mississippi, accompanied by\\nsix officers, sixty-three soldiers, and eighty French inhab-\\nitants of Illinois, including women and children.* He\\nreached New Orleans on the 2d of July, and there tem-\\nporarily fixed his quarters. Not long after this, he was re-\\nquited for his fidelity and services to the French crown\\nwith the insignia of the Cross of St. Louis, a distinction\\ncorresponding to the more modern Legion of Honor.\\nMons. d Abbadie was then acting governor or director-\\ngeneral of Louisiana, having superseded Governor Kerlerec\\nin June, 1763. As heretofore observed, Western Louisiana,\\nand the island district of New Orleans, had been abandoned\\nto Spain by a private treaty! (Nov. 3, 1762), which was\\nMany of theee inhabitaut8, who were induced to move to Louisi-\\nana by assurances from De Villiers that they would receive lands there\\nin lieu of those they had abandoned, soon afterward found reason to\\nrepent of their haste in quitting the Illinois.\\nt Without any apparent reference to this separate and private treaty,\\nthe boundaries between the French and British possessions in North\\nAmerica were defined by the definitive treaty of peace between the Kings\\nof France, Spain and England, signed at Paris on the 10th of February\\n1763; which article reads as follows:\\nArticle VII. In order to re-establish peace on solid and durable\\nfoundations, and to remove forever all motivlls for dispute respecting the\\nlimits of the French and British territories on the American continent,\\nit has been agreed that the limits between the states of his most Chris-\\ntian majesty and those of his Britannic majesty, in that part of the", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "364 De Choiseul s Note to Count de Fuentes.\\nkept a state secret /or eighteen months. On the 2l8t of April,\\n1764, the French prime minister addressed the following\\nnote to the Spanish ambassador on the subject of the cession\\nof Louisiana\\nVersailles, April 21, 1764.\\nTb the Conde {Count) de Fuentes: Sir, the king has\\ncaused the necessary orders to be issued for the surrender\\nof the country of Louisiana, with New Orleans and the\\nisland on which the said city stands, into the hands of the\\ncommissioner whom his Catholic majesty may appoint to\\nreceive them. I have sent the papers to the Marquis\\nd Ossun, who will have the honor to present them to his\\nCatholic majesty. Your excellency will see that the king s\\norders are entirely conformable with the acts signed in\\n1762, and that his majesty has caused some articles to be\\ninserted equally conducive to the tranquillity of the coun-\\ntry after it is in possession of his Catholic majesty, and to\\nthe happiness of its inhabitants.\\nI have the honor to be, with great esteem, your ex-\\ncellency s most humble and obedient servant.\\nThe Dug de Choiseul.\\nAt the same time a letter was written by or in the\\nworld, shall hereafter be irrevocably fixed by a line drawn along the\\nmiddle of the river Mississippi, from its source to the river Iberville\\nand thence by another line through the middle of that river, and of the\\nlakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the sea and for this purpose, the\\nmost Christian king cedes to his Britannic majesty, and guaranties to\\nhim, the entire possession of the river and port of Mobile, and of all\\nthat he possesses or should have possessed on the left bank of the river\\nMississippi, with the exception of New Orleans, and of the island whereon\\nthat city stands, which are to remain subject to France it being under-\\nstood that the navigation of the Mississippi River is to be equally free to\\nthe subjects of Great Britain and of France, in its whole breadth and\\nextent, from its source to the sea, and particularly that part between the\\nsaid island of New Orleans and the right bank of the river, as well as\\nthe entrance and departure by its mouth. It is moreover stipulated,\\nthat the vessels belonging to the subjects of either nation are not to be\\ndetained, searched, nor obliged to pay any duty whatsoever. The stip-\\nulations contained in the fourth article, in favor of the inhabitants of\\nCanada, are to be of equal eliect with regard to the inhabitants of the\\ncountries ceded by this article.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "Oeeurrences in Lower Louisiana. 365\\nname of Louis XV., King of France, to M. d Abbadie,\\nDirector-general of Louisiana, instructing him to acquaint\\nthe inhabitants of that province with the act of cession, and\\nto turn over the government to the officers of Spain, when\\nthey should arrive to receive it. We give place here to an\\nEnglish copy of this historical state paper\\nMonsieur (VAbhadie Having, by a special act, passed\\nat Fontainebleau, November 3d, 1762, ceded, voluntarily,\\nto my dear and well-beloved cousin, the King of Spain, his\\nheirs and successors in full right, completely and without\\nrestriction, the whole country known under the name of\\nLouisiana, as well as New Orleans and the island on which\\nthat town is situated and the King of Spain having, by\\nanother act, passed at the Escurial, on the 13th of Novem-\\nber, in the same year, accepted the cession of the said\\ncountry of Louisiana town and island of New Orleans, ac-\\ncording to the annexed copies of these acts I write this\\nletter to inform you that my intention is, that on the re-\\nceipt of this letter and the copies annexed, whether it\\nreaches you through the officers of his Spanish Majesty, or\\ndirectly by the French vessels charged with its delivery,\\nyou will resign into the hands of the governor (or officer)\\ntherefor appointed by the King of Spain, the said country\\nand colony of Louisiana and its dependencies, with the town\\nand island of New Orleans, in such state as they may be\\nat the date of such cession, wishing that in future they be-\\nlong to his Catholic majesty, to be governed and administered\\nby his governors and officers as belonging to him, in full\\nright and without exception.\\nI accordingly order, that as soon as the governor and\\ntroops of his Catholic majesty arrive in the said country\\nand colony, you put them in possession, and withdraw all\\nthe officers, soldiers and employes in my service in garrison\\nthere, to send them to France, and my other American\\ncolonies, or such of them as are not disposed to remain\\nunder the Spanish authorities. I moreover desire, that,\\nafter the entire evacuation of said port and town of New\\nOrleans, you collect all papers relative to the finances and", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "366 Letter of Louis XV. to Governor d Ahbadie.\\nadministration of the colony of Louisiana, and come to\\nFrance and account for them.\\nIt is, nevertheless, ni}^ intention that you hand over\\nto the governor, or officer thereto appointed, all the papers\\nand documents which especially concern the government of\\nthe colony, either relative to the colony and its limits, or\\nrelative to the Indians and the various posts, after having\\ndrawn proper receipts for your discharge, and given said\\ngovernor all the information in your power to enable him\\nto govern said colony to the reciprocal satisfaction of both\\nnations.\\nIt is my will that there be made an inventory, signed\\nin duplicate by you and his Catholic Majesty s commissary,\\nof all artillery, eflects, magazines, hospitals, vessels, etc.,\\nbelonging to me in said colony, in order that, after putting\\nsaid commissary in possession of the civil edifices and\\nbuildings, an appraisement be made of the value of all the\\neffects remaining in the colony, the price whereof shall be\\npaid by his Catholic Majesty according to such appraisement.\\nI hope, at the same time, for the advantage and tran-\\nquillity of the inhabitants of the colony of Louisiana, and\\nI flatter myself, in consequence ot the friendship and aitec-\\ntion of his Catholic Majesty, that he will be pleased to in-\\nstruct his governor, or any other officers employed by him\\nin said colony and said town of I^ew Orleans, that all the\\necclesiastics and religious communities shall continue to\\nperform the rights, privileges, and exemptions granted to\\nthem; that all the judges of ordinary jurisdiction, together\\nwith the Superior Council, shall continue to administer\\njustice according to the laws, forms, and usages of the col-\\nony; that the titles of the inhabitants to their property\\nshall be confirmed in accordance with the concessions made\\nby the governors and ordinary commissaries of said colony;\\nand that said concessions shall be looked upon and held as\\nconfirmed by his Catholic Majesty, although they may not\\nas yet have been confirmed by me hoping, moreover, that\\nhis Catholic Majesty will be pleased to give his subjects of\\nLouisiana the marks of protection and good will which\\nthey have received under my government, which would", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "Occurrences in Lower Louisiana. 367\\nhave been made more effectual, if not counteracted by the\\ncalamities of war\\nI order you to have this, my present letter, registered\\nby the Superior Council at New Orleans, in order that the\\npeople of the colony, of all ranks and conditions, be in-\\nformed of its contents, and that they may avail themselves\\nof it, should need be; such being my sole object in writing\\nthis letter. I pray God, M. d Abbadie, to have you in his\\nholy keeping.\\nGiven at Versailles, April 21, 1764.\\n[Signed] Louis.\\n[Countersigned] The Due de Choiseul.\\nIt was not until October of that year that Governor\\nd Abbadie reluctantly published the foregoing letter. His\\nhealth was already declining, and the mental distress at-\\ntending the performance of this official duty hastened his\\ndeath, which occurred in New Orleans on the 4th of the\\nfollowing February, 1765. He was a patriotic and popular\\nmagistrate, just to all, and firm in his enforcement of the\\nlaws. At a meeting of the leading citizens of New Orleans,\\nheld shortly after his decease, a feeling tribute was paid to\\nhis memory.\\nM. d Abbadie was succeeded in office by Captain Charles\\nAubry, the senior military officer of the province, on whom\\nwas now devolved the humiliating duty of handing over\\nthe government of Louisiana to the Spaniards. By his\\nvalor in the war with England, Aubry had won high praise\\nand the Cross of St. Louis, and was also respected for his\\nsocial virtues but though a good grenadier, he had few\\nqualities to fit him for properly governing a colony situated\\nas Louisiana then was.*\\nMemoir of Louisiana, by the Chevalier de Champigny. He was a\\ncontemporary and acquaintance of Aubry s, and has drawn his por-\\ntrait in no flattering terms. Here it is: M. Aubry was a little, dry,\\nlean, ugly man, without nobility, dignity, or carriage. His face would\\nseem to announce a hypocrite, but in him this vice sprang from exces-\\nsive goodness, which granted all rather than displease; always trembling\\nfor the consequences of the most indifferent actions, a natural effect of", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "368 Arrival of Acadians in Louisiana.\\nBetween the first of January and the 15th of May, 1765,\\nabout six hundred and fifty Acadian exiles arrived in New\\nOrleans from the English colonies, to swell the population\\nof that part of Louisiana still nominally remaining to the\\nFrench. At this juncture of afiairs, their coming was re-\\ngarded as a misfortune, since it imposed a fresh burden\\nupon the unhappy colonists. Nevertheless, the claims of\\nkindred humanity could not be ignored, and the poor ex-\\niles were sent by the acting governor to form settlements in\\nthe districts of Attakapas and Opelousas. In the following\\nFebruary (1766), two hundred and sixteen more Acadians\\narrived to join their brethren in Louisiana. They were\\nauthorized to make settlements on both sides of the Missis-\\nsippi, from below Baton Rouge up to Point Coupee. Hence\\noriginated the epithet of Acadian Coast, which is still\\napplied to the banks of the river between those two points.\\nAs these refugees were destitute of supplies, the same ra-\\ntions were issued to them by the provincial commissary,\\nduring the first year of their residence, as were allowed to\\nthe troops in the province. They were an industrious and\\nfrugal people, strongly attached to the French interest and\\nthe Catholic religion, and they prospered almost from the\\nstart in Louisiana.\\nWhen the treaty-cession of Louisiana to Spain was at\\nlast made public, it created surprise and indignation at New\\nOrleans and elsewhere in the province, and a general feeling\\nof despair would have ensued, if the people had not been\\nbuoyed up with the hope that the transfer would never\\nactually take }\u00c2\u00bblace. Early in the year 1765, a meeting of\\nthe principal citizens and planters from the difierent parishes\\nwas convened in the city of New Orleans for the purpose\\nof considering the subject of their distracted condition.\\na miud without resource or light, always allowing itself to be guided,\\nand thus often swerving from rectitude religious through weakness\\nrather than from principle incapable of wishing evil, but doing it\\nthrough a charitable human weakness; destitute of magnanimity or re-\\nflection a good soldier, but a bad leader ambitious of honors and dig-\\nnity, but possessing neither firmness nor capacity to bear the weight.\\nVide Hist. Coil s of La. (Fifth of the series), p. 153.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "Last Appearance of Bienville His Death. 369\\nand of sending to the throne of France a united appeal for\\nroyal interposition in their behalf. At this meeting La Fre-\\nniere, attorney-general of Louisiana, made an eloquent\\nspeech on the situation of the colony, and presented a res-\\nolution earnestly supplicating the king not to sever the\\ncolony from the parent country. The resolution was\\npromptly adopted, and Jean Milhet, of New Orleans, was\\nselected to carry the petition to the foot of the throne.\\nUpon his arrival in Paris, Milhet went to the residence\\nof the aged Bienville, who, by his request, accompanied\\nhim to Versailles. Waiting upon the Duke de Choiseul,\\nthe prime minister of Louis XV., they were courteously re-\\nceived and their statements attentively listened to but the\\nresolution of the minister was unshaken, and he replied to\\nthem, in substance, as follows\\nGentlemen, I must put an end to this painful scene.\\nI am deeply grieved at not being able to give you any\\nhope. I have no hesitation in telling you that I can not\\naddress the king on this subject, because I myself advised\\nthe cession of Louisiana. Is it not to your knowledge that\\nthe colony can not continue its present precarious existence,\\nexcept at an enormous expense, of which France is now\\nutterly incapable Is it not better, then, that Louisiana\\nshould be given away to a friend and faithful ally, than\\nbe wrenched from us by an hereditary foe Farewell. You\\nhave my best wishes I can do no more.\\nThis interview is depicted by Mr. Gayarre as an affect-\\ning one, and the pathetic appeal of Bienville on behalf of\\nLouisiana as not unlike that of a father pleading for the\\nlife of his child yet, under the then circumstances, it was of\\nno avail. The excitement attending his effort, and grief at\\nthe loss of his beloved colony, seem to have loosened the\\nfeeble chords that bound him to life, and he died not very\\nlong afterward in his eighty-seventh year.* lie had sur-\\nBienville deceased March 7. Miu, and was buried with military\\nhonors in the cemetery of Montniartre. His engraved portrait, from an\\noil painting belonging to the Le Moyne family mansion at Longueil,\\nCanada, presents him with a martial figure and a noble head, in keeping\\nwith his record.\\n24", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "370 Occurrences in Lower Louisiana.\\nvived all of his eminent brotliers. He had seen Canada,\\nthe land of his uativity, pass from the possession of the\\ncrown of France to that of Great Britain, and must now\\nwitness the transfer of Louisiana, with its future proud\\nmetropolis, which he had founded and fostered, to the do-\\nminion of Spain. All that the patriarch had most loved\\nand cherished on earth was gone before. Hence, it was\\nnot desirable for him to longer live, and he departed to\\njoin the shade of his favorite brother, Iberville, in the spirit\\nworld.*\\nThe primary motive of France, in voluntarily ceding\\nWestern Louisiana to Spain, appears to have been to in-\\ndemnify the latter for her expenses in the war then just\\nclosed. Another incentive was to prevent Louisiana from\\nfalling into the hands of Great Britain. Moreover, the\\nprovince had become a burden to the French government,\\nof which it was anxious to be disincumbered. It has been\\ncomputed that France, in her prolonged attempt to colonize\\nLouisiana, expended directly, or indirectly, nearly twenty\\nmillions of dollars, without receiving any proportionate re-\\nturn and if she had continued to hold the country, it\\nwould have been necessary for her to have incurred a large\\nadditional outlay. Hence, says Gayerre, the anxiety\\nof the French government to part with a territory, which,\\nat a later period, in abler hands, was destined to astonish\\nthe world by its rapid and gigantic prosperity.\\nThe Duke de Choiseul having refused to address the\\nking on the question of revoking the transfer of Louisiana\\nto Spain, and having denied Milliet access to his majesty,\\nthe conunissioner returned to New Orleans, and reported\\nthe failui c of his mission. Still lK)})ing that the treaty of\\ncession would never be carried into execution, Jean Milhet\\nwas again sent to France, but returned with a like result.\\nHis next voyage, as we shall hereafter see. was as a state\\nprisoner to Moro Castle, in Cuba.\\nThe French colonists, however, did not altogether\\nlose hope, in which they were sustained by the delay of\\nGayarru s Hist of La., Vol. 11, pp. 128-9.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "Opposition to Ulloa s Government. 371\\nthe Spanish government in taking possession of the coun-\\ntry. It was not until the middle of the year 1765, that the\\nCourt of Madrid appointed Captain Don Antonio de UUoa\\na man of high reputation, and descended from a family dis-\\ntinguished in the maritime annals of his country to as-\\nsume the government of Louisiana. Some months in ad-\\nvance of his arrival in the province, Ulloa wrote from\\nHavana to the Superior Council at New Orleans the fol-\\nlowing brief letter, announcing his mission\\nGentlemen Having recently been instructed by his\\nCatholic Majesty to repair to your town and take posses-\\nsion of it in his name, and in conformity with the orders\\nof his Most Christian Majesty, I avail myself of this occa-\\nsion to make you acquainted with my mission, and to give\\nyou information that I shall soon have the honor to be\\namong you, in order to proceed to the execution of my\\ncommission. I flatter myself beforehand, that it will afltbrd\\nme favorable opportunities to render you all the services\\nthat you and the inhabitants of your town may desire; of\\nwhich I beg you to give them the assurance from me, and\\nlet them know that in acting thus, I only discharge my\\nduty and gratify my inclinations,\\nI have the honor to be, etc.,\\nAntonio db Ulloa.\\nHavana, July 10, 1765.\\nThe Spanish governor arrived at the Balize,* with\\nsome Capuchin friars and eighty soldiers, on the 28th of\\nFebruary, 1766, and, proceeding up the Mississippi, landed\\nin New Orleans on the 5th of March. He was received by\\nthe French inhabitants with every superficial mark of\\ncourtesy and good will; but such was their aversion to\\nSpanish rule, and such the lack of tact and administrative\\ntalent of Ulloa himself, that he could not openly exercise\\nhis authority.! The French troops continued to serve\\n*A small port or settlement at the outlet of the Mississippi, oa\\nthe west side, iu French times. It took its name from the Spanish word\\nbaliza, a beacon.\\ntThe mistake of the Spanish government, at this time, was in not\\nsending an adequate military force to sustain Ulloa s authority.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "372 Occurrences in Lower Louisiana.\\nunder their national flag the council acted in the name of\\nthe King of France and all orders emanated from Aul^ry,\\nthe de facto French governor, who practically governed the\\ncolony for the King of Spain. The Spanish flag was un-\\nfurled at the Balize, on the banks of the river Iberville, at\\nthe post opposite Natchez, and at the Missouri; but at all\\nthe other posts in the province, the French colors were\\nkept up as before.\\nGovernor Ulloa was apparently so desirous of concili-\\nating those over whose afiairs he had come to preside, that\\non his arrival he promised to keep at a fixed rate the de-\\npreciated paper currency of the province, which then\\namounted to about seven millions of livres. He also as-\\ncertained the resources and wants of the country, and\\nagreed to discharge the most pressing demands against it.\\nOn the 6th of September, 1766, the governor published an\\nordinance of the Spanish government regulating and limit-\\ning the commerce of Louisiana, but permitting a direct\\ntrade with the French West Indies. This, together with\\nsubsequent commercial restrictions, produced great discon-\\ntent and excitement at New Orleans, and Ulloa, fearing\\nan attempt on his life, retired for safety to the Balize.\\nHere (January 20, 1767) he eftected an arrangement with\\nAubry, by wliich the latter resigned to him the colony of\\nLouisiana, but agreed to govern it for the time being. This\\nact was signed by the two governors in duplicate, and was\\nto be exchanged by the two courts of Paris and Madrid.*\\nIn the meantime a conspiracy was set on foot by\\nLafreniere, Foucault, Marquis, Noyon, Villere, Milhet,\\nPetit, Caresse, Poupet, Boisblauc, and others, to drive Ul-\\nloa and his Spaniards from the province. To this end, at a\\ndelegate convention of planters, merchants and tradesmen,\\nheld in New Orleans on the 28th of October, 1 768, a peti-\\ntion was signed by five hundred and thirty-six persons, pray-\\ning the Superior Council for a restoration of their former\\nrights and privileges, and for the expulsion of the Span-\\niards from the country. This petition was presented to the\\nChampigny s Memoir of Louisiana.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "Revolution against the. Spanish Authority. 373\\nCouncil on the next day (the 29th), and, despite the formal\\nprotest of Aubry, the French commandant, a decree was\\npassed that UUoa and the Spanish troops should leave the\\ncolony within three days. Governor Ulloa did not stand\\non the order of his going, but embarked on the evening of\\nthe 31st of October, with his few troops, and sailed for\\nSpain, where he arrived on the 4th of December following.\\nThe news of this ill-starred revolution soon reached\\nSpain, and the king (Charles III.) called a meeting of his\\nministers to determine upon the fate of Louisiana. At this\\ncabinet council it was decided that ])ossession of that prov-\\nince should be taken by force, if necessary. Apprehending\\nconsiderable resistance from the French inhabitants, the\\nking issued orders for the fitting out of a formidable expe-\\ndition, and gave the command of it to General O Reilly,\\nwhom he also appointed governor and captain-general of\\nthe province.*\\nDou Alexaudro O Reilly was born in Ireland about the year 1735,\\nand when quite a young man went to Spain, and entered the .Spanish\\nmilitary service. Joining a body of his native countrymen called the\\nIlibernia Regiment, he served a campaign in Italy, where he received\\na wound which lamed him for the rest of his life. In 1755 he obtained\\npermission from the king to enter the Austrian army, and made two\\ncampaigns against the Prussians. In 1759 he volunteered in the army\\nof France, in which he distinguishes! himself by his soldierly qualities,\\nand was recommended by the Duke de Broglie to the King of Spain,\\nwho commissioned him to the rank of lieutenant-colonel; and, as such,\\nhe served with distinction in the war with Portugal. He was afterward\\npromoted to the rank of brigadier-general, and on the conclusion of the\\npeace of 1762 was raised to the rank of major-general, in which capacity\\nhe was sent to Havana to rebuild the fortifications of that city, which\\nhad been demolished by the British. O Reilly stood high in the confi-\\ndence of the king, notwithstanding the prejudice existing against him\\namong the Spaniards on account of his foreign birth. He was a man of\\nflexible disposition and conciliatory manners, yet stem and unyielding\\nof purpose. We are not informed of the precise nature of his instruc-\\ntions on being sent to Louisiana but the substance of them is embodied\\nin a royal order addressed to Don Pedro Gracia, under date of January\\n28, 1771, in which the king says: But those inhabitants having re-\\nbelled, I commissioned Don Alexandro O Reilly, lieutenant-\\ngeneral of the army, and inspector-general of all my infantry, to pro-\\nceed thither, take formal possession, chastise the ringleaders (informing\\n!ue of all), establish the said gov rMnient, uTiUing the province to the", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "374 Occurrences in Lower Louisiana.\\nGovernor O Reilly arrived at the mouth of the Miesis-\\neippi on the 24th of July, 1769, with a fleet of twenty-four\\nships and transports, bearing an army of twenty-six hundred\\nchoice troops, a force so large as to render all attempts at\\nresistance hopeless. On the same day he dispatched his aid\\nto Aubry, the acting French governor, to announce his ar-\\nrival, and to notify him that he was duly authorized to\\nreceive possession of the Province of Louisiana.\\nThe coming of the Spanish armament excited a great\\ncommotion in New Orleans and on the 27th the citizens\\nsent delegates to O Reilly to implore his clemency. They\\nreturned to the city the next day with assurances from the\\ngovernor that he was disposed to be lenient. On the 17th\\nof August he reached Kew Orleans, and on the next day\\ntook military possession of the government.\\nGovernor O Reilly entered upon the duties of his re-\\nsponsible oiRce with every outward manifestation of respect\\nfor all classes of the citizens but, while promising pardon\\nto those who quietly submitted, he had resolved in his own\\nmind to punish the principal actors in the late revolution.\\nThis determination, however, was concealed until he had\\nprocured from Aubry, the retiring French governor, a full\\nreport of that event. On the 2l8t and 22d of August, after\\nreceiving Aubry s communication, he caused to be quietly\\narrested and imprisoned twelve chiefs of the revolution\\nthat had expelled his predecessor, Ulloa. They were,\\nNicholas Chauvin de la Freniere, ex-procureur-general of\\nthe province, and senior member of the Superior Council\\nJean Baptiste Noyon, his son-in-law, a young man of great\\nworth and promise; Pierre Caresse, captain of militia;\\nPierre Marquis, a knight of St. Louis Jean and Joseph\\nMilhet, father and son Joseph Villiere,* captain in the\\nrest of my dominions; all of which he did, adapting its laws, and after\\nproposing to me that which he judged proper for the commerce of the\\ncountry, and for the extinction of the council by which it is governed,\\nand establishing a r.ahildo in the place of said council, and taking other\\nmeasures, all of which were approved by me, etc. Hist. Coil s of La.,\\nFifth Series (N. Y., 185;i), p. 247.\\nViller^ resisted arrest, and died in prison three days after, from", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "Conviction and Sentence of the Revolutionists. 375\\nTiiilitia; Joseph Petit, merchuut Baltbauser le Masan,\\ncaptain in the French service; Jerome Doucet, lawyer;\\nHardi de Boisblanc, assessor to the Council and Pierre\\nPoupet, merchant.*\\nThese sudden arrests produced extreme uneasiness and\\ntrepidation among the French inhabitants. To quiet their\\nfears, the Spanish governor, on the 23d of August, issued\\na proclamation of amnesty,! and a call inviting the people\\nto appear before him on the 26th, and take the oath of al-\\nlegiance to his Catholic majesty.\\nSomething over a month after their arrest, the pris-\\noners were arraigned before a semi -military tribunal, con-\\nstituted for the purpose, on the charge of treason and re-\\nbellion, the deceased Villere being represented by an attor-\\nney in fact. They were tried and convicted under Spanish\\nlaw, and their property was confiscated to the state, after\\nthe effect of wounds received in his struggle with the Spanish gendarmes\\nfor liberty.\\nM. Foucault, president of the Superior Council, and commissary of\\nthe province, was also placed under guard; but at his request, and in\\ndeference to his official position, he was seat to France for trial. He is\\ndescribed as a wily man, who acted with singular duplicity toward the\\nrevolutionists in Louisiana.\\nt [^(J lieilh/ x Prudanuitioii of Amnesty.]\\nIn the name of the King, we, Alexander O Reilly, commander of\\nBenfayan, in the order of Alcantara, major and inspector-general of the\\narmies of his Catholic majesty, captain-general and governor of the\\nProvince of Louisiana, in virtue of the orders of his Catholic majesty,\\nand of the powers with which we are invested, declare to all the inhab-\\nitants of the Province of Louisiana, that whatever just cause past\\nevents may have given his majesty to make them feel his indignation,\\nyet his majesty s intention is to listen only to the inspirations of\\nhis royal clemency, because he is persuaded that the inhabitants\\nof Louisiana would not have committed the offense of which they are\\nguilty, if they had not been seduced by the intrigues of some ambitious\\nfanatic, and evil-minded men, who had the temerity to make a crim-\\ninal use of the ignorance and excessive credulity of their fellow-i^itizens.\\nThese men alone will answer for their crimes, and will be judged in ac-\\ncordance with the laws. So generous an act on the part of his majesty\\nmight be a pledge to him that his new subjects will endeavor every day\\nof their lives to deserve by their fidelity, zeal, and obedience, the par-\\ndon and protection which he grants them from this moment.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "376 Ocoirrevce.^ in Lower Louisiana.\\nthe payment of their debts. The sentence of the court was\\npronounced by the governor himself, October 24, 1769. Five\\nof the number, viz., Lafreniere, ]^03 on, Caresse, Marquis,\\nand (Joseph) Milhet, were condemned to death on the gal-\\nlows but as no white hangman could be found in the col-\\nony, they were shot (October 24th) in the yard of the l)ar-\\nracks. The memory of Villere was declared infamous. It\\nhas been observed, and perhaps truly, that these men died\\nvictims to their love of hberty rather than of devotion to\\nFrance.\\nThe six remaining culprits were sentenced to varying\\nterms of imprisonment. Petit was sentenced to imprison-\\nment for life Masan and Doucet to ten years Boisblanc,\\nMilhet (Jean), and Poupet to six years each, with the un-\\nderstanding that none of them should ever be permitted to\\nlive in any of the dominions of his Catholic majesty. They\\nwere shortly after transported to Havana, and incarcerated\\nin Moro Castle but they were subsequently pardoned by\\nthe King of Spain, on the intercession of the French am-\\nbassador at that court. After their release, it is said that\\nthey went to reside at Cape Francois, in St. Domingo.*\\nThe extreme punishment thus meted out to a few\\nleaders, while a free pardon was extended to the mass of\\nthe people, though conformable to Spanish ideas of justice\\nand clemency, aroused a deep feeling of indignation among\\nthe French inhabitants of Louisiana, and evoked much un-\\nfavorable criticism in Old France.\\nO Reilly now proceeded to abolish the laws of France\\nin the province, and to substitute those of Spain. On the\\n2l8t of November, he issued his proclamation for the al)oli-\\ntion of the Superior Council, which had been deeply impli-\\ncated in the insurrection against Spanish authority. In\\nplace of the Superior Council, he established the Cabildo,\\nwhich was both a high court and a legislative council, and\\nat which the governor presided. In its judicial capacity,\\nit only exercised appellate jurisdiction in ai)peals from the\\nFor a circuuistautial account of this nMiiarkai)le state trial, see\\nGayarre s Hist, of La., Vol. II, pp. ;m):J-34;", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "Foreign Population of the Province. 377\\nAlcalde courts, which were established in New Orleans and\\nthe various villages.\\nHe appointed lieutenant-governors for the several dis-\\ntricts of the province and a commandant, with the rank\\nof captain, was appointed for each parish or settlement,\\nwith authority to exercise a mixed civil and military juris-\\ndiction.\\nHe also caused to be published, in French, an abridgment\\nof Spanish law, which he promulgated for the government\\nof the province until the Spanish language should be bet-\\nter understood by the colonists. This publication, known\\nas the Ordinances and Instructions of Don Alexander\\nO Reilly, was afterward approved by the Council of the\\nIndies. The Spanish language was henceforth tliat in\\nwhich the judicial proceedings were conducted and records\\nkept throughout the province. The black code, or code\\nnoir, which had been previously in force in the colony, was\\nmodified and re-enacted for the government of the slaves.\\nForeigners were prohibited from passing through the coun-\\ntry without passports from the governor, and the inhabit-\\nants were prevented from trading with the English coloides.\\nThe colonists were at first permitted to emigrate, and many\\navailed themselves of this privilege but, finding that the\\nprovince was losing some of its valuable citizens, O lveilly\\nrefused to issue any more passports.\\nIn accordance with an enumeration made during Gov.\\nO Reilly s administration, the whole foreign population of\\nLouisiana amounted to thirteen thousand, two hundred\\nand thirty-eight souls, about one-half of whom were Afri-\\ncan slaves. They were distributed in the settlements as\\nfollows\\nNew Orleans* [district of], 3,190\\nFrom the Bahze to town [N. O.] 570\\nAccording to the lowest estimate, at this time, the number of\\nbouses in New Orleans proper was 468. iMost of these were single story\\nstructures of brick or wood, having gardens attached, and cellars above\\nground. They were situated within the quadrilateral still known as\\nOld French Town.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "378\\nOccurrences in Lower Louisiana.\\nBayou St. John and Gentilly,\\n307\\nTchoupitoulas [above New Orleans],\\n4,192\\nSt. Charles,\\n339\\nSt. John the Baptiste,\\n544\\nLa Fourche,\\n267\\nIberville,\\n376\\nPoint Coupee,\\n783\\nAttakapas,\\n409\\nAvoyvelles,\\n314\\nJSTatchitoches,\\n811\\nRapides,\\n47\\nOuachita,\\n110\\nArkansas ppost of].\\n88\\nSt. Louis [adjacent to the Illinois],\\n891\\n13,238\\nThis aggregate seems small, considering the fact that\\nthe French had been in Louisiana seventy years yet it\\nmust be remembered that the province was now shorn of\\nall its territory lying north of New Orleans and east of the\\nMississippi River, including the Mobile, Natchez, and the\\nIllinois. At this transition epoch, a majority of the French\\ninhabitants chose to regard themselves as miserable exiles,\\nand were only consoled by the hope of acquiring sufficient\\nmeans to enable them to return to Old France to die.\\nAbout the only contented white people in the province\\nwere the Acadians, and a colony of Germans, whom Law s\\ncompany had sent here in 1722.\\nThe Spanish government ratified and confirmed .all of\\nO Reilly s official acts in Louisiana, but it took care not to\\ncontinue him in command there after his work was done.\\nHe was accordingly recalled within a year from the date of\\nHist, of La. (Gayarre), Vol. II, p. 355.\\nTh(! exports of the province during the last year of its subjection\\nto France were as follows: Indifjo, $100,000; deerskins, $80,000; lum-\\nber, $50,000 naval stores, $12,000 rice, peas, and beans, $4,000 tallow,\\n$4,000. Total exports, $250,000.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "Fate of Auhry, the Last Acting French Governor. 379\\nhis appointment. During that brief period, however, he\\nleft an impress of his own and the Spanish character upon\\nthe laws and institutions of Louisiana, such as neither time,\\nnor subsequent political changes, has wholly obliterated.\\nWe must now return to M. Charles Aubry, whose fate\\nwas sad and tragical. Having at length transferred the gov-\\nernment of Louisiana to Captain-General O Reilly, Aubry\\nprepared to return to France. Early in January, 1770, he\\nembarked in the ship or brigantine called Pere de Fa.milley\\nbound for Bordeaux. On the 18th of February, when this\\nvessel had entered the mouth of the river Garonne, she met\\na violent storm, and foundered near the Tower of Corduan.\\nAll on board perished, save the captain, a sergeant, and two\\nsailors, who succeeded in reaching the land.\\nThe king, in order to show how much he appreciated\\nthe services of Aubry, granted a pension to the brother and\\nsister of that officer. Aubry, before his departure from\\nLouisiana, had been offered a high grade in the Spanish\\narmy, as a token of satisfaction at the liberal course which\\nhe had pursued toward that nation in the colony, but he\\nrefused it on the ground that .he intended to devote the\\nremnant of his days to the service of his native country.\\nSome there were, who thought that if those whom they\\nloved so dearly had been unjustly treated, it was mostly in\\nconsequence of the imprudent denunciations of that officer,\\nand of his servility to O Reilly and the Spaniards. By\\nthem his melancholy end was looked upon as an act of the\\nretributive justice of Heaven.\\nOne of the most noteworthy events associated with the\\nclose of the French rule in Louisiana was the banishment\\nof the Jesuits, which was effected by a decree of the Su-\\nperior Council in 1763, followed by an edict of the King of\\n*Hist. of La. (Gayarre), Vol. II., p. 344.\\nNote. The official correspondence of Aubry was deposited in the\\narchives at Paris, but his private journal, with valuable papers belong-\\ning to the province, were lost with him in the shipwreck. This was to\\nbe regretted, since they contained much matter tending to illustrate the\\nhistory of Louisiana during that troubled period.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "380 Occurrences in Lower Louisiana.\\nFrance in 1764.* All the valuable property of that religious\\norder in the province, including plate and vestments, was\\nsequestered, confiscated, and sold, for the aggregate amount\\nof 1180,000 a large sum, says Mr. Gayarre, at that day\\nwhich, after deducting the expenses, was covered into the\\npublic treasury. The Capuchins, who had been established\\nin Lower Louisiana since 1722, and had long contended at\\ndisadvantage with the Jesuits, were now freed from the\\npresence of their formidable rivals, and had this field of\\nlabor to themselves.\\nIn this connection, some historical notice of the famous\\nSocietas Jesu (Society of Jesus) may not be uninteresting or\\nuninstructive to the general reader. It was founded in\\nParis by Ignatius Loyola, an ex-Spanish soldier and re-\\nligious enthusiast, in the year 1534. The society was pri-\\nmarily established to promote the following objects, viz\\nThe education of youth, preaching of the Gospel, defend-\\ning the Roman Catholic faith against heretics and unbeliev-\\ners, and propagating Christianity among the pagans and\\nother infidels. Its constitution and laws were perfected,\\nit is said, by Laynez and Acquaviva, two generals of the\\norder who early succeeded Loyola, and who much sur-\\npassed him in learning and the science of government.\\nThey framed and introduced that system of profound and\\nartful policy a singular union of laxity and rigor which\\nhas ever distinguished the Jesuit order. After receiving\\nthe formal sanction of Pope Paul III., in 1540, the society\\nspread rapidly throughout Europe, and flourished with\\never-increasing vigor and activity for above two centuries.\\nIt overshadowed all other orders in the Church of Rome,\\nand at length became so rich, haughty, and powerful as to\\nexcite the jealousy and alarm of the crowned heads of\\nEurope.\\nBut whatcvei may have 1)een the errors, the follies, or\\nthe crimes of the. Jesuits (individually or collectively), while\\nplaying their part in the devious politics and diplomacy of\\nthe Old World, it is generally conceded that their labors in\\nSee note in the next succeeding chapter.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "Notice of the Jesuits. 381\\nthe ISTew were prompted by a spirit of genuine pliilantliropy.\\nRobertson, tlie eminent historian, in alluding to their opera-\\ntions in America, and particularly among the aborigines of\\nParaguay, remarks\\nIt is in the New World that the Jesuits have ex-\\nhibited the most wonderful display of their abilities, and\\nhave contributed most effectually to the benefits of the\\nhuman species. The (European) conquerors of that quarter\\nof the globe acted at lirst as if they had nothing in view\\nbut to plunder, to enslave, and to exterminate its inhabit-\\nants. Tlie Jesuits alone made humanity the object of their\\nsettling there. They set themselves to instruct and to civil-\\nize the savages. But even in this meritorious ef-\\nfort for the good of mankind, the genius and spirit of the\\norder have mingled and are discernible.\\nWith reference to the zeal of the Jesuits as champions\\nof the Church of Rome, and to their qualifications as teach-\\ners and missionaries, Breese finely writes\\nThey became most useful auxiliaries to the pastoral\\nclergy in those times of the Church s greatest need. They\\nlabored with untiring zeal and industry in defending the\\nfaith, then so violently assailed by Luther and his associates,\\nand in pro}tagating it in the countries of the heathen.\\nAs spiritual teachers they had no equals for they\\npossessed all the learning of the age, and being in high\\nfavor with the pope, they easily became the conscience\\nkeepers of kings and nobles. Their arrogance and pre-\\nsumption, therefore, became excessive, and the dark and\\ncomplicated intrigues of European politics found in them\\nable, wily, persevering actors. In every royal court they\\npossessed some power. Schools and colleges were founded\\nand controlled by them, and schemes of future aggrandize-\\nment planned.\\nIn the plentitude of their power, no men on earth\\npossessed higher qualifications for heathen conversion than\\nthey for to their learning was added zeal, fortitude and\\nenthusiasm, acute observation and great address, and a re-\\nRobertsou s Charles V., Book VI.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "382 Occurrences in Lower Louisiana.\\nmarkable faculty for ingratiating themselves with the\\nsimple natives of every clime and winning their confidence.\\nThey were meek and humble when necessary, and their re-\\nligious fervor inspired them with a contempt of danger,\\nand nerved them to meet and to overcome the most ap-\\npalling obstacles. Alike to them were the chilling wintry\\nblasts, the summer s heat, the pestilence or the scalping\\nknife, the angry billows of the ocean and the raging storm\\nthey dreaded none.\\nBut having fallen under the ban of the government of\\nPortugal, the Jesuits were forcibly expelled from that\\nkingdom in the year 1759. In like manner they were ban-\\nished from the realm of France in 1764, and from Spain,\\nNaples and Parma, in 1767. In December, 1768, the Bour-\\nbon courts of France, Spain, Naples and Parma united in a\\nformal demand upon the Po})e for the entire abolishment\\nof the order and on July 21, 1773, Pope Clement XIV.\\nissued the famous brief, Lominus ac Hedemptor noster, by\\nwhich the Company or Society of Jesus was declared sup-\\npressed in all the countries of Christendom. The activity\\nof individual members of the order, however, was not\\nthereby abated, nor was its vitality permanently impaired.\\nThey continued their teachings in private, and strove\\nagainst the liberal tendency of the times.\\nAttempts to revive the order under other names were\\nmade in 1794, when the ex- Jesuits DeBroglie and De\\nTournly founded the Society of the Sacred Heart, and\\nin 1798, when Paccarani established the Society of the\\nFaith of Jesus. This last, despite the defection of its\\nfounder, maintained its organization, and its members\\nformed the nucleus of the restored society in France. The\\nprospects of general restoration at length dawned with the\\nthe Pontificate of Pius VII. in 1800. Having been solic-\\nited thereto by Ferdinand IV., he authorized the introduc-\\ntion of the order into the kingdom of the Two Sicilies in\\n1804, and on the 7th of August, 1814, he issued the bull\\nof restoration, Soliciludo Omnium Lcclesiarum.f\\nEarly History of 111., pp. 70.\\nt American Encyclopedia (1874), Vol. IX., p. 632.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "The Jesuit Relations. 383\\nSince their revival the Jesuits, w^hile everj-where meet-\\ning with prejudice and opposition, and experiencing all the\\nvicissitudes of good and ill fortune, have managed to re-\\ngain their former footing in most of the countries of\\nChristendom; and, to-day, though much less dreaded than\\nformerly, they are more numerous, if not more powerful\\nand influential, than ever before.\\nOn account of the long, dark cloaks or robes worn by\\nthe Jesuit missionaries, they were universally known\\namong the North American Indians as the Black Gowns,\\nand their officiating priests as the White Capes. The\\nRecollet or Franciscan Fathers, in allusion to the gray\\ncolor of their outward apparel, were called the Gray\\nGowns.\\nThe Jesuits (writes Mr. Buttertield, in his work already cited),\\nintent upon pushing their fields of labor far into the heart of the conti-\\nnent, let slip no opportunity, after their arrival upon the i^aint Law-\\nrence, to inform themselves concerning ulterior regions, and the infor-\\nmation thus obtained was noted down by them. They minutely\\ndescribed, during a period of forty years, beginning with the year 1632,\\nthe various tribes that they came in contact with and their hopes and\\nfears as to Christianizing them were freely expressed. Accounts of\\ntheir journeys were elaborated upon, and their missionary work put\\nupon record. Prominent persons, as well as important events, shared\\ntheir attention. Details concerning the geography of the country were\\nalso written out. The intelligence thus collected was sent every sum-\\nmer by the superiors to the Provincials at Paris, where it was yearly\\npublished in the French language. Taken together, these publications\\nconstitute what are known as the Jesuit Relations.\\nThey were collected, edited and republished in French, under the\\nauspices of the Canadian government, by M. Augustin Cote, at Quebec,\\n1858, in three large volumes. Vol. I contains twelve relations of the\\ndates 1611, 1626 and 1632-1641 Vol. II, fourteen relations, dated 1642-\\n1655; Vol. Ill, seventeen relations, dated 1656-1672. The relations of\\neach year are paged separately, and form forty-three distinct memoirs.\\nBesides the above, there are some separate publications of a later date\\nthan 1672.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "384 Illinois Under British Domination.\\nCHAPTER XX.\\n1764-1778.\\nILLINOIS UNDER THE BRITISH DOMINATION.\\nWe now return once more to the Illinois. In the\\nmonth of June, 1764, on the resignation and withdrawal of\\nM. Neyon de Villiers from Fort Chartres, the command\\nof this stronghold was devolved upon Louis St. Ange de\\nBellerive, who had arrived from Post Vincennes to receive\\nit. He was a veteran Canadian officer, possessed of rare\\ntact and ripe experience, and in his early manhood had\\nformed one of Charlevoix escort in his travels through\\nthe West. As ad interim commandant of the fortress, St.\\nAnge s position was both insecure and difficult to fill. It\\nrequired no ordinary skill and address to save the isolated\\nFrench settlements from being embroiled in renewed war-\\nfare with the English forces on the one hand, and from\\nmassacre by the hordes of restless savages that surrounded\\nthem on the other. He had been advised by his own gov-\\nernment of the treaty of cession to England, and ordered\\nto surrender his post on the arrival of her representatives\\nto claim it. In the meantime he was repeatedly importuned\\nby deputations from the martial tribes to the north and\\neastward, under the domination of Pontiac, for material\\naid in keeping up their futile struggle against the English,\\nand, moreover, was constantly annoyed by the demands of\\nthe Illinois Indians for arms and ammunition. But the\\ncommandant managed to put off the importnnities of the\\nnatives from time to time, with fair speeches and occasional\\npresents, while he anxiously waited the coming of an ade-\\nquate British force to relieve him from his critical situation.\\nBefore yielding up his office and authority, however, he in-\\nstituted some prudent and salutary regulations respecting", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "St. Ange takes Command at St. Louis, Mo. 385\\nthe titles of the French settlers to their lands, and other-\\nwise aided him to the extent of his power.\\nEvacuating Fort Chartres in October, 1765, St. Ange,\\nunder orders from the provincial executive at ]^ew Orleans,\\nconducted his little garrison, of about thirty officers and\\nmen, up and across the Mississippi River to the embryo\\nvillage of St. Louis. This post, so named in honor to Louis\\nXV. of France, was founded in February, 1764, by Pierre\\nLaclede* Liguest, and young Auguste Chouteau, of the\\nfirm of Maxent, Laclede Company, merchants of New\\nOrleans, who had obtained the year before a special license\\nfrom Governor Kerlerec to trade with the Indians on the\\nMissouri River.\\nAlthough France had relinquished to Spain her terri-\\ntory on the west of the Mississippi, no Spanish authority\\nwas as yet established there, and in January, 1766, at the\\nrequest of the principal inhabitants of St. Louis, Captain\\nSt. Ange assumed the functions of military commandant.\\nHis acts were approved by Aubry, the French commandant-\\ngeneral, and he continued to exercise the duties of his office\\nuntil May 20, 1770, when he was relieved by Lieutenant-\\ngovernor Don Pedro Piernas, the first Spanish commandant\\nof the district. After that St. Ange was admitted into the\\nSpanish regiment of Louisiana, with the same rank of cap-\\nPierre Laclede was born in the South of France about the year\\n1724. In 1755 he sailed to Louisiana, and engaged extensively in mer-\\nchandising. On August 3, 1763, he left New Orleans with his boat,\\nheavily laden with goods, and started up the Mississippi. After a short\\nstoppage at Ste. Genevieve, he proceeded to Fort Chartres, whither he\\narrived on tlie 3d of November. During the next month he traveled\\nby laud as far as the mouth of the Missouri, selected and marked out\\nthe site for his trading post, and then returned to F ort Chartres to spend\\nthe rest of the winter. On the opening of navigation in February, 1764,\\nLaclede sent Auguste Chouteau (then a youth under age) in charge of\\nhis boat, with a company of thirty men and boys, and with instructions\\nwhere to land and make a clearing. Chouteau landed at the place desig-\\nnated on the 14th of February, and the next day put his men to work.\\nSee History of St. Louis City and County, by J. Thomas Scharf (Phil-\\nadelphia, 1883), Vol. I., pp. 66, 67, note, and fragment of Chouteau s\\nJournal.\\n25", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "386 Illinois Under British Domination.\\ntain as he had before held under the French, but on half\\npay.* It has been affirmed that he returned to Fort Char-\\ntres, after the asserted death of Captain Stirling, and that,\\non the solicitation of the English, he again exercised com-\\nmand there for a short time; but this story is wanting in\\nproof and probability.\\nIt was in April, 1769, while still commanding at St.\\nLouis, that St. Ange received an unexpected visit from\\nPontiac, who had been living for three years in sullen re-\\ntirement on the river Maumee, but was now come on some\\nunexplained yet suspicious mission to the Illinois. The\\nIndian chieftain appeared at the head-quarters of the\\nFrench commandant arrayed in the uniform which had\\nbeen given to him by General Montcalm in 1759, and\\nwhich, it is said, he never wore except on occasions of cere-\\nmony. After being hospitably entertained at St. Louis for\\nseveral days, Pontiac, contrary to the advice of St. Ange\\nand others of the French inhabitants, who warned him of\\nthe danger he was incurring, re-crossed the Mississippi,\\nwith .a few of his personal adherents, to attend a social\\ngathering, or pow-wow, of the Indians at Cahokia. Upon\\narriving thither, he found them engaged in a drinking-\\nbout, and, with his fondness for liquor, soon became drunk\\nhimself. The noisy meeting broke up late at night, when\\nhe started with some friends down the long village street,\\nand on the way was heard singing medicine songs, in the\\nmystic virtues of which he seems to have reposed implicit\\nconfidence.\\nThe visit of this redoubtable chief to the Illinois was\\nregarded with great distrust by the few English residents\\nof the country, who justly dreaded his power for evil over\\nthe minds of his fellow red men. At this time, it appears,\\nthere was in Cahokia an English trader named Williamson,\\nwho determined to avail himself of the opportunity pre-\\nSt. Ange de Bellerive died at the house of Madame Chouteau, in St.\\nLouis, on the evening of December 26, 1774 (having executed his last\\n-will on the same day), and was buried there in the parish cemetery.\\nHe had attained the ripe old age of about seventy-four years. See Bil-\\nlon s Annals of St. Louis, p. 128.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "Pojitiac s Last Visit and Death in the Illinois. 387\\nsented to effect his destruction. For this sinister purpose,\\nhe bribed a vagrant Indian of the Kaskaskia tribe, for a\\nbarrel of liquor and the promise of further reward, to take\\nPontiac s Hfe. The hired assassin accordingly followed the\\ninebriated chief into the forest, and, gliding silently up be-\\nhind him, stabbed him to the heart. Thus ingloriously\\nended the notable career of the veteran Poutiac, whose ex-\\ntraordinary ability as a leader and organizer of the red men,\\nhis strategy and audacity in war, rendered him the terror\\nof the English, and the typical hero of his race. When\\ninformed of this tragical occurrence, which created wild\\nexcitement in Cahokia, Captain St. Ange, mindful of his\\nformer friendship for the fallen chief, caused his body to be\\nshrouded and brought to St. Louis, where it was interred\\nwith the honors of war, near the intersection of Walnut\\nand Fourth streets. No mound nor tablet marks his for-\\ngotten grave, but his deeds are written, and his name is\\nenduringly preserved in that of a thriving town in Illinois.\\nPoutiac left several children, among whom were two sons\\nof note in their tribe.*\\nThe unfortunate killing of Poutiac unfortunate if he\\nwas not seeking to stir up another race war with the En-\\nglish aroused intense animosity against the Illinois Indians\\non the part of his numerous friends and followers among\\nthe more northern tribes. It was the occasion of a re-\\nnewal of hostilities between the Sacs and Foxes and the Il-\\nlinois, in which the latter sustained heavy losses and were\\nfinally driven south of the Illinois river. During this ex-\\nterminating war, and about the year 1770, tradition says\\nthat a defeated band of Illinois warriors took refuge on the\\nRock of St. Louis, where, after a protracted siege, they\\nwere starved into submission and captured, thus giving rise\\nto the legend of the Starved Rock.\\nJust before and during the first years of the English\\nAn Ottawa tradition states that Pontiac took a Kaskaskia wife,\\nwith whom he had a quarrel, and that she persuaded her two brothers\\nto kill him. But see Parkman s History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac\\n(4th ed., 1868, pp. 571, 572, iwtes), where the various accounts of the\\ngreat Indian s death are mentioned and discussed.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "388 Illinois Under British Domination.\\ndomination, there was a large exodus of the French inhab-\\nitants from Illinois. Such, in fact, was their dislike of\\nBritish rule that fully one-third of the population, embrac-\\ning the wealthier and more influential families, removed,\\nwith their slaves and other personal effects, beyond the\\nMississippi, or down that river to I^atchez and New Or-\\nleans. Some of them settled at Ste. Genevieve, while\\nothers, after the example set by St. Ange, took up their\\nabode in the village of St. Louis, which had now become\\na depot for the fur company of Louisiana. From the im-\\npetus thus received, as well as from its pleasant and ad-\\nvantageous situation for general trade, St. Louis soon\\noutstripped the older French settlements on the eastern\\nside of the Mississippi. Under successive mild adminis-\\ntrations (French and Sf)anish),the village quietly grew and\\nfliourished, meeting with but few drawbacks, saving the at-\\ntack by northern Indians, in May, 1780, the destructive in-\\nundation in 1785,* and the epidemic of 1801. It was not\\nuntil after the Indian incursion that St. Louis was stock-\\naded, and a regular fortification constructed at the upper\\nend of the village. In 1770 there were one hundred\\nwooden and fifteen stone buildings in the place. But no\\nchurch edifice existed there prior to the year 1776, except\\na small log chapel which stood upon what was known as\\nthe Church Block. In 1794 the garrison and government\\nhouse, situate on the second rise or bank of the village, was\\ncompleted and occupied. In March, 1804, when the govern-\\nment of the country west of the Mississippi was transferred\\nto the United States, the number of houses in St. Louis had\\nincreased to one hundred and thirty of wood, and fifty-one\\nof stone, making a total of one hundred and eighty-one, of\\nwhich one hundred and sixty were dwelling houses. These\\nwere one and two story structures, built upon the first bank\\nof the river, with little or no pretensions to architectural\\nembellishment. The population of the place was then rated\\n*The unusual inundation of 1785 was caused by the annual floods\\nin the Mississippi and Missouri rivers occurring together. This was\\nknown as L ann^e des grands daux, or the year of the great waters.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "Early Upbuilding of St. Louis. 389\\nat nine hundred and twenty-five souls.* French influence\\nwas long dominant in St. Louis, and tended to retard her\\nearly development but, in modern years, her growth and\\nexpansion into a great commercial and industrial city have\\nbeen something phenomenal.\\nAt the close of the year 1765, the whole number of in-\\nhabitants of foreign birth or lineage, in Illinois, excluding\\nthe negro slaves, and including those living at Post Vincent\\non the Wabash, did not much exceed two thousand persons J\\nand, during the entire period of British possession, the in-\\nflux of alien population hardly more than kept pace with\\nthe outflow. Scarcely any Englishmen, other than the\\nofiicers and troops composing the small garrisons, a few en-\\nterprising traders and some favored land speculators, were\\nthen to be seen in the Illinois, and no Americans came\\nhither, for the purpose of settlement, until after the con-\\nquest of the country by Colonel Clark. All the settlements\\nstill remained essentially French, with whom there was no\\ntaste for innovation or change. But the blunt and sturdy\\nAnglo-American had at last gained a firm foot-hold on the\\nbanks of the great Father of Rivers, and a new type of\\ncivilization, instinct with energy, enterprise and progress,\\nwas about to be introduced into the broad and fertile Valley\\nof the Mississippi. t\\nIn Captain Pittman s valuable w^ork, from which we\\nhave repeatedly quoted, is found a comprehensive account\\nof the Illinois country and its inhabitants, with sketches in\\ndetail of the several French posts and villages situated\\ntherein, as personally viewed by him in 1766-7. Pittman\\nwas an oflicer of the British Royal Engineers, and was first\\nsent out with a regiment to Pensacola, Florida, in 1763.\\nFrom Pensacola he went to Mobile, and thence to New\\nOrleans after which he passed up the Mississippi, stopping\\nat Natchez, and appears to have reached the lUinois early\\nin the year 1766. Returning to Florida, he thence sailed\\nfor England in 1768. His book, we are told, was originally\\nBillon s Annals of Early St. Louis.\\nt Davidson s and Stuve s History, 1st ed., p. 163.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "390. Illinois Under British Domination.\\nwritten at the request and for the use of the Secretary of\\nState for the Colonies. It contains, in a compact form,\\nmuch useful and reliable information (nowhere else to be\\nfound) concerning the Mississippi Valley and its people at\\nthat transition period.*\\nPittman describes the country of the Illinois as then\\nbounded b}^ the Mississippi on the west, by the river Illi-\\nnois on the north, by the rivers Ouabache and Miamis on\\nthe east, and by the Ohio on the south. Treating of the\\nvillages seriatim^ and beginning with Kaskaskia, he writes:\\nThe village of Notre Dame de Cascasquias is by far the\\nmost considerable settlement in the country of the Illinois,\\nas well from its number of inhabitants as from its advan-\\ntageous situation. It stands on the side of a small river,\\nwhich is about eighty yards wide, and empties itself with\\na gentle current into the Mississippi, near two leagues below\\nthe village. This river is a secure port for the large bateaux\\nwhich lie so close to its banks as to load and unload with-\\nout the least trouble, and at all seasons of the year there is\\nwater enough for them to come up Another\\ngreat advantage that Cascasquias receives from its river is\\nthe facility with which mills for corn and plank may be\\nerected on it. Mons. Paget was the first who introduced\\nwater-mills in this country, and he constructed a very fine\\none on the river Cascasquias, which was both for grinding\\ncorn and sawing boards it lies about one mile from the\\nvillage. The mill proved fatal to him, being killed as he\\nwas working in it with two negroes, by a party of Chero-\\nkees, in 1764.\\nThe principal buildings here are the Church, f and\\nJesuit s House, which (latter) has a small chapel adjoining\\nit; these, as well as some other houses in the village, are\\nbuilt of stone, and, considering this part of the world,\\nVide The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mis-\\nsissippi with a Geograpliical Description of that River, illustrated by\\nPlans and Draughts. By Captain Philip Pittman. London, 1770.\\nQuarto, pp. 107.\\nt The bell belonging to this quaint old church was cast at La Ro-\\nchelle, France, in 174L", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "Pittm.an s Account of the French Settlements. 391\\nraake a very good appearance. The Jesuit s plantation\\nconsisted of two hundred and fort}^ arpents (an arpent be-\\ning 85-100 of an acre) of cultivated land, a very good stock\\nof cattle, and a brewery which was sold by the French\\ncommandant, after the country was ceded to the English,\\nfor the Crown, in consequence of the suppression of the\\norder.* Mons. (Jean Baptiste) Beauvais was the pur-\\nchaser, who is the richest of the English subjects in this\\ncountry. He keeps eighty shives he furnished eighty-six\\nthousand weight of flour to the king s magazine, which\\nwas only part of the harvest he reaped in one year. Sixty-\\nfive families reside in this village, besides merchants, other\\ncasual people, and slaves.\\nThe fort, which was burnt down in October, 1766,\\nstood on the summit of a high rock opposite the village,\\nand on the opposite side of the river. It was an oblong\\nquadrangle, of which the extreme polygon measured two\\nhundred and ninety by two hundred and fifty-one feet. It\\nwas built of very thick square timbers, and dovetailed at\\nthe angles. An oflEicer and twenty soldiers are quartered\\nin the village. The oiRcer governs the inhabitants under\\nthe direction of the commandant at Fort Chartres. Here\\nare also two companies of (French) militia.\\nLa Prairie des Roches f is about seventeen (fifteen)\\nmiles from Cascasquias. It is a small village, consisting of\\ntwelve dwelling houses, all of which are inhabited by as\\nmany families. Here is a little chapel, formerly a chapel of\\nease to the church at Fort Chartres. The inhabitants are\\nvery industrious, and raise a great deal of corn and every\\nkind of stock. The village is two miles from Fort Char-\\nThe only Jesuit priest allowed to remain in the Illinois was Sebas-\\ntian Louis Meurin, and he was required to sign a paper obligating him-\\nself not to acknowledge any other superior than that of the Capuchins\\nat New Orleans. (Shea s Catholic Church in Old Colonial Days.\\nFather Meurin died at Prairie du Rocher in 1778. He was a learned\\nman and faithful missionary, who left in manuscript a large dictionary\\nof the Indian and French languages.\\nt Prairie du Rocher is the only one of these old French villages that\\nhas continued to flourish until the present day. In 1890, according to\\nthe Ignited States census, it contained a population of 408 souls.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "392 Illinois Under British Domination.\\ntree. It takes its name from its situation, being built under\\na rock that runs parallel with the river Mississippi, at a\\nleague distance, for forty miles up. Here is a company of\\nmilitia, the captain of which regulates the police of the\\nvillage.\\nAfter giving a particular description of Fort Chartres,t\\nPittman s account continues In the year 1764, there were\\nabout forty families in the village near the fort, and a par-\\nish church served by a Franciscan friar, dedicated to St.\\nAnne. In the following year, when the English took pos-\\nsession of the country, they abandoned their houses and\\nsettled at the village on the west side of the Mississippi,\\nchoosing to continue under the French government.\\nSaint Phillippe is a small village about five miles\\nfrom Fort Chartres, on the road to Kaoquias. There are\\nabout sixteen houses and a small church standing all the\\ninhabitants, except the captain of the militia, deserted it\\nin 1765, and went to the French side (Missouri). The cap-\\ntain of the militia has about twenty slaves, a good stock of\\ncattle, and a water-mill for corn and planks. This village\\nstands on a very fine meadow, about one mile from the\\nMississippi.\\nThe village of Saint Famille de Kaoquias (Cahokia)\\nis generally reckoned fifteen leagues from Fort Chartres,\\nand six leagues below the mouth of the Missouri. It stands\\nnear the side of the Mississippi, and is marked from the\\nriver by an island (Duncan s) two leagues long. The vil-\\nlage is opposite the center of this island it is long and\\nstraggling, being three-fourths of a mile from one end to the\\nother. It contains forty-five dwelling houses, and a church\\nnear the center. The situation is not well chosen, as in\\nthe floods it is generally overflowed two or three feet deep.\\nThis was the first settlement on the Mississippi. The land\\nwas purchased of the savages by a few Canadians, some of\\nwhom married women of the Kaoquias nation, and others\\nbrought wives from Canada, and then resided there, leaving\\ntheir children to succeed them. The inhabitants of this\\nkSee avte, ChapU^r XVI., ;]14.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "Pittman s Account of the French Settlements. 393\\nplace depend more on hnnting and their Indian trade than\\non agriculture, as they scarcely raise corn enough for their\\nown consumption they have great plenty of poultry, and\\ngood stocks of horned cattle.\\nThe mission of St. Sulpice had a very fine plantation\\nhere, and an excellent house built on it. They sold this\\nestate, and a very good mill for corn and planks, to a\\nFrenchman (M. Gerardine), who chose to remain under the\\nEnglish government. They also disposed of thirty negroes\\nand a good stock of cattle to different people in the coun-\\ntry, and returned to France in 1764. What is called the\\nfort, is a small house standing in the center of the village.\\nIt differs nothing from the other houses, except in being one\\nof the poorest. It was formerly inclosed with high pali-\\nsades, but these were torn down and burnt. Indeed, a fort\\nat this place could be of little use.\\nConcerning the soil, products, commerce, and aborigi-\\nnes of the country, Pittman says\\nThe soil of this country, in general, is very rich and\\nluxuriant it produces all kinds of European grains, hops,\\nhemp, flax, cotton, and tobacco, and European fruits come\\nto great perfection. The inhabitants make wine of the\\nwild grapes, which is very inebriating, and is, in color and\\ntaste, very like the red wine of Provence.\\nIn the late wars, New Orleans and the lower pai-ts of\\nLouisiana were supplied with flour, beef, wines, hams, and\\nother provisions from this country. At present, its com-\\nmerce is mostly confined to the peltry and furs, which are\\ngot in traflic from the Indians for which are received in\\nreturn such European commodities as are necessary to carry\\non that commerce and the support of the inhabitants.\\nThe old fort has long since disappeared no vestige of it can now\\nbe seen. The church still stands, and is probably the oldest house of\\nworship west of the Alleghany Mountains. The village, instead of\\nbeing near the side of the Mississippi, is nearly a mile to the east of\\nit. This change was mainly wrought by the general flood of 1844.\\nHistory of St. Clair Co., 111., 1881, p. 327. The old court-house was\\nbuilt (by the Americans) in 1795, or thereabouts, at which time Cahokia\\nbecame the county seat. In 1814 the county seat was removed to Belle-\\nville. Ibid., p. 329.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "394 Illinois Under British Domination.\\nThe principal Indian nations in this countiy are the\\nCascasquias, Kahoquias, Mitchigamias, and Peoyas these\\nfour tribes are generally called the Illinois Indians. Except\\nin hunting seasons, they reside near the English settlements\\nin this country. They are a poor, debauched and dastardly\\npeople. They count about three hundred and fifty warriors.\\nThe Panquichas (Piankashaws), Mascoutins, Miamies, Kick-\\napous, and Pyatonons, though not very numerous, are brave\\nand warlike people.\\nWith regard to the hamlet of Prairie du Pont, of\\nwhich Pittman makes no mention, Reynolds gives us this\\ninformation\\nThe village of Prairie du Pont was settled by emi-\\ngrants from the other French villages, in the year 1760,\\nand was a prosperous settlement. It is stated that this vil-\\nlage, in the year 1765, contained fourteen families. They\\nhad their common field and commons, which were con-\\nfirmed to them by the government of the United States.\\nThis village is situated about one mile south of Cahokia,\\nand extended south from the creek of the same name for\\nsome distance. It is a kind of suburb to Cahokia.\\nIn order to further illustrate the history of the French\\nsettlements in Illinois, it is now requisite to give a succinct\\nnarration of the English rule over them. Captain Thomas\\nStirling began the military government of the country on\\nOctober 10, 1765, with fair and liberal concessions, calcu-\\nlated to secure the good-will and loyalty of the French-\\nCanadians, and to stay their further exodus but his ad-\\nministration was not of long duration.f On the 4th of the\\nensuing December, he was succeeded by Major Robert\\nFarmer, who had arrived from Mobile with a detachment\\nof the 34th British infantry. In the following year, after\\nReynold s Pioneer History, second edition, p. 67.\\ntit appears that Captain .Stirling did not die while in command at\\nFort Chartres, as related by the earlier historians of Illinois. On the\\ncontrary, he afterward fought his way up to a brigadier-generalship in\\nthe War of the Revolution, and finally died in J]ngland, in 1808, a bar;\\nonet and a general of high rank. Moses History of Illinois (Chicago,\\n1889), Vol. I., p. 137; New York Colonial Docs., VII., 786, not\u00c2\u00a3.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "Successive English Commandants in Illinois. 395\\nexercising an arbitrary authority over these isohited and\\nfeeble settlements, Major Farmer was displaced by Colonel\\nEdward Cole, who had commanded a regiment under\\nWolfe, at Quebec. Colonel Cole remained in command at\\nFort Chartres about eighteen months; but the position\\nwas not congenial to him. The climate was unfavorable to\\nhis health, and the privations of life at a frontier post in-\\ncreased his discontent. He was accordingly relieved at his\\nown request, early in the year 1768.* His successor was\\nColonel John Reed, who proved a bad exchange for the\\npoor colonists. He soon became so notorious for his mili-\\ntary oppressions of the people that he was removed, and\\ngave place to Lieutenant-Colonel John Wilkins, of the\\n18th, or royal regiment of Ireland, who had formerly com-\\nmanded at Fort Niagara.\\nColonel Wilkins arrived from Philadelphia and as-\\nsumed the command September 5, 1768. He brought out\\nwith him seven companies of his regiment for garrison\\nduty but many of these soldiers succumbed to the mala-\\nrious diseases of the country. Having been authorized by\\nGeneral Gage to institute a court of justice in Illinois for\\nthe civil administration of the laws, Wilkins issued his\\nproclamation to that eifect on the 2l8t of November. He\\nnext appointed seven magistrates or judges, who were to\\nform a court, and to-hold monthly sessions for the trial and\\nadjudication of all controversies arising among the people\\nin relation to debts or property. The first term of this\\nhonorable court was convened at Fort Chartres, December\\n6, 1768. It was the first court of common law jurisdiction\\nestablished in the Mississippi Valley and, although called\\nby courtesy a common law court, it was, in fact, a very\\nnondescript tribunal.\\nIt was a court of first and last resort no appeal lay\\nfrom it. It was the highest as well as the lowest, the only\\ncourt in the country. It proved any thing but popular, and\\nit is just possible that the worthy judges themselves, taken\\nfrom among the people, may not have been the most en-\\n*Mo6eB History of 111., Vol. I., p. 138.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "396 Illinois Under British Domination.\\nlightened exponents of the law. The people were under\\nthe laws of England, but the trial by jury that great bul-\\nwark of the subject s right, coeval with the common law\\nand reiterated in the British constitution the French mind\\nwas unable to appreciate, particularly in civil trials. They\\nthought it very inconsistent that the English should refer\\nnice questions relating to the rights of property to a tribu-\\nnal composed of tailors, shoemakers, or other artisans and\\ntrades-people, for determination, rather than to judges\\nlearned in the law. While thus, under the English admin-\\nistration, civil jurisprudence was sought to be brought\\nnearer to the people, it failed, because, owing to the teach-\\nings, and perhaps genius of the French mind, it could not\\nbe made of the people.\\nFor nearly ninety years had these settlements been\\nruled by the dicta and decisions of theocratic and military\\ntribunals, absolute in both civil and criminal cases but as\\nmay well be imagined, in a post so remote, where there was\\nneither wealth, culture, nor fashion, all incentives to oppress\\nthe colony remained dormant, and the extraordinary powers\\nof the priests and commandants were (generally) exercised\\nin a patriarchal spirit, which gained the love and implicit\\nconfidence of the people. Believing that their rulers were\\never right, they gave themselves no trouble or pains to re-\\nview their acts. Indeed, many years later, when Illinois\\nhad passed under the jurisdiction of the United States, the\\nperplexed inhabitants, unable to comprehend the to them\\ncomplicated machinery of republicanism, begged to be de-\\nlivered from the intolerable burden of self-government,\\nand again subjected to the will of a military command-\\nant.\\nSubsequent to the treaty of Paris, on October 7, 1763,\\nGoorge III., King of Great Britain, issued his proclama-\\ntion for the government of the country wrested from France\\nin America, and dividing it into four provinces. In this\\nproclamation he prohibited his subjects from making any\\npurchases or settlements whatever, or taking possession of\\nDavidson Stuve s Hist. 111., Ist ed., p. 1()5.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "Land Policy of the English Government. 397\\nany of the wild lands beyond the sources of any of the\\nrivers which fall into the Atlantic Ocean from the west or\\nnorth-west. The object of this inhibition was to reserve\\nthe vast and uncultivated region of the West as a hunting-\\nground for the use of the Indians, and, by the navigation\\nof the great lakes, to place their enormous fur and peltry\\ntrade within English control. The policy of the home\\ngovernment then was to confine the English colonies to the\\nAtlantic slope, within easy reach of the English shipping,\\nwhich would be more conducive to trade and commerce;\\nwhereas the granting of large bodies of land in the remote\\ninterior would tend to separate the colonists, and render\\nthem more independent and difficult to govern.\\nBut it was soon apparent that this narrow and re-\\nstrictive policy of the government could not be strictly en-\\nforced. Indeed, one of the most noticeable features of\\nColonel Wilkins administration was the liberality with\\nwhich he parceled out large tracts of the domain over\\nwhich he ruled to his favorites in Illinois, Philadelphia,\\nand elsewhere, without other consideration than requiring\\nthem to re-convey to him a certain interest in the same.\\nBy the aforesaid proclamation of the king, the taking or\\npurchasing of lands from the Indians in any of the Ameri-\\ncan colonies was strictly forbidden, without special permis-\\nsion being first had and obtained. Under this prohibition,\\nColonel Wilkins, and some of his predecessors in office,\\ntreated the lands of the French absentees in Illinois as for-\\nfeited, and granted them away but these transactions\\nnever received the sanction of the King, and by no royal\\nor judicial act did their property become escheated to the\\nBritish crown.*\\nLieutenant Colonel Wilkins government of the Illinois\\ncountry eventually became unpopular, and specific charges\\nwere preferred against him, including a misappropriation\\nof the public funds. He asked for an official investigation,\\nclaiming that he was able to justify his public conduct.\\nDavidson Stuve e Hist. 111., 1st ed., p. 166.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "398 Illinois Under British Domination.\\nBut lie was deposed from office in September, 1771, and\\nsailed for Europe iu July of the following year.*\\nCaptain Hugh Lord, of the 18th regiment, became\\nWilkins successor at Fort Chartres, and continued in com-\\nmand until the year 1775. It was during his incumbency,\\nin the spring of 1772, that the great freshet occurred in the\\nMississippi, which undermined and partly destroyed the\\nfortress, so that it was abandoned. The seat of the local\\ngovernment was then removed to Kaskaskia, and the gar-\\nrison took up their quarters at the old fort on the rocky\\nhill or bluff, over against the town. This fort, as herein\\nbefore stated, had been destroyed by fire in 1766, but it was\\nnow repaired or reconstructed, and was named Fort Gage,\\nin token of respect to the British commander-in-chief in\\nAmerica. At this time the British garrison here was quite\\nsmall, comprising, it is said, only twenty men and one com-\\nmissioned officer, though there were two companies of mili-\\ntia in Kaskaskia village.\\nOn the 2d of June, 1774, Parliament passed an act\\nenlarging and extending the province of Quebec to the\\nMississippi River, so as to include the territory of the\\nNorthwest restoring to the people of Canada their ancient\\nlaws in civil cases guaranteeing the free exercise of their\\nreligion, and rehabilitating the Roman Catholic clergy\\nwith the privileges stipulated in the articles of capitulation\\nat Montreal in 1760. This act was popularly known as the\\nQuebec Bill. It was intended not only to conciliate the\\nFrench inhabitants of Canada, and to firmly attach them\\nto the English crown, but to counteract the growing oppo-\\nsition to the home government in the American colonies\\non the Atlantic seaboard. The measure was a master\\nstroke of policy on the part of the British ministry, since\\nit allayed disaffection, and tended to prevent the revolt of\\nthe Canadian provinces in the War of the Revolution.\\nWho was the immediate successor of Captain Lord\\nin command of the Illinois, is not positively determined.\\nIt appears from a letter written by Governor Haldimand\\nMoses Hist, of 111., Vol. I., p. 141.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "Kennedy s River Voyage. 399\\n(July 8, 1781), that Captain Matthew Johnson received a\\nsalary of twelve hundred pounds sterling for services as\\nlieutenant-commandant of the Illinois from May, 1775, to\\nMay, 1781; but we are not informed as to where that\\noificer was stationed, or what duties he performed other\\nthan to draw his pa3\\\\*\\nIt is clear, however, from the Governor Haldimand\\nPapers (preserved in the Canadian Archives at Ottawa),\\nthat Philippe Francois de Rastel de Rocheblave was in\\ncommand of the British at the fort near Kaskaskia as early\\nas October, 1776, and that his conduct as such commandant\\nwas approved by his superior, Sir Guy Carleton.* Roche-\\nblave was a native of Dauphiny, and had been an officer in\\nthe French service, but with the transfer of the country to\\nGreat Britain he changed his allegiance, and for this was\\npromoted. He resided for many years in Kaskaskia, and\\nwas married there in April, 1763, as is shown by the parish\\nrecords.\\nIn Imlay s Description of the Western Territory of\\nNorth America, published at London in 1797, is contained\\nthe journal of a river voyage made by one Patrick Ken-\\nnedy, with several coureurs des bois, in the summer of 1773,\\nfrom Kaskaskia village to the head-waters of the Illinois,\\nin search of copper mines. From this curious and interest-\\ning journal, we condense the subjoined statement descrip-\\ntive of his journey, and of the then still wild country of\\nthe Illinois.\\nKennedy and his party left Kaskaskia on the 23d of\\nJuly, 1773, in a large canoe or bateau, and on the 31st of\\nthat month reached the mouth of the Illinois River, eighty-\\nfour miles from Kaskaskia, and eighteen above the junction\\nof the Missouri. In ascending the Mississippi, they passed,\\non their right, the heavily timbered American Bottom as\\nfar as to the site of the present Alton, and thence skirted\\nthe chain of rugged rocks and high hills, which begins below\\nthe Piasa Bluffs and extends to and beyond the confluence\\nof the Illinois. On quitting the Mississippi and enter-\\nMose s History of 111., Vol. I., p. 142.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "400 Illinois Under British Domination.\\ning the Illinois, they found the latter river so low and its\\nborders so full of weeds and bushes that their progress was\\nmuch impeded, and they were obliged to row their boat in\\nthe deeper water of the channel. The batiks are depicted\\nby Kennedy as low on both sides; the course of the stream\\nas N., N. E.; and the bottom land as being well timbered\\nwith pecan, maple, ash, button-wood, etc.* There are\\nfine meadows, he tells us, at a little distance from the\\nriver, the banks of which do not crumble away as do those\\nof the Mississippi.\\nOn the first day of August, after passing the mouth\\nof the Macoupin, or White Potatoe Creek, the voyagers\\nstopped to refresh themselves at an old wintering ground\\nof the Peorias. In this lower part of the river, they en-\\ncountered several small islands, and saw many buffalo and\\ndeer feeding. On the following day they passed an island\\ncalled Pierre a Fleche, which had its name from a large hill\\non the west side of the stream, where the Indians procured\\nthe stone from which they chipped their arrow-heads and\\ngun flints. On the 4th our voyagers passed the mouth of\\nthe Sangamo, or Sangamon River,t putting in from the\\neast, and on the 7th they reached the southern extremity\\nof Peoria Lake coucerning which, and the remains of the\\nfort then standing there, Kennedy s Journal says:\\nThe morning being foggy, and the river overgrown\\nwith weeds along its sides, we could make but little (head)\\nway. About twelve o clock we got to the old Peoria fort\\nand village, on the western shore of the river, and at the\\nThe kinds of timber most abundaut (in Illinois) are oaks of\\nvarious species, black and white walnut, ash of several kinds, elm, sugar-\\nmaple, honey-locust, hackberry, linden, hickory, cotton-wood, pecan,\\nmulberry, buckeye, sycamore, wild-cherry, box-elder, sassafras, and per-\\nsimmon. In the southern and eastern parts of the state are yellow pop-\\nlar and beech near the Ohio are cypress, and in several counties are\\nclumps of yellow pine and cedar. The undergrowth is redbud, papaw,\\nsumach, plum, crab-apple, grape-vines, dogwood, spice-bush, green-\\nbrier, hazel, etc. The alluvial soil of the rivers produces cotton-wood\\nand sycamore timber of amazing size. Peck s Gazetteer of Illinois.\\nt To what extent, if any, the Sangamon was ever explored by the\\nFrench does not appear of record.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "Notice of Peorm Village. 401\\nfoot of a lake called the Illinois Lake, which is nineteen\\nmiles and a half in length and three miles in breadth. It\\nhas no rocks, shoals, or perceptible current. We found the\\nstockade of this Peoria fort destroyed by fire, but the houses\\nstanding.* The summit on which the fort stood commands\\na fine prospect of the country to the eastward, and up the\\nlake to the point where the river comes in at the north end\\nto the westward are large meadows. In the lake is great\\nplenty of fish, and in particular sturgeon and picamau.\\nPushing on up the lake and river, Kennedy and party\\narrived at the entrance of the Vermilion, two hundred and\\nsixty-seven miles from the mouth of the Illinois, on the\\n9th of August. The Vermilion River is described as thirty\\nyards wide, but with such a rocky and uneven bed as not\\nto be navigable. A mile above that the voyagers reached\\nthe rapids in the Illinois, and finding the water too shallow\\nfor their boat, they abandoned it and proceeded by land\\nabout forty-five miles farther. Having crossed a northern\\n111 the above citation, no reference is made to the time when this\\nold Peoria fort was built by the French, though it must have been\\nsnrisequent to Father Charlevoix visit (1721 for he makes no mention\\nof any fort there. As to the remains of Fort Crdve-coeur, on the op-\\nposite side of the river, they had disappeared long before. From the\\ntime of La Salle and Hennepin, the southern extremity of Peoria Lake\\nwas a familiar locality to the French voyageurs and traders, as well as\\nto the English who followed in their wake. There is, however, no\\nauthentic account of any continuous European settlement in this vicin-\\nity until 1778, when the village of La Ville de Maillet was begun on the\\nnorth-western shore of the lake. It took its name from its founder,\\nHypolite Maillet, who is portrayed as a man remarkable for his bravery,\\nbrutality, and enterprise. This small French settlement was subse-\\nquently changed to the old Indian village at the foot of the lake, on ac-\\ncount of its greater salubrity and other advantages. The transfer was\\nfully effected by the year 1797, and the new village received the name\\nof Peoria. (See Ballance s History of Peoi ia.) In the fall of 1812, it\\nwas destroyed by a detachment of Territorial militia under Captain\\nCraig, and its French inhabitants were forcibly transported to and be-\\nlow what is now Alton. In 1813 a wooden fort was erected on the site\\nof the village, which was called Fort Clark. This fort was burned in\\n1818; and it was not until the next year (1819) that the place was per-\\nmanently occupied by American pioneers.\\n26", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "402 Illinois Under British Domination.\\ntributary of the Illinois called the Fox River, they struck\\nand followed a trail up the Illinois to an island, where\\nsome French traders were found encamped. The latter,\\nhowever, could give Kennedy no information in regard to\\nthe copper mine he was seeking. He now hired one of the\\ntraders to take himself and party in a canoe back to the\\nplace where they had left their boat. From thence, on the\\nway down the Illinois, they met with a Frenchman named\\nJeanette, who assisted them in a further search for the\\nmine but Kennedy finally returned to Kaskaskia without\\nhaving discovered any copper. The meeting with French-\\nCanadians on this expedition showed that they still hunted\\nand trafficked with the Indians in this part of the country.*\\nIn 1778, when Colonel George Rogers Clark, and his\\nVirginia militia, numbering less than two hundred men,\\nachieved the bloodless conquest of Illinois, not a single\\nBritish soldier was found doing duty in the country, they\\nhaving all been withdrawn to other and more important\\npoints, M. de Rocheblave was still in command for the En-\\nglish at Fort Gage but, owing to his contumacious behavior,\\nhe was sent a prisoner of war to Virginia, where he was pa-\\nroled and afterward broke his parole. In Kaskaskia and\\nCahokia the French militia were well organized, and they\\nwere utilized Ijy Clark f in maintaining his conquest.\\nFrance had exercised sovereignty over the country of\\nthe Illinois for ninety-two years, commencing with the dis-\\ncovery by Joliet and Marquette, in 1673, and ending with\\nthe surrender of Fort Chartres, in 1765. The actual En-\\nglish possession lasted but thirteen years, or fifteen from\\nthe treaty of Paris in 1763 till 1778. In October of the\\nlatter year, the Virginia Legislature erected the conquered\\nterritory into the County of Illinois, and Colonel John\\nTodd, I of Kentucky, was appointed lieutenant-commandant\\nSee Description of Westcru North America, by Captain Gilbert\\nImlay: 3d ed., London, 1797, pp. 507-512.\\nt George Rogers Clark, the greatest character in the early American\\nhistory of Illinois, was born in Albemarle county, Virginia, November\\n19, 1752, and died, unmarried, near Louisville, Ky., in February, 1818.\\nt Todd was subsequently killed at the battle of Blue Licks, Ky., in\\n1782.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "Note on Kaskaskia. 403\\nthereof. Illinois thus became an integrant part of Vir-\\nginia, and so remained until March, 1784, when it, with the\\nrest of the territory north-west of the river Ohio, was ceded\\nby the Old Dominion to the Government of the United\\nStates.\\nIn July, 1778, when Colonel Clark took military possession of Kas-\\nkaskia, it is stated, on apparently good authority, that it comprised two\\nhundred and fifty houses, with a proportionate population. This estimate,\\nif not too high, shows a somewhat rapid and progressive growth from\\nthe time of Pittman s visit thither in 1766. Kaskaskia, however, con-\\ntinued to prosper, and maintained her rank and prestige as the leading\\ntown in the Illinois country down to the year 1820, since which date she\\nhas gradually dwindled to a mere skeleton of her former self. In April,\\n1881, the Mississippi and Kaskaskia Rivers became united above the\\nvillage by a deep channel, which the former had cut across the penin-\\nsula that forms the southern extremity of the American Bottom, thus\\nleaving what remained of the historic old place on an island.\\nThe very river, says a native of Kaskaskia, upon whose placid\\nwaters they (the French settlers) paddled their light canoes, has become\\nthe bed of the wild currents of the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers, and\\nthat beautiful and rolling peninsula, whereon the old town was located,\\nhas become a desert island. The history of the world affords no paral-\\nlel to the rapid and absolute desolation of old Kaskaskia. Towns and\\ncities have gone down to ruin, but yet have left some traces of their\\nformer greatness not so with old Kaskaskia. The verj^ earth upon\\nwhich she stood has become a desert and desolation. Night and ignor-\\nance have wrapped themselves around her, and she rests alone in the\\nmemories of the past. It is scarcely beyond the life of those now living,\\nwhen she was the most important place in our western territories\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the\\ncenter of trade in Illinois, the capital of our territory, the capital of our\\nstate, and, with a population of some three thousand people, embraced\\na large proportion of the wisdom, learning, wealth and eloquence of Il-\\nlinois.\\nThere is a witchery attending the hallowed memories of old Kas-\\nkaskia with it the dreams of romance become realized, and the prose\\nof life is transformed into poetry. Extract from an address, by Hon.\\nHenry S. Baker, before the Illinois State Bar Association, Jan. 10, 1888.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "404 General Descri ption of the French Colonists.\\nCHAPTER XXI.\\nGENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE FRENCH COLONISTS.\\nIn this concluding chapter it is proposed to depict,\\nwith as much fidelity as possible, considering the distance\\nof time and place, and the scantiness of authentic data, the\\nvillage abodes, household and farming implements, occupa-\\ntions, dress, manners, customs, amusements, the social and\\nreligious life, peculiar to the early French communities in\\nIllinois and Louisiana.\\nUnlike the English and American pioneers, who pre-\\nferred sparse settlements and a free range on account of\\ntheir desire to become land owners, the French settlers in-\\nvariably established themselves in irregular yet compact\\nvillages, with such narrow streets between the houses that\\nthey could easily carry on their light and animated conver-\\nsations across them. These villages were commonly located\\non the banks of some river, adjacent to a fort or other se-\\ncure place, and convenient to both tim})er and prairie the\\none furnishing them with firewood and building material,\\nand the other with ground for tillage.\\nTheir primitive habitations were doubtless little better\\nthan the Indian wigwams a mere protection from the\\nweather but in process of time they erected more sub-\\nstantial houses. In general, their dwellings were one story\\nhigh, built in a simple and inexpensive way, after the style\\nbrought from Canada, or France. The framework con-\\nsisted of roughly hewn posts, firmly set in the earth, a few\\ninches (sometimes a few feet) apart, and bound together by\\nhorizontal cross-timbers, the spaces between being filled\\nin with mortar, made of common clay and Spanish moss*\\nor cut straw. The walls were whitewashed, both within\\nThis moss was found {jrowiug in great abundance on tlie forest\\ntrees of the country.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "Their Houses and Furniture. 405\\nand without, which gave an air of neatness and comfort to\\nthe buildings. The floors were laid with puncheons, or ce-\\nmented with clay mortar. The eaves were low and pro-\\njecting, and the roofs steep and thatched with straw or\\nwild grass, though some were covered with clapboards\\nfastened with wooden pins and on the comb of the roof a\\nwooden cross was often placed. The doors were of plain\\nbatten work, and were mostly made out of walnut. The\\nwindow^s generally had some glass in them, and were hung\\non hinges but in the earlier built houses, they used scraped\\nskins or oiled paper as a substitute for glass. The chim-\\nneys, when attached to the dwellings, stood on the outside,\\nwith large tire-places opening within. Most of these dom-\\niciles, especially in Lower Louisiana, were surrounded with\\nplain verandas, which protected them from the sun and\\nrain, while the rooms within were cool and commodious,\\nhaving little furniture, but with white walls and well\\nscoured floors.\\nThe mansions of the better sort were in the same pe-\\nculiar style, though larger, stronger, and more pretentious\\nin their architecture those being often built of roughly\\ndressed limestone, and then whitewashed. Few articles of\\nluxury were to be found in any of their homes, though it\\nwas not uncommon to see in the best of them small services\\nof china or plate, or a single piece of silverware (i)erhap8\\nan heirloom), displayed on the top of the closet, or on a\\nside table. The walls of the rooms were frequently deco-\\nrated with cheap prints, illustrative of our Savior s passion,\\nor of scenes in the life of the V irgin Mary, or some favorite\\nsaint. These pictures not only contributed to furnish\\ntheir humble apartments, but served to inspire devotional\\nsentiments in the hearts of a people inclined to piety and\\nsuperstition.\\nOf the commons and common fields, pertaining\\nto the French villages, we have elsewhere treated in this\\nwork. To each villager was allotted a certain portion of\\nthe common field, the extent of which was usually propor-\\ntioned to the size of his family. The lands thus appor-\\ntioned were subject to the village regulations, and when", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "406 General Description of the French Colonists.\\nthe person in possession became idle or negligent so as to\\ninjure the common interest, he forfeited his claim. As ac-\\ncessions were made to families from time to time, by mar-\\nriage or otherwise, portions of land were taken from the\\ncommons and added to the common field for their benefit.\\nThe time of plowing, sowing, and harvesting was subject\\nto the enactments of the village council and commandant.\\nEven the form and construction of the inclosures to their\\ndwellings and other buildings were made a matter of\\nspecial regulation by the local commandant, and were ar-\\nranged with a view to defense in case of any sudden up-\\nrising of the Indians.\\nIn the gardens of the villagers, the common culinary\\nplants, with some medicinal herbs and small fruits, were\\ncultivated by the side of the modest violet, the fragrant\\nrose, and the stately sunflower. Here, too, the apple,\\npeach, and pear trees blossomed and matured their de-\\nlicious fruits and the prolific grape-vine, trained along the\\ninclosures or against the eaves of the cottages, yielded its\\nrich vintage in its season. In addition to the varied pro-\\nducts of their gardens, their tables were otherwise well sup-\\nplied from the spoils of the chase.\\nThere was always a considerable diversity of pursuits\\namong the French inhabitants of Louisiana proper, but in the\\ndependency of the Illinois, the colonists applied themselves\\nmainly to agriculture. The principal crops raised were\\nwheat, oats, rye, hops (for the breweries), and tobacco.\\nThe last named article was highly esteemed by the males for\\nsmoking, and by the elderly females also, when it was\\ncured and pulverized into snufi Indian corn was not much\\ngrown, except for hominy, and to fatten swine. For use\\nas bread, the French entertained for it a settled aversion.\\nTheir horses, of which they did not have a great number,\\nhad been introduced chiefly from the Spanish settlements\\nin Mexico, and were small, yet s trong and hardy, perform-\\ning well for their size. Horned cattle were easily and ex-\\ntensively raised. They were first brought into Illinois\\nfrom Canada, and, though not large, were neat and well\\nformed.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "Farming and other Lnplements. 407\\nThe farming implements of the colonists were of the\\ncrudest and most primitive pattern. They used wooden\\nplows* for breaking and tilling the ground, hand-flails for\\nthreshing their grain, and rude wooden carts, without a\\nparticle of iron, in place of wagons. These implements\\nwere mostly the handiwork of the farmer himself, aided by\\nhis slaves (if he had any), or by those of his more fortunate\\nneighbor. Oxen were employed in plowing or breaking\\nthe earth, and horses for riding and drawing the carts.\\nThe oxen were yoked b}^ the horns instead of the neck,\\nand were guided by strips or ropes of untanned hide. The\\nhorses were driven tandem^ that is, one before the other,\\nand were directed and controlled by the whip and voice,\\nwithout the convenience of reins. The harness used was\\nmade of raw hide, since they had no tanned leather for any\\npurpose.\\nAlthough cows were plentiful and milk abundant, the\\ncommon churn was a thing unknown to these simple colon-\\nists, their butter being made by shaking the cream in a\\nbottle, or breaking it in a bowl with a spoon. Nor were\\nthe spinning-wheel and loom (so common with the Ameri-\\ncan pioneers) to be seen in their houses. The traders sup-\\nplied all goods or stuft s for the use of both sexes, not from\\nstocks exposed on shelves in stores, as at present, but from\\nchests and trunks, or tied up in bales.\\nThe costume of the early French settlers was some-\\nwhat motley in its composition, but they had an inherited\\npredilection for the blue in color. For clothing, the men\\nwore shirts and waistcoats of cotton, with coarse blue cloth\\nor deer-skin trousers, and moccasins, after the Indian\\nfashion. Over these was worn, in winter, the indispensable\\ncapote, or long woolen coat, with a blue hood attachment,\\nwhich, in wet or cold weather, was drawn over the head,\\nand at other times fell back on the shoulders as a cape, like\\nThe old plow used by the French would be a curiosity at this\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2day. It had no coulter, but had a large wooden mold-board. The\\nhandles were short, and stood almost perpendicular. The beam was\\nnearly straight, and rested on an axle supported by two small wheels,\\nwhich made the plow unsteady. Reynolds Pioneer History.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "408 General Description of the French Colonists.\\nthat of the habitants of Lower Canada. Among the iioy-\\nageurs and traders, the head was more often covered with a\\nbhie cotton handkerchief, folded in the shape of a turban.\\nIn like manner, hut neatly trimmed with ribbons, was\\nformed the fancy head-dress worn by the young women at\\nballs and other festive occasions. The dress of the matron,\\nthough plain and with the antique short waist, was neat and\\nvaried in its minor details to suit the diversities of womanly\\ntaste. Both sexes wore moccasins of Indian manufacture,\\nwhich, tor public occasions, were variously decorated with\\nsmall shells, beads and ribbons, giving them quite a showy\\nappearance.\\nNotwithstanding their tawny complexions, and an ap-\\npearance of languor among the people, the eftects in part\\nof climate, there was nothing of that sickly, cadaverous\\nlook, and listless air and bearing so observable in the Cre-\\noles of the West Indies and Central America. The counte-\\nnances of the young maidens in particular were lively and\\nengaging, with their black eyes, raven tresses, graceful\\nforms, and quick, elastic steps, like that of the mountain\\nmaiden of whom Scott has sung\\nA foot more light, a step more true,\\nNe er h om the heath-flower dashed the dew.\\nThey were all essentially French in character, with\\nsomething of the Sj^anish gravity, but the tout ensemble\\nindicated cheerfulness and an agreeable composure.* A\\nquick-witted people, they had a penchant for nick-names,\\nboth as applied to persons and places. For example, they\\nfirst named Ste. Grenevieve, Mo., Misere, as expressive of\\nthe misery or poverty of the place. Carondelet received the\\nderisive name of Vide Poche, or Empty Pocket,t and St.\\nLouis was long known as Pain Court, or Short-bread.\\nBreese s Early Ill s, p. 193.\\nt Carondelet, Mo., was founded by Clement Delor de Tregette, as\\nearly as 1767, and was afterward named in compliment to the Baron\\nde Carondelet, who was Spanish governor of Louisiana from 1792 till 1797.\\nThis French village is situated about six miles south of the county court\\nhouse, in St. Louis, and now forms a part of the latter city.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "Boating on the Mississippi. 409\\nKaskaskia was familiarly called Au Kas, which became\\ncorrupted into Okaw.\\nAmong these colonists, the mechanical occupations\\nwere confined to a few carpenters, tailors, stone-masons,\\nboat-builders, and blacksmiths which last could repair a\\nfirelock or a rifle. The artisans journeyed from village to\\nvillage in quest of employment, and were ready to turn their\\nhands to any kind of work. Now and then might be found\\namong them a millwright, who could make or repair the run-\\nning-gear of a water-mill, or build a horse mill The only\\nwind-mill in the country of which we find any mention,\\nstood on the road between Kaskaskia and Prairie du Rocher.\\nCoopers were scarce, though they should have been in de-\\nmand, for large quantities of flour were manufactured and\\nshipped to the southern markets but no other bagging ap-\\npears to have been used in the packing and shipment of\\nflour than that afforded by dried elk and deer-skins.\\nAside from the business of hunting and small traifick-\\ning with the Indians, which attracted the more indolent,\\nthe most captivating and adventurous employment for the\\nyoung or middle-aged Frenchman was boating on the Mis-\\nsissippi River. Success in this arduous calling demanded\\nthe combined exercise of many qualities, such as bodily\\nactivity, courage, capability of undergoing great fatigue,\\na quick eye, a steady hand, and withal good judgment.\\nThe voyage from Fort Chartres or Kaskaskia to New Or-\\nleans was the principal and most important one. It usually\\nconsumed about three months time, and was more difficult\\nand hazardous than a trip across the Atlantic, even at that\\nday. The river, then as now, was tortuous and rapid, its\\ndeep channel being obstructed by snags and sawyers, and\\ncontinually shifting its course. ISTor were these the only\\ndifiiculties to be encountered in navigating the stream.\\nFrom Kaskaskia to the vicinity of Xew Orleans, there\\nwere no white settlements of any consequence, except at\\nthe Arkansas, Natchez, and, later on, Baton Rouge and\\nthe route was more or less beset by marauding bands of\\nChickasaws and other Indians, whom French power had\\nnot been able to subdue.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "410 General Description of the French Colonists.\\nThe voyage was made in large bateaux/^ each manned\\nby from sixteen to twenty hands, and going in convoys for\\nmutual safety. The boats were laden with the surplus pro-\\nductions of the Illinois country, which were exchanged for\\nsuch necessaries and luxuries as their own labor or soil did\\nnot produce, or else converted into the gold and silver coin-\\nage of France. Accounts were all kept in livres; and, be-\\nsides coin, good pelts, at a fixed rate per pound, were a\\nrecognized measure of values, and passed freely in com-\\nmercial transactions throughout the province.\\nThe upward or return voyage was very tedious and\\nlaborious, generally taking from three to four months. Every\\nmeans was resorted to by the boatmen by keeping in the\\neddies near the shore, by sometimes crossing the river, and by\\nthe frequent use of the tow rope to make headway against\\nthe dead weight of the current. Under such circumstances\\nan Indian ambuscade might be fatal to the crew of one\\nboat, but as several went together the danger was proportion-\\nately lessened. Attacks from the savages, however, were\\nless to be dreaded than the malignant fevers, which swept\\naway numbers of the men annually.\\nThe flotilla was usually commanded by an officer of\\nthe king s troops, when a suitable one could be had, or, if\\nnot, one was selected from among the more experienced\\nof the boatmen themselves. To reacli this distinction, or\\neven that of captain of a single boat, was deemed an object\\nworthy of ambition yet but few attained this coveted prize\\nof their perilous calling. Strict military discipline was\\nenforced, and a reguhir guard was mounted at each stop-\\nping place at night. On returning from their protracted\\nriver voyages, the boatmen, like sailors the world over, were\\nvery prodigal of their earnings. They were as liberal as\\nprinces, and valued money as nothing more than a means\\nby which pleasure could be purchased and appetites in-\\ndulged. Saving was no part of their economy. f In con-\\nThe bateau was a loiij? and ratlier light l)uilt boat, of about twenty-\\ntons burden.\\nt Breese s Early Illinois, p. 208.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "Social Condition an Environments. 411\\nvival intercourse, they were mucli addicted to relating long\\nstories about their voyages, adventures, and hair-breadth\\nescapes among the savages.\\nFor ordinary locomotion on water, the canoe was in-\\ndispensable to the early French settler. Those in common\\nuse were mostly hollowed out of the trunks of trees, that\\nof the cypress being preferred on account of its lightness\\nand elasticity. The birch bark canoes came from the\\nregion of the high northern lakes, and were principally used\\nby the Canadian voyageurs and fur-traders. They were con-\\nstructed of a slight frame-work of cedar, incased with the\\nflexible bark of the Canoe Birch, and were remarkable\\nfor their lightness and buoyancy. Of clifierent sizes, they\\nwere finished alike at both ends, and were built to carry\\nfrom four to twelve persons. Charlevoix informs us that\\nthe Ottawa Indians were the most expert builders of these\\ncanoes, but that the French were more skillful in handling\\nthem.\\nOwing to their extraordinary tact for ingratiating\\nthemselves with the aboriginal tribes, by whom they were\\nsurrounded, the Illinois French escaped almost entirely\\nthose broils and border strifes which weakened and some-\\ntimes destroyed other and less favored European colonies.\\nWhether navigating the interminable rivers of the country,\\nor threading the solitudes of the wild forests and prairies\\nin quest of game whether at home in their villages, or as\\nparticipants in the religious exercises of the same Catholic\\nchurch, the red men became their every-day associates and\\nassistants, and were treated with the kindness and considera-\\ntion of brothers. The social condition of the early colonists\\nwas thus formed, to some extent, by the influence of their\\nIndian neighbors with whom they maintained such friendly\\nrelations. But while the barbarism of the savages was, in\\nsome degree, softened by this intercourse, the morals of the\\nFrench were not improved. Many of the original settlers,\\nand particularly the trappers and traders, contracted mar-\\nriages or temporary alliances with the Indian women,\\nfrom which sprang the mixed progeny known as half-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "412 General Description of the French Colonists.\\nbreeds. They made expert hunters and trappers, and\\nindefatigable boatmen, but in their general characteristics\\npartook more of the savage than the civilized man. The\\nnatural home of the half-breed is on the outskirts, the\\nboundaries of American civilization, where he still flour-\\nishes as in days of yore.\\nThe example of the Canadian and Illinois French in\\namalgamating with the Indians, although adopted more per-\\nhaps as a matter of policy and convenience, was not one to\\nbe commended for time and experience have abundantly\\nshown that all such intermixture of races degrade the su-\\nperior without materially improving the inferior race. In\\nthe case of the French, they did not sink to the level of\\nbarbarism, yet they were left in a condition below that of\\ntrue civilization. There are, it is true, some English and\\nAmerican half and quarter-breeds; but, as a rule, the\\nAnglo-Americans have ever disdained to mingle their\\nblood with a distinctively inferior race, and to this circum-\\nstance they owe, in no slight degree, their pre-eminence\\namong the enlightened races of mankind.\\nIn the early years of the French settlements in Louisi-\\nana, there was very little money of any kind in circulation,\\nbusiness being transacted by barter and exchange. After\\nthe collapse of Law s credit system (1720), the money\\nin use consisted of gold and silver coins of the French and\\nSpanish mints. The value of every thing was reckoned\\nin livres the livre being equivalent to the modern franc,\\nfive of which equal ninety-five cents. Then there was the\\nlouis (Tor, a French gold coin, valued at $4.84, and the\\nSpanish doubloon, a gold coin worth about $15.93. During\\nGov. Kerlerec s administration, a paper money called bons\\nwas extensively issued at New Orleans, but it never had\\nmuch circulation in the dependency of the Illinois. It\\nwas emitted in sums of from ten sous or cents to one hun-\\ndred livres, was signed by the governor and intendant of\\nthe province, and was so called from the first word on the\\nIn the French villages of Missouri, the half-breeds received the\\nnic-name of Gumbos.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "Their Amusements and Festal Days. 41 3\\nface of the paper Bon \u00e2\u0096\u00a0pour la somme payable en lettre de\\nchange sur le tresor.\\nSeparated from their mother-land by the Atlantic\\nOcean, and by a thousand miles of interior navigation\\nfrom Montreal on the one hand, and from New Orleans on\\nthe other, the French colonists of Illinois were obliged to\\nrely upon themselves not only for the necessaries of life,\\nbut also for their amusements. Socially inclined, light-\\nhearted and gay, their principal diversion was dancing, in\\nwhich all classes freely joined, to the enlivening music of\\nthe violin. When parties were assembled for this purpose,\\nit was customary to choose some of the older and more dis-\\ncreet persons to direct the entertainment, preserve order, and\\nsee that all present had an opportunity to participate in the\\npleasurable pastime. Whenever those in authority on such\\noccasions decided that the entertainment had been pro-\\ntracted long enough, it was brought to a close, and thus\\nexcesses were avoided.\\nThen, again, the monotony of theii existence was\\nbroken by the muny fetes or festal days connected with the\\nCatholic church. All the people shared alike in the harm-\\nless merriment of shrove-tide, and in the fun and frolic of\\nthe carnival, and at its close repaired to the sacred precincts\\nof the sanctuary to receive the sprinkling of ashes, typical\\nof their conclusion. All, too, observed the same self-denying\\nordinances during the Lenten season, which terminated\\nwith the festival of Easter. Society, of course, had its di-\\nvisions even here but those artificial distinctions between\\nthe rich and the poor, which obtain in older and more pol-\\nished communities, were not recognized or maintained\\namong these secluded colonists.\\nIn their domestic relations, they were in general ex-\\nemplary and kind, affectionate to their children and lenient\\ntoward their slaves. In fact, the family circle was usually\\na very cheerful and happy one. The male servants worked\\nin the fields with their masters, faring as well as they did,\\nand had small plots of ground assigned them, and the use\\nof their master s team to cultivate the same thus mutual\\nesteem and confidence were inspired. The females assisted", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "414 General Description of the French Colonists.\\ntheir mistresses in the kitchen and nursery, and then,\\nin neat attire, accompanied them to matins and ves-\\npers. When sick or disabled, they were nursed with\\ntenderness and care and, in fine, were the recipients of so\\nmuch humane treatment as to be wholly unmindful of the\\nfetters with which custom and state policy had bound\\nthem.\\nThe language spoken by the commonalty was not pure\\nFrench, but a patois, or corrupted provincial dialect. No\\ncommon schools existed in the country, nor any system of\\npublic instruction. The Jesuits imparted some little of that\\nlearning, w^ith which they were so richly endowed, to such\\nyoung Creoles as they found thirsting for the waters of\\nthe Pierian spring; yet no plan of general education was\\never adopted, or even seriously considered, by those in au-\\nthority. Hence the charge of illiteracy is laid against this\\npeople; but, as the poet Gray has said\\nWhere ignorance is bliss, tis foil} to be wise.\\nThe Eoman Catholic creed, however, was instilled into\\nthe minds of all from their earliest childhood, and the ta-\\npering spires of its little churches or chapels arose in every\\nhamlet. In them was performed the marriage ceremony,\\nthe priest consecrating the nuptial tie and recording the\\nact, which was attested by witnesses. There the sacrament\\nof baptism was administered to infants and adults there,\\ntoo, were held the last sad obsequies for the dead, and\\nmasses w^ere said for the souls of those not dying in the\\nodor of sanctity.\\nSeparated thus from all the world, these people ac-\\nquired many peculiarities. In language, dress, and man-\\nners, they lost much of their original polish but they re-\\nBreese s Early 111., p. 209.\\nNote. The inhabitants, writes Reynolds, were devout and strong\\nbelievers in the Roman Catholic Church. They were willing to fight\\nand die for the maintenance of the doctrines of their church. They\\nconsidered the Church of Rome infallible, emanating directly from God,\\nand therefore all the dogmas were received and acted on without a why\\nor wherefore. Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 55.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "Origin of the Different Classes qf Colonists. 415\\ntained, and (their descendants) still retain, many of the\\nleading characteristics of their nation. They took care to\\nkeep np their ancient holidays and festivals; and with\\nfew luxuries, and fewer wants, they were prohably as cheer-\\nful and as happy a people as any in existence.\\nThe foregoing descriptive account applies not only to\\nthe early French colonists in Illinois and all Northern Lou-\\nisiana, but also, with only slight alteration, to their village\\nsettlements in Southern Louisiana. At New Orleans, the po-\\nlitical and commercial seat of government, there was always\\na certain number of people of family and education. There\\nwere the rude semblance of a court, a kind of theater, and\\namusements of a higher grade than could be found else-\\nwhere within the limits of the large province. The deni-\\nzens of New Orleans were wont to look upon their rural\\ncountrymen in much the same manner as they themselves\\nwere regarded by the refined circles of Paris. Among the\\nmixed population of that colonial metropolis, however,\\ndrunkenness, brawls, and dueling were unhappily too prev-\\nalent, both before and after the Spanish occupation of the\\ncountry.f\\nSome few of the Louisiana colonists were of noble\\norigin many were military officers, w^hile others were\\nborn gentlemen, and the ecclesiastics were all educated\\npeople. With but few exceptions, the original immigrants\\nto Illinois had come by way of Canada from the north of\\nFrance, and mostly belonged to the bourgeois and paysan\\nclasses. But many of those who afterward settled in\\nLoAver Louisiana were from the south-western provinces\\nof France, bordering on the Pyrenees and the Atlantic.\\nA number of these were well educated business men from\\nthe larger cities and towns, and some of them made their\\nway up the Mississippi to Kaskaskia and St. Louis, where\\nthey founded influential families, still existing.^ It was,\\nperhaps, a fortunate trait, and certainly an amiable one, in\\nSketches of the West, by Judge James Hall, vol. 1, p. 150.\\nt Gayarre s Louisiana, vol. 1.\\nt Billon s Annals of Early St. Louis.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "416 General Description of the French Colonists.\\nthe French character, that such men could so readily re-\\nsign the comforts and pleasures of civilized life in their\\nnatal land, and make themselves contented among savages\\nin the remote and uncultivated regions of the Mississippi,\\nwhere they seldom heard from their homes over the sea\\nmore than once in twelve months.\\nAUTHORITIES.\\nFor the facts embodied in the foregoing chapter, we are indebted to\\nvarious sources, but chief]yto the labors of Judge Sidney Breese and ex-\\nGov. .Tohn Keynolds, both of whom had early an excellent opportuni-\\nties for observing the French character and manners. Breese resided in\\nKaskaskia from 1818 to 1835, and then at Carlyle, Illinois, until his death\\nin 1878; while Reynolds lived in Cahokia from 1814 to about 1830, and\\nafterward in Belleville, 111., imtil the close of his life in 1865. It may be\\nadded here that Breese s Early History of Illinois was first given to\\nthe public in the shape of an extended historical address, in December,\\n1842, but it was not published in book form until after his decease, and,\\nthen, without his previous revision or correction. Reynolds Pioneer\\nHistory, an entertaining and instructive work, first appeared in 1852.\\nAmong modern writers on French- American history, the two most\\ndistinguished are Francis Parkman and the late Dr. John Gilmary Shea.*\\nTheir various and valuable publications cover the entire period of the\\nFrench rule on this continent, and are characterized by profoundness\\nof erudition and elegance of style. To these may now be added Dr.\\nWm. Kingsford, of Ottawa. Canada, whose elaborate and able History\\nof Canada from the Earliest Times to 1841, has taken rank among the\\nstandard publications of the day. But those who would become\\nthoroughly informed concerninsi- this early and intricate branch of\\nAmerican history, should study the writings of Charlevoix, Hennepin\\nLe Clercq, Bossu, La Hontan, and the Jesuit missionaries.\\nThis eminent Catholic .seliolar, after a long and laborious literary onreer, died at\\nhis home in Elizabeth. New Jer.sey, the 22d of February, 1892, aged sixty-nine.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nA.\\nAbenakis Indians, a band of near Fort Miami on Lake Michigan, page\\n130; they form a part of LaiSalle s colony on the Illinois River, 148.\\nAbercrombie, General, and commander-in-chief of the British army\\n(1758), 332; rei^ilsed by Montcalm at Ticonderoga, 333.\\nAcadia, settled by the French under DeMonts, 10, 11 origin of the\\nname, 10, note; when changed to Nova Scotia, 329, note.\\nAcadiaus, deportation of to English colonies, 329 and note; settlement\\nformed by in Lower Louisiana, 368.\\nAccauit or Ako, Michael, companion of Father Hennepin on the Mis-\\nsissippi, 105; his wife the daughter of a Kaskaskia chief, 204.\\nAix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, 313, 329.\\nAkansea, orAkansa. (See Arkansas.)\\nAlgonquins, on the St. Lawrence, 13 and note; mention, 34, 48.\\nAlibamons, location of, 265, note.\\nAllouez, Claude, founds the Jesuit Mission on Green Bay, 51 intrigues\\nwith the Miamis against La Salle, 92; re-establishes Marquette s mis-\\nsion at the great town of the Illinois, 196; his description of the\\ntown, 197 death at Ft. Miami, on Lake Michigan, 198.\\nAmusements of the early Illinois colonists, 413.\\nAnticosti Island, discovered by Cartier, 5 granted to Joliet, 68.\\nAquipaguetin, a Sioux chief, the adopted father of Hennepin, 107.\\nArkansas Elver, discovered by De Soto, 29.\\nArkansas Post, 181, note; established by Henri de Touty, 182; mention,\\n190, 242.\\nArkansas, villages of the, 58, 138, 183.\\nAubry, Charles, Chevalier de, defeats an English force near Fort Du-\\nquesne, 334 becomes acting French governor of Louisiana, 367\\nChampigny s portrait of, 367-8, note; he delivers possession of the\\nprovince to O Reilly, 374 perishes by drowning in the river Ga-\\nronne, 379 and note.\\nAuthorities cited in this work, 416, note.\\nB.\\nBahamos, or Ebahamos, an errant tribe of southern Texas, 162, 167.\\nBancroft, George, references to his History of the United States, 29,\\nnote, 205, 219, note, 285, 290.\\nBalize, a hamlet at the mouth of the Mississippi, 371, note.\\nBeaujeu, Captain or Count de, pilots La Salle s Sea expedition into Gulf\\n27 (417)", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "418 Index.\\nof Mexico, 156; his bickerings with T-a Salle, 156-7; takes leave of\\nthe latter on coast of Texas, 159.\\nBeaujeu, Daniel Lienard de, plans defeat of Braddock on the Monon-\\ngahela, 327 is killed in the battle, 328.\\nBelle Fontaine, lieutenant under Tonty at Fort St. Louis, of the 111., 184.\\nBellerive, Louis St. Ange de, commandant at Post de Vincennes, 302\\nhe surrenders Fort Chartres to Capt. Stirling, 360; twice ap-\\np ointed commandant at Fort Chartres, 361, note goes to St. Louis,\\nMo., and takes command there, 385; is admitted into a Spanish\\nregiment, 385 dies in St. Louis at a ripe age, 386, note.\\nBienville, Jean Baptiste, Sieur de, accompanies his brother Iberville\\nto Louisiana, 213; succeeds Sauvolle in command at Fort Biloxi,\\nand on the Mobile, 223; is appointed lieutenant-commandant under\\nCrozat, 239 erects Fort Rosalie at Natchez, 241 commissioned\\ngovernor of the Province of Louisiana, under the Company of the\\nAVest, 260; founds the city of New Orleans (in 1718), 263; takes\\nPensacola from the Spaniards, 266-7 his first campaign against the\\nChickasaws 290 second campaign, 295; retires from otfice under a\\ncloud, 296; sails for France regretted by the colonists, 297; his in-\\nterview with the Duke de Choiseul, to protest against the transfer of\\nLouisiana to Spain, 369; death and character, 369 and note.\\nBillons (F. L.) Annals of early St. Louis, 389, 415.\\nBoating on the Lower Mississippi, 409.\\nBoeuf, Fort Le, or Ft. sur la riviere au Bcetif, situation of, 321 Washing-\\nton s winter journey thither, 322; mention, 350.\\nBoisbriant, Pierre Duqu^ de, arrives in Louisiana as king s lieutenant,\\n260; is sent to command at the dependency of the Illinois, 270;\\nbuilds old Fort Chartres, 271 land grants executed by, 272-3 be-\\ncomes governor ad interim of Louisiana, 276.\\nBossu, M., Captain in the French marines, and Chevalier of St. Louis,\\nhis account of the Spanish-Mexican expedition into the country of\\nthe Missouri Indians, 269; and notice of the rebuilding of Fort\\nChartres, 313, note.\\nBouquet, Col. Henry, conquers the Delawares and Shawnees on the\\nriver Muskingham, 351 releases many white prisoners, 351.\\nBraddock, Edward, British general, lands at Alexandria, Ya., and\\nmarches against Fort Duquesne, 326 his disastrous defeat at Battle\\nof the Monongahela, 327; sketch of his military career, 328, note.\\nBr6beuf, Jean de, one of the first Jesuit missionaries in Canada, 16, 18.\\nBreese, Sidney, references to and citations from his Early History of\\nIllinois, 89, note; 96, note; 112, note; 147, 204, 273-4, 287, 305, 310, 314,\\n381, 408, 410, 414, 416, no\\nBreuil, M. de, erects first sugar mill at New Orleans, 297.\\nBritish military governors of Illinois, 394, 395.\\nBuffalo Rock (60 feet high), on the Illinois River, about three miles above\\nStarved Rock, 90.\\nC.\\nCabots, John and Sebastian, early voyages of discovery to North Amer-\\nica, 2 and 3.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "Index. 419\\nCadillac, Antoine de la Mothe, governor of Louisiana under Crozat, 238\\nsketch of, 239, note; founds the post of Detroit, 344.\\nCadodaquis, an Indian tribe on Red River, 180, 188.\\nCahokia, first settlement of, 207; Charlevoix account of the mission\\nat, 209 Pittman s description of the village, 392, 393 and note.\\nCanada, discovery of, 5 derivation of the name, 7, note.\\nCanoes, birch bark, how constructed, 411.\\nCarondelet, village of, when and by whom founded, 408, note.\\nCartier, Jacques, French navigator, discovers and explores the St. Law-\\nrence, 5 with Roberval he attempts a settlement on that river, 7\\nis rewarded for his services to the king with a patent of nobility, 8.\\nCavelier, the Abbe Jean, a Sulpitian priest and brother of La Salle, 72;\\nhe accompanies La Salle in his last expedition, 155 deception prac-\\nticed by him on Tonty, 186.\\nCenis Indians, on Trinity River, Texas, visited by La Salle, 164; also by\\nJoutel et al., 176.\\nChamplain, Samuel de, parentage and early career, 9; is sent by the\\ngovernor of Dieppe on an exploring expedition to the St. Lawrence,\\n10; assists DeMonts in colonizing Acadia, 11; with Pontgrave he\\nfounds Quebec, 12, 13; surrenders that post to the English, and is\\ncarried a prisoner to England, 17; his return to Canada, and death\\nat Quebec, 18: analysis of his character, 19.\\nChamplain Lake, when discovered, 14.\\nCharlevoix, Pierre Francois Xavier de, a distinguished Jesuit scholar\\nand historian references to and quotations from his works, 12,\\nnote; 16, note; 62, 65, note; 208-240, 263; biographical notice of, 211,\\nnote.\\nChateaugu^, Antoine le Moyne de, brother of Iberville and Bienville, 225.\\nChecagou, chief of the Kaskaskias, 290.\\nChickasaw Blufis, mention, 28, 137, 292.\\nChickasaw nation, 289; French wars with, 290, 295, 298.\\nChicagou or Chicago, site of wintered on by Marquette, 63 visited by\\nLa Salle on his way to the gulf, 135-6.\\nChoiseul, Duke de, prime minister of Louis XV., letter to the Count de\\nFuentes, 364; he refuses petition of the inhabitants of La., 369.\\nClark, Col. George Rogers, his expedition to, and conquest of the Il-\\nlinois country, 402 and note, 403 note.\\nColbert, Jean Baptiste, a great minister under Louis XIV., favors La\\nSalle s enterprises, 80, 81 decease of, 153, note.\\nColumbus, Christopher, mention, 2.\\nComet of IGSO, 120, note.\\nCommons, right of granted to the inhabitants of Kaskaskia, 304, 305.\\nCommon Fields, description of, 273.\\nCopper mines, search for, 40, 46, 399.\\nCortereal, Gaspar de (Portuguese navigator), voyages to Labrador, 3.\\nCotton, when culture of introduced in Louisiana, 298.\\nCourt of Royal Jurisdiction in the Illinois, 309, 310.\\nCourt, first common law, in Illinois, 395.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "420 Index.\\nCoureurs des hois, or runners of the woods, attempts of the Canadian\\ngovernment to suppress, 118, 195.\\nCourcelles, Daniel de Rimy, Sieur de, second Canadian governor under\\nthe royal provincial government, 20 recall of, 45.\\nCrive-coeur (See Fort Orive-coeur).\\nCraig, Captain Thomas, destroys French and Indian village of Peoria,\\n401, note.\\nCroghan, Colonel George, conciliatory mission to the Western Indians,\\n353 his journey over the mountains to Fort Pitt, 353 he descends\\nthe Ohio, 355 is captured by a band of Kickapoos below mouth of\\nthe Wabash, 355 taken as a prisoner to Vincennes, 356 released\\nat Fort Ouatanon, 356; he meets and confers with Pontiac, 357;\\npeace speech by to the Indians at Detroit, 358 success of his mis-\\nsion, 360.\\nCrozat, Antoine, Marquis de Chatel, is granted a monopoly of the com-\\nmerce and government of Louisiana, 234 his letters patent, 234-237;\\nmercantile and mining operations of, 238, 239 surrenders his charter\\nto the crown, 240.\\nD.\\nDablon, Claude, eminent Jesuit missionary, 42 notice of his life and\\nwritings, 43, 44, note.\\nD Abbadie, M., succeeds Kerlerec as acting governor of Louisiana, 314,\\n363 death of in New Orleans, 367.\\nD Artaguette, Diron, commissaire ordonnateur in Louisiana, 233, 288.\\nD Artaguette, Pierre, serves in the Natchez war, 288 is made command-\\nant at the Illinois, 288; leads an expedition against the Chickasaws,\\n292 wounded and taken prisoner, 293 perishes at the stake, 294.\\nDavidson and Stuvd s History of Illinois, references to, etc., 132-3, 286,\\n298, 347, 389, 396, 397.\\nD Autry, the Sieur, explores passes of the Mississippi with La Salle, 144.\\nDelaware Indians, mention, 320, 351.\\nDe Leon, Don Alonzo, expedition of from Mexico to Fort St. Louis, of\\nTexas, 190.\\nDe Luna, Don Tristan, leads a Spanish army of Invasion into West\\nFlorida, 33, 279.\\nDe Monts, Pierre du Guast, Sieur, an officer of Henry IV. s household,\\n10; under letter patent he plants the first French colony in Acadia,\\n11 loses his influence at court on death of that monarch, 15.\\nDetroit, founded by La Mothe Cadillac (in 1701), 344; its situation and\\nearly military history, 344; Indian siege of under Pontiac, 349.\\nDe Yilliers, Capt. Neyon, overcomes Washington at Fort Necessity, 325\\nis made commandant of the Illinois at Fort Chartres, 312, 342 and\\nnote; he resigns and goes to New Orleans, 363; receives the decora-\\ntion of the Cross of St. Louis, 363.\\nDe Vincennes (or Vincenne) Jean Baptiste Bissot, sketch of, 299; estab-\\nlishes the post of Vincennes, 299, 301; joins D Artaguette in his\\nexpedition against the Chickasaws, 292 and shares that officer s\\nlamentable fate, 293.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "Index. 421\\nDes Ureius, Marc Antoine de la Loire, commissary and judge for the\\nIndia Company in Illinois, 272, 273 killed at Natchez, 382.\\nDieskau, Ludwig August, Baron, a German-French general in the Seven\\nYears War, 330 mortally wounded in battle near Crown Point, 330.\\nDinwiddle, Robert, colonial governor of Virginia, sends Washington on\\nmission to the French, 321 orders the raising of a regiment to drive\\nthe French from Virginia territory, 323.\\nDomestic Alliancesof the French colonists with the Indians, 8, 204, 303, 412.\\nDonnacona, an Indian potentate at Quebec, 5 is carried by Cartier to\\nFrance, 7.\\nDouay, Father Anastasius, RecoUet missionary, 155 his account of La\\nSalle s murder, 168* ascends the Mississippi and Illinois with Abb^\\nCavelier, et al., 183-4 returns to France, 187 he accompanies D lber-\\nville in his colonizing expedition to the Mississippi, 215 and note.\\nDu Gay, Picard, companion of Hennepin in his Sioux captivity, 105, 107.\\nDuhaut, M., principal assassin of La Salle, 170; is himself slaia in an\\naltercation with Hiens, 177.\\nDu L Mut, Daniel Greysolon, penetrates the Sioux country from Lake\\nSuperior, and effects the release of Hennepin, et al., 108; sketch of\\nhis adventurous career, 108, note.\\nDumont s Historical Memoir of Louisiana, 267, 279, 280, 282, note, 292.\\nDurret s, R. T., Kentucky Centennial Address, 38.\\nE.\\nEdict of Nantes, when enacted and revoked, 248 note.\\nEnglish, early efforts to discover the Mississippi, 38; surrender of the\\nIllinois country to, 360; duration of their rule, 402.\\nEnglish Turn, on Lower Mississippi, origin of the phrase, 220.\\nEpinay, M. de L succeeds Cadillac as governor of I^ouisiana, 245.\\nF.\\nFarmer, Major Robert, relieves Captain Stirling, in command at Fort\\nChartres, 394.\\nFlorida, when discovered, 24 Soto s remarkable adventures in, 24-32\\nNarvaez s expedition to, 25.\\nForbes, General Joseph, leads the second ICnglish expedition against\\nFort Duquesne, 333 death of, 334.\\nFort Biloxi, or Maurepas, built by Iberville, 219 unfavorable site of,\\nand removal of the colony from, 224; New Biloxi, 267, note.\\nFort Chartres, first building of, 271 when rebuilt, 313; Breese s remarks\\non, 314 Pittraan s description of, 315 subsequent history, 316-318.\\nFort Cr^ve-coeur, building of, 93; why so named, 94; described by Hen-\\nnepin, 101.\\nFort Duquesne, begun by agents of the Ohio Company, 323 completed\\nand named by Captain Contrecoeur, 323 taken by the English un-\\nder General Forbes, and name changed to Fort Pitt, 334.\\nFort Frontenac, when built, 79 granted in seigniory to La Salle, 80\\nIn this account, the date of La Salle s murder should read the 19th instead of\\nthe 9th of March, 1687.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "422 Index.\\ncaptured and demolished by the English provincials under Colonel\\nBradstreet, 333.\\nFort Gage, near Kaskaskia, removal of British troops to from Fort Ohar-\\ntres, 316; Pittman s notice of, 391 is taken by Colonel Clark, 402.\\nFort Massac, or Marsiac, on the Lower Ohio, 335 brief hist, of, 335, note.\\nFort Miami, at mouth of the St. Joseph, built by La Salle, 89.\\nFort Prudhomme, on the Mississippi, 137, 145.\\nFort Rosalie, at Natchez, when built, 242 rebuilt, 284 Pittman s de-\\nscription of 289, note.\\nFort St. Claude, on Yazoo River, French garrison at massacred by the\\nNatchez Indians, 283.\\nFort St. Louis of Illinois, when built, 147 decline of, 195.\\nFort St. Louis of Texas, 161 destruction of, 191.\\nFort Louis de la Mobile, when first built, 224 site of changed, 227.\\nFort Ouatanon, on the Wabash, mention, 299, 303, note.\\nFort Tumbecb^, on the Tombigbee River, built by Bienville, 291.\\nFox River, of Wisconsin, discovered by Nicolet, 36; mention, 51, 195.\\nFoxes, or Rdnards. (See Sacs and Foxes.)\\nFowls, domestic, among the southern Indians, 38, 216.\\nFrance, New. (See New France.)\\nFrancis I. of France, mention, 4, 7.\\nFranciscan friars, 96, note.\\nFraser, Lieutenant Alexander, associated with Croghan,353; he descends\\nthe Ohio to Illinois, 354 is buffeted by the Indians at Kaskaskia,\\nand flees down the Mississippi to New Orleans, 354.\\nFrench-Canadian population at the beginning of long war, 325.\\nFrench Commandants at the Illinois, table of, 361.\\nFrench Colonists in Illinois and Louisiana, general description of, 404.\\nFrontenac, Louis de Buade, Count de, celebrated governor of Canada,\\n45; he sends Joliet to explore the Mississippi, 46; dispatch of re-\\nlating to his discovery, 69 erects Fort Frontenac at the outlet of\\nLake Ontario, 79 recommends La Salle to Colbert, 80 indorses\\nTonty s petition, 232 expires in Quebec, 46.\\nG.\\nGage, General Thomas, British commander, proclamation by to the in-\\nhabitants of Illinois, 361, 362, note.\\nGayarr6, Charles, references to and citations from his History of Louisi-\\nana (3 vols.), 213, note, 219, 293, note, 295-6, nota, 312, note, 351-2, notes,\\n369, 379, 415.\\nGravier Jacques, one of the missionary founders of Kaskaskia, 198, 199.\\nGreen Bay, discovered by Nicolet, 36 mission station at, 51, 61.\\nGriffin, construction of at Niagara, 86 and note; lost on the upper lakes, 88.\\nGrowth of the French settlements in Illinois, 208, 271.\\nGulf of California, mention, 59, 78.\\nGulf of Mexico, long a closed sea to the French, 38, 154.\\nGulf of St. Lawrence, explored and named by Jacques Cartier, 5.\\nGumbos, a nickname for the half-breeds in Missouri, 412, note.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "Index. 423\\nH.\\nHalifax, town of, British fleet sails from for the reduction of Louisburg,\\n332.\\nHavana, Soto s expedition sails from to Florida, 24 taken by the En-\\nglish, 339; restored to Spain, 352, note; French state prisoners sent\\nto from Louisiana, 376.\\nHelena, Arkansas, mention, 59, note.\\nHennepin, Father Louis, his nativity, 96 early monastic life and travels,\\n97 comes as a Recollet missionary to Canada, 98 his active life at\\nQuebec, 98 joins La Salle s expedition to the West, 99; visits Niag-\\nara Falls, 99, note makes a journey to the principal village of the\\nSenecas, 100; embarks on the Griffin, 100; his account of Fort\\nCreve-coeur, 101 his daring canoe voyage up tlie Mississippi, 105\\nis captured by a party of the Sioux Indians, 106 adventures among\\nthe Sioux, 107 is released from captivity, 108 return journey to\\nCanada and France, 109; his expulsion from France, 110; with-\\ndraws into Holland, and enters the service of William III., 110\\ndecease, 110; review of his writings, 111, 112; his conflicting esti-\\nmate of La Salle, 171.\\nHenry IV. of France, issues letters patent to De Monts, 1 0.\\nHiens, one of the conspirators against Moranget and La Salle, 107 mur-\\nders Duhaut, 177.\\nHuguenots, 9 driven by persecution from France, 248.\\nHuron, Lake, discovered by Champlain, 16.\\nHuron Indians, mention, 16, 35, 39, 48, 109, note.\\nI.\\nIberville, Pierre Le Moyne, Sieur de, early naval career of, 212 his colo-\\nnizing expedition to the Mississippi, 213, 214; plants a colony in\\nLower Louisiana, 218; revisits his colony, 220, 224; decease and\\ncharacter, 226.\\nIllinois Indians, loose confederations of, 53 meaning of the word Illini\\nor Illinois, 53; they are invaded by the Iroquois, 121, 122; they aid\\nthe French in the Chickasaw war, 292; are defeated by the Sacs\\nand Foxes, 387 Pittman s notice of, 394.\\nIllinois country, explored by Joliet and Marquette, 53, 60; military oc-\\ncupation of by La Salle, 94 a dependency of Canada, 194 a part of\\nLouisiana, 233; under M. Crozat, 234, d seq.; under Boisbriant and\\nthe Company of the West, 270; under the Royal government, 288\\nunder the English sway, 384 conquest of by Col. Clark, 402.\\nIllinois River, mention, 43, 60, 77, 90, 105; Kennedy s voyage on, 399\\nImlay, Capt. Gilbert, work on North America, 399.\\nIndia Company, Royal, successor to the Company of the West, 272\\nsurrender of the company s charter, 286.\\nIndian allies, value of to the French in war, 326.\\nIndian colony of La Salle on the Illinois, 148.\\nIntendant, office of, 40, note.\\nIroquois (or Five Nations), 13 army of invade the Illinois country, 122;", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "424 Index.\\nburning of the great town of the Illinois, 124 massacre of women\\nand children, 127.\\nJesuits, their first appearance in Canada, 16 missions of in Illinois, 63,\\n196, 199 are banished from Louisiana, 379.\\nJesuit Order, history of, 380, 381; suppressed by Pope Clement XIV.,\\n382; revived by Pius VII., 382.\\nJesuit Relations, 383.\\nJohnson, Gen. Sir William, mention, 326, 330; repoi t of, 348, note.\\nJoliet, Louis, commissioned to explore the Mississippi River, 46 his\\nbirth and education at Quebec, 46 is first sent by Talon to look for\\ncopper mines at Lake Superior, 46; with Father Marquette, he\\nreaches the Mississippi, 52 descends that river to the vicinity of the\\nArkansas, 59 and note; returning, he ascends the Illinois, 60; stops\\nat the Indian villages en route, 61 he loses his manuscrij^ts in the\\nrapids at La Chine, 67 reports his discoveries to Gov. Frontenac,\\n67 his marriage, 68 makes a trip to Hudson s Bay, 68 is given\\nthe Island of Anticosti, 68 surveys the coast of Labrador, 68 is\\ngranted the seigniory of Joliette, 68 death and character, 68, 69.\\nJoliet, city of in 111., named for the explorer, 69.\\nJoutel, Henri, soldier, accompanies La Salle s expedition to Texas, 154;\\nhis account of La Salle s assassination, 169; his Journal Historique\\nof the expedition, 187.\\nJuchereau, Sieur de, a Canadian officer, 299, 300, note.\\nJumonville, Sieur Coulon de, killed in action at Little Meadows, 324,\\nand note.\\nK.\\nKankakee (Te-a-ki-ki) River, a constituent branch of the Illinois, men-\\ntion, 90, 135, 197, note.\\nKappa, or Quappa, a noted village of the Arkansas on Lower Missis-\\nsippi, 58 note, 138, 183.\\nKaskaskia, Indian village on the Illinois River, first visited by Joliet and\\nMarquette, 60; Mission of the I. C. V. founded there by Father\\nMarquette, 63 re-established by Father Allouez, 198 removal of\\nthe mission and tribe to the site of the present Kaska.skia, 199;\\nearly history of the mission and settlement on the Mississipi^i, 204\\nCharlvoix visit to, 209; Pittman s description of, 390; subsequent\\ndecline of the village, 403, note.\\nKaskaskias, a leading tribe of the Illinois, mention, 60, 63, 196, 202, 209,\\n290, 394.\\nKennedy, Patrick, his journey up the Illinois River in search of copper\\nmines, 399.\\nKerlerec, M. de, governor of the Province of Louisiana (1753-1763), 312\\nordered to return to France, and incarcerated in the Bastile, 314\\npaper monej issued under his administration, 412.\\nKingsford, William, references to his History of Canada, 20, 67, note,\\n416, note.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "Index. 425\\nKiskakons, a christianized branch of the Ottawa Indians, disinter and\\nremove Marquette s remains, 65.\\nLabrador, visited by the Cortereals to, 3 coast of surveyed by Joliet, 68,\\nLa Barre, Le Febvre de, governor of Canada (1683-1685), 149; he de-\\ndeposes La Salle from the command of Forts Frontenac and St.\\nLouis, 152.\\nLa Buissoniere, Alphouse de, succeeds D Artaguette as commandant at\\nthe Illinois, and takes part in the second Chickasaw war, 295.\\nLaclede, Pierre Liguest, principal founder of St. Louis, Missouri, 385\\nsketch of, 385, note.\\nLa Forrest, a lieutenant of La Salle, 118, 120, 153, 154, 195.\\nLa Harpe, Bernard de, adventures of in the southwest, 260, 261 is sent\\nby Bienville to form an establishment on the Bay of St. Bernard, 262.\\nLa Hontan, Armand Louis de Delondarce, Baron de, a noted French offi-\\ncer and traveler, 56, note his curious account of Mic^hilimackiiiac, 109,\\nnote his notice of the priest Cavelier and his traveling party, 180,\\nnote.\\nLa Motte, de Lusiere, an associate of La Salle in his first great exploring\\nenterprise, 83, 85, 86.\\nLa Salle, Eobert Cavelier Sieur de, his Norman birth and parentage, 71\\nreceives his education from the Jesuits, 71, 72; emigrates to Canada,\\n72; founds Lachine, above Montreal, 72; discovers the Ohio, 76; se-\\ncures the patronage of Gov. Frontenac, 78 is granted the seigniory\\nof Fort Frontenac, 80; builds the Griffin on the Niagara, 86; voy-\\nages with her through the upper lakes, 87 he enters the country of\\nthe Illinois, 89; difficulties with the natives and his men, 92; builds\\nFort Creve-coeur at foot of Peoria Lake, 93, 94 sends Hennepin to\\nexplore the Upper Mississippi, 95 his return journey to Fort Fron-\\ntenac, 115; second expedition to the West, 118; its failure, 120; he\\nnegotiates with the Western tribes, 131 descends the Mississippi to\\nthe Gulf, 136-141; takes possession of the country for the King of\\nFrance, 142; erects Fort St. Louis on the Illinois, 147; forms an In-\\ndian colony around it, 148; corresponds with Gov. La Barre, 149,\\n150; is dismissed from his command l)y that fuu(;tionary, 152; he goes\\nto Old France, 153; is given audience by the King, 154; sails with\\na colony for the mouth of the Mississippi, 156; lands at Matagorda\\nBay, 158; builds a fort there, 160 wanderings in the wilderness of\\nTexas, 162, 163; sets out for the Illinois and Canada, but returns, 164;\\nhe again sets forth and is assassinated on the way, 165; analysis of\\nhis character, 171 et seq.; concealment of his death, 183, 185; de-\\nstruction of his colony, 191.\\nLa Salle Co., Illinois, named in memory of the great explorer, 196.\\nLa Tour, early French engineer in Louisiana, 263.\\nLake Michigan, or Lac des Ulinois, discovered by Nicolet, 35-6.\\nLake Superior, mention, 39, 40, 48.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Incorrectly priuted La. Houtati, in iiule ou page 99.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "426 Index.\\nLaw, John, Scotch financier and adventurer, birth and education of, 249\\nhis theory of banking, 249; is patronized by the Duke of Orleans,\\n250 he establishes a bank in Paris, 250 his Mississippi scheme,\\n251 public infatuation thereat, 252 progress of his credit system,\\n253; its collapse, 257 he flees from France, 258 dies in poverty at\\nVenice, 259.\\nLead mines in Missouri, worked by the French, 239 in Illinois, 275 and\\nnote.\\nLeague, French, length of, 52, note.\\nLe Clercq, Father Cr^tien, 104, note; his History of the Establishment of\\nthe Faith in New France, 112, note his account of La Salle s last ex-\\npedition by sea, 161 note.\\nLe Clercq, Father Maximus, Recollet missionary in Texas, 155, 192.\\nLesdigueres, Duchesse de, mention, 211.\\nLe Sueur, Pierre, a French voyageur, mention, 201, 300, note.\\nLevis, Chevalier de, successor to Montcalm, 338.\\nLetters patent to La Salle, 81 to M. Crozat, 234.\\nLiotot, surgeon, and one of La Salle s assassins, 170 his violent death,\\n177, 178 and note.\\nLoftus, Major Arthur, his unsuccessful attempt to ascend the Mississippi\\nto Fort Chartres, 352.\\nLord, Captain Hugh, English commandant at the Illinois, successor to\\nWilkins, 398.\\nLouisiana, Lower, permanent settlement of by the French, 212; cession\\nof the country to Spain, 364, 365.\\nLouis XIV. of France, falls heir to the throne at the age of five\\nyears, 246; erects Canada into a royal province, 19 issues patent of\\nnobility to La Salle, 80; demise of, 246; review of his reign and\\ncharacter, 247, 248.\\nLouis XV., cedes Western Louisiana by private treaty to Spain, .339,\\n363 his letter concerning the cession to Gov. d Abbadie, 365, 366.\\nLouisburg, fortress of, taken by the English, 312 second siege and cap-\\nture of, 332, 333, note.\\nLoyola, Ignatius, originator of the Order of Jesuits, 380.\\nM.\\nMacarty, Chevalier de, major-commandant at the Illinois during the\\nrebuilding of Fort Chartres, 313; mention, 324, 361.\\nMajor-commandants, functions of the, 308.\\nManitou, Indian name for the Deity, 51 and note.\\nMaps, Marquette s, 50, 62 Joliet s, 67 and note Franquelin s and Henne-\\npin s, 93; Delisle s, 99, note.\\nMarest, (iabriel, missionary priest at Kaskaskia, 199; he transfers the\\nmission of the Immaculate Conception from the Illinois River to the\\nsite of the present Kaskaskia, 199-203; extracts from his cor-\\nrespondence, 205, 206.\\nMargry, Pierre, French author, references to his works, (58, 76, Tiot.e,\\n104-5, notes, 151, vote, 191, note, 197, note.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "Index. 427\\nMarquette, Pere Jacques, born at Laon, France, 47 he enters the So-\\nciety of Jesus, and is ordained to the priesthood, 47 sails as a mis-\\nsionary to Canada, and studies the Indian languages under Father\\nDreuilletes, 47 with Father Dablon, he founds the mission of 8t.\\nMary of the Falls, 48 is thence sent to St. Esprit near western ex-\\ntremity of Lake Superior, 48; returning, he founds the mission of\\nSt. Ignace at Old INIackinac, 49 with M. Joliet, he discovers and ex-\\nplores the Mississippi River, 50-60; table of the distances traveled,\\n\\\\,note his journal of their great canoe voyage, 61, 62 he establishes\\nthe mission of the Immaculate Conception on the Illinois River,\\n63; sets out from thence on his return to St. Ignace, 64; dies and\\nis buried on the eastern shore of Lake Michigan, 65 removal of his\\nremains to St. Ignace, 65 his religious and general character, 66.\\nMascoutins, allied tribe of the MiamiSj-Gl, 92.\\nMassac, or Marsiac. (See Fort Massac.)\\nMason, E. G., kis account of the Kaskaskia Mission, 200-203 also of the\\nruins of Fort Chartres, 316.\\nMaillet, M. Hypolite, founds French village on Peoria Lake, 401, note.\\nMembre, Zenobius, RecoUet friar and follower of La Salle, 85, 87 his\\ndescription of the Illinois Indians, 103 exciting experience with\\nthe Iroquois, 124, 125 he perishes at Ft. Louis of Texas, 192 notice\\nof his life, 192.\\nMenard, Father Rene, first French missionary in the region of Lake\\nSuperior, 39 and 7iote.\\nMermet, Jean, a missionary priest on the Lower Ohio, 300 and iiole and\\nan associate of Father Marest at Kaskaskia, 205.\\nMeurin, Sebastian Louis, last Jesuit missionary in the Illinois, 391, note.\\nMexico, French attempts at trade relations with, 240, 242.\\nMiamis Indians, a kindred tribe of the Illinois, 51, 132, 133, 299.\\nMichilimackinac, or Mackinac, 49 and note mission of St. Ignace at, 49;\\nvisited by La Salle in the Griffin, 87 described by La Hontan, 109, note.\\nMills, water, at Kaskaskia and Cahokia, 271.\\nMissionaries in Illinois and Louisiana, Jesuits. 63, 194 Recollets, 103,\\n121 Sulpitians, 393.\\nMississippi Company, Laws, 251, 252; its advantages to the Province of\\nLouisiana, 250, 286.\\nMississippi River, Spanish discovery of the, 24 different names of, 28,\\nnote; French discovery and exploration of, 45.\\nMissouri River, discovered by Joliet and Marquette, 56 said to have\\nbeen first explored by La Hontan, 56, note.\\nMissouri Indians, allies of the French, destroy expedition of the Span-\\niards from New Mexico, 268.\\nMobile River, visited by De Soto, 26; French fort on, 224.\\nMohegan Indians, band settle at Ft. Miami, 130; party of, follow La Salle\\nto the outlet of the Mississippi, 135.\\nMonso, a Mascoutin chief, intrigues with the Illinois against La Salle, 92.\\nMontcalm, Louis Jcseph, Marquis de, captures Fort Ontario and Fort\\nWilliam Henry, 330, 331 defeats Abercrombie at Ticonderoga, 333", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "428 Index.\\nis vanquished by Wolf at Quebec, 337, 338 sketch of his brilliant ca-\\nreer, 340, note.\\nMontmagny, Charles Huault de, succeeds Champlain in the government\\nof the Canadian colony, IS.\\nMontreal, when settled, 22 religious origin and early annals of, 22, 23.\\nMoranget, Sieur de, nephew of La Salle, 155 murder of, 167.\\nMoses, John, History of Illinois, references to, 62, 207, 394, note, 395, 398,\\n399.\\nMound Builders, ancient, 33, 285, note.\\nMorris, Captain Thomas, adventures with the Indians, 351, 252 and note.\\nMuscoso, Luis de, lieutenant and successor to De Soto, 31 conducts the\\nremains of Soto s expedition to Panuco, Mexico, 32.\\nN.\\nNadouessioHxs. (See Sioux.)\\nNarvaez, Pamphilio de, a Spanish adventurer in Florida, 25.\\nNatchez Indians, visited by La Salle, 140 their strange history, 277-279\\nthey massacre the French at Fort Rosalie, 282 war with, 284 ex-\\ntermination of the nation, 285.\\nNatchitoches, post of, when established, 245 mention, 260, 378.\\nNatchitoches Indians, mention, 188, 242, 260, 285; New Chartres, when\\nbuilt, 313, 314.\\nNew Orleans, origin of, 246 founded by Bienville, 263; named for the\\nDuke of Orleans, 263; visited by Charlevoix (1721), 263, 264; is made\\nby Gov. Bienville the capital of Louisiana, 164.\\nNew France, a name originally bestowed by the navigator, Verrazano,\\nupon the north-eastern coast of North America, 13; History of.\\n(See Charlevoix.)\\nNiagara Falls, Hennepin s visit to and description of, 99 and note.\\nNicanope, a chief of the Peorias, 92.\\nNicolet, Jean, early life of, among the Ottawas and Nipissings, 34; his\\nvoyage of discovery in the North-west, 35, 36 he marries an adopted\\ndaughter of Champlain, 37; is drowned in the St. Lawrence, 38.\\nNipissing Lake, discovered by Champlain, 16.\\nNonville (or Denonville), Jacques Rene de Brisay, Marquis de, governor\\nof Canada (1685-1689), 229, 231 and note.\\nNorthmen, in North America, 1 and 2.\\nNouvelle France, a name applied to all the French-Canadian coun-\\ntry, 13, 19.\\nNova Scotia. (See Acadia.)\\n0.\\nOhio River, discovery of by La Salle, 76, 77.\\nOnondagas, a tribe of Iroquois, 76. 79, 123.\\nOnanghisse, a Pottawatomie sachem, noted saying of, 129.\\nOrtiz, Juan, interpreter for De Soto, 25, 29.\\nO Reilly, Don Alexandre, Spanish military governor of Louisiana, 373\\nsketch of, note his proclamation of amnesty, 375 he punishes the\\nrevolutionarj leaders and reorganizes the government of Louisiana,\\n376, 377.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "Index. 429\\nOsage Indians, mention of, 92, 268, 269.\\nOttawa Indians, so called from the river on which they dwelt, 13, note\\nexpert builders of bark canoes, 411.\\nOuabouskigou, the Ohio, or Ouabache, of the French, 56.\\nOuisconsing (Wisconsin) River, first descended by Joliet and Mar-\\nquette, 52 mention, 95, 195.\\nOuichita, or Ouachita (Washita), a river of Arkansas, explored by Bien-\\nville, 223.\\nOumas, or Houmas, one of the bravest tribes on the Lower Mississippi,\\n217, 220; visited by Iberville, 217.\\nOutagamies, a name given by French explorers to the Foxes, 131.\\nP.\\nParis, Treaty of, 339 seventh article of the treaty, .363, note.\\nParkman, Francis, historian, references to and quotations from his works,\\n75, note, 77, 120, note, 137, 151, 165, 166, 188, 193, 229, 248, note, 361.\\nPascagoula River, mention, 219.\\nPasses of the Mississippi, explored by La Salle and Tonty, 141 surveyed\\nby La Tour, 263.\\nPeusacola, Florida, fort erected at by the Spaniards, 214; it is taken,\\nretaken, and demolished by the French, 267 transferred to the\\nEnglish by the treaty of Paris, 352, note.\\nPeoria Lake, La Salle s first arrival in, 91 description of the lake, 94,\\nnoU, 208.\\nPeoria Village, Indian, situation and extent of, 91, 100; Charlevoix\\nnotice of the village, 208 Kennedy s visit to, 400.\\nPeoria Village, French and American, 401, note.\\nPepperell, Sir AVilliam, captures Louisburg (1745) from the French, 312.\\nP^rier, M. de, governor of Louisiana during the Natchez war, 277; is\\npromoted to the rank of lieutenant-general, 288.\\nPiankashaws, village of on the Wabash, 301 mention, 356.\\nPiasa, pictured rocks at, 55 and note.\\nPinet, Father Jacques, principal founder of Cahokia, 207 success of\\nhis mission there, 207.\\nPirogue, an Indian canoe, 6, note.\\nPittman, Captain Philip, sent to Pensacola, Florida (1763), 389; extracts\\nfrom his account of the French settlements on the Mississippi,\\n390-394.\\nPoutchartrain, Count de, French minister of colonies, 220; his answer\\nto the application of Huguenot families from Carolina to settle in\\nLouisiana, 220.\\nPontiac, celebrated Ottawa chief, interposes in favor of Major Rogers\\nadvance to Detroit, 343; sketch of, 346; his conspiracy and war\\nagainst the English, 347, et seq.; unsuccessful attack and siege of\\nDetroit, 349; capture of other Western posts, 350; disappointed at\\nlack of French support, 351 he marches into the Illinois, 354\\nspeech by at Fort Chartres, 354 he yields to the inevitable and\\nconfers with Colonel Croghan at Fort Ouatanon, 357; his peace", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "430 Index.\\nspeeches at Detroit and Oswego, 359, 360 retires to the shades of\\nthe Maumee, 360 his last visit to the Illinois, 386 is murdered by\\na Kaskaskici Indian at Cahokia, Illinois, and buried by Captain St.\\nAnge in St. Louis, Missouri, 387 and notp.\\nPopulation (foreign) of Illinois at the time of the British occupation, 389.\\nPopulation of the province of Louisiana at the beginning of the Spanish\\nrule, 377, 378.\\nPottawatomie Indians, first visited by Nicolet, 37; mention, 88, 128.\\nPrairie du Chien, village of, on the Upper Mississippi, 52, note.\\nPrairie du Pont, a suburb of Cahokia, 394.\\nPrairie du Rocher, a village in vicinity of Fort Chartres, 276 Pittman s\\naccount of. 391 note.\\nPrudhomme, Pierre, with La Salle on the ^Mississippi, 137; fort named\\nfor, 137.\\nQ.\\nQuebec, city of, site first visited b} Cartier, 5 founded by Champlain,\\n13; surrendered to the Englisli under Captain Kirk, 17; restored to\\nthe French, 18; failure of Sir William Phipps attack upoUj 20;\\nstone fortifications at, 21 the city is taken by the English under\\nWolfe, 337, 338 unsuccessful efforts of the French to retake the\\ncitadel, 338.\\nQuebec Bill, its effects upon the French colonists.\\nQuints, bay of on Ontario Lake, seat of a Snlpitian mission, 73 and note.\\nQuinipissas Indians (the Bayagoulas of Iberville and Bienville), La\\nSalle s experience with, 141, 144; Tonty leaves a letter with one of\\ntheir chiefs, 182, 216.\\nK.\\nRandolph County, Illinois, ruins of Fort Chartres in, 317.\\nEasles, Sebastian, a noted Jesuit missionary in Illinois and Maine, 198.\\nRed River, of Louisiana, discovered by the Spaniards, 31.\\nRenault, Philip, Francois de, director-general of the uiining operations\\nof the Mississippi Company, 274 he founds the village bearing his\\nname, 275.\\nReynolds, John, Pioneer History of Illinois, references to and quota-\\ntions from, 317, 335, note, 346, note, 394, 407, note, 414, note.\\nRibaut, Jean, attempts to plant a Huguenot colony in East Florida, 9.\\nRibourde, Gabriel de la, a Kecollet friar with La Salle in Illinois, 84, 101,\\n104 is slain by a scouting party of Kickajioos, 126.\\nRichelieu, Cardinal, organizes the company of One Hundred Asso-\\nciates, 17; charter of, when abandoned, 19.\\nRio del Norte, or Rio Grande, reached and crossed by St. Denis, 243.\\nRocheblave, Philippe Francois de Rastel de, commands for the British\\nat Fort Gage, 399; is sent a prisoner to Virginia by Col. Clark, 472.\\nRogers, Major Robert, takes military possession of Detroit, 343 and of\\nother western posts, 345.\\nRoman Catholic Church, devotion of the French colonists to, 414 and note.\\nRosalie. (See Fort Rosalie.)\\nRyswick, Treaty of, 212.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "Index. 431\\ns.\\nSacs, or Sauks, and Foxes, mention, 36, 131, 299.\\nSangamon River, mention, 400 and note.\\nSanta F^, New Mexico, when settled, 267, note.\\nSanlt de Ste. Marie, mission established at by the Jesuits, 48.\\nSauvolle M. de Sauvolle de la Villantry\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a brother or associate of D lber-\\nville. and first colonial governor in Louisiana, 213, 219 his early\\ndeath at Fort Biloxi, 223.\\nSenat, a Jesuit Father and volunteer in D Artaguette s southern expe-\\ndition, 292 he is martyred at the stake by the Chickasaws, 294.\\nShawnees, restless character of, 56, note.\\nShea, John Gilmary, references to and quotations from his works, 12,\\nnote, 39, note, 64, 65, 76, note, 104, note, 113, note, 163, note, 197, note, 228;\\ndecease of, 416, note.\\nShip Island, first landing-place of Iberville s colony, 214.\\nSioux Indians, 48, 106 and note.\\nSlaves, Negro, introduced into Louisiana by Crozat, 238; number of at\\nthe close of the French rule, 337.\\nSoto, Hernando de, Spanish discoverer of the Mississippi, 24 his re-\\nmarkable expedition through Florida, 24-32.\\nStarved Eock, legend of, 387.\\nStirling, Captain Thomas, takes British possession of Fort Chartres, 360;\\nwhat became of him, 394, note.\\nStoddard, Major Amos, 317 and note.\\nSt. Anthony s Falls, discovered and named by Hennepin, 107; descrip-\\ntion of, 107, 108, note.\\nSt. Cosme, Jean Francois Buisson de, a missionary priest at the Natchez,\\n200; sketch of, 2Q\\\\,noie.\\nSt. Croix, or St. Charles, a tributary of the St. Lawrence at Quebec,\\n5, 7, 12.\\nSt. Francis Xavier, name of the Jesuit mission on Green Bay, 51, 61.\\nSt. Denis, or Denys, Louis Juchereau de, his adventurous overland jour-\\nney to Mexico, 242-244; appointed commandant at the post of Natch-\\nitoches, 244 sketch of, 245, note.\\nSte. Genevieve, Missouri, when settled, 306.\\nSt. Louis Missouri, when and by whom founded, 385 and note early his-\\ntory of the village, 388.\\nSt. Lusson, Simon Francois Daumont de, sent by Talon on a mission to\\nthe upper lake region, 40 he holds an important conference with\\nthe North-western tribes, 41, 42.\\nSt. Peter s Minnesota) River, French fort erected on by Le Sueur, 221 note.\\nSt. PhiHppe, a small village in the neighborhood of Fort Chartres, 275.\\nSt. Pierre, Le Gardeur de, commanding officer at Fort sur la riviere au\\nBoeuf, 322 his letter of reply to Governor Dinwiddie, 322, 323.\\nSugar-cane, when introduced into Louisiana, 297.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "432 Index.\\nT.\\nTalon, Jean Baptiste, first intendant of Canada under the government\\nof the crown, 20; slight sketch of, 40, note; he recommends the ap-\\npointment of Joliet to explore the Mississippi, 46.\\nTaensas Indians, a kindred tribe of the Natchez, La Salle s arrival among,\\n139; their habitations, life, and worship, 139, 140.\\nTamaroas, one of the five tribes of the Illinois, mention, 105, 127 Jesuit\\nmission established among, 207.\\nTampa Bay, Florida, landing-place of De Soto, 25.\\nTejas Indians, name of Texas derived from, 164, note.\\nTexas, country of claimed by Spain, 190; unsuccessful attempts of the\\nFrench to plant colonies in, 194, 262.\\nTimber, kinds of most abundant in Illinois, 400, note.\\nTombigbee River, ascended by Bienville in his expedition against the\\nChickasaws, 291 also by Governor de Vaudreuil, 298.\\nTontj-^, Henri de, lieutenant of La Salle, 83; his early military career, 84\\naccompanies La Salle to New France (1677), 85; superintends the\\nconstruction of the Griifin, 86 sails with his chief to Mackinac, 87\\ngoes thence to Sault de Ste. Marie, 88 arrives in the Illinois, 89 is\\nleft in command at Fort Cr^ve-coeur, 115; his perilous encounter\\nwith the Iroquois, 123 escapes with his party to the Pottawatomies,\\n128, 129; he descends the Mississippi with La Salle, l? b, et ^eq.; as-\\nsists in constructing Fort St. Louis on the Illinois River, 147 is\\ngiven charge of the fort by La Salle, but superseded in command\\nby De Baugis, 152 afterward reinstated, 182 his river voyage to the\\nGulf in search of La Salle, 182; establishes a post on the Arkansas,\\n182; heroic attempt to succor the remains of La Salle s Texan col-\\nony, 188; is continued in command at the Illinois, 194, 195; finally\\njoins D Iberville on the Lower Mississippi, 221 is sent thence on a\\nmission to the Chickasaws, 228 dies at Fort Louis, on the Mobile,\\n228 summary of his character, 229 printed memoirs of, 230 his\\npetition to Count Pontchartrain, 231.\\nTonty, Alphonse de, brother of Henri, 229.\\nTrois Rivieres, town on the St. Lawrence, founded by Champlain, IS,\\nmention, 37, 47.\\nTunica Bend, scene of IMajor Loftus attack by Tunica Indians, 352.\\nTuscarora Indians, a sixth tribe of the Iroquois nation, 320, note.\\nU.\\nUUoa, Don Antonio de, first Spanish governor sent to Louisiana, 371\\nletter of to the Superior Council, 371 his expulsion from the prov-\\nince, 373.\\nUcita, an Indian town on Tampa Bay, Florida, 25.\\nUtica, Illinois, mention, 146, 196.\\nUtrect, Treaty of, 21.\\nV.\\nVaca, Cabeca, or Cabeza de, an early Spnnisli wanderer in Florida, 29 and\\nnote.\\nVaudi euil, Pierre PVancois de Rigaud, Marquis de, governor of Louisi-", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "Index. 433\\nana (1742-1753), 296; prosperity of the province under his admin-\\nistration, 297 he is promoted to the governorship of Canada, 312\\njealousy and contentions with General Montcalm, 340, noie charges\\npreferred against him by friends of the latter, on which he is tried\\nand acquitted, 340, 341, nole death of in Paris, Ibid.\\nVega, Garcilasso de la, a Spanish historian of De Soto s Expedition, 30, 33,\\nnote.\\nVenango, Indian village and military post on the Alleghany River,\\n321,350.\\nVerrazano, Juan, a celebrated Florentine navigator early voyage of dis-\\ncovery to North America, 4.\\nVexilla, or vexilla regis prodeunt, first line of grand Latin hymn, 144, 198.\\nVicanque, ancient Indian town on the upper waters of tlie Arkan-\\nsas, 29.\\nVincennes, Jean Baptiste Bissot de. (See De Vincennes.)\\nVincennes, Indiana, beginning of, 299; early history, 301, 302; visited\\nby Croghan, 303, note.\\nVirginia, Illinois made a county of, 402.\\nW.\\nWabash River, when French posts first established on, 299.\\nWashington, George, mission to the headwaters of the Ohio, 321 sur-\\nrenders Fort Necessity, 325 gallant conduct at Braddock s de-\\nfeat, 328.\\nWars of the French with the Spaniards, 265-268; with the Natchez,\\n277-285; with the Chickasaws, 290-298; with the English, 20, 312,\\n319-339 Pontiac s war, 346-360.\\nWest, Company of the, when organized, 252 operations of in Louisi-\\nana and Illinois, 259, 571 charter of surrendered to the crown, 286\\nbenefits of its sway, 287.\\nWilliam III. of England, sends two vessels to explore the outlet of the\\nMississippi, 113, 220.\\nWinnebago Indians, a Ijranch of the Sioux or Dakota nation Nicolet s\\nvisit to and account of, 36 mention, 41.\\nWilkins, Lieutenant-Colonel John, succeeds Colonel Reed as English\\ncommandant at the Illinois, 395; account of his administration,\\n395-398.\\nWill of La Salle, 134, note.\\nWolfe, General James, distinguishes himself at the reduction of Louis-\\nburg, 336 his siege of Quebec, 337 dies on the field of battle, 338.\\nWolfe and Montcalm Monument, 341, note.\\nWolfe s column, Ibid.\\nY.\\nYazoo River, De Soto winters at village on, 27 French Fort on, 283.\\nYalobusha River, in Northern j\\\\Iississippi, rendezvous of D Artaquette\\nin his unfortunate expedition against the Chickasaws, 292.\\nFINIS.", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3412", "width": "2089", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3519", "width": "2099", "jp2-path": "historyofillinoi00wa_0452.jp2"}}