{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3402", "width": "2159", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "a\\n^3\\nClass.\\nEaix\\nBook\\ncJU\u00c2\u00b1", "height": "3148", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "V", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "THE\\nOld Northwest\\niVITH A VIEW OF THE THIRTEEN COLONIES\\nAS CONSTITUTED BY THE\\nROYAL CHARTERS\\nBY\\nB. A. HINSDALE, Ph.D.\\nPROFESSOR OF THE SCIENCE AND ART OF TEACHING, UNH ^RSITY OF\\nM ICHIGAN AUTHOR OF SCHOOLS AND STUDIES, AND EDITOR OF\\nTHE WORKS OF JAMES ABRAM GARFIELD\\nReligion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happi-\\nness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged.\\nOrdinance of 1787.\\nNo colony in America was ever settled under such favorable auspices as that which has\\njust commenced at the Muskingum. Washington.\\nWe look to you of the Northwest to finally decide whether this is to be a land of\\nslavery or freedom. The people of the Northwest are to be the arbiters of its destiny.\\nSeward.\\nNEW YORK\\nTOWNSEND MAC COUN\\n1888\\nMAY a 1888", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "Copyright, 1888\\nTOWNSEND MAC COUN\\nNEW YORK\\nTROW 8\\nPRINTING ANO BOOKBINDING COMPANY,\\nNEW YORK.\\nch\\n|7\\nU", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nSave New England alone, there is no section of the\\nUnited States embracing several States that is so distinct an\\nhistorical unit, and that so readily yields to historical treat-\\nment, as the Old Northwest. It is the part of the Great\\nWest first discovered and colonized by the French. It was\\nthe occasion of the final struggle for dominion between\\nFrance and England in North America. It was the thea-\\ntre of one of the most brilliant and far-reaching military ex-\\nploits of the Revolution. The disposition to be made of it\\nat the close of the Revolution is the most important territo-\\nrial question treated in the history of American diplomacy.\\nAfter the war, the Northwest began to assume a constantly\\nincreasing importance in the national history. It is the origi-\\nnal public domain, and the part of the West first colonized\\nunder the authority of the National Government. It was\\nthe first and the most important Territory ever organized by\\nCongress. It is the only part of the United States ever\\nunder a secondary constitution like the Ordinance of 1787.\\nNo other equal part of the Union has made in one hundred\\nyears such progress along the characteristic lines of American\\ndevelopment. Moreover, the Northwest has stood in very\\nimportant relations to questions of great national and inter-\\nnational importance, as the use and ownership of the Missis-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "IV PREFACE.\\nsippi River, and the territorial growth and integrity of the\\nUnion. To portray those features of this region that make it\\nan historical unit is the central purpose of this book. But\\nas the Northwest is intimately dependent upon the Atlantic\\nPlain, a view of the Thirteen Colonies as Constituted by the\\nRoyal Charters has also been given. No previous writer has\\ncovered the ground, and the work is wholly new in concep-\\ntion.\\nDr. Edward A. Freeman insists that the most ingenious\\nand eloquent of modern historical discourses can, after all, be\\nnothing more than a comment on a text. Historical texts\\nare not history, but even ingenious and eloquent comments\\noften suffer from lack of a sufficiency of the text that they\\nare written to elucidate. In this work, liberal quotations\\nfrom original documents will be found, accompanied by the\\nnecessary discussion. The subjects treated in Chapters VI.,\\nVII., XL, XII., and XIII., in particular, cannot be satisfac-\\ntorily handled in any other way. Furthermore, while these\\ndocuments are in no sense rare, they do not lie in the way of\\nthe common reader or of the ordinary student or teacher of\\nhistory. This feature of the work, it is believed, will be\\nhighly appreciated by all these classes, and especially by the\\nstudent and the teacher.\\nB. A. Hinsdale.\\nUniversity of Michigan,\\nAnn Arbor, March i, il", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nPAGB\\nI. North America in Outline, i\\nII. The First Division of North America, 6\\nIII. The French Discover the Northwest, 21\\nIV. The French Colonize the Northwest, 38\\nV. England wrests the Northwest from France\\nThe First Treaty of Paris, -55\\nVI. The Thirteen Colonies as Constituted by the\\nRoyal Charters (I.), -70\\nVII. The Thirteen Colonies as Constituted by the\\nRoyal Charters (II.), .98\\nVIII. The Western Land Policy of the British Gov-\\nernment FROM 1763 TO 1775, .120\\nIX. The Northwest in the Revolution, 147\\nX. The United States wrest the Northwest from\\nEngland The Second Treaty of Paris, 162\\nXI. The Northwestern Land-Claims, .192\\nXII. The Northwestern Cessions (I.), .203\\nXIII. The Northwestern Cessions (II.), 224", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "VI CONTENTS.\\nPAGE\\nXIV. The Land-Ordinance of 1785, .255\\nXV. The Ordinance of 1787, .263\\nXVI. The Territory of the United States Northwest\\nOF THE River Ohio, 280\\nXVII. The Admission of the Northwestern States to\\nthe Union, 317\\nXVIII. Slavery in the Northwest, 345\\nXIX. The Connecticut Western Reserve, 368\\nXX. A Century of Progress, .393", "height": "3253", "width": "1926", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "LIST OF MAPS.\\nI. The Old Northwest, Frontispiece.\\nPAGE\\nII. Drainage Features of the United States, 2\\nIII. French Explorations and Posts in the Old\\nNorthwest,\\nIV. Territory of the Present United States, 1755 to\\n7^i 62\\nV. Territory of the Present United States after\\nFebruary 10, 1763, .68\\nVI. Proposal of the Court of France at the Second\\nTreaty of Paris, .176\\nVII. Boundary-lines proposed at the Second Treaty\\nOF Paris, ^g^\\nVIII. Territory of the Present United States after\\nSeptember 3, 1783, i88\\nIX. Territory of the Thirteen Original States, 200\\nX. Map of Ohio Surveys, .291\\nXI, The Old Northwest in 1888, .393", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nI.\\nNORTH AMERICA IN OUTLINE.\\nNorth America is easily separable into three very\\nplainly marked physical divisions. The Pacific Highlands,\\nwhich are a vast plateau surmounted by the Rocky and Sierra\\nNevada Mountain systems, extend from the Arctic Ocean to\\nthe Isthmus of Panama, and form the primary feature of the\\ncontinent. The Atlantic Highlands, consisting of the Lab-\\nrador Plateau and the Appalachian Mountain system, with\\nthe adjacent eastern slope, extend from Labrador almost to\\nthe Gulf of Mexico, and form the secondary feature. Be-\\ntween the Pacific Highlands and the Atlantic Highlands, ex-\\ntending from the southern Gulf to the northern Ocean, 5,000\\nmiles Tn length by 2,000 in breadth at the widest part, and\\nopening out like a fan to the north, is the Central Plain.\\nThe Central Plain is also easily separable into three parts.\\nFirst, the Arctic Plain descends by easy slopes from the wavy\\nelevation called the Height of Land, north and northeast to\\nthe Arctic Ocean and Hudson Bay. Secondly, south of the\\nHeight of Land and a second similar elevation that takes off\\nfror^it, near the head of Lake Superior, and sweeps southeast\\nand northeast until it unites with the Appalachian Mountains\\nin Northern New York, the Mississippi Valley falls away\\ngently to the Gulf of Mexico. Thirdly, between the Arctic\\nPlain and the Mississippi Valley lies the Basin of the Great\\nLakes, that is lengthened eastward in the St. Lawrence Valley.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "2 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe two sides of the continent, as divided by the eastern\\nranges of the Rocky Mountains, present the strongest con-\\ntrasts. The western side consists of great mountain chains,\\nattaining high elevations, with short and abrupt descents to\\nthe Pacific Ocean the eastern side is a vast plain, descending\\nto the Arctic and Atlantic Oceans and the Gulf of Mexico,\\nby long and easy lines, save in the southeast, where it is\\ninterrupted by the moderate elevation of the Appalachian\\nMountains. Straight lines can be drawn from the Arctic\\nOcean to the Gulf of Mexico, from the southern shore of\\nLake Ontario to the Rio Grande, and from the source of\\nthe Ohio to the source of the Kansas, that will at no point rise\\n2,000 feet above the level of the sea. In fact, the geographer\\npasses over whole States without finding any elevations of\\nsurface that he need represent upon a map intended for com-\\nmon purposes.\\nOn the one side, and particularly south of 49\u00c2\u00b0 north lati-\\ntude, the coast line is remarkably regular on the other side,\\nremarkably irregular.\\nOn the west, few rivers descend to the sea, and not one of\\nthese cuts through the mountain masses and reaches the inte-\\nrior; on the east, every subdivision of the Central Plain is\\ntraversed by a great natural water-way. Hudson Strait, Hud-\\nson Bay, and the Nelson-Winnipeg River system together\\nreach the very foot-hills of the Rocky Mountains. The\\nnoble St. Lawrence, cutting through the Appalachian Moun-\\ntains, opens a channel for the Great Lakes to discharge their\\nfloods, and for man to ascend to the central parts of the con-\\ntinent. The Mississippi Father of Waters with his 35,000\\nmiles of navigable affluents, gives ready means of access to\\nevery part of the great valley that bears his name. If three\\nmen should ascend these three water-ways to their farthest\\nsources, they would find themselves in the heart of North\\nAmerica, and, so to speak, within a stone s-throw of one\\nanother. One of these water-ways has played hitherto no\\nconsiderable part in the affairs of civilized men but the", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "NORTH AMERICA IN OUTLINE. 3\\nother two arc as prominent in the history of America as they\\nare in its geography.\\nThe world scarcely offers a parallel to the ease and celerity\\nwith which the passage can be made from the upper waters\\nof any one of these great water-ways to either of the others.\\nThe Great Lakes occupy an elevated plateau, the summit,\\nin fact, of the vast expanse of land which spreads out between\\nthe Alleghanies and the Rocky Mountains no large streams\\nflow into them, and they drain limited areas and their\\nbasins are separated from the regions north and south by\\nwater-sheds that in no point rise to the dignity of mountains.\\nLake Superior is 900 feet above the Gulf of St. Lawrence\\nLake Itasca, Pittsburg, and Cairo are 1650, 700, and 300 feet\\nrespectively above the Gulf of Mexico. From Omaha west\\nalong the Platte River, the Union Pacific Railroad ascends by\\na grade of five feet to the mile while from St. Paul north-\\nwest to the Yellowstone, the ascent is but two feet to the\\nmile. In Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin the streams\\nflowing in opposite directions often head in the same swamps\\nand in times of high water it would almost be possible to\\npush a flat-bottomed boat from the Lake Basin into the Mis-\\nsissippi Valley. The highest level of the Ohio Canal is 395\\nfeet, the highest level of the Miami Canal, 380 feet, above\\nLake Erie, A simple pump suffices to carry the sewage of\\nChicago to a level where gravitation takes it to the Missis-\\nsippi. Lake Michigan once had an outlet to the Gulf of\\nMexico, and should the Hennepin Canal ever be built, it\\nwill be an artificial outlet.\\nIn the days when the Northwest was discovered and ex-\\nplored, and again in the days when it was settled, the short\\nand easy portages between the northern and southern streams,\\nscattered all the way from Western New York to Minnesota,\\nwere of very great importance.\\nThe Appalachian system consists of several chains or\\nHubbard Memorials of a Half Century, 3.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "4 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nranges, and the valleys lying between them. To the ex-\\nplorer or pioneer attempting to reach the interior, they op-\\nposed a continuous mountain-wall from 3,500 to 7,000 feet in\\nheight, a slight obstacle, indeed, as compared with the moun-\\ntains on the other side of the continent, but still considerable,\\nand playing no unimportant part in history. The Atlantic\\nPlain, as the slope east of these mountains is called, is coursed\\nby many rivers that furnish excellent harbors at their mouths\\nand render the whole region readily accessible from the sea.\\nFive of these rivers, the Hudson, the Delaware, the Sus-\\nquehanna, the Potomac, and the James, cut through the\\nmountain-wall. The valleys of these rivers to-day are road-\\nways for great lines of travel and transportation leading to\\nthe West but when the country was in a state of nature,\\nonly one of them offered an easy passage from the Atlantic\\nPlain to the Mississippi Valley. Geologists tell us that once\\nLake Ontario had an outlet to New York Bay and certain\\nit is that by the Hudson and Mohawk, the streams flowing\\nto the Lakes whose sources are intertwined with those of the\\nMohawk, and the short and easy portages between them, the\\nexplorer and the colonist could readily have reached the in-\\nterior but for a formidable obstacle that will receive attention\\nin another place. Despite this obstacle, the site of Oswego\\nwas visited by Englishmen before the site of Pittsburg while\\nit was through the Mohawk Valley that the first canal and\\nrailroad were built connecting the East and the West. From\\nNew York Bay to the St. Lawrence extends a deep valley\\nthat cuts the mountains asunder; Hudson River fills the\\nsouthern half. Lake Champlain and the River Richelieu the\\nnorthern half, of this valley and these waters, together with\\nthe easy divide between them, have played a very impor-\\ntant part in American history from the very first.\\nThese geographical features of our continent have been\\nboldly sketched, because they have had the greatest influence\\nupon the course of American, and particularly of Western-\\nAmerican, history. Had some convulsion of nature lowered", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "NORTH AMERICA IN OUTLINE. 5\\nthe Appalachian Mountains to the level of the country east\\nand west at the time the first English colonies were founded\\non the Atlantic slope, or thrown up a system of mountains as\\nhigh as the Appalachians along the low water-sheds that sep-\\narate the Lake Basin and the Arctic Plain from the Missis-\\nsippi Valley when the first French settlements in Canada\\nwere planted, no one can tell in what different lines history\\nwould have run. Nor can one rightly estimate the prodigious\\ninfluence upon the Northwest of the fact that it lies partly\\nwithin the Lake Basin and partly within the Mississippi Val-\\nley, and that it holds in its bosom all the rivers flowing to\\nthe Lakes on the south, and to the Mississippi on the west,\\nfrom the Ohio to the head of Lake Superior.\\nSpeaking relatively, North America has an open and a\\nclosed side and fortunately it is the open side that faces\\nEurope.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "II.\\nTHE FIRST DIVISION OF NORTH AMERICA.\\nFor two hundred years after its discovery, North America\\nhad no independent life and history. The seeds of future\\nAmerican questions were being thickly planted, but for the\\ntime no such questions appeared. The continent was the\\ntheatre of European ambition, strife, and endeavor. Three\\ngreat nations played each an important part in the drama\\nSpain, France, and England. We are now to see how the\\ncountry was first divided among them.\\nI, The Spaniards in the Gulf of Mexico.\\nThe Spaniards had not firmly established themselves in the\\nWest Indies before they plunged into the Caribbean Sea and\\nthe Gulf of Mexico. Columbus himself was on the coast of\\nSouth America in 1498, and on the coast of Central America\\nin 1502 and 1503. Balboa crossed the Isthmus of Darien, and\\ndiscovered and named the South Sea, in 15 13. Cortez began\\nthe conquest of Mexico in 15 19, and Pizarro that of Peru in\\n1526. In 1 5 12 Ponce de Leon discovered and named Florida.\\nMiruelo ran along the western side of the peninsula as far as\\nPensacola in 15 16. In 15 19 Pineda coasted the northern\\nshore of the Gulf as far as Panuco, in Mexico, and on his re-\\nturn discovered the Mississippi River, which was first called\\nThe River of the Holy Spirit. In 1520 Ayllon sailed to\\nthe coast of Georgia and South Carolina and five years later\\nhe continued his explorations as far as Virginia, where he\\nplanted an ill-fated settlement on the future site of James-\\ntown. In 1527 De Narvaez conducted an unfortunate expe-", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "THE FIRST DIVISION OF NORTH AMERICA. 7\\ndition to the northern shore of the Gulf. He lost his life\\nwhile crossing the stream of the Mississippi out at sea, but De\\nVaca, one of his lieutenants, and a few others, survived the\\nperils of the deep and of the land, to tell in after-years one of\\nthe most romantic tales to be found in the history of Ameri-\\ncan exploration. Hernando de Soto, Governor of Cuba, hav-\\ning obtained from Charles V. a grant of the country from\\nFlorida to the River of Palms, landed at Tampa Bay in 1539\\nwith a large and well-appointed command. He hoped to find\\na rich Indian kingdom, such as Pizarro had found in Peru and\\nCortez in Mexico. After two years marching in the interior,\\nDe Soto, disappointed in his search, found himself in latitude\\n35\u00c2\u00b0 north, on the eastern bank of the Mississippi. Crossing\\nthe river, he continued his march many hundreds of miles to\\nthe northwest but, still disappointed, he returned the next\\nyear to the river, his command greatly reduced by battle, dis-\\nease, and famine, and himself wasted in body and broken in\\nspirit, where he died. In the sonorous language of Bancroft\\nHis soldiers pronounced his eulogy by grieving for their\\nloss the priests chanted over his body the first requiems that\\nwere ever heard on the waters of the Mississippi. To conceal\\nhis death, his body was wrapped in a mantle, and in the still-\\nness of midnight was silently sunk in the middle of the\\nstream. The wanderer had crossed a large part of the conti-\\nnent in his search for gold, and found nothing so remarkable\\nas his burial-place. His surviving companions fled down the\\nriver to the Gulf, and made their way to their countrymen\\nin Mexico. At the same time that De Soto was seeking his\\nimaginary El Dorado in the region south of the Missouri,\\nCoronado, who had come overland from Mexico, was\\nsearching in the same region for the fabled Seven cities of\\nCibola. The two commands were so near each other that\\nan Indian runner, in a few days, might have carried tidings\\nbetween them in fact, Coronado actually heard of his\\nHistory 6-volume edition, 1876, I., 50.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "8 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ncountryman, and sent him a letter, but his messenger failed\\nto find De Soto s party. Spaniards had now virtually met\\nin the centre of the Mississippi Valley, coming from points as\\ndistant as Tampa Bay and the Gulf of California they had\\nfound no El Dorado or Cibola, and they gave over the at-\\ntempt at exploration and conquest in these regions.\\nIn no important sense did the Spanish discoveries make\\nknown the Mississippi to the world. Holding the shore line\\nfrom Florida to Mexico, Spain, in the sixteenth century, had\\nthe finest opportunity ever offered any nation to explore,\\noccupy, and possess the Mississippi Valley the Appalachi-\\ncola, the Mobile, the Colorado, and, above all, the Mississippi\\nitself, invited her to ascend them and people their banks.\\nNo powerful Indian nation was on the soil to oppose her,\\nno European rival was present to deny her right. Why did\\nshe not do so The answer is one of the exploded theories of\\npolitical economy. In that age Europeans generally, and\\nSpaniards particularly, held to the Bullion Theory The\\nprecious metals are the only form of wealth. Not finding\\nthem in the region visited by De Soto, Spain fixed her atten-\\ntion on regions where she had already found them and so\\nintent was she on the mines of Mexico and South America,\\nthat her gallions ploughed the waters of the Gulf for one hun-\\ndred years, ignorant or regardless of the fact that they were\\ncrossing and recrossing before a portal that stood always open\\nto admit them to the richest valley in the world. So indif-\\nferent was Spain to her opportunity that in the next century\\nshe allowed the Mississippi to slip from her hands to those\\nof France, without serious protest. When another century\\nhad gone, she awoke from her indifference, and made strenu-\\nous efforts to recall the mistake. Unfortunately for her, but\\nfortunately for the world, it was too late. Fortunately for\\nthe world for what greater calamity could have befallen civ-\\nilization on this continent than a South America or a Mexico\\nNarrative and Critical History of America, II., 292.", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "THE FIRST DIVISION OF NORTH AMERICA. 9\\nplanted between the Alleghany and the Rocky Mountains\\nStill, Spain, in the sixteenth century, founded two settlements\\nwithin the present limits of the United States. Santa F6,\\nhidden away, in 1582, in one of the upper valleys of the Rio\\nGrande, never played any part in history until our own times.\\nBut to hold Florida against all comers was to Spain a simple\\nnecessity. The peninsula offered an excellent base for attack-\\ning the fleets that bore the spoil of the East Indies, Mexico,\\nand Peru from Vera Cruz and Carthagena to Spain, as well\\nas for menacing the islands at the entrance of the Gulf and\\nthe hurricanes of the tropics had already strewn the Florida\\ncoast with the fragments of Spanish wrecks. Hence the\\nsavage vigor with which she expelled the Huguenot colonies\\nfrom Northern Florida, and the persistence with which she\\nheld the English colonists on the north at bay down to 1763,\\nwhen she surrendered the peninsula as the price of the Queen\\nof the Antilles. St. Augustine, founded in 1565, a castle\\nrather than a colony, was the key to the positions of Spain\\nin the Gulf and in the East India seas.\\nII. The French in the Valley of the St. Lawrence.\\nVerrazzano in 1524 led the first French official exploring\\nexpedition to North America. He sailed along the coast from\\nlatitude 32\u00c2\u00b0 to Newfoundland, landing at many places, and\\nvisiting New York Bay, and then returned to France. This\\nvoyage, which added considerably to contemporary knowledge\\nof America, and led to other and more important voyages,\\ngave color to the claim that France afterward made to the\\nwhole coast within the extreme points that Verrazzano\\ntouched. James Cartier, also with a French commission,\\nmade three voyages to the northern parts of the continent in\\nI534 1 5 35 J and 1540. In 1534 he explored the coast of New-\\nfoundland and the shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, visited\\nLabrador, and discovered the St. Lawrence River. Hoping\\nNarrative and Critical History of America, IL, 254.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "lO THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthat this river was the long-sought passage to Cathay, Cartier\\nsailed up its current to Stadeconna, the Indian name of Que-\\nbec. Leaving here his ships, he pushed on with two or three\\nboats and a few companions to Hochelaga, an Indian town\\non the present site of Montreal. It was the month of Sep-\\ntember the northern forests were putting on their gorgeous\\nautumn garments, and the Frenchmen could not sufficiently\\nadmire the beauty of the country. Cartier visited Stadeconna\\nand Hochelaga again in 1540, when he took possession of\\nCanada, as the Indians called the country, in the name of his\\nroyal master, by raising a cross surmounted by the fleur-de-\\nlis, and emblazoned with the legend Franciscus PRIMUS,\\nDEI GRATIA Francorum Rex regnat. Attempts to col-\\nonize the valley were immediately made, but they ended in\\nfailure.\\nSamuel de Champlain was the father of Canada. He came\\nto America with Pontgrav^, in 1603. Sent up the St. Law-\\nrence to Hochelaga, he was filled, like Cartier, with admira-\\ntion as he viewed the country, and was at once convinced that\\nthis valley, and not Acadia, must be the seat of the future\\nFrench-American Empire. Deeply patriotic and fervently\\nreligious, Champlain longed to plant among the forests and\\nwaters of the north a colony that should shed lustre on the\\narms of France and extend the bounds of the Catholic Church.\\nThe forests and waters abounded in the valuable furs that,\\nnext to gold and silver, were the prime object of search to the\\nfirst American colonists they would shield a colony from its\\nenemies while the great river that was lost in unknown re-\\ngions of mystery would probably lead on to the lands of\\nMarco Polo. He returned to France burning with desire to\\ncarry out this purpose. His coveted opportunity soon came;\\nin 1608 he had the great happiness to plant, under the rock\\nof Quebec, the first permanent French settlement in Canada.\\nThe next year he plunged into the wilds of Northern New\\nYork, where, near the head of Lake Champlain, he met a war\\nparty of Mohawk Indians. Although he destroyed the party,", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "THE FIRST DIVISION OF NORTH AMERICA. II\\nChamplain was so much impressed by their courage, and by\\nwhat he heard of the formidable confederacy to which they\\nbelonged, that on returning to Canada he directed his atten-\\ntion to the north and west, where he found man, if not nature,\\nmore tractable.\\nThe Gulf and River St. Lawrence, and the streams that\\nfall into the river on the north, gave the French easy entrance\\nto the interior of the great continent. Ascending to the\\nhead of Lake Huron by the Ottawa, Lake Nipissing, and\\nGeorgian Bay, they were at the foot of Lakes Michigan and\\nSuperior, that stand to the Northwest in some such relation\\nas the lung-lobes to the human body. Ascending the St.\\nLawrence to the southern shore of Lake Ontario, they had\\nturned the left flank of the Appalachian Mountains, and\\ngained the edge of that vast plain which stretches away to\\nthe Gulf of Mexico and the Rio Grande. The use that they\\nmade of these advantages will form the subject of a future\\nchapter.\\nIt was most fortunate that Champlain concluded not to\\ninvade the seats of the Iroquois, but to lay the foundations of\\nNew France farther to the north. Had he persisted in his\\nfirst purpose, and been successful, he would have made the re-\\ngion in which the Genesee and the Richelieu, the Hudson\\nand the Delaware, the Susquehanna and the Ohio take their\\nrise French territory, and so have given the French the advant-\\nage of a position that two great generals have called the key to\\nthe eastern half of the United States. As it was, Champlain\\nfully won the title accorded him Father of New France.\\nThe planting of Quebec was the most important event that\\nhad taken place in North America since its discovery, save\\nonly the planting of Jamestown the previous year.\\nGeneral Scott, standing on the field of Bemus Heights, declared this Com-\\nmonwealth [New York] to hold the military key of the continent east of the Mis-\\nsissippi, and on the same spot, General Grant confirmed the judgment. Roberts\\nNew York, in Commonwealth Series, I., 124.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "12 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nIII. The English on the Atlantic Plain.\\nJohn Cabot, sailing with a commission from Henry VII.\\nof England, discovered North America in 1497. His son\\nSebastian visited it again in 1498. How much of the coast\\nthese navigators skirted, is matter of controversy some say\\nthe whole coast from 36\u00c2\u00b0 to (i north latitude. But it is\\ncertain that the elder Cabot made his landfall a year and\\nmore before Columbus touched the shore of the sister conti-\\nnent. Both the Cabots took possession of the country in the\\nname of the English king, and English historians, statesmen,\\nand jurists have always based on these voyages England s\\nclaim to that portion of North America which fell to her at\\nthe first apportionment.\\nFor a long time, owing to her unwillingness to offend\\nSpain, to her absorption in attempts to find the northeast and\\nnorthwest passages, to her domestic troubles, and to her indif-\\nference, England took little interest in the new empire that\\nthe Cabots had given her but toward the close of the six-\\nteenth century she began to awake to her opportunity, and\\nto take an interest in western planting. Her first colony was\\nJamestown, planted in 1607 and between that date and\\n1733 she had absorbed the Dutch and the Swedes on the\\nHudson and the Delaware, and divided the whole coast, often\\nby boundary lines that ran to the Pacific Ocean, into thirteen\\ncolonies.\\nBoth in respect to character and geographical position, the\\ncolonists of the Atlantic Plain present strong points of con-\\ntrast to those on the Gulf coast and those in the St. Lawrence\\nValley. They were not adventurers thirsting for gold and\\nconquest, like the Spaniards nor were they trappers, traders\\nin furs, voyageurs, and priests intent on Indian evangelization,\\nlike the French. There was, indeed, in most of the thirteen\\ncolonies a considerable infusion of adventure, but it took the\\ndirection of business rather than of conquest. Nearly all the", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "THE FIRST DIVISION OF NORTH AMERICA. 13\\nEnglish colonists were interested in industry, trade, and poli-\\ntics and many of them, as the New Englanders and Mary-\\nlanders, came seeking in the wilderness those religious and\\ncivil rights that were denied them at home. They were not\\nblind to the advantage of the fur trade, nor wholly indifferent\\nto the religious state of the Indians but Indian trade was the\\nsmaller part of their commerce, and their religious zeal took\\nthe direction of establishing a new church where they could\\nthemselves live at peace rather than of converting the savages\\nto the old one. Accordingly, they were more than content\\nto plant their settlements by the sea.\\nThen the English seem to have been more thoroughly than\\neither the French or the Spaniards under the influence of those\\nfalse ideas of the North American continent that did so much\\nto shape the course of history.\\nTo the imagination of Europe, America was first an archi-\\npelago. The explanation of this belief is due to several cir-\\ncumstances to Columbus s expectation that he would first\\ncome to the outlying Asiatic islands to his belief that the\\nWest Indies were the islands that he expected to find and\\nto the fact that the early voyagers to North America touched\\nthe coast at widely separated parts, which geographers were\\nunable for a long time properly to connect. In 1660 Endicott\\ncalled New England this Patmos, and as late as 1740 the\\nDuke of Newcastle directed letters to the Island of New\\nEngland.\\nNavigators and geographers next conceived of our conti-\\nnent as a long and narrow strip of land running north and\\nsouth, cut by water-ways that connected the two oceans.\\nMost evident signs that a great continent lay behind the shore\\nthat seamen touched at points as remote as Labrador and\\nMexico, such as the great rivers that came down to the sea,\\nwere constantly disregarded. A Mapp of Virginia sold in\\nLondon in 165 1 lays down Hudson River as communicating\\nby a mighty great lake with the sea of China and the\\nIndies, and carries a legend running along the shore of Cali-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "14 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nfornia, whose happy shores (in ten days march with fifty\\nfoot and thirty horsemen from the head of James River, over\\nthose hills and through the rich adjacent valleys beautifyed\\nwith as profifitable rivers which necessarily must run into that\\npeaceful! Indian sea) may be discovered to the exceeding\\nbenefit of Great Britain and joye of all true English. An of-\\nficial map of Maryland, published in 1670, and certified by a\\ncompetent authority to be by no means a bad one, represents\\nthe Alleghanies above the Cumberland Mountains, and gives\\nthis description of them These mighty high and great Moun-\\ntaines, trending N.E. and S.VV. and W.S.W., is supposed to\\nbe the very middle ridg of Northern America and the only\\nNatural cause of the fierceness and extreame stormy cold\\nwinds that come northwest from thence all over this continent\\nand makes frost. This conception of North America ex-\\nplains the endeavors of Smith, Hudson, and Cartier to find\\nthe India road in the rivers that they explored. It explains\\nalso the fact that Captain Newport, in 1608, brought over\\nfrom England a barge so constructed that it could be taken to\\npieces and then put together, with which he and his company\\nwere instructed to ascend the James River as far as the falls,\\nthen to carry their barge beyond the falls and descend to the\\nsouth sea, being ordered not to return without a lump of gold\\nas a certainty of the said sea. This persistent misconception\\nof North America was due to that mental prepossession which\\nprevented men seeing any insuperable obstacle to their find-\\ning a western sea-road to the Indies, and to the fact that Bal-\\nboa, Drake, and others, from the mountains of Darien, had seen\\nthe two oceans that wash its shores. It is well to illustrate\\nthis false notion thus at length, because evidences of its influ-\\nence in history are abundant.\\nShut out from the Gulf of Mexico by the Spaniards, and\\nfrom the River St. Lawrence by the French not caring to\\nNarrative and Critical History, III., 465.\\nBrowne Maryland, in the Commonwealth Series, loo.", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "THE FIRST DIVISION OF NORTH AMERICA. 1 5\\nventure far from the coast inland, and actually confined to it\\nby a great physical cause, the English were much slower than\\ntheir rivals in seeing in North America a vast continent.\\nThen, when the English colonists ascended from one to two\\nhundred miles the rivers coursing the Atlantic Plain they\\nfound themselves confronted by the Appalachian wall and\\ntheir further progress arrested. Accustomed to pass and re-\\npass these mountains in a few hours time at a dozen points,\\nit is difficult for us to conceive how, at that day, they im-\\npressed the imaginations of men and retarded the spread of\\nsettlements to the West. The southern Indians called them\\nthe Endless Mountains, the English, sometimes, the Great\\njNIountains.\\nThe memorials of the first emigrants to Ohio, although\\nthe best natural roads had now been discovered and im-\\nproved, and all obstruction from the Indians had ceased, tell\\nus how difficult of passage they found these mountain ridges.\\nIn fact, at the close of the last century, the safest, easiest, and\\nquickest line of travel from Philadelphia or Baltimore to Cen-\\ntral Kentucky, or even to Fort Hamilton, that stood on the\\npresent site of Cincinnati, led to Wadkins Ferry on the Po-\\ntomac thence up the Shenandoah Valley, through Martins-\\nburg, Winchester, and Staunton; thence over the divide\\nto New River and on to Cumberland Gap the Wilder-\\nness Road of early Western emigration, the Valley Road\\nof recent warfare and thence by Crab Orchard and Lex-\\nington to the Ohio.\\nAt the north, Nature had indeed prepared a highway to\\nthe West but the Mohawk Valley was exposed to attack\\nfrom Canada, as the burning of Schenectady shows, while the\\npeople of the Long House blocked the Englishman s way to\\nthe Lake Basin almost as effectually as they blocked the\\nFrenchman s way to the sources of the Delaware and the\\nSusquehanna. The Iroquois were generally friendly to the\\nSpeed The Wilderness Road, 12, 23.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "l6 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nEnglish and hostile to the French but that haughty, jealous\\nrace were but little more disposed to see their ancestral seats\\ninvaded by their friends than by their foes.\\nThe facts now presented account for the extreme tardiness\\nof the English colonists in entering the country west of the\\nAppalachian Mountains. It is related that one Colonel Abra-\\nham Wood, who dwelt at the falls of the Appomattox, with\\na party of hunters and traders, crossed the Blue Ridge and\\ndiscovered New River in 1654. It is said that a Captain\\nHenry Batte, in 1666, coming also from Appomattox, crossed\\nthe mountains, and followed for some distance a stream flow-\\ning westward. It is further related that a Captain Bolton\\nreached the Mississippi in 1670; that a party of New Eng-\\nlanders, in 1677, made their way overland to New Mexico,\\nand on their return told their story to the Boston authorities\\nand that Virginians were at the falls of the Kanawha in 1671.\\nTo find authority for these reports, or any of them, seems a\\nhopeless undertaking. Parkman says neither the Wood nor\\nthe Bolton tale is sustained by sufficient authority, and\\nhe pronounces the Boston story without proof and im-\\nprobable.\\nThe tenacity with which the English colonists clung to\\nthe coast, their meagre ideas of the continent behind them,\\nand the lack of romantic elements in their life, are well illus-\\ntrated in Governor Spotswood s famous adventure to the Shen-\\nandoah Valley in August and September, 17 16. We have\\nthe authority of the governor for saying that a company of\\nVirginians ascended the Blue Ridge Mountains Tho they\\nhad hitherto been thought to be unpassable, in iSio; but he\\nhimself was the first to lead the way into the valley beyond.\\nAttended by some members of his staff, Spotswood pro-\\nceeded in his coach from Williamsburg to the frontier. Here\\nhe was joined by some Virginia gentlemen and their retainers,\\na company of rangers, and four Indians, fifty persons in all.\\nLa Salic and the Discovery of the Great West. Introduction.", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "THE FIRST DIVISION OF NORTH AMERICA. 1/\\nTaking to horse, the gay company took their westward\\nway by the upper Rappahannock. On the thirty-sixth day\\nfrom Williamsburg they scaled the mountains, and saw the\\nvalley beyond that has commanded so much admiration.\\nAfter drinking the king s health, they descended the western\\nslope to the river, which they crossed and named the\\nEuphrates. The governor took formal possession of the\\nregion for George I. of England. Much light is thrown upon\\nthe convivial habits of Virginians at that time by an entry\\nfound in the diary of the chronicler. We got all the men\\ntogether and loaded their arms, and we drank the king s\\nhealth in champagne and fired a volley, the princess health\\nin Burgundy and fired a volley, and all the rest of the\\nroyal family in claret and a volley we drank the governor s\\nhealth and fired another volley. We had several sorts of\\nliquors viz., Virginia red wine and white wine, Irish usque-\\nbaugh, brandy, shrub, two sorts of rum, champagne, canary,\\ncherry punch, cider, etc. The lapse of eight weeks and the\\ndistance of 440 miles travelled, going and coming, brought\\nSpotswood back to Williamsburg. He now celebrated the\\nhardships of the journey by creating the Knights of the\\nGolden Horseshoe. To ascend the mountains the horses\\nhad been shod with iron, which was unnecessary in tide-water\\nVirginia and the governor caused small golden horseshoes,\\nset with jewels and inscribed with the legend. Sic juvat trans-\\ncendere montes, to be made in London and distributed amoncr\\nhis companions. This expedition was important in results,\\nbut its most noticeable feature is its date, 17 16. This was\\none hundred and nine years after the landing at Jamestown,\\nand thirty-four years after La Salle had navigated the Missis-\\nsippi from the Illinois to the Gulf. Spotswood s main ob-\\nject was to study the relation of the Virginia frontier to the\\nFrench in the Lake country. How little advantage he de-\\nrived from his observations and inquiries of the Indians is\\nwell told in this paragraph from one of his letters, written\\nin 1718\\n2", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "l8 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe chief aim of my expedition over the great mountains,\\nin 17 16, was to satisfy myself whether it was practicable to\\ncome at the Lakes. Having on that occasion found an easy\\npassage over that great ridge of mountains w ch before were\\njudged impassable, I also discovered, by the relation of Indians\\nwho frequent those parts, that from the pass where I was it is\\nbut three days march to a great nation of Indians living on a\\nriver w ch discharges itself in the Lake Erie that from ye\\nwestern side of one of the small mountains w ch I saw that lake\\nis very visible, and cannot, therefore, be above five days march\\nfrom the pass aforementioned, and that the way thither is also\\nvery practicable, the mountains to the westward of the great\\nridge being smaller than those I passed on the eastern side,\\nw ch shews how easy a matter it is to gain possession of those\\nlakes.\\nWho the first Englishmen were to pass the Great Moun-\\ntains and descend the streams flowing to the setting sun, can\\nnever be known. They undoubtedly belonged to that class\\nof Indian hunters who, following every stream to its head-\\nspring, and entering every gap in the mountain ranges, dis-\\ncovered the path leading from the Potomac by Wills Creek\\nto the Ohio in 1748, and who, a little later, gave names to\\nthe streams and ridges of Tennessee, annually passed the\\nCumberland Gap, and chased game in the basin of the Cum-\\nberland River. They are men who have no individuality,\\nas have the French discoverers in the north and west. The\\ninfluence of the Colonial character in confining the English\\nto the sea-shore has been pointed out the reflex of that con-\\nfinement upon the Colonial character and life will receive at-\\ntention in another place but here the observation may be\\ndropped that the colonists were a long time developing the\\nCooke, Virginia, in the Commonwealth Series, 314, 315, and Waddell, An-\\nnals of Augusta County, 6-9, give accounts of the Spotswood expedition. The\\npassages quoted are from Waddell.\\nBancroft History, II., 362 III., 63.", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "THE FIRST DIVISION OF NORTH AMERICA. 19\\ntypical Indian hunter and fighter. Such men as Boone and\\nKenton and Wetzel belong to the country west of the moun-\\ntains.\\nBy a sort of tacit agreement, the three powers adopted\\npriority of discovery as the rule for dividing and appropriat-\\ning North America. Spain was at first disposed to claim the\\nwhole continent under the papal bull of 1493 but the mari-\\ntime enterprise, military and naval power, and diplomatic\\nforce of England and France compelled her to admit them to\\na share of the spoil. The Spanish navigators and explorers\\nfrom Columbus to De Soto gave the Gulf region to Spain\\nCartier gave the St. Lawrence to France; the Cabots, the At-\\nlantic Plain to England.\\nThe adjustment of territorial claims and rights was a long\\nand difficult process and it was only as the principle of use\\nand settlement, and even the sword, was brought in to help\\nout discovery that points of dispute were ever settled. The\\nrecognition by Spain of discovery as the ground of title left\\nunanswered the question where the boundary line should be\\ndrawn between Florida and Georgia and the Carolinas, and\\nthe question was never put at rest until she yielded the whole\\npeninsula in 1763. France at first claimed the Atlantic coast\\nsouth of Nova Scotia under the voyage of Verrazzano but\\nthe failure of the Huguenot colonies in Carolina and Florida,\\nand the resolution of England in insisting upon the Cabot\\ntitle, led France to yield that shore, and to content her ambi-\\ntion with the north. The Cabots discovered the northeastern\\ncoast years before the first French navigator crossed the ocean\\nbut as England did not follow up discovery with settlement,\\nand as the French made greater discoveries in that quarter, a\\nvast region that might have been England s fell to France.\\nHenry IV. of France, in the patent that he gave to De Monts,\\ncarried the southern boundary of Acadia to the latitude of\\nPhiladelphia and the English kings lapped their charters over\\nupon the French, as we shall soon see. Again, under the rule", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "20 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nof priority Spain was entitled to the Mississippi Valley but,\\nlike England on the northeast coast, she did not follow dis-\\ncovery with occupation, and so the valley fell to France, who\\nentered it from the north. This brought France and England\\ninto collision along the western side of the Alleghanies, as\\nwell as in the northeast and north. In general, the disputes\\nas to the rightful ownership of a given region of territory grew\\nout of one or both of two circumstances a disagreement as to\\nwho the first discoverer was, or a disagreement as to how far\\nthe rights resulting from his discovery extended. Every one\\nof the powers admitted that the others had territorial rights,\\nbut their quarrels never ended until France retired from the\\ncontinent.\\nThe remark should be added that it is impossible to repre-\\nsent correctly these facts on maps. The names Acadia,\\nVirginia, and Florida stand for very different things at\\ndifferent times and at no particular time, for a full century\\nfollowing Jamestown, were their boundary lines defined. The\\nlines of delimitation, drawn on the most carefully constructed\\nmaps, answer but a vague general purpose. The French in-\\ncluded Plymouth and New Amsterdam in Acadia, and Spanish\\nmaps of the seventeenth century sometimes carry Florida be-\\nyond Quebec. But more absurd than this, some sixteenth-\\ncentury geographers, and notably the Dutch, out of spite to\\nthe Spaniards, include the whole of both North and South\\nAmerica in New France.\\nParkman Pioneers of France in the New World, 183, 184, note.", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "III.\\nTHE FRENCH DISCOVER THE NORTHWEST.\\nWhat ready access to the heart of North America the\\nSaint Lawrence gave the French, was pointed out in the first\\nand second chapters. We are now to see what use they made\\nof their opportunity.\\nThe advantages of the position harmonized admirably with\\nthe French character, particularly as developed under the\\nnew conditions, and with the great ideas that underlay New\\nFrance. These northern colonists shrunk from a life of ma-\\nterial development like that of their southern neighbors\\nthey had some agriculture, but they were not such tillers of\\nthe soil as the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay, the Dutch of\\nHudson River, the Quakers of the Delaware, and still less\\nthe Virginia or Carolina planters they cared for no trade but\\nthat in furs and peltries; they were indifferent to civil and\\nreligious freedom, and had no share in that passion for politi-\\ncal and religious progress that characterized the British colo-\\nnists and, so far from desiring a State without a king and a\\nChurch without a bishop, they could not even conceive of State\\nand Church w^ithout them. They never developed a self-reli-\\nant colonial character, but were more than content to go on as\\nthey began the children of patronage and power. But they\\ndesired to enlarge the borders of France and increase her\\nglory they loved the fur trade and they longed to plant the\\nemblems of the true faith beside all the unknown rivers and\\nhidden lakes of the wilderness. Not only did the bolder\\nminds burn to penetrate the secrets of the continent, but the\\nmajority, now hunters or farmers, and now soldiers or voj", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "22 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nagairs, loved the free and picturesque life of the forests and\\nwaters that made the history of Canada one long adventure.\\nDominion, evangelization of the Indians, and the fur trade\\nwere the three ideas on which the colony rested. The sol-\\ndier, the priest, and the trader are the three types of charac-\\nter that are never out of our sight. In one marked feature the\\nFrench plan of colonization differed from that of the English.\\nThe English found no place whatever, not even the smallest,\\nfor the Indians the French made them the very centre and\\nheart of their whole scheme. Sympathetic, social, pliable to\\nnew conditions, the French revealed a genius for getting on\\nwith the savages that is rather confirmed than disproved by\\ntheir sore experience with the Iroquois. With such ideas as\\nthese, under leaders who combined adventure, religious zeal,\\nand far-reaching policy, they gained the rear and northern\\nflank of the English settlements, and, almost before the lat-\\nter, absorbed with their farms and shops, fishing and trade,\\nchurches and politics, were aware of what was going on, well-\\nnigh confined them to the narrow slope between the moun-\\ntains and the sea. There is no reason to think that Cham-\\nplain saw the final end but he marked out the general plan,\\nand was himself the first to put it in practice.\\nIn 1611 Champlain made the rude beginnings of the city\\nof Montreal. Here he and the French traders met the wild\\nwarriors and hunters as they descended the St. Lawrence and\\nthe Ottawa he to win influence over the Indians and to gain\\nknowledge of their country, they to buy the Indian catch of\\nbeaver-skins. In 161 3, following two pioneers whom he had\\nsent to winter with the Indians, he ascended the Ottawa, and\\nthus began the first survey of the route by which the Cana-\\ndian Pacific Railway passes from the valley of the St. Lawrence\\nto the region of the Upper Lakes. Trusting the false tale of\\none of the two pioneers, he expected to reach a great northern\\nsea that would bear him on to the regions of the East, which\\nColumbus had sought in the western waters. Disappointed\\nin this endeavor, he still reached the Isle des Allumettes, the", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH DISCOVER THE NORTHWEST. 2$\\nIndian half-way house to Lake Huron, before returning to\\nQuebec. In this vast primeval forest, six years after Smith\\nlanded on the shore of the James, but seven years before the\\nfoot of Miles Standish touched Plymouth Rock, Champlain\\nwon the respect of the Indian tribes and displayed the em-\\nblems of his religion.\\nIn the month of May, 1615, four Recollet friars, a branch\\nof the great Franciscan order, landed at Quebec. They came\\nby the procurement of Champlain to carry forward the work\\nof Indian conversions. Having celebrated the first mass ever\\nheard in Canada, they distributed to each a province of the\\nwilderness empire of Satan. To Le Caron the Hurons were\\nassigned and soon the priest was on his way to their distant\\nvillages. As well the heroic temper of the man as his relig-\\nious outlook is shown by a single sentence from one of his let-\\nters to a friend I must needs tell you what abundant con-\\nsolation I found under all my troubles for when one sees so\\nmany infidels needing nothing but a drop of water to make\\nthem children of God, he feels an inexpressible ardor to\\nlabor for their conversion, and sacrifice to it his repose and his\\nlife. Soon the soldier followed the priest. Ascending the\\nOttawa and the Mattawan, crossing the portage to Lake\\nNipissing, and then descending French River and Georgian\\nBay, Champlain found his way to the Mer Douce of the\\nFrench maps, the Lake Huron of ours. Striking inland from\\nThunder Bay, he found Le Caron already established in the\\ncountry of the Hurons.\\nThe savages were all expectation for the white chief whose\\nprowess on the battle-field they had already learned, had prom-\\nised to lead them against the Iroquois. The attack upon the\\nSenecas in Central New York proved a failure, and Cham-\\nplain returned with the Hurons to their villages, where he\\nspent the winter. In the spring he returned to his colony,\\nwhere he had been given up for dead and the first French\\nParkman Pioneers of France, 363, 364.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "24 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nexploration undertaken with a settled plan was at an end.\\nThree or four important things had been accomplished. The\\ntwo early routes to Lake Huron had been discovered one by\\nthe Ottawa and Nipissing, the other by the Trent and Lake\\nSimcoe Mer Douce and Lake Ontario, the first two of\\nthe five lakes seen by white men, had been found French in-\\nfluence over the mind of the savages had been felt in a wider\\nsphere; and, finally, the scene of the future Huron Mission\\nhad been visited. It was Champlain s last and greatest\\nachievement as an explorer it was the first step toward the\\nFrench possession of the old Northwest, and also the first in\\nthat long march which more than a hundred years later\\nbrought Frenchmen and Englishmen together in deadly strife\\nbeyond the Great Mountains.\\nWere we sketching the broader subject, we should now\\nturn aside to watch the experiment of Indian evangelization\\ntried by the Jesuits, who had succeeded the Recollets, among\\nthe Hurons. Mr. Parkman has told that story with his accus-\\ntomed learning and eloquence. Here two facts will suffice.\\nJust as the Jesuits were thanking God for what seemed an as-\\nsured success the conversion of a savage nation to the Cross\\nthe Iroquois fell upon them, and scattered the Hurons in a\\nstorm of blood and fire. Secondly, the destruction of this\\nmission, rather the truculent fury of the Romans of the\\nWest that caused it, was an important element in great ques-\\ntions. Mr, Parkman tells us that, could the French have\\nbrought the haughty Iroquois within the circle of their full in-\\nfluence, American history would still have reached its des-\\ntined goal, but by somewhat different paths. Tamed savages\\nruled by priests would have been scattered through the val-\\nleys of the Lakes and the Mississippi slaughter would have\\nbeen repressed and agriculture developed the Indian popula-\\ntion would not have declined, if it did not increase and the\\nfur trade would have enriched Canada, France would have\\nfilled the West with traders, settlers, and garrisons, and cut\\nup the virgin wilderness into fiefs, while as yet the colonies of", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH DISCOVER THE NORTHWEST. 2$\\nEngland were but a weak and broken line along the shore of\\nthe Atlantic and when at last the great conflict came, Eng-\\nland and Liberty would have been confronted, not by a de-\\npleted antagonist, still feeble from the exhaustion of a starved\\nand persecuted infancy, but by an athletic champion of the\\nprinciples of Richelieu and Loyola. While the Iroquois\\nblocked the Englishman s way to the West, they also turned\\nthe Frenchman aside from the St. Lawrence and the Lower\\nLakes to the Ottawa and Nipissing; they ruined the fur trade\\nwhich was the life-blood of New France; they made all\\nher early years a misery and a terror they retarded the\\ngrowth of Absolutism until Liberty was equal to the final\\nstruggle and they influence our national history to this day,\\nsince populations formed in the ideas and habits of a feudal\\nmonarchy, and controlled by a hierarchy profoundly hostile\\nto freedom of thought, would have remained a hindrance and\\na stumbling-block in the way of that majestic experiment of\\nwhich America is the field.\\nEtienne Brul6, who had served Champlain as an inter-\\npreter in his journey to the Mer Douce, was the first to\\npenetrate the region beyond that body of water. This he\\ndid before 1629, bringing back with him an ingot of copper\\nand a description of a lake that well fits Lake Superior,\\nits size, length, and the rapids by which it discharges its\\nwaters.\\nIn 1634 Jean Nicollet, a hardy explorer and trained woods-\\nman, passed through the Straits of Mackinaw, discovered Lake\\nMichigan, and made his way to Green Bay. He remained\\nin this region a year, during which time he heard much of a\\ngreat water to the west that he took to be the sea, but\\nwhich was really the Mississippi River. He appears to have\\nbeen on the Wisconsin, for he says if he had paddled three\\ndays more he should have reached the sea.\\nIn 1641 Fathers Jogues and Raymbault preached to two\\nThe Jesuits in North America, 446-449.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "26 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthousand Indians, Ojibwas and others, at the Saut Sainte\\nMarie.\\nIn 1 65 9- 1 660 Grosselliers and Radisson reached the head\\nof the great Lake, and visited Indians dwelling among the\\nstreams and lakes of Western Wisconsin and Eastern Minne-\\nsota. They also visited the country beyond Lake Superior,\\nand were the first to give the world information of those for-\\nmidable tribes, the Sioux.\\nIn 1661 Father Menard and Jean Guerin penetrated the\\nUpper Peninsula of Michigan, leaving Lake Superior at\\nKeweenaw Bay. Their lines of travel are lost in history, as\\ntheir footsteps are in the wilderness, but some writers sup-\\npose that they actually found the Mississippi.\\nThe French had now discovered, and in this order, four of\\nthe Great Lakes Huron, Ontario, Superior, and Michigan.\\nFrom the day that he found the Mer Douce, Champlain\\nprobably conjectured that its waters mingled with those of\\nthe Ottawa under the rock of Quebec but years elapsed be-\\nfore the connection was thoroughly established. The Father\\nof New France laid down a connection on his map of 1632,\\nrepresenting Lake Erie as a widened river but on some maps\\nof later date the Upper and Lower Lakes are wholly discon-\\nnected. In fact, the Susquehanna was once thought to be\\nan outlet of Lake Erie. This lake was the very last to be\\ndiscovered, as well as the very last to be thoroughly explored.\\nIt was known to the French as early as 1640, but we have no\\ncertain information of its navigation, nor of the river connect-\\ning it with Lake Huron, until 1669. In that year Louis\\nJoliet, who ranks as an explorer next to Champlain and La\\nSalle, returning from Lake Superior, where he had gone in\\nquest of copper, made the passage and sailed along the north-\\nern shore to the eastward. At least, in September of that\\nyear we find Joliet, La Salle, and two Sulpitian priests in the\\nwoods of Grand River, between Lakes Erie and Ontario, dis-\\ncussing geography, trade, and Indian conversions. Adopting\\nJoilet s advice, the Sulpitians concluded to go by the new", "height": "3253", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH DISCOVER THE NORTHWEST. 2/\\nroute to the far-distant Pottawatomies. In 1670 they as-\\ncended the Strait, stopping on the site of Detroit, and made\\ntheir way to the Saut Sainte Marie. These priests were Gal-\\ninee and Dollier, the first of whom made the earliest map of\\nthe Upper Lakes now known to exist.\\nThus, from 161 5 to 1670, while the English colonists were\\ntreading the paths of their hard practical life, making farms\\nand towns, fighting the Indians, and contending with the\\nhome government for rights and privileges, the French were\\nlaying open the northwestern lands and waters, but making\\nno use of Lake Erie in carrying on their hardy operations.\\nThe reasons of this are essential to the meaning of our\\nstory. Le Caron and Champlain had found Lake Huron by\\nascending the Ottawa, and had thus set the direction of\\nnorthwestern travel. Later, however, the route by Lake Sim-\\ncoe was more frequently used by the Jesuits and fur traders.\\nThe base of the great triangle forming Southwestern Canada\\nwas shorter than the two sides. Moreover, the Ottawa route\\nwas not much harder than the one by the lake. The voyageur\\nor the priest made his way along either route in a birch-bark\\ncanoe, and carrying over the portages, or around the rapids,\\nwhile more laborious than paddling, still broke the monotony\\nof what was at best a wearisome life. But more than all the\\nrest, the northern route was far less dangerous. It lay through\\nthe country of the friendly Algonquins and Hurons, while\\nthe hostile Iroquois wholly barred or made very perilous the\\nportage of the Niagara. Had it not been for the great river\\nthat discharges its floods into the St. Lawrence opposite the\\nisland of Montreal, northwestern discovery would have been\\nretarded for half a century. The site of Detroit, the best on\\nthe Lakes for the purposes of the French, owing to its water-\\ntransportation, its relations to the Indians, and its neighbor-\\nhood to the beaver-grounds, was not known until 1669, and\\nnot occupied until 1701 and then the finder and the founder\\ncame from Canada by the Ottawa and Lake Huron.\\nThe same facts explain another curious surprise in the", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "28 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nearly history of this region. The territory comprised within\\nthe present State of Ohio was the last portion of the North-\\nwest to be explored and claimed by the French. French\\nmaps that lay down the far northern waters with much\\ncorrectness, leave us almost wholly ignorant of the size and\\nconfiguration of Lake Erie. Maps that correctly figure the\\nrivers of Canada and of Illinois make the Ohio and the Wabash\\none stream, called Wabash or Ohio, flowing from its source\\nalmost due west, and thus nearly obliterating the State of\\nOhio. Sometimes Lake Erie runs south far toward the Gulf\\nof Mexico and later its course is due east and west. Charle-\\nvoix s map of 1744 bears on the southern side of the lake the\\nwords, this shore is almost unknown, and Celeron s map of\\n1750 repeats the legend. Evans s and Mitchell s maps, both\\npublished in 1755, give the lake an almost east and west\\ntrend. It was at this time that the rivers of Ohio made their\\nfirst appearance in cartography. The similar streams of Illinois\\nand Wisconsin had long been known and mapped. The\\ngreat geographer, D Anville of France, in 1755, lays down the\\nBeaver, with the Mahoning from the west, rising in a lake, all\\nvery incorrectly, with Lake Erie rising to the northeast like a\\npair of stairs, and the Ohio nearly parallel to it. Last of\\nall, when the Connecticut Land Company sent its surveyors\\nto Ohio, in 1796, it found, to its surprise and financial loss,\\nthat the Connecticut Western Reserve contained a million\\nacres less land than had been supposed. The company should\\nhave charged the shortage to the Alleghany Mountains and\\nthe Iroquois the mountains blocked the Englishman s path\\nto the West, while the Iroquois, who exterminated the Fries\\nabout 1660, and whose hunting and war parties long roamed\\nthe waste that they had made, rendered the farthest extreme\\nof the Northwest much safer ground than Ohio for the voya-\\ngeurs, traders, and missionaries of France. Besides, the shorter\\nHon. C. C. Baldwin, from whose tracts, published by the Western Reserve\\nHistorical Society, these facts are mainly gathered.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH DISCOVER THE NORTHWEST. 29\\ndistance by the northern shore drew the travel to that side of\\nthe Lake.\\nWherever they went the French took prudent thought for\\nthe morrow. June 14, 167 1, Saint-Lusson, who had been sent\\nfrom Canada for that very purpose, standing amid a throng of\\nsavages and a cluster of Frenchmen, by a white cross and a\\ncedar post bearing the royal arms, that had been raised at the\\nfoot of the Saut Rapids, holding a sword in one hand and a clod\\nof earth in the other, with religious and civil ceremonies, took\\npossession of the Saut, the Lakes Huron and Superior, with\\nall the countries, rivers, lakes, and islands contiguous and ad-\\njacent thereto, both those already discovered and those yet to\\nbe discovered, bounded on the one side by the seas of the\\nnorth and west, and on the other by the South Sea, in the\\nname of the High, Mighty, and Redoubtable Monarch, Louis\\nXIV,, the Most Christian King of France and Navarre. All\\nthat now remains of the sovereignty thus pompously pro-\\nclaimed, says Mr. Parkman, is now and then the accents of\\nFrance on the lips of some straggling boatman or vagabond\\nhalf-breed this, and nothing more,\\nMeantime, the Jesuits, not cast down by the loss of the\\nHuron Mission, were busy planting missions in the country\\nbeyond Mer Douce.\\nThe two most important of these missions, standing to the\\nwilderness in some such relation as that of the early Christian\\nmonasteries of Western Europe to the surrounding heathen-\\nism, were those of Saut Sainte Marie and Saint-Esprit, the\\nlatter near the head of Lake Superior. The common rally-\\ning-points of Indians and Frenchmen alike, these missions be-\\ncame centres of real geographical information as well as of\\nidle rumor and vague conjecture. Only a man who has\\nbrought his imagination to bear on the facts of wilderness life\\ncan conceive what was then going on. At any given time,\\nsome French discoverer might be paddling his canoe along\\nLa Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 42-44.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "30 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nsome unknown river, or toiling through some unknown forest,\\nhundreds of miles from the nearest settlement or mission\\nand report of what he saw or did might be many months in\\nfinding its way to his countrymen. The yearly reports of the\\nJesuit missions, called Relations, now that the Jesuits have\\nbecome more secular and less spiritual, abound in natural\\nknowledge,^ which shows that the priests were grappling with\\nthe new questions that thronged upon the dullest minds, and\\nwhich the brightest could not answer. Father Marquette had\\nbeen stationed at Saint-Esprit, where he heard much of the\\nmysterious river to find which had become the ambition of\\nevery ambitious Frenchman in New France.\\nLa Salle came out to Canada at the age of twenty-three in\\n1666, burning with the great passion of the Age of Maritime\\nDiscovery the thought of finding a western road to the\\nriches of the East. Of all the men who shed lustre upon\\nFrench discovery in New France, La Salle alone ranks beside\\nChamplain. A band of Seneca Indians who wintered with\\nhim at his seigniory of La Chine, on the shore of Lake St.\\nLouis, in one of the lulls of savage warfare, told him of a\\nriver called the Ohio that rose in their country and, at a dis-\\ntance of an eight moons journey, emptied into the sea. Re-\\nsponding to that prepossession which leads men of ardent tem-\\nper to interpret facts in the light of favorite theories and**\\ncherished purposes, he concluded that this river must flow to\\nthe Gulf of California. He had started with the Sulpitian\\npriests on a journey to the Ohio, resolved to put this theory\\nto the test, when by accident he met Joliet in the wilder-\\nness of Grand River. One of the questions that the little\\ncompany discussed was that of a road to the great river\\nof which the French were now hearing so much, from tribes\\nas distant as the Senecas and the Sioux. Joliet, who had be-\\ncome familiar with the reports that floated to the missions of\\nthe Upper Lakes, contended that the road should be sought in\\nParkman La Salle, 29.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH DISCOVER THE NORTHWEST. 31\\nthe northwest La Salle, who was fresh from his conference\\nwith the Senecas, contended as earnestly for the southwest.\\nJoliet went on his way to Montreal. Galinee and Dollier,\\nturned from their former purpose by his arguments, ascended\\nthe Strait of Detroit. La Salle, with his few followers, was\\nleft alone in the wilderness alone, but not shaken in his pur-\\npose. Owing to the lack of original documents, and to the\\nconfusion of second-hand reports, the next two or three years\\nof his life are wrapped in much obscurity, and are the subject\\nof much vehement debate but it is now generally held that\\nin those years La Salle discovered the Ohio, descending it to\\nthe Falls at Louisville, perhaps even to the Mississippi. But\\nthis conclusion, while no doubt sound, is reached by cautious\\ncriticism of fragmentary documents. La Salle s discovery in\\nno sense made the Ohio known to the world, and the region\\nbetween the lake and the river remained to be explored as\\nlate as the year 1750. There is some evidence going to show\\nthat in this obscure passage of his life La Salle descended the\\nIllinois to the Mississippi. But History has adjudged the\\nhonor of discovering the great river to others, and she is not\\nlikely to change her verdict.\\nPlainly, the time had come for the Mississippi to be dis-\\ncovered and in 1672 Frontenac, the French governor, com-\\nmissioned Joliet to make the discovery. At Mackinaw the\\nintrepid explorer met the intrepid priest whose name will ever\\nbe associated with his own in Western annals. At the out-\\nset Marquette placed the enterprise under the patronage of\\nthe Immaculate Virgin, promising that if she granted them\\nsuccess the river should be named The Conception. This\\npledge he strove to keep but an Indian word, the very mean-\\ning of which has been disputed, is its designation. Ascend-\\ning the Fox River, crossing the portage to the Wisconsin, one\\nof the most remote from Canada of the many portages unit-\\ning the two systems of waters, and then descending the Wis-\\nconsin, on June 17, 1673, they found themselves, probably\\nfirst of white men since De Soto s companions fled from the", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "32 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmidnight burial of their chief, on the bosom of the Father of\\nWaters. We shall not follow them as they descend the\\nmighty flood to a point below the mouth of the Arkansas.\\nHaving satisfied themselves that the river did not flow to the\\nsea of Virginia or to the Gulf of California, but to the Gulf of\\nMexico, they turned back toward the north, and, by way of\\nthe Illinois River, the Chicago portage, and Lake Michigan,\\nreturned to Green Bay, having paddled their canoes, in four\\nmonths, two thousand five hundred miles. Joliet lived many\\nyears to encounter new perils, among them a journey by the\\nSaguenay to Hudson Bay but Marquette, worn out by labors\\nand vigils, soon after died on the lonely eastern shore of Lake\\nMichigan.\\nLa Salle s ambition became more ardent the longer it was\\nfed by his glowing imagination. But the triumph of Joliet\\nand Marquette changed the current of his thoughts. Asia\\nwas no longer the vision that he saw in the west, but the Mis-\\nsissippi Valley. Spain had discovered the Mississippi, but\\nhad failed to take possession he would fortify its mouth and\\nhold the river against the world. England had planted her\\ncolonies on the Atlantic shore, claiming the whole continent\\nbehind them he would gain their rear and shut the gate-\\nways of the West against them forever. In a word, he would\\nchange the seat of the French-American empire from the St.\\nLawrence to the Mississippi. It was La Salle who first dis-\\ntinctly conceived the policy that led on to Fort Duquesne,\\nBraddock s defeat, and Forbes s march to the Forks of the\\nOhio.\\nEarly in the year 1679, he built, near the foot of Lake Erie,\\nthe Grifiin, a vessel of sixty tons burden, to be used in the\\nprosecution of his plans. Money was needed, and he must sup-\\nply it by trading in furs. August 7th the Griffin spread her\\nsails for the northern waters. She was the first craft other\\nthan an Indian canoe or a boat propelled by oars that ever\\nsailed our inland seas above Lake Ontario. On the 12th of\\nthat month she had reached the expansion of the Strait that", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH DISCOVER THE NORTHWEST. 33\\nlies just above the city of Detroit. Unlike the Protestant ex-\\nplorers, the Catholic drew largely upon the Saints calendar\\nfor geographical names and the school-boy of to-day, as he\\npores over the map of North America, finds in the names of\\nrivers, lakes, and capes valuable hints of early exploration.\\nOf this we have an excellent example in the naming of Lake\\nSainte-CIaire.\\nThe saint whose name was really bestowed, and whose day\\nis August 1 2th, is the female Sainte Claire, the foundress of\\nthe order of Franciscan nuns of the thirteenth century, known\\nas Poor Claires. Clara dAssisi was the beautiful daughter\\nof a nobleman of great wealth, who early dedicated herself to a\\nreligious life and went to St. Francis to ask for advice. On\\nPalm Sunday she went to church with her family, dressed in\\nrich attire, where St. Francis cut off her long hair with his own\\nhands and threw over her the coarse penitential robes of the\\norder. She entered the convent of San Damiano in spite of the\\nopposition of her family and friends. It is related of her that\\non one occasion, when the Saracens came to ravage the con-\\nvent, she arose from her bed, where she had been long con-\\nfined, and placing the pyx, which contained the host, upon the\\nthreshold, she knelt down and began to sing, whereupon the\\ninfidels threw down their arms and fled. Sancta Clara is a\\nfavorite saint all over Europe, and her fame in the New World\\nought not to be spoiled\u00e2\u0080\u0094 like the record of the dead in a battle\\ngazette by a misspelt name.\\nF. Way, in his work on Rome, published in 1875, says\\nSancta Clara has her tomb at the Minerva, and she dwelt be-\\ntween the Pantheon and the Thermae of Agrippa. The tene-\\nment she occupied at the time of her decease still exists, but is\\nnot well known. la a little triangular place on or near Via\\nTor. Argentina lodged the first convent of the Clarisses. If,\\ncrossing the gate-way, you turn to the left of the court, you will\\nface two wiftdows of a slightly raised ground-floor. It was\\nthere Innocent IV. visited her, and there, on August 12, 1253,\\nlistening to the reading of the Passion, in the midst of her weep-\\n3", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "34 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ning nuns, died the first abbess of the Clarisses and the founder\\nof 4,000 religious houses.\\nThe lake named, the Griffin went on her way. From\\nGreen Bay, La Salle sent her on the return voyage loaded\\nwith furs. She was never heard of again, to La Salle s most\\nbitter disappointment. What was her fate will always be a\\nmatter of conjecture.\\nWho were the first white men to penetrate the territory of\\nIllinois, probably can never be told with certainty. It is\\nclear that the Illinois River had been visited by white men\\nbefore Joliet and Marquette ascended it on their way north-\\nward in 1673. At least, there is a map in existence of earlier\\ndate on which the upper parts of the river are laid down.\\nPerhaps the readiest answer to the question that this map sug-\\ngests is, that La Salle actually discovered the Illinois in 1672.\\nMarquette returned to the Indian town of Kaskaskia after his\\nfirst visit, to establish the mission of the Immaculate Concep-\\ntion, but his stay was of short duration. La Salle s eye was\\non the Illinois when he ascended the Lakes in 1679. Part of\\nthe Griffin s cargo was rigging and anchors for a vessel to be\\nbuilt on that river, with which, he expected to sail down the\\nMississippi and make the West Indies. When he parted with\\nhis vessel at Green Bay, he ascended the western shore of\\nLower Michigan, and built Fort Miamis at the mouth of the\\nSt. Joseph River. Ascending this river to the Kankakee port-\\nage, in December, he crossed to that stream, and launched\\nhis eight canoes, containing thirty-three men, himself, Tonty,\\nand Hennepin included, on its current. Passing places soon\\nto become memorable in Avestern annals, as Starved Rock\\nand Peoria Lake, he finally stopped at a point just below the\\nlake and began a fortification. He gave to this fort a name\\nthat, better than anything else, marks the desperate condition\\nof his affairs. Hitherto he had refused to believe that the\\nHubbard Memorials of a Half Century, 164-166.\\na Parkman La Salle, 23.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH DISCOVER THE NORTHWEST. 35\\nGriffin was lost\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the vessel that he had strained his re-\\nsources to build, and freighted with his fortunes somewhere\\non the Lakes she must be afloat, perhaps driven by the storm\\ninto some sheltering bay, perhaps aground on some hidden\\nbar. But as hope of her safety grew faint, he named his fort\\nCr^vecceur\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Broken Heart. Neither his ardent temper nor\\nthe state of his affairs would permit him to stand still. Hav-\\ning put a vessel on the stocks, and despatched Hennepin to\\nthe Upper Mississippi, he left Tonty in command of the post,\\nand started on a winter journey to Canada to procure material\\nfor her construction. Here fresh disappointments met him,\\nand he returned to his Illinois fort to find that he had named\\nit even better than he knew the fort had been plundered and\\nwas deserted.\\nIn the autumn of 1681, La Salle once more travelled the\\nlong road leading from the St. Lawrence to the head of the\\nLake of the Illinois, as he called Lake Michigan. The\\nwinter following, he dragged his canoes on sledges to the Illi-\\nnois River, and then launched them on its stream. On Feb-\\nruary 6, 1682, he found himself on the river that he had so\\nlong sought, and which fate seemed to have decreed that he\\nshould never reach. April 9th following, he and his little\\nparty stood just above the mouth of the Mississippi, beside a\\ncolumn bearing the arms of France, with an appropriate in-\\nscription, and a cross, with a leaden plate, also appropriately\\ninscribed, buried near. Some hymns having been chanted,\\namid volleys of musketry and shouts of Long live the King\\nLa Salle took formal possession, for his royal master King\\nLouis XIV. of France and Navarre, of the country of Louisi-\\nana, from the mouth of the Ohio along the Mississippi and\\nthe rivers which flow into it from its source beyond the coun-\\ntry of the Sioux to its mouth at the sea, and also to the\\nmouth of the River of Palms. Another hymn was chanted,\\nand renewed shouts of Live the King completed the trans-\\naction.\\nThis act was far more significant than the similar one per-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "36 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nformed by Saint-Lusson at the Saut, eleven years before. It\\nclosed the Mississippi to the Spaniards for one hundred years\\nit led to a French colony in Louisiana it made necessary\\nthat chain of wilderness posts which Braddock sought to\\npierce at the Forks of the Ohio in 1755. That the Missis-\\nsippi Valley was laid open to the eyes of the world by a voy-\\nageur who came overland from Canada, and not by a voyagcur\\nwho ploughed through the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico\\nfrom Spain, is a fact of far-reaching import. The first Louisiana\\nwas the whole valley this and the Lake-St. Lawrence Basin\\nmade up the second New France. How the two blended and\\nsupplemented each other geographically, as well as their first\\nhistorical relations, have been indicated. Before we lose sight\\nof the act that La Salle performed that April day we should\\nmark the date that fixes its relation to the English colonies\\n1682, the year that Penn laid out the squares of Philadel-\\nphia, but thirty-four years before Spotswood and his retinue\\ndrank their wine on the banks of the Shenandoah.\\nOur present theme is the discovery of the Northwest.\\nOther matters have been introduced only as they lead up to\\nthat grand result. But French ambition was not absorbed\\nby the Mississippi problem. Frenchmen pushed into the\\ngreat forests and plains beyond the sources of that river. In\\nthe seventeenth century, they knew the thousand lakes of\\nMinnesota better than Americans knew them fifty years ago.\\nDu Lhut, for whom the terminus of the Northern Pacific\\nRailroad is named, before the year 1700 explored much of\\nthe region through which that railroad runs. Nor have we\\nattempted more than an outline map of the earliest history of\\nthe old Northwest. Having done so much having indi-\\ncated how the French, long before the English reached the\\nfoot-hills of the Alleghanies, had crossed and threaded the\\ngreat western valley, we are ready to attempt a similar map of\\nearly Northwestern colonization.\\nBut before essaying that task, a word concerning the en-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH DISCOVER THE NORTHWEST. 37\\nchanting tale of French discovery in North America. As we\\nread that tale, we seem, for the time, to be looking out of the\\nwondering eyes with which the French first surveyed this new\\nnorthern and western world the eyes of Cartier as he sailed\\nup the St. Lawrence of Champlain as he paddled his bark\\ncanoe up the current of the Richelieu or shouldered it around\\nthe rapids of the Ottawa; of Nicollet as he steered through the\\nStraits of Mackinaw into the expanse of Lake Michigan of\\nJoliet as he rowed beneath the cliffs of the Sagucnay the\\neyes of Brule at the Saut, of Hennepin at Niagara, of Mar-\\nquette on the River of Conception, of Du Lhut in the coun-\\ntry of the Dakotas\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the eyes of La Salle as he descended the\\nOhio, followed the Indian trails of Illinois and Arkansas, or\\npronounced that sounding formula at the mouth of the Mis-\\nsissippi we seem to look out of their eyes upon this virgin\\nworld of forest and stream, of prairie and lake, of buffalo and\\nelk, of natural beauty and human ugliness. But, after all,\\nour impressions are faint compared with theirs. Ideal pres-\\nence is not real presence. Even if we could follow them on\\ntheir old paths, we could not undo the great changes that civ-\\nilized man has wrought. Nor can v/e recall the innocency of\\ntheir eyes any more than we can renew the devotion of their\\nhearts to King and Church. All that is possible for us is a\\npale picture of as grand a panorama of natural beauty and\\nsublimity as was ever unrolled to the vision of explorers. To\\nmen like Champlain, Marquette, and La Salle, exploring New\\nFrance was a poem whose splendor almost made them forget\\nthe hardships and perils of the exploration.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "IV.\\nTHE FRENCH COLONIZE THE NORTHWEST.\\nThe English colonies in America began with villages and\\noutlying farms the French colonies, with missionary stations,\\nfortified posts, or trading houses, or with the three combined.\\nThe triple alliance of priest, soldier, and trader continued\\nthrough the period of colonization. Often, but not always,\\nsettlements grew up around these missions or posts and these\\nsettlements constituted the colonies of New France.\\nImmediately following the visit of Le Caron and Cham-\\nplain to the Mer Douce, in 1615, the Recollet Fathers es-\\ntablished missions on its eastern side, which, however, soon\\npassed into the hands of the Jesuits. These missions were\\nstepping-stones to the regions beyond. The reader who has\\nfollowed the narrative thus far will not be surprised to learn\\nthat the French beginnings in the Northwest were within the\\nUpper Peninsula of Michigan. Some of these beginnings\\nlong ago disappeared, others became permanent settlements.\\nSaint-Esprit, at La Pointe, planted by Allouez in 1665, is one\\nexample of the first Saut Ste. Marie, planted by Marquette\\nin 1668, of the second. This village is the oldest town in the\\nNorthwest fourteen years older than Philadelphia, and one\\nhundred and twenty years older than Marietta, O. A mis-\\nsion was planted on the island of Michilimackinac within a\\nyear of that at the Saut. This establishment was soon re-\\nmoved to Pointe St. Ignace, on the mainland, to the north\\nand west, and afterward to the northern point of the South-\\nern Peninsula. But we are not able to trace a continuous", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "89 IiOPg i tua e West S 5 from Greenwich", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH COLONIZE THE NORTHWEST. 39\\nhistory from the mission to the Mackinaw of the fisherman\\nand tourist of to-day.\\nThe beginnings made in Lower Michigan bear such im-\\nportant relations to facts of larger moment that time must be\\ntaken to point them out.\\nIn previous chapters I have spoken of the English colo-\\nnists as contented with their prosaic life, and as not seeking to\\nenter the regions beyond the Mountains and the Lakes. This\\nrequires some qualification. Within the State of New York\\nare the Hudson and the Mohawk Rivers. The Dutch, hav-\\ning a passion for beaver equal to that of the French them-\\nselves, early occupied the confluence of the two streams, and\\nthen began throwing out advanced settlements along the line\\nof the smaller one. The English conquest of the Dutch\\ncolony did not at once change its character. Furs long con-\\ntinued the leading staple of its commerce. The two rivers pre-\\nsented the readiest means of reaching the west found south of\\nthe St. Lawrence. From the very first, the people of New\\nYork cultivated good feeling and commercial relations with\\ntheir neighbors of the Long House and these, whether in\\npeace or war, were able to influence all the tribes to the very\\nsources of the Mississippi. After they had crushed the\\nHurons, these intractable warriors claimed Southwestern\\nCanada as their own and after their western conquests they\\nset up a claim to all the lands to the Mississippi, south of the\\nsouthern boundary of Michigan. No nation was ever more\\njealous than the Six Nations but the skilful diplomatists of\\nNew York succeeded in winning from them many valuable\\nconcessions, some of which they did and some of which they\\ndid not understand. These will be more fully noticed in an-\\nother place but here it is important to remark that after the\\ncolony had passed into English hands, they sometimes per-\\nmitted the New York traders to pass through their country\\nto the Lakes. Once on the shore of Lake Erie, the traders\\nwere but a few days paddling from the best beaver-grounds in\\nthe whole Northwest\u00e2\u0080\u0094 those of the lower Michigan Peninsula.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "40 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe region between Lake Erie and Saginaw was one of\\nthe great beaver-trapping grounds. The Huron, the Chippe-\\nwas, the Ottawas, and even the Iroquois, from beyond Ontario,\\nby turns sought this region in large parties for the capture of\\nthis game, from the earliest historic times. It is a region pe-\\nculiarly adapted to the wants of this animal. To a great ex-\\ntent level, it is intersected by numerous water-courses, which\\nhave but moderate flow. At the head-waters and small inlets\\nof these streams the beaver established his colonies. Here\\nhe dammed the streams, setting back the water over the flat\\nlands, and creating ponds, in which were his habitations. Not\\none or two, but a series of such dams, were constructed along\\neach stream, so that very extensive surfaces became thus covered\\npermanently with the flood. The trees were killed, and the\\nland was converted into a chain of ponds and marshes, with in-\\ntervening dry ridges. In time, by nature s recuperative process\\nthe annual growth and decay of grasses and aquatic plants\\nthese filled with muck or peat, with occasional deposits of bog-\\nlime, and the ponds and swales became dry again.\\nIllustrations of this beaver-made country are numerous\\nenough in our immediate vicinity. In a semicircle of twelve\\nmiles around Detroit, having the river for base, and embracing\\nabout one hundred thousand acres, fully one-fifth part consists\\nof marshy tracts or prairies, which had their origin in the work\\nof the beaver. A little farther west, nearly one whole township,\\nin Wayne County, is of this character.\\nSuch temptation as this the Dutch and English traders\\ncould not be expected to resist. When Denonville came to\\nCanada as governor, in 1685, he found New France beset on\\neither side. The English of Hudson Bay were seeking to\\ndraw the trade of the Northwestern tribes to those northern\\nwaters the English of New York were seeking to draw it to\\nHudson River. The competition threatened to become too\\nkeen for the Englishman offered cheaper goods, and the Ind-\\nians liked his rum as well as they did the Frenchman s brandy.\\nHubbard Memorials of a Half Century, 362-363.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH COLONIZE THE NORTHWEST. 41\\nBut more than this, Governor Dongan of New York had\\ndivined the ideas of La Salle, and had begun to counterwork\\nthem. He proposed that the English should enter the west,\\nexclude the French, and limit them to the St. Lawrence. It\\nwas a war of ideas. It was at this time that New York ob-\\ntained from the Iroquois the first of those concessions that\\nafterward played so important a part in English policy, and\\nbecame the basis of the New York claim to the western coun-\\ntry. The two mother countries were at peace but Denon-\\nville and Dongan conducted a long correspondence growing\\nout of the rival claims, often angry, sometimes bitter. The\\nFrench governor sometimes despaired of his cause, although\\nhe triumphed in the end. The Iroquois were never friendly to\\nthe French, and often hostile and they now strove to alien-\\nate the Northwestern tribes from them. But Denonville had\\nsome great advantages over his rival. He was absolute in\\nCanada, and was thoroughly supported by his king, while\\nDongan was wholly unsupported. The English king was a\\ncreature of Louis XIV. s, and the colonies other than New\\nYork, although Dongan was upholding their common cause,\\nwere wholly indifferent to the issue. But he might have won\\nbut for one force that he was powerless to overcome he had\\nno weapon that he could oppose to the French courciirs des\\nbois. These redoubtable bush-rangers, always proud of their\\nFrench blood and language, and always impatient of French\\nauthority devoted to the King, but caring nothing for his\\nlaw leading a life picturesque and reckless with the bravery\\nand generosity of the traditional outlaw familiar with every\\nstream and at home in every forest delighting in illicit trade\\noften under the ban of the governor ready to confess them-\\nselves or quick to shed blood rapidly succumbing to the\\nhardships and dangers of their irregular life, but still more\\nrapidly recruited from the settlements the coiircurs des bois\\nnow rendered to New France one of their greatest services.\\nThey had become so numerous that every family in Canada\\nwas said to have a member in the bush. They had great in-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "42 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nfluence with the Indians they hated the English and they\\nwere often envied by their countrymen who followed more\\norderly lives. They had their own leaders, some of whom\\ncould bring together five or six hundred men. Du Lhut was\\nthe most celebrated of these, and in this first crisis of North-\\nwestern history he played a conspicuous part. He built a\\nfort on the northern side of Lake Superior, to control the\\nroad from the Upper Lakes to Hudson Bay. He also pointed\\nout to Denonville the importance of closing the gate-way of\\nDetroit. The governor gave him a commission to close it,\\nwhich Du Lhut hastened to execute. In 1686 he built Fort\\nSt. Joseph, at the head of the Strait, near where Fort Gratiot\\nafterward stood. St. Joseph was abandoned and destroyed\\nsoon after, but not until a fort had been built on the site of\\nDetroit. This action had not been taken a moment too soon,\\nfor immediately we hear of men from New York on their way\\nto Mackinaw. In 1686 and 1687 strong parties of English\\nand Dutch traders, escorted by Iroquois warriors, made this\\nattempt the first of these had actually passed St. Joseph be-\\nfore it was discovered and captured, the second was stopped\\non Lake Erie. Nor did the English then give over the at-\\ntempt to penetrate the upper country we hear afterward of\\nNew York traders at various places, and notably in the neigh-\\nborhood of Fort Miamis, on the St. Joseph, in 1694. But\\nbuilding and garrisoning forts were only a part of the ser-\\nvices rendered in this trying time by the coureicrs des bois.\\nThey placated the Indians, and patrolled the forests and lakes\\nfor stray Englishmen. So competent an authority as Judge\\nCampbell expresses the opinion that but for them the Michi-\\ngan region would have fallen into English hands before the\\nclose of the seventeenth century. But before the Strait of\\nDetroit was occupied by the French, plantings had already\\nbeen made farther to the west.\\nFrom the time of La Salle s visit in 1679, we can trace a\\nPolitical History of Michigan, 40.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH COLONIZE THE NORTHWEST. 43\\ncontinuous French occupation of Illinois. After La Salle had\\nnavigated the great river to the Gulf, he had a double-headed\\nscheme. First, he would plant a colony on the Illinois to\\nhold the country against the Six Nations, who extended their\\nforays to the Mississippi, to protect the western Indians, and\\nto gather furs. A second colony, planted at the mouth of the\\nMississippi, would command Lower Louisiana and receive\\nand ship to France the furs gathered on the upper waters.\\nHe would bind together the two colonies by a chain of forti-\\nfied posts, which should also be continued through the Lake\\ncountry to the settlements on the St. Lawrence. He now\\nchanged the scene of his northern operations. He planted\\nhis citadel of St. Louis on the summit of Starved Rock,\\nproposing to make that the centre of his colony. This un-\\ndertaking well under way, he started for France to carry out\\nthe second part of his programme. Further we shall not fol-\\nlow this indomitable explorer, except to say that in 1687,\\nwhile seeking, by an overland journey to Canada, to save from\\ndestruction his southern colony, that, either by mistake or\\ntreachery, had been landed in Texas rather than at the mouth\\nof the Mississippi, he was slain by an assassin of his own party,\\njust one hundred years before Anglo-American institutions\\nwere established in the territory that he had called his own.\\nLa Salle was the father of Illinois. At first his colony was\\nexceedingly feeble, but it was never discontinued. Joutel\\nfound a garrison at Fort St. Louis in 1687, and in\\n1689 La Hontan bears testimony that it still continued. In\\n1696 a public document proves its existence and when Tonty,\\nin 1700, again descended the Mississippi, he was attended by\\ntwenty Canadians, residents on the Illinois. Even while\\nthe wars named after King William and Queen Anne were\\ngoing on, the French settlements were growing in numbers\\nand increasing in size those wars over, they made still more\\nrapid progress. Missions grew into settlements and parishes.\\nMonette History of the Mississippi Valley, i., 153, 154.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "44 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nOld Kaskaskia was begun in what La Salle called the ter-\\nrestrial paradise before the close of the seventeenth century.\\nThe Wabash Valley was occupied about 1700, the first set-\\ntlers entering it by the portage leading from the Kankakee.\\nLater the voyagcurs found a shorter route to the fertile val-\\nley. Ascending the Maumee, then called The Miami of the\\nLake, whose heads are interlaced with those of the Wabash,\\nand crossing the short portage leading to that stream, they\\ncould descend to the Ohio. As the Frenchmen found their\\nway to the confluence of the two streams by the Wabash, and\\nas they knew little of the Ohio, then called the River of the\\nIroquois, they took the Wabash for the main stream.\\nPost Vincents, the Vincennes of our maps, was planted in\\n1735, and became the principal of a long but thin line of set-\\ntlements.\\nThe nearest road from Canada to the Mississippi lies\\nthrough the State of Ohio, the most remote through the State\\nof Wisconsin the Ohio portages were the last to be travelled\\nby the French, that of the Fox and the Wisconsin was the\\nfirst. The Iroquois long excluded the French from Ohio, and\\nthe remoteness of Wisconsin, aided perhaps by the rigor of the\\nclimate, tended to a similar result. Still, the Jesuits planted\\nseveral missions in the latter State. That of St. Francis\\nXavier, planted by Claude Allouez, the founder of Saint-Es-\\nprit, at Green Bay, in 1669, was the most important, and be-\\ncame, in course of time, the nucleus of a small French settle-\\nment. Mention may also be made of Prairie du Chien and\\nof the post on Lake Pepin.\\nThe French located their principal missions and posts with\\nadmirable judgment. There is not one of them in which we\\ncannot see the wisdom of the priest, of the soldier, and the\\ntrader combined. The triple alliance worked for an imme-\\ndiate end, but the sites that they chose are as important to-\\nday as they were when they chose them. The fact is, nature\\nhad decided all these questions ages before the soil of the New\\nWorld had been pressed by the white man s foot. Marquette", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH COLONIZE THE NORTHWEST. 45\\ncalled the Straits of Mackinaw the key, and, as it were,\\nthe gate for all the tribes from the South as the Saut is for\\nthose of the North, there being in this section of the country-\\nonly these two passages by water, for a great number of na-\\ntions have to go by one or other of these channels in order\\nto reach the French settlements. This presents a peculiarly\\nfavorable opportunity both for instructing those who pass here\\nand also for obtaining easy access and conveyance to their\\nplaces of abode. The straits were called the home of the\\nfishes. Elsewhere, although they exist in large numbers,\\nsays Marquette, it is not properly their home, which is in\\nthe neighborhood of Michilimackinac. It is this attraction\\nwhich has heretofore drawn to a point so advantageous the\\ngreater part of the savages in this country, driven away by\\nfear of the Iroquois. La Salle s colony of St. Louis was\\nplanted in one of the gardens of the world, in the midst of\\na numerous Indian population, on the great line of travel\\nbetween Lake Michigan and the Mississippi River. Kaskas-\\nkia and the neighboring settlements held the centre of the\\nlong line extending from Canada to Louisiana. The Wabash\\ncolony commanded that valley and the Lower Ohio. De-\\ntroit was a position so important that, securely held by the\\nFrench, it practically banished from the English mind for\\nfifty years the thought of acquiring the Northwest. The\\nIndians and the beavers have long since disappeared from\\nthe region lying between the lakes and the Mississippi that\\nregion has twice changed hands since those early days the\\nwhole country has been transformed by the hand of man;\\nbut the Saut Canal, the Mackinaw shipping, and the cities of\\nChicago, St. Louis, and Detroit show us how geography con-\\nditions history, as well as that the savage and the civilized\\nman have much in common. Then how unerringly were the\\nFrench guided to the carrying places between the Northern\\nand the Southern waters, viz., Green Bay, Fox River, and\\nCooky: Michigan, in Commonwealth Series, ii.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "46 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe Wisconsin the Chicago River and the Illinois the St.\\nJoseph and the Kankakee the St. Joseph and the Wabash\\nthe Maumee and the Wabash and, later, on the eve of the\\nwar that gave New France to England, the Chautauqua and\\nFrench Creek routes from Lake Erie to the Ohio.\\nMuch of this work was done while hostilities were in\\nprogress. About the time that King William s War began,\\nin 16S9, Governors Dongan and Denonville were both recalled.\\nNo English governor or commander succeeded to Dongan s\\nideas, while Count Frontenac vigorously prosecuted the pol-\\nicy of La Salle, In America the advantage of the war lay de-\\ncidedly with the French. The Iroquois never recovered from\\nthe blows that Frontenac dealt them. The Northwestern\\nIndians were more completely wedded to the French interest.\\nLouisiana was colonized. Posts and settlements connecting\\nthe mouths of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi were es-\\ntablished. The Strait of Detroit was guarded by a fortified\\npost. The Treaty of Ryswick, that will be more fully char-\\nacterized in another place, left all colonial disputes to future\\nwars. The English challenge to the discoverers of the West\\nwas hurled back beyond the mountains, there to lie until re-\\nnewed a half-century later. But the challenge had been\\ngiven, and was sure to be renewed and it is very probable\\nthat, if a statesman having the genius of William Pitt had\\nthen directed British counsels, British ascendancy in the\\nWestern country would have been established during the\\nprogress of King William s War.\\nStill New York did not at once resign her Western plans\\nand aspirations. In 1701 the Iroquois conveyed to King\\nWilliam III. all their claims to the country formerly occu-\\npied by the Hurons. These were the lands bounded by\\nLakes Ontario, Huron, and Erie, containing in length about\\n800 miles, and in breadth 400 miles, including the country\\nwhere beavers and all sorts of wild game keeps. The Iro-\\nCampbell Political History of Michigan, 57.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH COLONIZE THE NORTHWEST. 47\\nquois did not lay claim to the Lower Peninsula of Michigan,\\nbut this grant nevertheless covered Detroit or Fort De\\nTret, as the deed calls it. Nor did the French feel alto-\\ngether easy. La Motte Cadillac, afterward governor of Louisi-\\nana, who had for some time seen that the fort at Detroit was\\nno longer adequate, recommended a settlement. Receiving\\nlittle encouragement in Canada, he carried his plan across the\\nocean. He returned with authority from the minister Pon-\\nchartrain to carry it out. Cadillac came to the spot, July 24,\\n1 701, with fifty soldiers and fifty artisans and tradesmen, a\\nJesuit missionary, and a Recollet chaplain. He built a fort,\\nwhich he named Ponchartrain, for the French minister, and\\nbegan the settlement of Detroit. This settlement marks the\\nreal beginning of civil and political history within the present\\nlimits of Michigan.\\nIn due time the French began to establish themselves on\\nthe Northern frontier of the British colonies. They built\\nFort Niagara in 1726, four years after the English built Fort\\nOswego. Following the early footsteps of Champlain, they\\nascended to the head of the lake that bears his name, where\\nthey fortified Crown Point in 1727, and Ticonderoga in 1731.\\nPresque Isle, the present site of the city of Erie, was occupied\\nabout the time that Vincennes was founded in the Wabash\\nValley. Finally, just on the eve of the last struggle between\\nEngland and France, the French pressed into the valleys of\\nthe Alleghany and the Ohio, at the same time that the Eng-\\nlish also began to enter them.\\nWriters like Monette, with a strong French bias, speak\\nadmiringly of the growth of the French settlements in the\\nWest. This was more rapid than the early growth of the\\nCanadian settlements, but very slow as measured by the Eng-\\nlish colonies, not to speak of the Western settlements of the\\nUnited States.\\nIn 17 12 old Kaskaskia was the capital of Illinois. In 1721\\nHistory of the Mississippi Valley, Book 11. Chaps. III., IV.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "48 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nit was the seat of a college and a monastery. Fort Chartres,\\nfounded in 1720, was the later capital, and one of the most\\nformidable fortresses on the continent. A report of the pop-\\nulation of the Mississippi settlements in 1766 assigns sixty-\\nfive permanent families to Kaskaskia, forty-five to Cahokia,\\nsixteen to St. Philip, twelve to Prairie du Rocher, and forty to\\nFort Chartres, These villages, with the outlying farms, prob-\\nably represented a population of twenty-five hundred souls.\\nBut this was after the English domination began, and the de-\\ncline may have already begun. Monette claims a population\\nof two or three thousand for Kaskaskia when it was at its\\nbest estate. He also asserts that, in 1730, the settlements on\\nthe Illinois embraced one hundred and forty families, besides\\nabout six hundred converted Indians, many traders, voyagciirs,\\nand coiirciirs dcs bois. In 1765 Croghan, the Indian agent,\\nfound about one hundred families at Vincennes and Ouia-\\ntenon, and no doubt there were others scattered along the\\nriver thus he did not see. The same year Rogers, the\\nredoubtable partisan soldier, found eighty or one hundred\\nfamilies, and about six hundred souls, within the stockade at\\nDetroit, and about twenty-five hundred in the settlement,\\nwhich extended up and down the river, on both sides, some\\neight miles. Judge Walker estimates the total white popula-\\ntion between the lakes and the two rivers at ten thousand, at\\nthe close of the war that transferred the sovereignty to Eng-\\nland, and the estimate would seem a liberal one.\\nSurely this is a poor showing for three quarters of a cen-\\ntury of growth in the garden of the West. But we must re-\\nmember the ideas upon which New France was builded.\\nThe trader was opposed to settlements because they meant\\nthe destruction of his trade. The Jesuit was opposed to them\\nbecause they meant the destruction of his mission-field. The\\nvoyagciir and the coiircur dcs bois were opposed to them be-\\nThe Northwest during the Revolution, in Michigan Pioneer Collections,\\nIII., 12 et seq.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH COLONIZE THE NORTHWEST. 49\\ncause they meant the destruction of their favorite modes of\\nlife. Only the soldier was left, and his business was not col-\\nonization. Then the French people, dearly attached to their\\nnative country, have no real genius for colonies. In the\\nseventeenth century the French Protestants would have been\\nonly too glad to plant colonies in America that would have\\nshed lustre upon the name of France but the same spirit\\nthat made them desirous of removing to America made it\\nimpossible for them to do so. Great pains were taken to\\nprotect the colonies against dangerous ideas. The strength\\nthat comes from freedom and self-dependence was resolutely\\nsuppressed colonial initiative in business or politics was not\\npermitted trade, and particularly the fur-trade, was kept in\\nthe hands of grinding monopolies there was no politics, no\\nprinting press, no independent intellectual or religious life the\\nthrone was the seat of power as well as the fountain of honor\\nin a word. New France was protected to death. The Old\\nRegime crushed the life out of Canada, but no Frenchmen in\\nthe world were more devoted to the Old Regime than the\\nCanadians. The king expended great sums of money on the\\ncolony, but corruption in Quebec, if possible, was ranker than\\ncorruption in Paris. A colony without colonists is an im-\\npossibility, but this the home government did not seem to\\nunderstand. Some of the more far-seeing governors called\\nfor agriculturists and artisans, and notably Jonquiere, who\\nwanted ten thousand peasants sent over to people the Ohio\\nValley; but these calls made little impression, and led to no\\nchange of policy.\\nIn 1765 Croghan reported the habitants of the Wabash as\\nan idle, lazy people, a parcel of renegades from Canada,\\nmuch worse than the Indians, and those of the Detroit\\nas generally poor wretches, a lazy, idle people depending\\nchiefly on the savages for subsistence, whose manners and\\ncustoms they have certainly adopted. Judge Walker sup-\\nposes that these descriptions apply to the voyageurs and\\ncoiireurs dcs bois, who flocked into the settlements in great\\n4", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "50 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nnumbers in periods of idleness, rather than to the active and\\nsubstantial traders and farmers, many of them respectable,\\nand some of noble birth and connections. No doubt this is\\nperfectly true, but it is also true that the French settlements\\nproduced these classes in great numbers. In fact, one reason\\nwhy the Frenchman got on so happily with the Indians was\\nthat he readily became an Indian himself. This peculiar de-\\nvelopment of wilderness-life is pertinent to Dr. Ellis s preg-\\nnant remark, that for every Indian converted to Christianity\\nhundreds of white men have fallen to the level of barbarism.\\nBesides, Croghan visited the Wabash and the Detroit soon\\nafter the close of the war, when the population was no doubt\\nmuch demoralized.\\nThe industries of the Western settlements were furs,\\npeltries, and agriculture. Twenty thousand hides and skins\\nare said to have been shipped from the Wabash in 1705. The\\ntowns on the Mississippi were peculiarly well situated to carry\\non the fur-trade, since they could reach the whole upper\\ncountry to the very sources of the river. The settlers early\\nbegan to cultivate the soil. Besides growing maize and the\\nvegetables of the New World, they introduced the European\\ngrains, vegetables, and fruits. In 1746 the Wabash country\\nshipped six hundred barrels of flour to New Orleans, be-\\nsides large quantities of hides, peltry, tallow, and bees-wax.\\nThe Detroit habitants also cultivated the soil, but that settle-\\nment drew large quantities of supplies from the Illinois.\\nDescribing the trade that sprung up between the Illinois\\ncountry and Lower Louisiana, Monette says, furs, peltries,\\ngrain, flour, etc., were sent down the Mississippi to Mobile,\\nand thence to the West Indies and to Europe and in\\nreturn, the luxuries and refinements of European capitals\\nwere carried to the banks of the Illinois and Kaskaskia\\nRivers. Chartres was the centre of life and fashion in\\nthe West. The Jesuit College at Kaskaskia continued to\\nMichigan Pioneer Collections, III., 12 et seq.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH COLONIZE THE NORTHWEST. 51\\nflourish until the irruption of hostilities with Great Britain.\\nThe same writer finds six distinct settlements, with their\\nrespective villages, on the Mississippi in 1731, extending\\nfrom Cahokia, five miles below the present site of St. Louis,\\nto Kaskaskia on the river of that name, five miles above its\\nmouth.\\nWhile conceding such decided advantages to the French\\nin their competition with the English that he expresses sur-\\nprise that their grip of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi\\nwas ever loosened, Professor Shaler still holds that they had\\nsome disadvantages. Canada is covered with drift, which is\\ncommonly fitted for cultivation at great cost of labor, and is\\nnorth of the corn and pumpkin belt. After describing the\\nAmerican method of tilling the corn and the pumpkin, by\\nwhich two crops are produced on the same land in one year,\\nwhile the girdled trees are still standing, Professor Shaler\\nremarks It is hardly too much to say that, but for these\\nAmerican plants and the American method of tilling them,\\nit would have been decidedly more difficult to have fixed\\nthe early colonies on this shore. The point is well taken as\\nto Canada, but not as to the West, where the two plants were\\nthoroughly native to the soil.\\nThe first Louisiana, in a geographical sense, is that of\\nFranquelin s great map, 1684. On the Gulf it extends from\\nMobile to the mouth of the Rio Grande on the north, the\\nline runs along the shore of Lake Erie, and then northwest\\nby the sources of the streams flowing into Lake Michigan until\\nlost in the far North. East and west, it takes in the drainage\\nof the Mississippi, and the Gulf streams beyond as far as\\nthe Rio Grande. The first political Louisiana was the grant\\nmade to Anthony Crozat, in 171 2: The River St. Louis,\\nheretofore called the Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as\\nfar as the Illinois, together with the River of St. Philip, here-\\nThe Physiography of North America Introduction to Narrative and Criti-\\ncal History of America, IV.\\nParkman La Salle, 289, note.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "52 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ntofore called the Missouri, and of the St. Jerome, heretofore\\ncalled the Ouabache, with all the countries, territories, lakes\\nwithin land, and the rivers which fall directly or indirectly into\\nthat part of the river St. Louis. Crozat s Louisiana was a\\nseparate colony, but not wholly independent of Canada. In\\n17 1 7 Illinois, with limits not very different from those of the\\npresent State, was made a separate government, but still de-\\npendent upon Louisiana. Still later the Wabash country was\\nseparated from Illinois. It is foreign to our own purpose to\\ndescribe the machinery by which these governments were car-\\nried on. But they were personal governments governments\\nof officers not of laws. The governor and the intendant com-\\nmonly quarrelled, as the king no doubt expected and desired\\nthem to do. What constant pains were taken to smother the\\nvery germs of political life is well shown by a letter that\\nColbert wrote to Frontenac in 1672.\\nIt is well for you to observe that you are always to follow\\nin the government of Canada the forms in use here and since\\nour kings have long regarded it as good for their service not\\nto convoke the states of the kingdom, in order, perhaps, to\\nabolish insensibly this ancient usage, you on your part should\\nvery rarely, or, to speak more correctly, never give a corporate\\nform to the inhabitants of Canada. You should even, as the\\ncolony strengthens, suppress gradually the office of the syndic\\nwho presents petitions in the name of the inhabitants for it is\\nwell that each should speak for himself and none for all.\\nSuch a letter as this prepares us for the fact that on\\npolitics and the affairs of the nation, they [the Illinois inhabi-\\ntants] never suffered their minds to feel a moment s anxiety,\\nbelieving implicitly that France ruled the world and all must\\nbe right. Major Stoddard, writing about the year 1804, says\\nthat the people of Louisiana did not relish at first the change\\nin the administration of justice when they came under the juris-\\nNarrative and Critical History, V., 28. Cooley Michigan, 9, 10.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "THE FRENCH COLONIZE THE NORTHWEST. 53\\ndiction of the United States. Tlie delays and the uncertainty\\nattendant on trial by jury, and the multifarious technicali-\\nties of our jurisprudence, they could not well comprehend,\\neither as to its import or its utility, and it is not strange\\nthat they should have preferred the more prompt and less ex-\\npensive decisions of the Spanish tribunals.\\nThe French colonists were utterly indifferent to what Ameri-\\ncans call political rights. They could no more comprehend\\nthe men trained in the English colonial school than such men\\ncould comprehend them. What fervent appeals the Conti-\\nnental Congress made to the Canadians to join in the war\\nagainst Great Britain What sacrifices the States made to\\nbreak the British power in Canada And what a very meagre\\nresponse was made to the appeals and sacrifices alike Some\\nof the Canadians cast in their lot with the States the West-\\nern habitants were generally friendly to the patriot cause, but\\nthis was owing to their hostility to England rather than to\\nany conception that they had of what was involved in the\\ncontest. There is, perhaps, no better measure of the provin-\\ncialism of the Revolutionaiy Fathers than their quiet assump-\\ntion that the Canadians, steeped to the lips in ancien regime,\\nhad political sentiments and aspirations like their own. Pos-\\nsibly the national pride of a few Canadians was touched\\nwhen the Congress of 1774, in the address to the people\\nof Canada, invoked the shade of the immortal Montes-\\nquieu but that was all. The incapacity of the Canadians\\nto manage representative institutions and the jury system was\\nurged as a reason for restoring the French system of laws,\\nwhen the Quebec bill was before Parliament and it is impos-\\nsible to deny force to the argument. In fact, the want of\\npolitical ideas and habits, on the part of the habitants of Illi-\\nnois, was a serious inconvenience when the time came to or-\\nganize society on an Anglo-Saxon basis.\\nFinally, the cruel oppression of the monopolies, and the\\nMonette History of the Valley of the Mississippi, i., 191, 194.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "54 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nrestrictive policy of the government, had much to do with\\ndriving the young men of Canada from regular industry into\\nthe woods and the remoteness of the Illinois settlements\\nfrom Quebec and New Orleans helps to explain their com-\\nparative prosperity.\\nTurgot was right when he compared colonies to fruit that\\nfalls to the ground when ripe, but colonies never ripen under\\nsuch a regimen as this.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "V.\\nENGLAND WRESTS THE NORTHWEST FROM\\nFRANCE\\nThe First Treaty of Paris.\\nThis contest was the culmination of the long and bitter\\nstruggle of England and France for supremacy in the New\\nWorld. I shall rapidly review the main facts leading up to\\nthis culmination, and then assign to the West its place in the\\ncontroversy.\\nProfessor J. R. Seeley has attempted to show that Ex-\\npansion is the key to English history in the seventeenth and\\neighteenth centuries that the wars of England and France\\ngrew out of their colonial rivalries and that the explanation\\nof the policies of the two powers must be sought in Asia, the\\nIndies, and America. There is a considerable measure of\\ntruth in the propositions that the English professor expounds\\nwith so much eloquence and learning but there is an unmis-\\ntakable difference between the first four Anglo-French wars\\nin America and the last one of the series. The very names\\nthat three of them bear indicate their origin and nature they\\nwere wars of kings and queens. These wars began in Europe;\\nthey grew out of Old World quarrels, and the treaties of\\npeace that ended them were mainly concerned with Old\\nWorld matters. The colonies fought because the mother\\ncountries fought. The fifth and last of these wars began in\\nAmerica it was waged here two years before it was declared\\nThe Expansion of England.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "$6 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nin Europe; it involved a distinct and most important Ameri-\\ncan question and the terms of peace affected the welfare and\\ndestiny of America more than of any other part of the globe.\\nIn 1629, when the colonies of both powers were in their\\nvery infancy, David Kirk captured Quebec and sent the garri-\\nson to Europe; but, on the conclusion of peace, the conquest\\nwas given up to France, and the life of the colony began\\nagain.\\nKing William s War, 1689-97, was but the extension to\\nAmerica of the great European contest growing out of the\\nascension of William and Mary to the throne of England.\\nThe most striking features of this war are the massacres of\\nSchenectady, Salmon Falls, the seizure and plunder of Port\\nRoyal, and the two unsuccessful attempts to invade and reduce\\nCanada, one made by way of Lake Champlain and the other\\nby the Lower St. Lawrence. Peace came with the Treaty of\\nRyswick in 1697, each belligerent surrendering all countries,\\nislands, forts, and colonies, wherever situated, that he had capt-\\nured, belonging to the other at the opening of hostilities.\\nQueen Anne s War, 1702-13, was a prolongation of the\\none that preceded it. It is the American phase of the war\\nof the Spanish succession. Again the English colonists cap-\\ntured Port Royal, thenceforth called Annapolis, and again\\nthey vainly attempted, both by the Champlain and the St.\\nLawrence routes, the reduction of Canada. America is much\\nmore prominent in the Treaty of Utrecht than in the Treaty\\nof Ryswick. Newfoundland and the adjacent islands, and\\nNova Scotia, or Acadia, with its ancient boundaries, were\\nceded to the English Crown. The treaty also restored to\\nGreat Britain the Hudson Bay region, which had fallen into\\nFrench hands, and contained an agreement, on both sides, to\\ndetermine within a year, by commissaries to be chosen forth-\\nwith, named by each party, the limits which are to be fixed\\nbetween the said Bay of Hudson and the places appertaining\\nto France. Another stipulation of the treaty was the spring-\\ning point of bitter controversies that we shall have occasion to", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM FRANCE. 5/\\ntouch upon hereafter. This was the admission, on the part\\nof France, that the five nations or cantons of Indians were\\nsubject to Great Britain.\\nKing George s War, 1744-48, is the American phase of\\nthe war of the Austrian succession. The single incident that\\nneed be mentioned is the capture, by the English colonists,\\naided by a British fleet, of Louisburg and the whole island of\\nCape Breton, an heroic exploit that was rendered abortive by\\nthe treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, which restored all conquests\\nmade in the war, on either side, to the original owners. For\\nmany years there had been angry disputes between the two\\npowers concerning their American boundaries. In particular\\nhad there been a dispute as to the boundaries of Acadia, sur-\\nrendered by France to England in 171 3, His Britannic Majesty\\nclaiming the vast region bounded by the Gulf and River St.\\nLawrence, the ocean, and New England, His most Christian\\nMajesty denying that his royal brother was entitled, by the\\nTreaty of Utrecht, to more than a part of the peninsula\\nof Nova Scotia. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle left all these\\nquestions open, and provided for a commission empowered to\\nsettle them. This commission was appointed, but it never\\naccomplished more in its three years discussions than to ac-\\ncumulate some volumes of arguments that convinced nobody.\\nThe fact is, the question at issue had got beyond the power of\\ndiplomatists in the year 1748. AH they could do was to leave\\nit for soldiers to settle.\\nMatters were left in such condition, both in Europe and\\nAmerica, by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, that the peace\\ncould not last long on either continent. We are not concerned\\nwith the situation on the other side of the ocean, but on this\\nside we must give it a rapid survey. _\u00e2\u0080\u009e,.\u00e2\u0080\u0094.\\nThe close of King George s War was marked by an ex-\\ntraordinary development of interest in the Western country.\\nThe Pennsylvanians and Virginians had worked their way\\nwell up to the eastern foot-hills of the last range of mountains\\nseparating them from the interior. Even the Connecticut", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "58 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmen were ready to overleap the province of New York and\\ntake possession of the Susquehanna. The time for the\\nEnglish colonists to attempt the Great Mountains in force\\nhad been long in coming, but it had plainly arrived.\\nIn 1748 the Ingles-Draper settlement, the first regular\\nsettlement of English-speaking men on the Western waters,\\nwas made at Draper s Meadow, on the New River, a\\nbranch of the Kanawha. The same year Dr. Thomas Walker,\\naccompanied by a number of Virginia gentlemen and a party\\nof hunters, made their way by Southwestern Virginia into\\nKentucky and Tennessee. The names of Cumberland River,\\nCumberland Mountains, Cumberland Gap, and Louisa River\\nare mementos of this excursion. The Cumberlands all take\\ntheir name from the Duke of Cumberland, the hero of CuUo-\\nden, celebrated in Campbell s line\\nProud Cumberland prances, insulting the slain,\\nand the Louisa River was named for the royal duke s wife.\\nThe same year the Ohio company, consisting of thirteen\\nprominent Virginians and Marylanders, and one London mer-\\nchant, was formed. Its avowed objects were to speculate in\\nWestern lands, and to carry on trade on an extensive scale\\nwith the Indians. It does not appear to have contemplated\\nthe settlement of a new colony. The company obtained\\nfrom the crown a conditional grant of five hundred thousand\\nacres of land in the Ohio Valley, to be located mainly be-\\ntween the Monongahela and Kanawha Rivers, and it ordered\\nlarge shipments of goods for the Indian trade from London.\\nThese goods were to be carried to the Upper Potomac, and\\nthen, by a road that the company proposed to build for trans-\\nportation and travel, to the waters of the Ohio. In 1750 the\\ncompany sent Christopher Gist, a veteran woodsman and\\ntrader living on the Yadkin, down the northern side of the\\nOhio, with instructions, as Mr. Bancroft summarizes them,\\nto examine the Western country as far as the Falls of the\\nOhio to look for a large tract of good level land to mark", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM FRANCE. 59\\nthe passes in the mountains to trace the courses of the\\nrivers to count the falls to observe the strength of the\\nIndian nations. Under these instructions, Gist made the\\nfirst English exploration of Southern Ohio of which we have\\nany report. The next year he made a similar exploration of\\nthe country south of the Ohio, as far as the Great Kanawha.\\nThe determination of the company is shown by its declara-\\ntion that it would go to the Mississippi, if necessary, in order\\nto find good lands. Gist s reports of his explorations added to\\nthe growing interest in the over-mountain country. At that\\ntime the Ohio Valley was waste and unoccupied, save by the\\nsavages, but adventurous traders, mostly Scotch-Irish, and\\ncommonly men of reckless character and loose morals, made\\ntrading excursions as far as the River Miami. The Indian\\ntown of Pickawillany, on the upper waters of that stream,\\nbecame a great centre of English trade and influence.\\nAnother evidence of the growing interest in the West is\\nthe fact that the colonial authorities, in every direction, were\\nseeking to obtain Indian titles to the Western lands, and to\\nbind the Indians to the English by treaties. The Iroquois\\nhad long claimed, by right of conquest, the country from the\\nCumberland Mountains to the Lower Lakes and the Missis-\\nsippi, and for many years the authorities of New York had\\nbeen steadily seeking to gain a firm treaty-hold of that coun-\\ntry. In 1684, the Iroquois, at Albany, placed themselves\\nunder the protection of King Charles and the Duke of York\\nin 1726, they conveyed all their lands in trust to England, to\\nbe protected and defended by his Majesty to and for the use\\nof the grantors and their heirs, which was an acknowledg-\\nment by the Indians of what the French had acknowledged\\nthirteen years before at Utrecht. In 1 744, the very year that\\nKing George s War began, the deputies of the Iroquois, at\\nLancaster, Pa., confirmed to Maryland the lands within that\\nprovince, and made to Virginia a deed that covered the whole\\nHistory, ii., 362, 363.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "60 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nWest as effectually as the Virginian interpretation of the\\ncharter of 1609, soon to be noticed. This treaty is of the\\ngreatest importance in subsequent history it is the starting-\\npoint of later negotiations with the Indians concerning West-\\nern lands. It gave the English their first real treaty-hold\\nupon the West and it stands in all the statements of the\\nEnglish claim to the Western country, side by side with\\nthe Cabot voyages. Again at Albany, in 1748, the bonds\\nbinding the Six Nations and the English together were\\nstrengthened, and at the same time the Miamis were brought\\nwithin the covenant chain. In 1750-54 negotiators were\\nbusy with attempts to draw to the English interest the West-\\nern tribes. Council fires burned at Logstown, at Shawnee-\\ntown, and at Pickawillany, and generally with results favor-\\nable to the English.\\nThere was, indeed, no small amount of dissension among\\nthe colonies, and it must not be supposed that they were all\\nworking together to effect a common purpose. The royal\\ngovernors could not agree. There were bitter dissensions be-\\ntween governors and assemblies. Colony was jealous of col-\\nony. Mercenary traders appealed to the fears of the Indians,\\ntelling them, what was true enough, that the English wanted\\ntheir lands. Every argument pointed to the necessity of for-\\ntifying the Forks of the Ohio but the dispute as to jurisdic-\\ntion between Virginia and Pennsylvania which broke out in\\n1752 not only left the increasing population to its own nat-\\nural turbulence, because neither colony ventured to appoint\\nmagistrates, but made both wary of spending money that\\nmight prove to be for the greater advantage of the other. It\\nis to be feared that English interests in the West would have\\nbeen wrecked at last had they been abandoned wholly to\\ngovernors and assemblies. There were men among them of\\nstatesman-like forecast, but these could not give direction to\\naffairs. Fortunately, the cause of England and the colonies\\nwas not abandoned to politicians. The time had come for\\nthe Anglo-Saxon column, that had been so long in reaching", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM FRANCE. 6l\\nthem, to pass the Endless Mountains and the logic of events\\nswept everything into the Westward current.\\nIn the years following the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle the\\nFrench were not idle. Galissoni^re, the governor of Canada,\\nthoroughly comprehended what was at stake. In 1749 he\\nsent Ccloron de Bienville into the Ohio Valley, with a suit-\\nable escort of whites and savages, to take formal possession of\\nthe valley in the name of the King of France, to propitiate\\nthe Indians, and in all ways short of actual warfare to thwart\\nthe English plans. Bienville crossed the portage from Lake\\nErie to Lake Chautauqua, the easternmost of the portages\\nfrom the Lakes to the southern streams ever used by the\\nFrench, and made his way by the Alleghany River and the\\nOhio as far as the Miami, and returned by the Maumee and\\nLake Erie to Montreal. His report to the governor was any-\\nthing but reassuring. He found the English traders swarm-\\ning in the valley, and the Indians generally well disposed to\\nthe English. Nor did French interests improve the two or\\nthree succeeding years.\\nThe Marquis Duquesne, who succeeded Galissoni^re, soon\\ndiscovered the drift of events. He saw the necessity of action\\nhe was clothed with power to act, and he was a man of action.\\nAnd so, early in the year 1753, while the English governors\\nand assemblies were still hesitating and disputing, he sent a\\nstrong force by Lake Ontario and Niagara to seize and hold\\nthe northeastern branches of the Ohio. This was a master-\\nstroke unless recalled, it would lead to war and Duquesne\\nwas not the man to recall it. This force, passing over the\\nportage between Presque Isle and French Creek, constructed\\nForts Le Boeuf and Venango, the second at the confluence of\\nFrench Creek and the Alleghany River.\\nGeorge Washington now makes his first historical appear-\\nance. He comes with a commission from Lieutenant-Governor\\nDinwiddie, of Virginia, to inquire of the officer commanding\\nthe French force by whose authority and instructions he has\\ninvaded the territories of the King of Great Britain, and to", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "62 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ndemand his peaceable departure. He returns to Williams-\\nburg with the answer that the French commander will refer\\nthe matter to the governor, at Quebec, and that in the mean-\\ntime he shall continue to hold his ground. It was now winter,\\nand nothing more could be done that season, but early the\\nnext year a small force of Virginians was sent to seize and\\nfortify the Forks of the Ohio. Before the works that should\\nhave been built two or three years before could be completed,\\nor the men building them could be reinforced, the French de-\\nscended the Alleghany in stronger numbers and captured both\\nfort and garrison. They demolished the English fortification,\\nand built a much stronger one, that they called Fort Duquesne.\\nAs usual, they had been too prompt for their rivals. They\\nhad seized the door to the West. This was an unmistakable\\nact of war, and it precipitated at once the inevitable contest.\\nInevitable contest 1 The words sound like a decree of\\nfate. But when two hostile armies, moving on converging\\nroads, reach the point of convergence, a battle follows. The\\nFrench column, with the St. Lawrence as a base, has been\\nlong moving in the direction of the Ohio the English col-\\numn, with the seaboard as a base, has also been moving tow-\\nard the same destination they enter the valley at practi-\\ncally the same time, the French asserting their right to the\\ncountry on the ground of discovery and occupation, the Eng-\\nlish asserting their right by virtue of the Cabot voyages, the\\nIroquois protectorate, and the Indian purchases. Given the\\ncharacter of Englishmen and Frenchmen given the geograph-\\nical relations of the Atlantic Plain to the St. Lawrence-Lake\\nBasin, and the relations of both these to the Mississippi Val-\\nley, a contest for the West was inevitable from the time that\\nthe foundations of Jamestown and Quebec were laid down,\\nunless, indeed, one of the two powers should overwhelm the\\nother at an earlier day.\\nFrench America had two heads one among the snows of\\nCanada, and one among the cane-brakes of Louisiana one", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM FRANCE. 63\\ncommunicating with the world through the Gulf of St. Law-\\nrence, and the other through the Gulf of Mexico. These vital\\npoints were feebly connected by a chain of military posts\\nslender and often interrupted circling through the wilderness\\nnearly three thousand miles. Midway between Canada and\\nLouisiana lay the Valley of the Ohio. If the English should\\nseize it, they would sever the chain of posts and cut French\\nAmerica asunder. If the French held it, and intrenched them-\\nselves well along its eastern limits, they would shut their rivals\\nbetween the Alleghanies and the sea, control all the tribes of\\nthe West, and turn them, in case of war, against the English\\nborders a frightful and insupportable scourge.\\nBraddock s army was the wedge intended to split French\\nAmerica asunder, but it was shattered to pieces at the battle\\nof the Monongahela.\\nThe shifting scenes of the French and Indian war will not\\nhere be painted even in outline. But it is essential to bring\\nout in bold relief several of its larger features.\\nMr. Bancroft says the question at the opening of the strug-\\ngle was, which of the two languages should be the mother\\ntongue of the future millions of the West whether the Ro-\\nmanic or the Teutonic race should form the seed of its people.\\nBut the question soon became wider than the West. From\\nthe moment that William Pitt became, in 1757, the genius of\\nthe English Cabinet, England contemplated nothing less than\\nthe reduction of all Canada. Pitt s policy was to crush the\\nFrench colonial empire in both worlds, and he distinctively\\ngrasped the American issue. Mr. John Richard Green says of\\nPitt He felt that the stake he was playing for was some-\\nthing vaster than Britain s standing among the powers of Eu-\\nrope. Even while he backed Frederick in Germany, his eye\\nwas not on the Weser, but on the Hudson and the St. Law-\\nrence. Pitt himself said in the House of Commons: If I\\nParkman Montcalm and Wolfe, i., 39-40.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "64 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nsend an army to Germany, it is because in Germany I can\\nconquer America.\\nFrom the moment that the war became one of conquest it\\nwas more than ever a war of geography. The French strong-\\nholds were Louisburg in Cape Breton, Quebec and Montreal\\non the St. Lawrence, Ticonderoga at the head of Lake Cham-\\nplain, Fort Frontenac at the foot of Lake Ontario, Fort Niag-\\nara on the river of that name, Detroit, that held the connec-\\ntion between the lower and upper Lakes, and Fort Duquesne,\\nat the Forks of the Ohio. Niagara and Duquesne were the\\ntwo keys to the West. Duquesne s military relation to the\\nOhio Valley was more important then than its commercial re-\\nlation is now. To Canada there were three lines of approach\\none by Lake Ontario, one by Lake Champlain and the Riche-\\nlieu, and one by the Lower St. Lawrence. The almost insur-\\nmountable obstacles offered by every one of these were over-\\ncome, and in 1 760 the conquest of Canada was effected by\\nthree armies that converged at Montreal from the three direc-\\ntions, on the same day. However, when the war became one of\\ninvasion and conquest the advantages of the two parties were\\nreversed the French moved on the exterior and longer, and\\nthe English on the interior and shorter, line.\\nGeography, says Von Moltke, is three-fourths of mili-\\ntary science and never was the truth of his words more fully\\nexemplified. Canada was fortified with vast outworks of de-\\nfence in the savage forests, marshes, and mountains that en-\\ncompassed her, where the thoroughfares were streams choked\\nwith fallen trees and obstructed by cataracts. Never was\\nthe problem of moving troops encumbered with baggage and\\nartillery a more difficult one. The question was less how to\\nfight the enemy than how to get at him. If a few practicable\\nroads had crossed the broad tract of wilderness the war would\\nhave been shortened and its character changed.\\nHistory of the English People, iv., 195.\\nParkman Montcalm and Wolfe, ii., 380.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM FRANCE. 65\\nAt the outset both of the powers had much to say of\\nboundaries and rights. The French claimed, by right of dis-\\ncovery and occupation, all lands draining to the St. Lawrence,\\nthe Lakes, and the Mississippi, a plain geographical principle\\nof demarcation that would have given them much of New\\nYork and Pennsylvania, as well as all the West, and have\\nconfined the English to the Atlantic Plain. It is true that\\nFrench occupation, while perhaps fulfilling the demands of in-\\nternational law, did not answer the purposes of civilization\\nbut when we contrast the heroic ardor of the French voya-\\ngeurs, soldiers, and priests who opened up the Great West to\\nthe vision of men with the apathy of the English colonists,\\nalthough our judgment approve the final issue, we can but\\nagree with Mr. Parkman when he says France s pretensions\\nwere moderate and reasonable compared wuth those of Eng-\\nland, England having nothing to show in the fields of\\nWestern discovery and exploration, rested on the Cabot\\nvoyages and the Iroquois title. The Cabot title was never\\nallowed in the Court of Nations, and was abandoned in 1763\\nby England herself, while the acknowledgment of 17 13 that\\nthe dominion of the Iroquois was in the English Government\\ngave but the flimsiest claim to the lands south of the Lakes.\\nThe Treaty of Utrecht declared the Iroquois, or Five\\nNations, to be British subjects therefore it was insisted that\\nall countries conquered by them belonged to the British\\nCrown. But what was an Iroquois conquest? The Iroquois\\nrarely occupied the countries they overran. Their military\\nexpeditions were mere raids, great or small. Sometimes, as in\\nthe case of the Hurons, they made a solitude and called it\\npeace again, as in the case of the Illinois, they drove off the\\noccupants of the soil, who returned after the invaders were\\ngone. But the range of their war-parties was prodigious, and\\nthe English laid claim to every mountain, forest, or prairie\\nwhere an Iroquois had taken a scalp.\\nMontcalm and Wolfe, i., 124, 125.\\n2 Parkman Montcalm and Wolfe, L, I^S-\\nS", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "66 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThis point is noted with particularity because important\\npolitical issues turned upon it at a later day.\\nBut the discussion of rights was little better than boys\\nplay then, as it is now. The contest was one of force, and\\nthe weight of the English sword decided the issue.\\nTwo years after the first skirmishing in the backwoods of\\nPennsylvania, there broke out in Europe the Seven Years\\nWar, which swept all the great powers into its vortex, which\\nextended to ever^ continent and reached every sea. In\\nMacaulay s sweeping phrase, Black men fought on the coast\\nof Coromandel, and red men scalped each other by the Great\\nLakes of North America. It was the first and only European\\nwar that began on this side of the Ocean. Its close saw France\\ndiscomfited and humiliated in both worlds. She had lost\\ngreater dominions than, perhaps, ever changed hands at the\\nclose of any other war in history. But there is no more\\nglorious moment in the history of England. It was the time\\nwhen every Englishman could feel, with just pride\\nThat Chatham s language was his mother-tongue,\\nAnd Wolfe s great heart compatriot with his own.\\nOn this continent, the long conflict culminated September\\n13, 1759, when the armies of Montcalm and Wolfe stood face\\nto face on the Heights of Abraham. The next year saw the\\ncapitulation of Canada. When the time came to treat for a\\ngeneral peace in 1763, the King of France bowed to the fort-\\nunes of war in the manner following\\nHis most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions which\\nhe has heretofore formed, or might form, to Nova Scotia, or\\nAcadia, in all its parts, and guarantees the whole of it, and with\\nall its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain moreover,\\nhis most Christian Majesty cedes and guarantees to his said\\nBritannic Majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its depend-\\nencies, as well as the island of Cape Breton, and all other\\nislands and coasts in the Gulf and River St. Lawrence, and, in\\nSeeley The Expansion of England, 22.\\n-V", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM FRANCE. 6/\\ngeneral, everything that depends on the said countries, lands,\\nislands, and coasts, with the sovereignty, property, possession,\\nand all rights acquired by treaty or otherwise, which the most\\nChristian King, and the Crown of France, have had till now\\nover the said countries, islands, lands, places, coasts, and their\\ninhabitants, so that the most Christian King cedes and makes\\nover the whole to the said king, and to the Crown of Great\\nBritain, and that in the most ample manner and form, without\\nrestriction, and without any liberty to depart from the said ces-\\nsion and guarantee, under any pretence, or to disturb Great\\nBritain in the possessions above-mentioned.\\nIn order to re-establish peace on solid and durable founda-\\ntions, and to remove forever all subject of dispute with regard\\nto the limits of the British and French territories on the conti-\\nnent of America, it is agreed that for the future the confines\\nbetween the dominions of his Britannic Majesty and those of\\nhis most Christian Majesty in that part of the world shall be\\nfixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the middle of the\\nRiver Mississippi from its source to the River Iberville, and\\nfrom thence by a line drawn along the middle of this river\\nand the Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea and\\nfor this purpose the most Christian King cedes in full right,\\nand guarantees to his Britannic Majesty, the river and port of\\nthe Mobile, and everything which he possesses, or ought to\\npossess, on the left side of the River Mississippi, except the\\ntown of New Orleans and the island on which it is situated,\\nwhich shall remain to France, provided that the navigation of\\nthe River Mississippi shall be equally free, as well to the sub-\\njects of Great Britain as to those of France, in its whole\\nbreadth and length, from its source to the sea and expressly\\nthat part which is between the said island of New Orleans and\\nthe right bank of that river, as well as the passage both in and\\nout of its mouth.\\nThese are some of the provisions of that treaty, which\\nalways caused Count De Vergennes to shudder whenever he\\nChalmers A Collection of Treaties, i., 471, 473.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "68 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthought of it, and that called out explosions of volcanic\\nwrath from the first Napoleon.\\nOther territorial changes deeply affecting the course of\\nhistory were made at the close of the Seven Years War. Spain\\nhad taken part in the contest as an ally of France. England\\nhad captured Havana, in the island of Cuba, the very key to the\\nGulf of Mexico. To regain that, Spain surrendered Florida to\\nEngland, and then received as a compensation from France all of\\nher possessions on the continent of North America that did\\nnot pass to England. The grand result of these changes was\\nthat England and Spain now divided North America, the Miss-\\nissippi River being the only definite boundary between them.\\nWe must not allow our admiration of what the French had\\ndone in the West to blind us to the fact that the British cause\\nwas the cause of the Northwest and of America. Put in the\\nbroadest way, the question was, whether French or English\\nideas and tendencies should have sway in North America.\\nMontcalm and Wolfe were both gallant soldiers and able com-\\nmanders both true patriots and chivalrous gentlemen but\\nthey stood on the Heights of Abraham that September day for\\nvery different things Montcalm for the old regime, Wolfe for\\nthe House of Commons; Montcalm for the alliance of king\\nand priest, Wolfe for habeas corpus and free inquiry Montcalm\\nfor the past, Wolfe for the future Montcalm for Louis XV. and\\nMadame de Pompadour, Wolfe for George Washington and\\nAbraham Lincoln. It was his clear perception of this point that\\nled Mr. John Fiske to say The triumph of Wolfe marks the\\ngreatest turning-point as yet discoverable in modern history.\\nThat the war was a war of civilizations becomes per-\\nfectly clear when we consider the temper, culture, and aims\\nof the two classes of colonists. The history of French Amer-\\nica is far more picturesque and brilliant than the history of\\nBritish America in the period 1608-1754. But the English\\nwere doing work far more solid, valuable, and permanent than\\nAmerican Political Ideas, 56.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM FRANCE. 69\\ntheir northern neighbors. The French took to the lakes, rivers,\\nand forests they cultivated the Indians their explorers were\\nintent on discovery, their traders on furs, their missionaries on\\nsouls. The English did not either take to the woods or culti-\\nvate the Indians they loved agriculture and trade. State and\\nChurch, and so clung to their fields, shops, politics, and\\nchurches. As a result, Avhile Canada languished, thirteen\\nEnglish states grew up on the Atlantic Plain modelled on\\nthe Saxon pattern, and became populous, rich, and strong.\\nAt the beginning of the war there were eighty thousand\\nwhite inhabitants in New France, one million one hundred\\nand sixty thousand in the British colonies. The disparity\\nof wealth was equally striking. In 1754 there was more\\nreal civilization more seeds of things in the town of Bos-\\nton than in all New France. In time, these compact and\\nvigorous British colonies offered effective resistance to Great\\nBritain. It is plain that, had they spread themselves out\\nover half a continent, hunted beaver, and trafficked with the\\nIndians, after the manner of the French, Independence would\\nhave been postponed many years, and possibly forever. We\\nowe a vast debt to the inherited character of those English-\\nmen who came to America in the first half of the seventeenth\\ncentury, and no small debt to the Appalachian mountain-wall\\nthat confined them to the narrow Atlantic slope until, by\\nreason of compression and growth, they were gotten ready,\\nfirst to enter the West in force, and then to extort their inde-\\npendence from England.\\nBut the French and Indian War borrows its great signifi-\\ncance from another struggle. It was but the prelude to a\\ngrander contest. With the triumph of Wolfe on the\\nHeights of Abraham, writes Mr. Green, began the history\\nof the United States. James Wolfe s Highlanders and\\ngrenadiers at Quebec, and not the embattled farmers at Lex-\\nington, won the first victory of the American Revolution.\\nHistory of the English People, iv., 193, 194.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "VI.\\nTHE THIRTEEN COLONIES AS CONSTITUTED\\nBY THE ROYAL CHARTERS.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (I.)\\nTo encourage American plantations, the British Crown\\ngranted from time to time those charters that constitute the\\nfirst chapter of American Jurisprudence. In bounding the\\ngrants of land that those charters conveyed, the Crown was\\ngoverned neither by a knowledge of American geography nor\\nby a legal principle. The most imaginative man alive could\\nnot bound his estates in Spain with greater disregard of Span-\\nish geography and Spanish law. The grants overlapped and\\nconflicted with one another in a way that was then most\\ntroublesome to colonists and proprietors, and that is now\\nmost exasperating to students of history. Five causes will\\nexplain these conflictions (i) Gross ignorance of American\\ngeography (2) the great size of the early grants (3) the\\nsurrender or vacation of charters (4) the influence of favor-\\nites praying for grants to themselves or their friends (5) the\\nroyal prerogative. I shall transcribe the boundary descriptions\\nfound in the principal charters, and show how the Thirteen\\nColonies took shape under them.*\\nThe charter given to Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584 granted\\nThe texts found in Poore s Charters and Constitutions of the United\\nStates will be followed. In preparing this chapter and the next one the\\nauthor has received great assistance from Bulletin of the United States Geologi-\\ncal Survey, No. 13 Boundaries of the United States and of the Several States\\nand Territories, with an Historical Sketch of the Territorial Changes, by Henry\\nGannett, Chief Geographer.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES, 7 1\\nto that trusty and well-beloved servant of Queen Eliza-\\nbeth, his heirs and assigns forever\\nfree libertie and licence from time to time, and at all times for-\\neuer hereafter, to discouer, search, finde out, and view such re-\\nmote heathen and barbarous lands, counteries, and territories,\\nnot actually possessed of any Christian Prince nor inhabited by\\nChristian People, as to him, his heires and assignes, and to euery\\nor any of them, shall seeme good, and the same to haue, holde,\\noccupie, and enjoy to him, his heires and assignes, foreuer, with\\nall prerogatiues, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, priuileges,\\nfranchises, and preheminences, thereto or thereabouts both by\\nsea and land, whatsoeuer we by our letters patents may graunt,\\nand as we or any of our noble progenitors haue heretofore\\ngraunted to any person or persons, bodies politique or corpo-\\nrate.\\nThe charter further forbade any person or persons whatso-\\never inhabiting or attempting to inhabit the same countries\\ncoming within two hundred leagues of the place or places\\nwhere Raleigh, his heirs and assigns, or his or their associates\\nin any company, should, within six years ensuing, make their\\ndwellings or abidings, without his or their consent and it\\nauthorized and instructed him or them to encounter and ex-\\npulse, to repel and resist, as well by sea as by land, all who\\nshould attempt to do so. Raleigh s unsuccessful attempts to\\nplant under this charter are among the chivalrous and pathetic\\nstories of early American adventure.\\nWhile it was well understood that Raleigh was to plant in\\nthe queen s American possessions, the name America does\\nnot occur in the document. He was not to go into lands\\nactually possessed by any Christian prince nor inhabited by\\nChristian people, but that was the only limitation. It is plain\\nthat her dominions on this continent lay before Elizabeth s\\neyes an undifferentiated mass without assigned metes and\\nbounds, and that other grants or colonies were not then\\ncontemplated. As those dominions then had no distinctive", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "72 THE OLD NORTHWEST,\\nname, Raleigh proposed Virginia, and Elizabeth, who was\\nfond of being called the Virgin Queen, approved the sug-\\ngestion.\\nIn 1606 James I. vouchsafed to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir\\nGeorge Somers, and divers others of his loving subjects who\\nhad been suitors unto him\\nLicence to make Habitation, Plantation, and to deduce a\\ncolony of sundry of our People into that part of America com-\\nmonly called Virginia, and other parts and Territories in Amer-\\nica^ either appertaining unto us, or which are not now actually\\npossessed^by ^ny Christian Prince or People, situate, lying, and\\nbeing*all along the Sea-Coasts between four-and-thirty degrees\\nof Northerly latitude from the Equinoctial Line and five-and-\\nforty Degrees of the same Latitude, and in the main Land be-\\ntween the same four-and-thirty and five-and-forty Degrees, and\\nthe Islands thereunto adjacent, or within one hundred Miles of\\nthe Coast thereof.\\nThe charter then provided for two companies, the first\\ncalled the London Company and the second the Plymouth\\nCompany. The London Company should make their first\\nplantation at any place upon the said coast of Virginia or\\nAmerica where they should think fit and convenient, between\\nthe said four-and-thirty and one-and-forty degrees of the said\\nlatitude, and the Plymouth Company should begin their\\nplantation at any place on the said coast of Virginia and\\nAmerica where they should think fit and convenient, be-\\ntween eight-and-thirty degrees and five-and-forty degrees\\nof the same latitude. Each colony should have all lands,\\nsoils, etc., from its first seat of plantation, by the space of fifty\\nEnglish statute miles, all along the coast toward the west and\\nsouthwest as the coast lies also all the lands, etc., along the\\ncoast to the north, northeast, or east for the space of fifty\\nmiles all the islands within one hundred miles directly over\\nand against the sea-coast, and also all the lands from the same", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 73\\nfifty miles every way on the sea-coast, directly into the main-\\nland one hundred miles. The charter further provided that\\nno other of the king s subjects should be permitted to plant\\nor inhabit behind them toward the mainland without the ex-\\npress license or consent of the council of the colony affected\\nor interested first obtained in writing. It will be seen that\\nthe two zones within which the two companies might plant\\ntheir colonies overlapped three degrees of latitude. Colli-\\nsions were, however, guarded against by a provision that\\nneither company should make a settlement within one hun-\\ndred miles of one already made by the other.\\nThe charter of 1606 marks a decided step toward geo-\\ngraphical precision and definiteness. The settlements are to\\nbe made on the coasts of Virginia and America, within parallels\\n34\u00c2\u00b0 and 45\u00c2\u00b0 north latitude, which lines, falling as far apart as\\nthe mouth of the Cape Fear River and the mouth of the St.\\nCroix, comprehended the larger part of King James s American\\npossessions. Two colonies were provided for. Evidently\\nthat process of evolution had begun which led to the north-\\nern and southern groups of colonies.\\nThe settlement at Jamestown was made under this char-\\nter. But as it did not prove satisfactory, the king, in 1609,\\ngranted the London Company a second charter, in which he\\nbounded the colony that henceforth monopolized the name\\nVirginia as follows\\nSituate, lying, and being in that Part of America\\ncalled Virginia, from the Point of Land called Cape or Point\\nComfort, all along the Sea-Coast to the Northward two hundred\\nmiles, and from the said Point of Cape Comfort a\\\\\\\\ along the Sea-\\nCoast to the Southward two hundred Miles, and all that Space\\nand Circuit of Land lying from the Sea-Coast of the Precinct\\naforesaid up into the Land throughout from Sea to Sea, West\\nand Northwest, And also all the Islands lying within one hun-\\ndred Miles along the Coast of both Seas of the Precinct afore-\\nsaid.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "74 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThis was the first of the from sea to sea boundaries\\nthat play so important a part in history. The description\\nup into the land throughout from sea to sea, west and\\nnorthwest, led to important results, the least of which is\\nthe interminable discussion of what it meant. It has been\\nsuggested that it meant a compound boundary line run-\\nning from the Atlantic Ocean around to the Atlantic Ocean\\nagain but the islands within one hundred miles along the\\ncoast of both seas are given to Virginia, and this fact is\\nfatal to such a construction. Historians commonly assume\\nthat the northern and southern lines of the colony were in-\\ntended to be due east and west lines, and much can be said\\nin support of this view. The lines drawn by the charter of\\n1606 were east and west lines. The royal intent in 1606-09\\nand 1620 was two colonies; Virginia and New England\\nwere evidently to embrace all the king s possessions from lati-\\ntude 34 north to the French territories. The ocean front\\nnow given to Virginia carries the colony to the fortieth de-\\ngree. And, finally, the charter of 1620 bounded New Eng-\\nland on the south by that parallel. But the king s language\\ndescribes one west and one northwest line. If this view\\nbe assumed, the description is still open to two constructions\\nthat assign to Virginia very different limits. If the construc-\\ntion represented in the following diagram be taken, the\\ncolony would be a triangle of very moderate size.\\nNorthern Point.\\nPoint Comfort.\\nSouthern Point.\\nBut if the following be the true construction, the colony\\nwould be a vast trapezoid, six degrees of latitude in width on", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES.\\n75\\nthe Atlantic Ocean, and from twenty to thirty degrees on the\\nPacific.\\nWest Line.\\nNorthern Point.\\nPoint Comfort.\\nSouthern Point.\\nIf the theory of one west and one northwest line be\\nadopted, only the second of these constructions will fill the\\ncondition from sea to sea. As this was the construction\\nadopted by Virginia, and as it materially influenced Western\\nhistory, I shall assume that such is the meaning of the lan-\\nguage.\\nThe Plymouth Company was overshadowed by its richer\\nand stronger rival. Only one attempt at colonization was\\nmade by its authority under the charter of 1606, and that\\nended in failure. But a new charter was obtained in 1620,\\nunder which the company became more active. This was\\nthe second of the two charters into which that of 1606 was\\nmerged. It absolutely gave, granted, and confirmed unto the\\ncouncil established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, Eng-\\nland, for the planting, ruling, and governing of the northern\\nparts of Virginia in America, a territory that is thus bounded\\nThat aforesaid Part of America lying and being in Breadth\\nfrom fforty Degrees of Northerly Latitude from the Equinoctiall\\nLine to fforty-eight Degrees of the said Northerly Latitude inclu-\\nsively, and in Length of, and within all the Breadth aforesaid,\\nthroughout all the Maine Lands from Sea to Sea and\\nalso within the said Islands and Seas adjoining, Provided always,", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "^6 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthat the said Islands, or any of the Premises hereinbefore men-\\ntioned, and by these Presents intended and meant to be granted,\\nbe not actually possessed or inhabited by any other Christian\\nPrince or Estate, nor to be within the Bounds, Limitts, or Terri-\\ntoryes of that Southern Collony heretofore by us granted to be\\nplanted by divers of our loving Subjects in the South Part, etc.\\nThe king also declared it to be his will and pleasure, to\\nthe end that the said territory should be more certainly\\nknown and distinguished, that the same should henceforth be\\ncalled by the name of New England in America. This grant\\ncovered eight degrees of latitude. Fully one-half of the terri-\\ntory that it embraced on the coast was at the time claimed\\nby the French in fact, the whole of it was covered by the\\nAcadia charter of 1603, and much of it remained in French\\nhands until they retired from the continent in 1763.\\nWhy James I. bounded the grants of 1609 and 1620 on\\nthe west by the South Sea, is a question asked early and\\noften. The common answer is found in the mistaken ideas\\nof American geography then current. How natural the\\nfrom sea to sea lines, it is said, to those who thought that\\nat most they would be but a few hundred miles in length\\nHow preposterous if the width of the continent had been\\nknown But it is not certain that this is the true explanation.\\nEngland claimed not only the coast that the Cabots had\\ndiscovered, but all the lands lying beyond that coast. Virtu-\\nally she strove to incorporate into the public law of Europe\\na rule in conformity with this claim. She ultimately failed\\nin both these efforts, owing to the resistance of France and\\nSpain but at the time when these charters were given she\\nwas upholding both stoutly, and was ready to do anything\\nthat would strengthen her position. To include the whole\\nbreadth of the continent within colonial boundary lines might\\ngive a faint color of occupancy to her claim moreover, the\\ncharters of 1606, 1609, and 1620 all prove that, to the royal\\nmind, as well as to the companies that proposed to plant,", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. yj\\ngreat territorial limits were essential to colonies. Professor\\nAlexander Johnston denies in toto that the Crown made the\\nConnecticut grant under ignorance, supposing that North\\nAmerica was far narrower than it proved to be. The\\nPlymouth Council, when it gave up its charter in 1635, noti-\\nfied the king, he says, that this grant was through all the\\nmain-land from sea to sea, being near about three thousand\\nmiles ifi length; and he adds that ever} geographer in Eng-\\nland knew such to be the length of the Connecticut grant. It\\nis easy to make too much of the geographical information im-\\nparted to the royal mind by the Plymouth Council. No\\ndoubt some men in England had correct views on this point\\nin 1662; but the Virginia and Maryland maps of 165 i and\\n1670, described in a former chapter, and similar contemporary\\nfacts, discredit the strong language used by Mr. Johnston.\\nThe fact is, the early erroneous views of North American\\ngeography gave place very slowly to correct views. The mag-\\nnificent distances of the New World were not grasped by\\nJames I. and his contemporaries as realities and there is no\\nreason to suppose that the king or his counsellors really un-\\nderstood that the New England of 1620 embraced as many\\ndegrees of longitude as lie between the mouth of the Tagus\\nand the mouth of the Euphrates.\\nSandys and Southampton did not administer the London\\nCompany in a manner to please the mean and narrow mind\\nof James I. The king caused legal proceedings against the\\ncompany to be instituted, and in 1624 the Court of King s\\nBench, by a writ of quo warranto, vacated the charter. There-\\nafter, as long as Virginia continued a British colony, her\\ngovernors held their commissions from the Crown. The\\nquestion as to the effect of this quo warranto on the territorial\\nlimits of the colony has often been asked and never satisfac-\\ntorily answered. The king had granted the northern half of\\nhis American claim, from sea to sea, to the Plymouth Com-\\nConnecticut, in Commonwealth Series, 281.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "78 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\npany, and there is no reason to think that the writ was in-\\ntended to affect the limits of the colony, or to derange the\\nking s dual plan of colonization.\\nPassing the grant to Sir Robert Heath, which did not\\nlead to permanent plantations, the first invasion of Virginia,\\nas bounded in 1609, was on the north.\\nIn 1632 Charles I. granted to Lord Baltimore the prov-\\nince that the king, in honor of his queen, Henrietta Maria,\\ncalled Maryland. These are the boundaries\\nAll that part of the Peninsula or Chersonese, lying in parts\\nof America, between the ocean on the east and the Bay of\\nChesapeake on the west divided from the residue thereof by\\na right line drawn from the promontory or headland called\\nWatkins s Point, situate upon the bay aforesaid, near the River\\nWighco on the west unto the main ocean on the east, and be-\\ntween that boundary on the south unto that part of the Bay of\\nDelaware on the north, which lieth under the fortieth degree\\nof north latitude from the equinoctial, where New England is\\nterminated and all the tract of that land within the metes\\nunderwritten (that is to say), passing from the said bay, called\\nDelaware Bay, in a right line, by the degree aforesaid, unto the\\ntrue meridian of the first fountain of the River Potomac\\nthence verging toward the south unto the farther bank of the\\nsaid river, and following the same on the west and south unto\\na certain place called Cinquack, situate near the mouth of said\\nriver, where it disembogues into the aforesaid Bay of Chesa-\\npeake, and thence by the shortest line unto the aforesaid prom-\\nontory or place called Watkins s Point, so that the whole tract\\nof land divided by the line aforesaid, between the main ocean\\nand Watkins Point unto the promontory called Cape Charles,\\nmay entirely remain forever excepted to us.\\nVirginia bitterly resisted this grant as an invasion of her\\njurisdiction, and she finally acknowledged Maryland as a sis-\\nter colony, only because she had no alternative. Virginia s\\ncomposure does not seem to have been ruffled by the grant to", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 79\\nSir Robert Heath three years before but the Virginia of\\n1632, like the Virginia of 1887, was comparatively isolated\\nfrom the coast to the south, while the multitude of waters\\nthat mingle in the mouth of the great bay and flow out to-\\ngether through the Capes invited her to follow them to their\\nnorthern and northwestern sources. Moreover, the Virgin-\\nians called Maryland a papist settlement and they cov-\\neted the commercial privileges that the Marylanders en-\\njoyed and they did not. But Virginia finally gave up fur-\\nther resistance, and entered on a discussion of boundary lines.\\nSuccessively there arose two main points of dispute with\\nMaryland, only one of which need be noticed here.\\nIn 1649 Charles II. granted to Lord Hopton the tract\\nbounded by and within the heads of the Rappahannock and\\nPotomac Rivers; in 1689 James II. confirmed this grant to\\nLord Culpepper, to whom it had passed by sale and purchase,\\nand on Culpepper s death it descended to his son-in-law. Lord\\nFairfax. The grant was of the soil merely, and left the juris-\\ndiction in Virginia, as before. Nothing in the whole history\\nof royal patents and charters is more absurd and tyrannical\\nthan this grant, for at the time it was originally made Charles I.\\nhad just been executed, and Charles II. was a fugitive. But\\nin time the question arose whether the southern or the north-\\nern branch of the Potomac was the proper boundary between\\nVirginia and Maryland. The answer to that question de-\\npended upon the answer to another one, viz., whether the\\nfirst fountain or westernmost source of the Potomac was on\\nthe one branch or the other, which was at the time unknown.\\nIt suited Lord Fairfax to claim the northern branch, since\\nthat would give the greater extent to the Hopton grant but\\nMaryland contended for the southern branch, on which the\\nfirst fountain is really found. Virginia had an obvious motive\\nfor taking the same view of the matter as Fairfax. In 1736 a\\ncommission appointed by the Crown and Fairfax surveyed a\\nline from the Rappahannock to the Potomac; in 1745 the\\nking confirmed this line; and in 1746 a second commission", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "8o THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nplanted the Fairfax stone in conformity with the Virginia\\nview. Maryland was not consulted in the matter; but the\\nFairfax stone, although Virginia, in 1776, relinquished to\\nthe adjacent States all the territories covered by their charters\\nthat had once belonged to her, has remained the southern ex-\\ntreme of the boundary line between Virginia and Maryland,\\nfrom the Potomac to Mason and Dixon s line.\\nThe boundary descriptions of the three more southern\\nStates will be given without particular discussion.\\nIn 1663 Charles II. thus bounded the grant to the Caro-\\nlina proprietors\\nAll that territory or tract of groimd situate, lying,\\nand being within our dominions of America, extending from the\\nnorth end of the island called Lucke Island, which lieth in the\\nSouthern Virginia seas, and within six-and-thirty degrees of\\nthe northern latitude, and to the west as far as the south seas,\\nand so southerly as far as the River Saint Matthias, which bor-\\ndereth upon the coast of Florida, and within one-and-thirty de-\\ngrees of northern latitude, and so west in a direct line as far as\\nthe south seas aforesaid.\\nTwo years later this grant was enlarged as follows\\nAll that province, territory, or tract of land situate,\\nlying or being in our dominions of America, aforesaid, extend-\\ning north and eastward as far as the north end of Currituck\\nriver or inlet, upon a strait westerly line to Wyonoak Creek,\\nwhich lies within or about the degrees of thirty-six and thirty\\nminutes, northern latitude, and so west in a direct line as far as\\nthe South Seas and south and westward as far as the degree\\nof twenty-nine, inclusive of northern latitude and so west in a\\ndirect line as far as the south sea.\\nThe Carolina charter of 1665 gave to history a memorable\\nline. The parallel of 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 is the boundary of six States,\\nbut its historical consequence arises more from the fact that\\nthe compromise of 1820 made it the boundary between slavery", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 8l\\nand freedom beyond the western boundary of Missouri. Out\\nof the Carolina grant two colonies Avere eventually made.\\nThe Revised Statutes of North Carolina define the boundary\\nbetween them as a line running northwest from Goat Island\\non the west, in latitude 33\u00c2\u00b0 56 to parallel 35\u00c2\u00b0, and thence\\nalong that parallel to Tennessee.\\nAn independent plantation in South Carolina had been\\nmooted as early as 1717, and in 1732 James Oglethorpe re-\\nnewed the proposition, and proposed to make the new colony\\na home and refuge for debtors in England who were unable\\nto discharge their indebtedness, and for Protestants on the\\nContinent who were persecuted for religion s sake. The plan\\npleased the king, and he granted to a corporation consisting\\nof Oglethorpe and others a tract of country in trust for the\\npoor that he thus bounded\\nAll those lands, countries, and territories situate, lying, and\\nbeing in that part of South Carolina, in America, which lies\\nfrom .the most northern part of a stream or river there, commonly\\ncalled the Savannah, all along the sea-coast to the southward,\\nunto the most southern stream of a certain other great water or\\nriver called the Altamaha, and westerly from the heads of the\\nsaid rivers, respectively, in direct lines to the south seas.\\nThe royal proclamation of 1763, which will be fully noticed\\nin a future chapter, made some new territorial arrangements\\nin the Gulf region. The lands lying between the rivers Alta-\\nmaha and St. Marys were annexed to Georgia. The southern\\nboundary of that province now became the St. Marys and a\\nstraight line drawn from the source of that river to the con-\\nfluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee and such has been\\nits southern boundary until the present time. The grant\\nmade to the Georgia trustees in 1732 had bounded South\\nCarolina on the southwest by the Savannah.\\nThe charter of 1620 imparted some new life to the Plym-\\nouth Company, but it was never a vigorous corporation.\\nHowever, both the company and the Crown at once began\\n6", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "82 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nto exploit the New England soil. No other part of the At-\\nlantic coast is geographically so complex and intricate, and\\nfor this or some other reason its territorial history is more\\ndifficult than any other to trace out. The course of the com-\\npany and king alike has been described as but a course of\\nconfusion. Minutely to follow their work would require the\\nskill of a trained lawyer in addition to the learning of an\\naccomplished geographer and historian. Nothing beyond the\\noutlines will here be attempted.\\nIn 162 1 the Council for New England, by direction of\\nJames I., issued a patent to Sir William Alexander, Earl of\\nStirling, conveying to him the region bounded by the St. Law-\\nrence, the Ocean, and the St. Croix, styled the Lordship and\\nBarony of New Scotland, This grant was confirmed to the\\nEarl by a royal charter of September loth, the same year. The\\nEarl was still further favored, for by a patent dated April 22,\\n1635, the council, this time by the direction of Charles I.,\\ngave him a tract of the main land of New England, begin-\\nning at St. Croix, and from thence extending along the sea-\\ncoast to Pemaquid and the River Kennebeck, together with\\nLong Island and all the islands thereto adjacent. In 1663\\nthe heirs of the Earl sold this grant between the Kennebec\\nand the St. Croix to the Earl of Clarendon, from whom it\\nimmediately passed to the Duke of York.\\nThe Pilgrims landed at Plymouth late in the year 1620,\\nwithout any authority whatever; but June i, 162 1, the Coun-\\ncil for New England granted them a roving patent, which\\nassigned them no boundaries or settled place of habitation, but\\nallowed one hundred acres of land to be taken up for every\\nemigrant, with fifteen hundred acres for public buildings, and\\nalso empowered the grantees to make laws and to set up a\\ngovernment. This patent was issued in the name of John\\nPierce and certain other London merchants who had given\\nthe Pilgrims some financial assistance. In 1628 the council\\nJ Vindication, etc., of Alexander, Earl of Stirling, 34.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 83\\ngave Plymouth a tract of land on the Kennebec River, and\\nthe year following it gave them a new patent, much more\\nfavorable than the one given in Pierce s name in 1621. The\\ncolony was now bounded west by a line drawn northerly from\\nthe mouth of Narragansett River, and on the north by a line\\ndrawn westerly from Cohasset Rivulet. The grant on the\\nKennebec made the previous year was included. The Plym-\\nouth people made repeated attempts to obtain a charter from\\nthe Crown, which alone could confer prerogatives of govern-\\nment, but these attempts were never successful.\\nIn 1628 the Council at Plymouth made to Sir Henry Ros-\\nwell and others his associates in the Massachusetts Bay\\nColony an important grant, which was confirmed by Charles\\nI., with powers of government, March 4, 1629. These are the\\nboundaries of Massachusetts as defined by the Crown\\nAll that Parte of Newe England in Amirica which\\nlyes and extendes betweene a great River there, comonlie called\\nMonomack River, alias Merrimack River, and a certen other\\nRiver there called Charles River, being in the Bottome of a\\ncerten Bay there, comonlie called Massachusetts, alias Matta-\\nchusetts, alias Massatusetts Bay, and also all and singuler\\nthose Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, lying within the\\nSpace of Three Englishe Myles on the South Parte of the said\\nRiver called Charles River, or of any or every Parte thereof.\\nAnd also all and singuler the Landes and Flereditaments what-\\nsoever, lying and being within the space of Three Englishe Miles\\nto the southward of the southermost Parte of the said Baye,\\ncalled Massachusetts, alias Mattachusetts, alias Massatusetts\\nBay: And also all those Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever,\\nwhich lye and be within the space of Three English Myles to\\nthe Northward of the saide River, called Monomack, alias Mer-\\nrymack, or to the Norward of any and every Parte thereof and\\nall Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, lyeing within the\\nLymitts aforesaide, North and South, in Latitude and Bredth,\\nand in Length and Longitude, of and within all the Bredth\\naforesaide, throughout the Mayne Landes there from the Atlan-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "84 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ntick and Westerne Sea and Ocean on the East Parte, to the\\nSouth Sea on the West Parte.\\nProvided alwayes, That yf the said Landes\\nwere [on November 3, 1620] actuallie possessed or inhabited by\\nany other Christian Prince or State, or were within the Boundes,\\nLymytts or Territories of that Southerne Colony, then before\\ngraunted by our saide late Father then this present\\nGraunt shall not extend to any such partes or parcells thereof.\\nThe attempt to unify and harmonize the Northern New\\nEngland patents and charters, real and pretended, is next door\\nto a hopeless undertaking. I shall content myself with stat-\\ning the facts material to the present purpose. On November\\n7, 1629, the Plymouth Council made to Captain John Mason,\\none of the principal adventurers in the company, a grant\\nthat, as reaffirmed in 1635, was thus bounded\\nAll that part of the Mayn Land of New England aforesaid,\\nbeginning from the middle part of Naumkeck River, and from\\nthence to proceed eastwards along the Sea Coast to Cape Anne,\\nand round about the same to Pischataway Harbour, and soe\\nforwards vp within the river Newgewanacke, and to the fur-\\nthest head of the said River and from thence northwestwards\\ntill sixty miles bee finished, from the first entrance of Pischat-\\naqay Harbor, and alsoe from Naumkecke through the River\\nthereof vp into the land west sixty miles, from which period\\nto cross over land to the sixty miles end, accompted from\\nPischataway, through Newgewanacke River to the land north-\\nwest aforesaid and alsoe all that the South Halfe of the Ysles\\nof Sholes, all which lands, with the Consent of the Counsell,\\nshall from henceforth be called New-ham pshyre. And alsoe\\nten thousand acres more of land on the southeast part\\nof Sagadihoc, at the mouth or entrance thereof, from hence-\\nforth to bee called by the name of Massonia, etc.\\nThere were earlier grants within the present limits of New\\nHampshire, but this one may be considered the origin of that\\ncommonwealth. It never had a royal charter, but the com-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 85\\nmission of 1680 to the governor had much the same effect.\\nThe feeble settlements within the limits of Mason s grant\\nwere annexed to Massachusetts in 1641; they became a royal\\ncolony in 1680; they became a second time a part of Massa-\\nchusetts in 1690, but were again separated in 1692, from\\nwhich time New Hampshire has had an independent exist-\\nence.\\nIn 1635 the Council at Plymouth renounced to the Crown\\ntheir charter, first, however, dividing into eight shares, which\\nthey distributed among themselves, the territory of New Eng-\\nland. It was ordered when this partition was made that all\\npersons having lawful grants of land, or having made lawfully\\nsettled plantations, should enjoy the same on their surrendering\\ntheir rights of jurisdiction {jura regalia) to the proprietor to\\nwhom the division fell. The grant of 1620 was from sea to sea,\\nbut this partition extended inland only sixty miles, save in one\\nor two cases that reached twice that distance. It was intended\\nto procure confirmations of these grants under the great seal,\\nbut this appears to have been done only in the case of Sir\\nFerdinando Gorges s portion, lying between the Piscataqua\\nand Kennebec rivers, confirmed to him by royal charter in\\n1639. This was the province or county of Maine. The\\ngrant led to serious disputes with holders under earlier grants.\\nMassachusetts claimed the whole district because it lies south\\nof a due east and west line draw^n three miles north of the\\nlake in which the Merrimac has its rise, and she finally\\nbought the Gorges title for ;^i,25o.\\nThe Massachusetts charter of 1629 was cancelled by the\\nHigh Court of Chancery in 1684. Four years later the Stuarts\\nwere expelled the throne, and were succeeded by William and\\nMary. The new sovereigns favored a policy of colonial con-\\nsolidation. Accordingly, November 7, 1691, they granted to\\nMassachusetts Bay a new charter which brought together\\nunder its jurisdiction all the colonies of Central and Northern\\nNew England, viz. Plymouth, Massachusetts, Maine, includ-\\ning the grant between the St. Croix and the Kennebec made", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "86 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nto Earl Stirling, and Nova Scotia. Maine, henceforth con-\\nsisting of the original grants to Alexander west of the St.\\nCroix, to Gorges, and to Plymouth, remained a part of Mas-\\nsachusetts until admitted to the Union as a State in 1820.\\nPlymouth remained permanently connected with the younger\\nand stronger colony at the north, and thus brought Massa-\\nchusetts down to the sea in the southeast.\\nWhen New Hampshire s dependence upon Massachusetts\\ncame to an end in 1692, the territorial strifes of the two colo-\\nnies began. New Hampshire cut Massachusetts, as bounded\\non the east by the St. Croix, in two so there were bounda-\\nries to be drawn on the east and on the south. Commissioners\\nappointed by the two colonies failing to agree, these bounda-\\nries were referred, by the king s order, to commissioners ap-\\npointed by the neighboring colonies. The report of this\\nboard, confirmed by the king in 1740, and acquiesced in by\\nMassachusetts, drew the eastern line practically where it is to-\\nday. On the south, the report was less favorable to Massachu-\\nsetts. The charter of 1629 gave her all the lands lying within\\nthe space of three English miles to the northward of the\\nRiver Merrimac and of every part thereof; the charter of 1635\\nmade the southern boundary of New Hampshire on the coast,\\nthe Naumkeck River, at Salem. The charter of 1691 reaf-\\nfirmed the boundary of 1629. Massachusetts insisted, there-\\nfore, that her proper northern boundary was a due east and\\nwest line running through a point three miles north of the\\ninflow of Lake Winnipiseogee, which would have blotted\\nNew Hampshire from the map. New Hampshire contended\\nthat her southern boundary was a latitudinal line running\\nthrough a point three miles north of the mouth of the Merri-\\nmac. The report that the king confirmed gave New Hamp-\\nshire more than she asked for. It provided, that the north-\\nern boundary of the province of Massachusetts be a similar\\ncurve line pursuing the course of the Merrimac River, at three\\nmiles distance, on the north side thereof, beginning at the At-\\nlantic Ocean and ending at a point due north of Pautucket", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 8/\\nFalls, and a straight line drawn from thence, due west, till it\\nmeets with His Majesty s other governments. Massachu-\\nsetts refused to take part in surveying and marking this line,\\nand it was done by New Hampshire alone in 1741 and 1742.\\nIt is the line of our map.\\nThe three towns that constituted the original Connecticut\\nwere settled by emigration from Massachusetts in 1636 and\\n1637. It w^as then supposed that the ground on which Wind-\\nsor, Hartford, and Weathersficld were planted belonged to that\\ncolony, and the three settlements remained for a year or two\\nunder its protection. The old story is that, afterward, the\\nemigrants obtained a title or claim under a patent which\\nproceeded from the Council of New England by the way of\\nthe Earl of Warwick to Lord Say and Sele and his asso-\\nciates but the existence of the grant to Warwick, and so\\nthe sufficiency of the old patent of Connecticut, is denied.\\nThe New Haven colony, planted in 1638, had no other title\\nthan the one obtained from the Indians by purchase. Both\\nthe settlers on the river and at New Haven had much trouble\\nwith the Dutch, who claimed all the coast from the Hudson\\nto the Connecticut. It is, therefore, hard to see that either\\nthe Connecticut or the New Haven colonists had any title to\\nthe lands that they occupied, proceeding from the Crown,\\nprevious to the charter that constituted the Connecticut\\nCompany, granted by Charles II., April 23, 1662, which gave\\nthe colony the following limits\\nWe do give, grant and confirm unto the said\\nGovernor and Company, and their successors, all that part of\\nour Dominions in New England in America bounded on the\\neast by Narraganset River, commonly called Narraganset Bay,\\nwhere the said River falleth into the Sea, and on the North by\\nthe Line of the Massachusetts Plantation and on the South by\\nthe sea and in Longitude as the Line of the Massachusetts Col-\\nJohnston Connecticut, 8-10.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "88 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nony, running from East to West, that is to say, from the said Nar-\\nragansett Bay on the East, to the South sea on the West Part, with\\nthe Islands thereunto adjoining.\\nThis charter consolidated Connecticut and New Haven\\nit cut into the grant made to Roger Williams and his asso-\\nciates in 1643 and it did not recognize the presence of the\\nDutch on the Hudson even to the extent of making the\\nfamiliar reservation in favor of a Christian prince holding or\\nChristian people inhabiting.\\nIn 1636 Roger Williams began the Providence plantation\\non a tract of land that he held either by gift or purchase from\\nthe Indians. Settlements were made on Rhode Island in\\n1638 and 1639, and a beginning was also made on the western\\ncoast of Narragansett Bay in 1643. An attempt of Massa-\\nchusetts to extend her jurisdiction over these settlements was\\nresisted as a usurpation. In 1643 Williams obtained from the\\nParliamentary Commissioners, the Earl of Warwick, Presi-\\ndent, a charter of incorporation for the two plantations.\\nIn 1663 Charles II. granted a new charter, creating the\\nGovernor and Company of the English Colony of Rhode\\nIsland and Providence Plantations in New England in\\nAmerica, that unified all the Bay colonies, and restored to\\nRhode Island her original limits, which had been invaded by\\nthe Connecticut charter of the year before an overlapping\\nof grants that led to a long and bitter controversy. Boundary\\ndisputes between Massachusetts and the colonies on the south\\nbegan in 1742, and they came to an end, if indeed the end be\\nreached, only a few years ago. These disputes are among\\nthe most remarkable of their kind in our history. To follow\\nthem through the colonial and State legislatures, the com-\\nmissions colonial and State, the appeals to the Court of Eng-\\nland and to the Supreme Court of the United States, would\\nbe a task as tedious as lengthy. Of course the first thing to\\nbe done was to fix a latitudinal line that should fall three\\nmiles south of the most southern point of Charles River.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 89\\nThe northern boundary of the colony was not fully settled\\nfor more than a century. When Connecticut was settled, the\\nMassachusetts southern line was in the air and in 1642 that\\ncolony sent two men, Woodward and Saffary, to run the line\\naccording to the charter. The surveyors are said to have been\\nignorant men and Connecticut authorities call them, Incus a\\nnon lucendo, the mathematicians. They began operations by\\nfinding what seemed to them a point three English miles,\\non the south part of the Charles River, or of any or every part\\nthereof: thence the southern Massachusetts line was to run\\nwest to the Pacific Ocean. The two mathematicians, however,\\neither hesitating to undertake a foot journey to the Pacific, or\\ndoubting the sympathy of casual Indians with the advancement\\nof science, and being sufficiently learned to know that two\\npoints are enough to determine the direction of a line, did not\\nrun the line directly west. Instead, they took ship, sailed\\naround Cape Cod and up the Connecticut River, and found\\nwhat they asserted to be a point in the same latitude as the\\nfirst. In fact, they had got some eight miles too far to the\\nsouth, thus giving their employers far too much territory but\\nthey had fulfilled their principal duty, which was to show that\\nSpringfield was in Massachusetts. An ex parte survey, and of\\nsuch a nature, could not, of course, be recognized by Connecti-\\ncut. The oblong indentation in Connecticut s northern boun-\\ndary is a remnant of the ignorance of Woodward and Saffary\\nfor Massachusetts claimed a line running just north of Wind-\\nsor, and Connecticut finally reclaimed all but this oblong. She\\nmade ex parte surveys of her own in 1695 and 1702, and then\\nboth colonies appealed to the Crown. This was evidently a\\ndangerous tribunal for both, and in 17 14 they agreed on a com-\\npromise line, much as it is at present.\\nThis line conforms in general to the parallel of 42\u00c2\u00b0 2 it\\nmarks the southern limit of the Massachusetts claim and\\nthe northern limit of the Connecticut claim west of the\\nDelaware. The disputes among the New England colonies\\nJohnston Connecticut, 207, 208.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "90 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nwill not be further followed, except to quote Rufus Choate s\\ncelebrated description of a phase of one of them. The\\ncommissioners might as well have decided that the line\\nbetween the States was bounded on the north by a bramble-\\nbush, on the south by a bluejay, on the west by a hive of bees\\nin swarming time, and on the east by five hundred foxes with\\nfirebrands tied to their tails a description that would apply\\nto a good deal of other boundary work done in colonial times.\\nThe cutting up of the territories assigned to the London and\\nPlymouth Companies into two groups of colonies was mate-\\nrially modified by the intrusion, within the dates of the James-\\ntown and Plymouth settlements, of a foreign body that thus far\\nhas not been mentioned. In 1609 Henry Hudson, who, with a\\nDutch commission, was then searching for a western passage\\nto Cathay, found his way into New York Bay, and into the\\nnoble river that bears his name. The Dutch sent ships to\\nthe Hudson every year for several years, one motive being\\ndiscovery and another trade with the Indians. At that time,\\nit will be remembered, the French claimed the coast from\\nthe St. Lawrence to the Delaware moreover, the very year\\nthat Hudson ascended the river, Champlain ascended Lake\\nChamplain almost to its source, when, fortunately, he turned\\nback to Quebec. Then there was the Cabot title of the\\nEnglish, disregarding the claims of the Dutch and the French\\nalike. The Dutch proceeded to fasten themselves firmly upon\\nthe mouth and valley of the river, which they called North\\nRiver; and afterward less firmly upon the country east to\\nFresh River, as they called the Connecticut, and south to South\\nRiver, as they called the Delaware. The whole country claimed\\nby them they named New Netherlands. The English never\\nacknowledged, but always denied, the validity of the Dutch\\ntitle and it is now plain that, in view of the Cabot title, the\\ngeographical relations of the Hudson to the regions east and\\nsouth, and to the interior of the continent, and the later supe-\\nJohnston Connecticut, 209.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. QI\\nriority of the English, the ultimate ejection of Holland, if not\\nof the Dutch, and the incorporation of New Netherlands into\\nthe English system, was only a question of time. The Dutch\\nwere in possession only fifty years but in that time they\\nmaterially influenced American history, as well territorial as\\npolitical and social.\\nIn some of the northern from sea to sea charters the\\nKing of England made the customary exemption of lands\\npossessed by a Christian prince, or inhabited by Christian\\npeople but the fact that the presence of the Dutch was well\\nknown, and that they were regarded as intruders, would seem\\nto show that the exemption did not apply to them, or at least\\nwas not meant to apply to them. Further, the Connecticut\\ncharter bounded that colony on the south by the sea; that\\nis, Long Island Sound.\\nWe must also remember that the southern boundary of\\nthe New England of 1620 was parallel 40\u00c2\u00b0 north, a full de-\\ngree south of the southernmost point of the New England\\nof 1887. Save the futile Plowden Palatinate, neither the\\nCouncil nor the Crown had attempted to assign this belt of\\nterritory to any grantee. This, no doubt, would have been\\ndone had not the Dutch been present in New Netherlands.\\nWe may be reasonably certain, at least, that, had it not\\nbeen for the Dutch, the Hudson Valley would have become\\nthe seat of an English colony before the Connecticut lines\\nwere drawn in 1662. Perhaps Massachusetts and Connecti-\\ncut would have protested against a colony at their backs,\\ncutting them off from the west but the noble river, the pict-\\nuresque valley, the interior trade, the broad and fertile lands\\nof the Mohawk, would have been attractions too strong for\\ntheir opposition. The floods of the Hudson would have\\nswept away their from sea to sea lines, if they had ever\\nbeen really carried across that river. But while New York\\ngeographically is no part of New England, but has a distinct\\ncharacter of its own, it might have been, historically, a part\\nof New England, and it is fair to presume that such would", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "92 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nhave been the case, had not the Dutch given another direc-\\ntion to history.\\nThe long-sleeping English title to the Hudson was revived\\nin 1664. On March 12th of that year, divers good causes\\nand considerations him thereto moving, Charles II., of his\\nespecial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, gave and\\ngranted to his dearest brother, James Duke of York, his heirs\\nand assigns\\nAll that part of the maine land of New England beginning\\nat a certaine place called or knowne by the name of St. Croix\\nnext adjoyning to New Scotland in America and from thence\\nextending along the sea coast unto a certain place called Petu-\\naquine or Pemaquid and so up the River thereof to the further\\nhead of ye same as it tendeth northwards and extending from\\nthence to the River Kinebequi and so upwards by the shortest\\ncourse to the River Canada northward and also all that Island\\nor Islands commonly called by the severall name or names of\\nMatowacks or Long Island scituate lying and being towards the\\nwest of Cape Codd and ye narrow Higansetts abutting upon\\nthe maine land between the two Rivers there called or knowne\\nby the severall names of Conecticutt and Hudsons River to-\\ngather also with the said river called Hudsons River and all the\\nland from the west side of Conecticutt to ye east side of Dela-\\nware Bay and also all those severall Islands called or knowne\\nby the names of Martin s Vinyard and Nantukes otherwise\\nNantuckett together with all ye lands islands soyles rivers har-\\nbours mines minerals quarryes woods marshes waters lakes, etc.\\nThe next year a fleet sent out by the Royal Duke took\\npossession of New Netherlands. A few years later the\\nDutch recovered the province for a single year but that ar-\\nticle of the Treaty of Westminster, 1674, which required the\\nsurrender by both parties of all conquests made in the course\\nof the preceding war, remaining in the hands of the conqueror,\\ngave the English a secure title as against the Dutch. A second\\ncharter, dated 1674, confirmed the Duke in possession of the\\nprovince, the boundary descriptions remaining much as be-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 93\\nfore. The Duke gave the province the name by which it has\\nsince been known.\\nThat part of Maine included in the Duke of York s char-\\nter, Long Island, and some smaller islands to the east, had\\nbeen bought by him the year before of the heirs of Earl\\nStirling, to whom they had fallen on the dissolution of the\\nPlymouth Company, in 1635. Pemaquid, as the Maine\\ntract was called, was annexed to Massachusetts in 1686, and\\nit was confirmed to that colony by the charter of 1691. Mar-\\ntha s Vineyard, Nantucket, and other islands in the neighbor-\\nhood were also included within the same charter. Long\\nIsland, which Nature plainly intended to go with the country\\non the north side of the Sound, and the possession of which\\nhad been disputed by the Connecticut people and the Dutch,\\nwas henceforth attached to New York. At the date of the\\nEnglish conquest of New Netherlands, the English colonies\\neast and southwest had become measurably adjusted to the\\nDutch but now matters were thrown into greater confusion\\nthan ever, and a new series of adjustments became necessary.\\nBefore attempting a general account of these arrangements,\\nwe should take a closer look of some work that Charles IL\\ndid in the years 1662 to 1664.\\nIn the first of those years, he bounded Connecticut on the\\neast by Narragansett Bay, and on the west by the Pacific\\nOcean thus jumping half the claim of Rhode Island, and\\nwholly ignoring the Dutch on the Hudson. In the second\\nyear, he bounded Rhode Island on the west by the Paw-\\ncatuck, thus jumping the eastern part of the grant made the\\nyear before to Connecticut, In the third year, he not only\\ngave the Hudson to his brother, but he made the eastern\\nboundary of the Duke s province the Connecticut River, thus\\nsanctioning the widest claim that the Dutch had ever made\\nin that direction, and cutting away from one-third to one-\\nhalf of the present limits of Massachusetts and Connecticut.\\nThe establishment of the Dutch on the Hudson, if not\\nthe geography of the country, had probably convinced Mas-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "94 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nsachusetts and Connecticut that their from sea to sea limits\\nnever would exist save on parchment. At all events, they\\nnever dreamed, now that the Hudson had passed into English\\nhands, of resisting the royal will. New York must be recog-\\nnized, as a matter of course, and the only thing now to do was\\nto make the best terms as to boundaries that they could.\\nThe issue with Connecticut raised by the Duke s grant\\nwas referred to the Royal Commissioners for the Colonies, who\\npromptly fixed a line twenty miles east of the Hudson; but\\nthe second charter to York, 1674, reafifirmed the boundaries\\nof 1664, and reopened the whole question. In 1683 Connect-\\nicut agreed with Governor Dongan, of New York, upon a\\nline that, with some rectifications, is the basis of the present\\nboundary between the two States. In 1725 and 1737 the line\\nwas run practically where it is to-day but we have a curious\\nexample of how the boundary disputes of the seventeenth\\ncentury project themselves forward in the fact that the line\\nwas resurveyed by New York in i860, agreed upon by the\\ntwo States in 1878 and 1879, and ratified by Congress in 1881.\\nThe western boundary of Connecticut happens to fall, at the\\nsea shore, on the forty-first degree of north latitude and that\\nfact determines the latitude of a western line that we shall\\nhave occasion to consider hereafter.\\nIn the case of Massachusetts, as in the case of Connecticut,\\nNew York claimed eastward to Connecticut River. The con-\\ntest was so bitter that the two colonies never came to an agree-\\nment until 1773, and then the Revolution, coming on imme-\\ndiately after, prevented the running of the line until 1787.\\nWith a modification or two of no consequence for our purpose,\\nthe line of 1 773-1 787 stands to-day.\\nWhether Massachusetts and Connecticut, or either of them,\\nconsidered at the time what the effect of the lines of 1733 and\\n1773 would be upon their claims in the interior, I have no\\nmeans of knowing but it is certain that the Governor of Con-\\nnecticut, in 1720, had spoken of New York as cutting that\\ncolony asunder, and that a few years later Connecticut men", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 95\\nwere making their way into the wilderness west of the Dela-\\nware. When the two States were afterward told that by con-\\nsenting to the lines east of the Hudson they had barred their\\nown charter-rights to extend farther west, they replied that\\nthe Duke of York s grant was bounded on the west by the\\nDelaware, that he had jumped them, therefore, only to that\\nlimit, and that their consenting to the fact in no sense barred\\nthem west of his boundary.\\nNo part of the whole coast was more sought after, or was\\nthe scene of more experiments in colonization, than the Dela-\\nware country and the region east of it to the ocean. The\\nSwedes, the Fins, the Dutch, and men from New Haven,\\nall mingled in the opening scenes in that region and it\\nwas in New Jersey that Sir Edmund Plowden sought to set\\nup the palatinate of New Albion. In 1655 the country\\npassed into the hands of the Dutch, who, however, received it\\nonly as trustees for the nation whose navigators had discov-\\nered the continent. The Duke of York laid claim, when the\\ntime came, to the western side as well as the eastern side of\\nthe river, although it was not included in his grant, basing the\\nclaim on the Dutch capitulation. In 1664, two months before\\nthe expedition sent to the Hudson sailed, the Duke sold to\\nLord John Berkeley and Sir George Carteret a territory that\\nhe thus described\\nAll that tract of land adjacent to New England, and lying\\nand being to the westward of Long Island and Manhitas Island,\\nand bounded on the east part by the main sea and part by\\nHudson s River, and hath upon the west Delaware Bay or\\nriver, and extendeth southward to the main ocean as far as\\nCape May, at the mouth of Delaware Bay, and to the north-\\nward as far as the northernmost branch of the said bay or\\nriver of Delaware, which is forty-one degrees and forty min-\\nutes of latitude, and crosseth over thence in a strait line to\\nHudson s River in forty-one degrees of latitude which said\\ntract of land is hereafter to be called by the name or names\\nof New Ceaserea or New Jersey.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "96 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nNew Jersey had a changeful history until 1702, when the\\nproprietors surrendered the province to the Crown. Royal\\nCommissioners fixed the boundary line between the colony\\nand New York substantially where it is to-day, in 1769.\\nIn the Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and New York\\ngrants, we find the key to another memorable territorial con-\\ntest. The Massachusetts of 1629 included all lands lying\\nwithin the space of three English miles to the northward of\\nany and every part of Merrimac River. The New Hamp-\\nshire of 1635 reached on the south to the Naumkeck, and on\\nthe west sixty miles inland. The commissioners of 1740, to\\nwhom the dispute between the two colonies was referred, laid\\ndown a line three miles north of the Merrimac, following its\\ncourse to a point north of Pawtucket Falls, and then proceed-\\ning due west till it meets with His Majesty s other govern-\\nments. Under this decision New Hampshire claimed that\\nshe extended as far west as Massachusetts, but Massachusetts\\ncontinued to assert her right to the country west of Connecti-\\ncut River extending north to the possessions of France. New\\nYork said the region between Lake Champlain and Connect-\\nicut River belonged to her, under the grant of 1664, 1674.\\nNew Hampshire and Massachusetts claimed that New York\\nwas barred by the twenty-mile line drawn by the Royal Com-\\nmissioners between Connecticut and New York in 1664; but\\nNew York denied that this line held north of Massachusetts,\\nand in 1764 the King in Council decided the issue in her favor.\\nBoth before and after the decision of 1740 was rendered, Mas-\\nsachusetts and New Hampshire made grants of land in the\\ndisputed district. Settlers from all the New England colo-\\nnies flowed into the territory, and especially from Connecticut.\\nAfter the king s decision of 1764 New York strove to extend\\nher jurisdiction over the New Hampshire Grants, as the\\ndistrict came to be called. She repudiated the New Eng-\\nland titles of land-holders, and sought to compel the set-\\ntlers to purchase anew of her. This was the beginning of the\\nlong and bitter quarrel between the Green Mountain Boys", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 97\\nand the Yorkers. The settlers made common cause against\\nNew York s selfish policy. Their determination to maintain\\ntheir titles and to repel aggression ripened into a desire for in-\\ndependence. In 1777 a convention declared the Grants a sepa-\\nrate and independent State, with the name of New Connect-\\nicut. The next year a constitution was adopted and the\\nname Vermont selected. It is hardly too much to say that\\nVermont was before Congress asking for admission to the\\ncircle of States for fifteen years. For much of that time the\\npeople hardly considered themselves a part of the United\\nStates at all they denied allegiance to all other States, and\\nwere not a State themselves. Through the Revolution they\\nwaged a separate war against Great Britain, and even entered\\ninto negotiations for a separate peace. Their condition is an\\nanomaly in the history of our system. Not to touch on in-\\ntermediate points, Vermont was finally admitted to the Union\\nin 1791.\\n7", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "VII.\\nTHE THIRTEEN COLONIES AS CONSTITUTED\\nBY THE ROYAL CHARTERS.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (II.)\\nWe come now to a charter that is the source of more\\nboundary disputes than any other in our whole history.\\nThis is the charter given to William Penn, in 1681, by Charles\\nII.; in discharge of a debt that the king owed to Penn s father.\\nall that Tract or Parte of Land in America,\\nwith all the Islands therein conteyned, as the same is\\nbounded on the East by Delaware River, from twelve miles\\ndistance Northwards of New Castle Towne unto the three and\\nfortieth degree of Northerne Latitude, if the said River doeth\\nextende so farre Northwards But if the said River shall not\\nextend soe farre Northward, then by the said River soe farr as\\nit doth extend and from the head of the said River the East-\\nerne Bounds are to bee determined by a Meridian Line, to bee\\ndrawne from the head of the said River, unto the said three\\nand fortieth Degree. The said Lands to extend westwards five\\ndegrees in longitude, to bee computed from the said Easterne\\nBounds and the said Lands to bee bounded on the North by\\nthe beginning of the three and fortieth degree of Northern\\nLatitude, and on the South by a Circle drawne at twelve miles\\ndistance from New Castle Northward and Westward unto the\\nbeginning of the fortieth degree of Northern Latitude, and\\nthen by a streight Line Westward to the Limitt of Longitude\\nabove mentioned.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 99\\nPenn proceeded at once to extend his province and to per-\\nfect his title. He bought Delaware of the Duke of York, and\\nalso obtained from him the relinquishment of all his claim to\\nthe western shore of the river above the twelve-mile circle,\\nwhich had been drawn to leave the town of New Castle and\\nneighborhood in the Duke s hands. The Duke s deeds to\\nPenn, which bear the date 1682, completed the limitation of\\nhis province of New York on the sea-coast.\\nThe grant to Penn confused the old controversy between\\nVirginia and Lord Baltimore as to their boundary, and led to\\nfresh controversies. The question soon arose What do the\\ndescriptions the beginning of the fortieth, and the begin-\\nning of the three and fortieth degree of northern latitude\\nmean If they meant the fortieth and forty-third paral-\\nlels of north latitude, as most historians have held, Penn s\\nprovince was the zone, three degrees of latitude in width,\\nthat leaves Philadelphia a little to the south and Syracuse a\\nlittle to the north but if those descriptions meant the belts\\nlying between 39\u00c2\u00b0 and 40\u00c2\u00b0, and 42\u00c2\u00b0 and 43\u00c2\u00b0, as some authors\\nhave held, then Penn s southern and northern boundaries\\nwere 39\u00c2\u00b0 and 42\u00c2\u00b0 north. A glance at the map of Penn-\\nsylvania will show the reader how different the territorial\\ndispositions would have been if either one of these construc-\\ntions had been carried out. The first construction would\\navoid disputes on the south, unless with Virginia west of\\nthe mountains on the north it would not conflict with New\\nYork, but would most seriously conflict with Connecticut and\\nMassachusetts west of the Delaware. The second construc-\\ntion involved disputes with the two southern colonies con-\\ncerning the degree 39-40 to the farthest limit of Pennsylvania,\\nand it also overlapped Connecticut s claim to the degree 41-\\n42. Perhaps we cannot certainly say what was the intention\\nof the king, or Penn s first understanding but the Quaker pro-\\nprietary and his successors adopted substantially the second\\nconstruction, and thus involved their province in the most\\nbitter disputes.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "100 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe first quarrel was with Lord Baltimore. It has been well\\nsaid that this notable quarrel continued more than eighty\\nyears was the cause of endless trouble between individuals\\noccupied the attention not only of the proprietors of the\\nrespective provinces, but of the Lords of Trade and Planta-\\ntions, of the High Court of Chancery, and of the Privy Coun-\\ncils of at least three monarchs it greatly retarded the settle-\\nment and development of a beautiful and fertile country, and\\nbrought about numerous tumults, which sometimes ended in\\nbloodshed. The eastern boundary of Maryland was Dela-\\nware Bay and River, from the intersection of the line drawn\\nacross the peninsula from Watkins s Point to the main ocean,\\non the south, into that part of the Bay of Delaware on the\\nnorth which lieth under the fortieth degree of north latitude\\nfrom the equinoctial where New England is terminated, on\\nthe north the northern boundary was the fortieth parallel\\nfrom the bay to the true meridian of the first fountain of\\nthe River Potomac. But Baltimore s charter described the\\ncountry granted to him as not yet cultivated, Jiactenus in-\\nciilta and at once, on his taking possession in 1634, the\\nquestion arose whether this was a mere description of the\\nland, or a condition of the grant equivalent to the familiar\\nnot actually possessed by any Christian prince nor inhab-\\nited by Christian people of the seventeenth-century charters.\\nSome Virginians were already within the limits marked out\\nfor Baltimore when the Ark and the Dove entered the St.\\nMarys. Notably, Claiborne had set up his trading-post on\\nKent Island in 1632 and, not unnaturally, hactemis inculta\\nwas at once invoked in the Virginia interest. After much\\nstrife and some bloodshed, this controversy was finally set-\\ntled in Baltimore s favor. In 1659, when Baltimore attempted\\nto expel them from his limits, the Dutch said Jiactenus inculta\\napplied to them as the first possessors of the country and\\nhistorians of our day have invoked the phrase in the Dutch\\nScaife Pennsylvania Magazine of History, 1885, 241.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. lOI\\ninterest. Considering that the Kings of England never ac-\\nknowledged the Dutch claims on the Delaware more than on\\nthe Hudson, it would not be necessary to notice this point\\nbut for one fact. Such title as the Dutch had, passed by-\\nconquest to the Duke of York, in 1664, who sold it to Penn\\nand he did not fail to make the most of it in maintaining his\\ncause against his Southern neighbor.\\nBut the principal contention between Penn and Baltimore\\ngrew out of the inconsistent and conflicting boundaries that\\nthe Crown had given them. First, Baltimore s northeast\\ncorner should be in the Bay of Delaware as well as on the\\nfortieth parallel, while the fortieth parallel crosses the Dela-\\nware many miles north of the head of the bay. We are forced\\nto the conclusion that Charles I. intended to bound Baltimore\\non the north by the fortieth parallel, for we cannot suppose\\nthat he intended, in 1632, to leave either for Virginia or the\\nCrown a narrow strip of territory south of the New England\\nline but it was very unfortunate for Baltimore that the refer-\\nence to the bay left open a door for Penn to enter with his\\nequally impossible boundary, when the day came to deal with\\nhim. Penn s southern boundary was a circle drawn at twelve\\nmiles distance from New Castle northward and westward unto\\nthe beginning of the fortieth degree of northern latitude, and\\nthence by a straight line westward to the limit of longitude\\nfixed by the charter. There was a dispute whether this circle\\nshould be drawn horizontally or superficially but no\\nmatter which way it was drawn, it would not touch either\\nthe thirty-ninth or the fortieth degree of latitude.\\nDefinite and precise as the boundaries of 1632 and 168 1\\napparently Avere, it is clear that they were drawn in ignorance\\nof the geography of the Delaware region. Nor was this ig-\\nnorance soon removed maps of the next century are extant\\non which the heads of both Delaware and Chesapeake Bays\\nare laid down north of the fortieth parallel. Moreover, the\\nScaife Pennsylvania Magazine of History, 1885, 248.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "102 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmistake consisted in carrying the parallel too far south, rather\\nthan in bringing the heads of the bays too far north at least\\nboth Penn and Baltimore were surprised to find, when they\\ncame to make surveys, that parallel falling so far north.\\nThe proofs that the king intended to bound Penn on the\\nsouth by the fortieth parallel are the fact that said parallel\\nwas the southern boundary of New England, established in\\n1620, and the Maryland charter. Baltimore stood stoutly\\nfor that construction of his charter, relying on the literal\\nforce of the language. Penn claimed to the thirty-ninth paral-\\nlel, but he could hardly have expected at any time to main-\\ntain that line. His determination was to gain a frontage on\\nboth Delaware and Chesapeake Bay, and to push his southern\\nboundary as far south as possible. Fortunately for Penn and\\nunfortunately for Baltimore, Penn s line must touch the twelve-\\nmile circle, as well as be the beginning of the fortieth de-\\ngree, while Baltimore s northern line must touch Delaware\\nBay as well as be the fortieth degree. It will be seen that\\neach one of the descriptions contains a major and a minor\\npoint and also that the two major points supported Balti-\\nmore s, and the two minor points Penn s pretensions. Hence\\nPenn urged that the particular and the definite should control\\nthe general and the indefinite. This was holding that the\\nDelaware Bay and the twelve-mile-circle limitations should\\noverride those in regard to the fortieth degree. Penn had a\\nfurther advantage in the fact that he had obtained his title to\\nthe three counties of Delaware, which were also within Balti-\\nmore s grant, by purchase from the Duke of York. First and\\nlast, Baltimore stood for his charter-line, while Penn was dis-\\nposed to compromise, but not in such a way as to give the\\nDelaware counties to his rival or to surrender Philadelphia.\\nAfter conferences, arguments, propositions, litigations in the\\ncourts and hearings before the Privy Council, the proprietors\\ncompromised the case in 1760. This compromise, which\\npractically carried out an older one, as well as a decision by\\nLord Chancellor Hardwicke, was to this effect (i) To run a", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. IO3\\ndue east and west line across the peninsula through Cape\\nHenlopen (but not the Henlopen of our maps) (2) to run a\\nline from the middle of this Henlopen line tangent to the\\ntwelve-mile circle drawn horizontally (3) to run a line from\\nthe point where the tangent touches the circle due north to\\nthe parallel of latitude fifteen miles south of the southern\\nlimit of Philadelphia (4) to run the said parallel of latitude\\nthe lands north and east of this series of lines to belong to\\nPennsylvania, the lands south and west to Maryland. The\\nproprietors sent over two distinguished mathematicians, Jere-\\nmiah Mason and Charles Dixon, who established the various\\nlines in the years 1763-67. The east and west line, which\\nthey ran and marked two hundred and forty-four miles west\\nof the Delaware, is the Mason and Dixon s line of history, so\\nlong the boundary between the free and the slave States. Its\\nprecise latitude is 39\u00c2\u00b0 43 26.3 north. The Penns did not,\\ntherefore, gain the degree 39-40, but they did gain a zone\\none-fourth of a degree in width, south of the fortieth degree,\\nto their western limit, because the decision of 1760 controlled\\nthat of 1779, made with Virginia, Had the heads of the\\ntwo bays really extended north of the fortieth degree, we\\nshould no doubt have seen the Penns struggling to limit\\nBaltimore by that line, rather than by a point in Delaware\\nBay, and to carry their grant north to latitude 43\u00c2\u00b0. As it is,\\nPennsylvania is narrower by nearly three-fourths of a degree\\nthan the charter of 168 1 contemplated. No doubt, however,\\nthe Penns considered the narrow strip gained at the south\\nmore valuable than the broad one lost at the north. With\\nthe Revolution, Delaware ceased to be a dependency of Penn-\\nsylvania, and became an independent state with the boun-\\ndaries of 1760.\\nBut the grant to Penn conflicted with the Virginia boun-\\ndaries of 1609, No matter whether the beginning of the for-\\ntieth degree meant the thirty-ninth or the fortieth parallel, it\\nwould cut that northwest line running throughout from sea\\nto sea which that province claimed as her northern boun-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "104 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ndary. The Issue was not raised as soon as the issues between\\nMaryland and the other two States, for an obvious reason\\nbut that great awakening to Western interests that followed\\nthe close of King George s war in 1 748 brought it at once to\\nthe fore. Virginians and Pennsylvanians alike now began to\\nfind their way over the mountains, not furtively, as hunters,\\nbut openly, as traders and tillers of the soil, and their meeting\\nin the valley of the Upper Ohio was alone sufficient to force\\nthe issue. Besides, building works of defence against the\\nIndians and the French, that the renewed mutterings of war\\nmade necessary, hastened it. The controversy began for-\\nmally in 1752, eight years before Penn and Baltimore reached\\ntheir agreement and fifteen years before Mason and Dixon\\nplanted their two hundred and forty-fourth mile-post from\\nthe Delaware.\\nMention has already been made of Governor Spotswood s\\nfamous ride over the Blue Ridge in 17 16. The Virginians\\nhad been one hundred and ten years in reaching the Valley of\\nVirginia, and even then the glowing reports that the gov-\\nernor s company made of its fertility and beauty did not lead\\nto its immediate settlement. But in 1738 the General As-\\nsembly created Augusta County, bounding it on the east by\\nthe Blue Ridge and on the west and northwest by the ut-\\nmost limits of Virginia. Whether these limits were the\\nPacific Ocean or the Mississippi River, they included all West-\\nern Pennsylvania. Accordingly, when the Pennsylvanians\\nbegan to settle west of the mountains they were within the\\nlimits of a Virginia county already organized. When Wash-\\nington led the Virginia Blues into that region to dispute the\\nprogress of the French, he went not only to defend the terri-\\ntory of His Britannic Majesty, but also to defend the territory\\nof the Old Dominion. Moreover, the Pennsylvania Assembly\\ndeclined Lieutenant-Governor Dinwiddle s proposal to assist\\nin fortifying the Forks of the Ohio, on grounds that gave\\nLord Dunmore some advantage in the correspondence with\\nGovernor Penn, soon to be mentioned. To stimulate volun-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 105\\nteering in 1754, Governor Dinwiddie issued a proclamation\\noffering 200,000 acres of land in bounties, 100,000 near the\\nForks of the Ohio, to be called the garrison lands, and the\\nremainder down the river, and this was in part the stimulus\\nthat brought into the field the force that Washington com-\\nmanded that year. While the Pennsylvanians were too apa-\\nthetic to assist the Virginia governor in building the pro-\\nposed fortifications, they would not brook this invasion of\\ntheir rights. Governor Hamilton expostulated, and Dinwid-\\ndie defended himself on the ground that the issue was doubt-\\nful and the case urgent. The grant was approved by the\\nking, 1763, but it was not until the very eve of the Revolu-\\ntion that the patents were issued to the claimants.\\nBraddock s defeat gave the French commander on the Ohio\\nthe opportunity that he so well improved, and also so well\\ndescribed, of ruining the three adjacent provinces, Pennsylva-\\nnia, Maryland, and Virginia, driving off the inhabitants, and\\ntotally destroying the settlements from a tract of country\\nthirty leagues wide reckoning from the line of Fort Cumber-\\nland; and of course adjourned the boundary-war until the war\\nof arms should cease. With the fall of Fort Duquesne into\\nthe hands of the English in 1758, settlers began again to find\\ntheir way to the valleys of the streams flowing to the Missis-\\nsippi. For some years Virginia allowed her claim to the part\\nof Pennsylvania west of the mountains to sleep she did not\\neven remonstrate when Mason and Dixon carried their line\\nwest of the meridian of the Fairfax stone but Virginians,\\nas well as Pennsylvanians, continued to make their way into\\nthe disputed region. In 1769 the lands about Pittsburg\\nIn some cases, at least, patents for land in Pennsylvania issued by the Gov-\\nernor of Virginia were affirmed by Pennsylvania courts. Thus, in 1775, Lord Dun-\\nmore gave Washington a patent for 2,813 acres, described as being in Augusta\\nCounty, Virginia, on the waters of Miller s run, etc., that are within Washington\\nCounty, Pennsylvania. The lands were occupied by squatters, who denied the\\nvalidity of the title, but the Pennsylvania court sustained the patent and ejected\\nthe intruders in 1784. Butterfield Washington and Crawford Letters, 73.\\nParkman Montcalm and Wolfe, I. 329.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "I06 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nwere surveyed for the Pennsylvania proprietors, and settle-\\nments under the government of this province now became\\nmore rapid. Bedford County, embracing all Western Pennsyl-\\nvania as claimed by the Penns, was organized in 1771, and\\nWestmoreland County, embracing the part of Bedford west\\nof Laurel Hill, in 1773. This region was also included in\\nAugusta County, Virginia, as already related. The result was,\\nthat some of the inhabitants sided with one State, some with\\nthe other, and some with neither. As early as 1771 the more\\nturbulent entered into an agreement, which they proclaimed\\nopenly, to keep off all officers of the law whatever, under a\\npenalty of ^^50, to be forfeited by the party who should re-\\nfuse to keep the contract.* Arthur St. Clair, of whom we\\nshall soon hear more on a greater theatre of action, made\\nhis home in the disputed district in 1770, where he became\\nfirst a surveyor, and then a magistrate, with a Pennsylvania\\ncommission. In January, 1774, Dr. John Connolly, who fig-\\nures in the history of those times as a land-jobber and politi-\\ncal tool of Lord Dunmore, the Governor of Virginia, appeared\\nat the Forks of the Ohio with a commission from his Lord-\\nship, with the high-sounding title of Captain-Commandant\\nof the Militia of Pittsburg and its dependencies. Connolly\\nseized Fort Pitt, dismantled two years before, named it Fort\\nDunmore, and issued a proclamation declaring that the Gov-\\nernor of Virginia was about to take steps to redress the griev-\\nances of the people of the region, and calling them to meet as\\na militia the twenty-fifth of that month. St. Clair caused him\\nto be arrested for the act, but he was soon released on his own\\nrecognizance. Afterward Pennsylvania magistrates were ar-\\nrested and hurried off to Staunton in the Virginia Valley.\\nThe arrest of Connolly led to a correspondence between\\nGovernors Penn and Dunmore, to only one feature of which\\nattention will be paid. Penn stated that, according to the\\nPennsylvania calculations. Fort Pitt was near six miles east-\\nSt. Clair Papers, I. 258.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 10/\\nward of the Western extent of the province. Dunmore re-\\njected this view, and asserted the Virginia claim. He also said\\nthat the Pennsylvania Assembly, at the time when Dinwiddle\\nwas proposing to fortify the Upper Ohio, had admitted that\\nPittsburg was not within the limits of that government but\\nPenn replied denying that the assembly had made such an\\nadmission, and affirming that the act would not conclude any-\\nthing if the assembly had done so.\\nIn May, Messrs. Tilghman and Allen, appointed commis-\\nsioners on the part of Pennsylvania, visited Williamsburg to\\narrange matters, if possible. Propositions were made on both\\nsides, and all were rejected.\\nMeantime the strife went on. St. Clair wrote, in 1774:\\nAs much the greatest part of the inhabitants near the line\\nhave removed from Virginia, they are inexpressibly fond of\\neverything that comes from that quarter, and their minds are\\nnever suffered to be at rest, He also describes the panic as\\nso great that it threatened to depopulate the country. He\\ncharged Dunmore with desiring to bring on an Indian war,\\nwhich charge proved to be true. His Lordship was more than\\nsuspected of having an interest in lands over which he pro-\\nposed to extend the jurisdiction of Virginia. Governor Penn\\ntold the Westmoreland magistrates that, as he could not raise\\na militia like the Governor of Virginia, it was vain to contend\\nwith the Virginians in the way of force, and warned them\\nnot to enter into such contests with Dunmore s officers, or\\neven to proceed against them by way of criminal prosecution\\nfor exercising the powers of government. Dunmore himself\\nvisited Pittsburg; and in 1775 the Augusta County Court\\nsat for two terms at Pittsburg, at which terms Pennsylva-\\nnians were arraigned for defying Virginia authority. Finally,\\nthe Pennsylvanians carried Connolly off to Philadelphia, and\\nthen the Virginians retaliated by sending some Pennsylvanians\\nto Wheeling as hostages.\\nSt. Clair Papers, I., 284-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "I08 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nIt is but fair to say that this unhappy controversy was\\nforced by Lord Dunmore rather than by Virginia. He\\ncontinued to carry things with a strong hand, despite the\\nsteady resistance of the Pennsylvania authorities, down to\\nthe Indian war that takes its name from him, which was an-\\nother part of his arbitrary Western policy, and even to the\\ntime that he went on board the man-of-war that saved him\\nfrom the vengeance of the Virginians.\\nPerhaps there is no better illustration of the confused\\nstate of affairs in those Pennsylvania wilds than the conduct\\nof Colonel William Crawford, the mention of whose name\\nalways suggests the terrible tragedy that closed his life.\\nCrawford was a Virginian by birth, and marched to Fort Du-\\nquesne with the Virginia troops in 1758. In 1765 he made his\\nhome on the Youghiogheny River, in the disputed district.\\nHe was Washington s Western land-agent for many years, and\\nhis letters to him and to St. Clair throw much light on the\\nevents in the midst of which he moved. He accepted a com-\\nmission as a Pennsylvania magistrate in 1770, and sided with\\nthis State in the boundary-controversy until 1774; then, ac-\\ncepting a commission from Dunmore, he took an active part\\nin the Indian war, calling out from St. Clair the remark I\\ndon t know how gentlemen account for these things to them-\\nselves and afterward he became a Virginia magistrate for\\nthe County of Augusta.\\nAt the opening of the Revolution the dispute between the\\ntwo States threatened danger to the patriot cause. The sub-\\nject did not come before Congress as a body, but, July 25,\\n1775, the members of Congress united in the following rec-\\nommendation to the people living in the disputed territory\\nWe recommend it to you that all bodies of armed men,\\nkept up by either party, be dismissed and that all those on\\neither side who are in confinement, or on bail, for taking part\\nin the contest, be discharged. And this was the end of\\nactive strife.\\nSt. Clair Papers, I., 361.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 109\\nIn 1779 commissioners appointed by the two States met at\\nBaltimore to agree upon the common boundaries of Pennsyl-\\nvania and Virginia. In the ensuing correspondence the Penn-\\nsylvania commissioners had much to say of the beginning\\nof the fortieth degree, the Virginia commissioners much of\\nthe twelve-mile circle. On both sides there was an evident\\ndesire to end the dispute. Various lines were proposed and\\nrejected. On August 31 the commissioners signed this agree-\\nment To extend Mason and Dixon s line due west five\\ndegrees of longitude, to be computed from the River Dela-\\nware, for the southern boundary of Pennsylvania, and that a\\nmeridian line drawn from the western extremity thereof to\\nthe northern limit of the said State be the western boundary\\nof Pennsylvania forever. This contract was duly ratified\\nby the legislatures of the two States. In 1785 Mason and\\nDixon s line was extended, and the southwestern corner of\\nPennsylvania established. The Pan-handle is what was left\\nof Virginia east of the Ohio River and north of Mason and\\nDixon s line, after the boundary was run from this point to\\nLake Erie in 1786.^\\nEre this Virginia had acknowledged, in her constitution\\nof 1776, the validity of the grants made at her expense so\\nfar as the shore States are concerned\\nThe territories, contained within the charters, erecting the\\ncolonies of Maryland, Pennsylvania, North and South Carolina,\\nare hereby ceded, released, and forever confirmed to the people\\nof these Colonies respectively, with all the rights of property,\\njurisdiction, and government, and all other rights whatsoever,\\nwhich might, at any time heretofore, have been claimed by\\nVirginia, except the free navigation and use of the rivers Pato-\\nThe correspondence is found in X. Hening s Statutes of Virginia.\\nWhen the State of Ohio was formed, in 1802, the Pan-handle first showed\\nits beautiful proportions on the map of the United States. It received its name\\nin legislative debate from Hon. John McMillan, delegate from Brooke County,\\nto matcli the Accomac projection, which he dubbed the Spoon-handle. Cregh.\\nHist. Wash. Co., Pa., quoted by Butterfield. Crawford s Expedition, 14, note.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "no THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmaque and Pokomoke, with the property of the Virginia shores\\nand strands, bordering on either of the said rivers, and all im-\\nprovements, whicli have been, or shall be made thereon.\\nThe most serious of all the disputes that originated in the\\ngrant to William Penn was that with Connecticut a dispute\\nthat, in the words of a Pennsylvania writer, was over the\\npolitical jurisdiction and right of soil in a tract of country\\ncontaining more than 5,000,000 acres of lands that in-\\nvolved the lives of hundreds, was the ruin of thousands, and\\ncost the State millions that wore out one entire genera-\\ntion; that evoked strong partisanship, was urged, on\\nboth sides, by the highest skill of statesmen and lawyers,\\nand was righteously settled in the end.\\nThe grant made to Penn, carried to latitude 43\u00c2\u00b0 north,\\njumped half a dozen New England charters carried to 42\u00c2\u00b0\\nnorth, it jumped all those in which Connecticut was inter-\\nested, and notably the one given by Charles II. to the Gov-\\nernor and Company of Connecticut in 1662. West of the\\nDelaware, south of the forty-second parallel, north of the\\nforty-first, and east of the western limit of Pennsylvania, was\\nthe tract of 5,000,000 acres that the two colonies claimed a\\ntract full of coal, iron, and oil, and of great fertility. Appar-\\nently the earliest intimation that anybody in Connecticut\\nwas thinking of these Western lands is found in a letter\\nwritten to the Lords of Trade in 1720, by Governor Salton-\\nstall On the west the province of New York have carried\\ntheir claim and government through this colony from north\\nto south, and cut us asunder twenty miles east of the Hud-\\nson.\\nNew Haven had taken an early interest in the Delaware\\nregion. At one time there was a considerable probability that\\nthe major part of the town would go there in a body; and Mr.\\nHoyt Brief of a Title in the Seventeen Townships in the County of Lu-\\nzerne, 5.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. Ill\\nLevermore says that after 1666 the New Haven of Davenport\\nand Eaton must be sought upon the banks of the Passaic.\\nFollowing the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle there was a great\\noutburst of interest in the West, and particularly in Virginia\\nand Connecticut the first finding her West in the Ohio\\nValley, and the second hers in the Susquehanna country.\\nConnecticut was now well filled up with people, according to\\nthe ideas of those days, and a scheme to settle the colony s\\nlands west of New York was thrown before the public in\\n1753. One hundred petitioners, many of them of high stand-\\ning in the colony, asked the General Court for a grant of land.\\nThe Susquehanna Company was organized to promote the\\nscheme; and in 1755 the General Court recommended it to\\nthe favor of the king.\\nThe company sent its agents to Albany in 1754, when the\\nAlbany Congress was in session, where they purchased from\\ncertain Iroquois chiefs, for ;i^2,oc)0, a tract of land lying within\\nthe Connecticut parallels, one hundred and twenty miles in\\nlength, from ten miles east of the Susquehanna westward.\\nAnother important thing was done at Albany in 1754.\\nThe Congress itself, by a unanimous vote, not even the\\nPennsylvania Commissioners objecting, adopted a series of\\nresolutions declaring the validity of the Connecticut and\\nMassachusetts claims west of the Delaware, and also of the\\nwestern claims of Virginia. Besides, the Plan of Union\\nrecommended by the Congress provided a machinery for\\ncarrying on Western colonization and Franklin, in his notes\\non the plan, remarked that the from sea to sea colonies,\\nhaving boundaries three thousand or four thousand miles in\\nlength to one or two hundred in breadth, must in time be re-\\nduced to domains more convenient for the common purposes\\nof government.\\nIn 1755 the Susquehanna Company sent out surveyors to\\nThe Republic of New Haven, 1 13-120.\\nSparks: Writings of Franklin, III., 32-55.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "112 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nsurvey the lands on the Lackawaxen and in the Wyoming Val-\\nley. The colonization-fever rose so high that a second com-\\npany, called the Delaware Company, was organized, and this\\nalso made a purchase of lands from the Indians. Notwith-\\nstanding the French and Indian w ar, a settlement was made\\non the Delaware in 1757, and another on the Susquehanna in\\n1762. In 1768 the elder company directed the survey of five\\ntownships in the heart of the Wyoming Valley, and in the\\nsame year Captain Zebulon Butler, with forty men, took pos-\\nsession of one of them, taking the precaution to build a fort\\nas a protection against the Indians, and possibly the Pennsyl-\\nvanians also.\\nThus far the Penns had done nothing but object to the\\nSusquehanna Company and its aims. Up to 1769 not a single\\nPennsylvania settler was anywhere in the neighborhood of\\nthe plantings that the Connecticut men had made. But now\\nthe proprietors began to bestir themselves. They improved\\nthe opportunity furnished by the Congress at Fort Stanwix, in\\n1768, to buy of the Indians all that part of the province of\\nPennsylvania not heretofore purchased of the Indians, and\\nthis included the whole Connecticut claim. They also began\\nto lease lands in the Connecticut district on the condition that\\nthe lessees should defend them against the Connecticut claim-\\nants and the attempt of these lessees to oust the settlers\\nalready in possession, backed by the Pennsylvania authorities,\\nbrought on a skirmish of writs and arrests that soon led to the\\nfirst Pennamite and Yankee War, in which the lessees liter-\\nally, and the settlers figuratively, spread out as their respec-\\ntive banners the Penn leases and the charter of 1662.\\nConnecticut men pressed into the territory in increasing\\nnumbers. The accomplished historian of Windham County\\nsays The fertility of the soil, the mildness of the climate,\\nthe beauty of the country, and the abundance of its resources\\nfar excelled expectations; and such glowing reports came back\\nto the rocky farms of Windham County, that emigration raged\\nfor a time like an epidemic and seemed likely to sweep away", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 113\\na great part of the population. Hitherto the Connecticut\\ngovernment had done nothing to promote the Susquehanna\\nand Delaware schemes, but commended the first to the good\\ngraces of the king. Even in 1771 Governor Trumbull, on\\nbeing interrogated by the authorities at Philadelphia, wrote\\nthat the persons engaged therein had no order or direction\\nfrom him, or from the General Assembly for their proceed-\\nings, and that the Assembly, he was confident, would never\\ncountenance any violent, much less hostile, measures in vin-\\ndicating the rights which the Susquehanna Company sup-\\nposed they had to lands in that part of the country within\\nthe limits of the charter of their colony. As the State\\ndid not recognize them, and as they could not get on with-\\nout government, the colonists proceeded to organize a gov-\\nernment of their own after the purest democratic model.\\nTownships, settlements, fortifications, taxes, civil and criminal\\nlegal processes, and a militia, were provided for. But the\\ncolony had taken too strong a hold of Connecticut for the\\ngovernment to disown it, even if the charter-claim to the\\ncountry had been much weaker than it was. So the General\\nCourt resolved, in 1773, That this Assembly, at this time,\\nwill assist, and in some proper way support their claim to\\nthose lands contained within the limits and boundaries of\\ntheir charter which are westward of the province of New\\nYork. Commissioners were sent to Philadelphia to arrange\\nmatters with the Penns, if possible, but they returned empty-\\nhanded. So the Assembly, in 1774, erected the territory from\\nthe Delaware to a line fifteen miles west of the Susquehanna,\\ninto the town of Westmoreland, attaching it to Litchfield\\nCounty, Connecticut and two years later it organized the\\nsame territory into the County of Westmoreland. The extem-\\nporized government of the settlers now gave place to the\\ngovernment set up by the mother colon5^ Thus the colonists\\nand Connecticut carried things with a stroncf hand down to\\nMiss Lamed History of Windham County, IL, 49-51.\\n8", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "114 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe Revolution, when the population numbered three thou-\\nsand. How great the promise was for a new Connecticut in\\nNorthern Pennsylvania, a Connecticut writer shall tell.\\nConnecticut laws and taxes were enforced regularly Con-\\nnecticut courts alone were in session and the levies from the\\ndistrict formed the Twenty-fourth Connecticut Regiment in the\\nContinental armies. The sordid, grasping, long-leasing policy\\nof the Penns had never been able to stand a moment before the\\noncoming wave of Connecticut democracy, with its individual\\nland ownership, its liberal local government, and the personal\\nincentive offered to individuals by its town system. So far as\\nthe Penns were concerned, the Connecticut town system sim-\\nply swept over them, and hardly thought of them as it went.\\nBut for the Revolution, the check occasioned by the massacre,\\nand the appearance of a popular government in place of the\\nPenns, nothing could have prevented the establishment of Con-\\nnecticut s authority over all the regions embraced in her West-\\nern claims.\\nBut the Penns were not idle. In 1761 they obtained from\\nAttorney-General Pratt, afterward Lord Camden, an opinion\\nthat firmly supported their cause. Connecticut, too, sought\\nunto men learned in the law. She obtained from Lord\\nThurlow, Wedderburn, afterward Lord Loughborough, Chan-\\ncellor Dunning, and Mr. Jackson the counsel that she\\nwanted. The Penns determined at last to resort to that argu-\\nment which their great ancestor had so much deprecated. In\\n1772 one Colonel Plunkett, under orders from the government,\\ndestroyed some Connecticut settlements on the west bank of\\nthe Susquehanna; and late in 1775, with a strong force, he\\nattempted to drive the settlers out of the Wyoming Valley,\\nbut was repulsed. At this point the Continental Congress\\nbroke in upon the dispute, in the name of the common cause\\nagainst the mother country, with a whereas that the quar-\\nJohnston Connecticut, 278.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. II5\\nrel, if continued, would be productive of consequences very\\nprejudicial to the common interest of the colonies, and with\\nan urgent recommendation that the contending parties im-\\nmediately cease all hostilities, and avoid every appearance of\\nforce, until the dispute can be legally decided. This re-\\nmonstrance produced the desired effect.\\nThe Westmorelanders stood as an outpost in the war\\nagainst Great Britain, and in 1778, when nearly all the able-\\nbodied men were absent in the army, two savages, Butler the\\nTory and Brandt the Indian, wrought at Wyoming a deed of\\nblood that, wherever told during a hundred years, has never\\nfailed to move horror and pity. The men, women, and chil-\\ndren who then fell at the hands of the enemy, or perished\\nmiserably in the wilderness from hunger, disease, or fatigue,\\nwere not Pennsylvanians. The Gertrudes of Wyoming were\\nall Connecticut girls. The massacre materially strengthened\\nPennsylvania s case a Westmoreland containing thousands\\nof thriving people was one thing a Westmoreland that was\\nwaste and desolate, quite another.\\nThe parties had submitted the dispute to the King in Coun-\\ncil, but the war rendered the appeal to that fountain of jus-\\ntice nugatory. Article IX. of the Confederation vested juris-\\ndiction over such disputes between States in Congress. So,\\nas the war was now drawing to a close, Pennsylvania called\\nupon that arbiter to decide between the contestants. A Fed-\\neral court was accordingly organized to try the issue and\\nthis court, at Trenton, December 30, 1782, after a full hear-\\ning, rendered the following decision\\nWe are unanimously of opinion that the State of Connect-\\nicut has no right to the lands in controversy.\\nWe are also unanimously of opinion that the jurisdiction\\nand pre-emption of all the territory lying within the charter-\\nboundary of Pennsylvania, and now claimed by the State of\\nConnecticut, do of right belong to the State of Pennsylvania.\\nJournals of Congress, I., 211. Ibid., IV., 140.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "Il6 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nTen or more years after the trial, it became known that the\\ncourt agreed beforehand that the reasons for the determi-\\nnation should never be given, and that the minority should\\nconcede the determination as the unanimous opinion of the\\ncourt. The first of the two rules suggests at once, what, in-\\ndeed, has always been understood to be true, that the court\\ndid not consider the points of law involved at all, but that\\nthe case, as lawyers say, went off on State reasons.\\nThe Trenton decision, while final and conclusive as to the\\npublic corporate rights of Connecticut, in no way touched the\\nland-owners, who, the war over, began to find their way back\\nto their old homes. These were left to the justice or mercy of\\nPennsylvania and it is to be feared that the treatment they\\nreceived sometimes made them think more kindly of Butler\\nand of Brandt. The Trenton judges all commended the un-\\nfortunate holders to the favorable consideration of the victor\\nState, urging that they should be quieted in all their claims\\nby an act of the Assembly, and that the right of soil, as de-\\nrived from Connecticut, should be held sacred. There now\\nensued that generation of legislation and litigation, Yankee\\nclaims, and accommodation and intrusion acts, of Ethan\\nAllen and his Vermont methods, of plans to organize a new\\nState and to force its recognition upon Pennsylvania and Con-\\ngress, and reckless agitation which together make up the sec-\\nond Pennamite and Yankee War. The Accommodation\\nAct, once repealed and then re-enacted, put an end to the\\nstrife.\\nHad the court of 1782 decided this issue the other way,\\nConnecticut could not permanently have retained the country\\na State of Westmoreland would have been the almost certain\\nresult. The conviction that one State within the present lim-\\nits of Pennsylvania would be better than two was probably\\none of the State reasons that led the court to its conclusion.\\nHowever, when the second Pennamite and Yankee War\\nwas in progress, and still more when it was over, Connecticut\\nmen flowed into the Northern belt of Pennsylvania, where", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 11/\\ntheir presence is seen to-day in New England names, towns,\\nand manners.\\nThe decision of 1782 was wider than the case submitted,\\napplying as it did to the whole Connecticut claim within the\\ncharter-limits of Pennsylvania but Connecticut made no ob-\\njection on that score. Fortunately for her, Pennsylvania had\\na definite boundary on the west. Carrying her stake west-\\nward, she resolutely drove it into the ground five degrees west\\nof the Delaware that is, she asserted her right to the strip of\\nland lying between 41\u00c2\u00b0 and 42\u00c2\u00b0 2 west of Pennsylvania to the\\nMississippi River, which, by the treaties of 1763 and 1783,\\nhad taken the place of the South Sea as the western boundary.\\nIn 1783 Governor Trumbull issued a proclamation forbidding\\nall persons to settle on those lands without permission first\\nobtained of the General Assembly.\\nThe irood grace with which Connecticut submitted to the\\nTrenton decision has excited the surprise of historians, who\\nhave cast about for the cause. Governor Hoyt supposes\\nthat Connecticut had prearranged the case with Pennsylvania\\nand Congress, and that out of the arrangement she was to get\\nthe Western Reserve, and refers for proof to a congressional\\nreport on finance, made a month after the decision, which\\nsays Virginia and Connecticut have also made cessions, the\\nacceptance of which, for particular reasons, have been de-\\nlayed. Mr. Johnston also supposes that Connecticut had\\nreasons apart from the justice of the decision, and he finds\\nthem in the relation of the Western lands to the question of\\nAmerican nationality. The suggestion is ventured that if\\nConnecticut was actuated by any reason other than deference\\nto the authority of the Trenton tribunal, it was a desire to\\nstrengthen her position west of the Pennsylvania line. She\\nAvould evidently be better able to deal with the new dispute\\nif the old one was off her hands.\\nThe Pennsylvania construction of the charter of 168 1 was\\nBrief of Tille, etc., 46, 47, Connecticut, 280, 281.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "Il8 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nwholly satisfactory to New York, when the time came for her\\nto look after the country west of the Delaware. That con-\\nstruction saved her a dispute, and, possibly, a large extent of\\nher present territory as well. Commissioners appointed by\\nthe two colonies fixed the northeastern boundary of Penn-\\nsylvania on an island in the Delaware in 1774; the line west\\nof that point was surveyed in 1786-87, and ratified in 1789.\\nThe northern boundary of Connecticut is 42\u00c2\u00b0 2 the south-\\nern boundary of New York 42\u00c2\u00b0 and the overlapping tract,\\ncalled at the time the Gore, led to a controversy between\\nthe two States. In 1795 Connecticut, for the consideration of\\n$40,000, quit-claimed to Ward and Halsey all her right and\\ntitle to the said strip of land. Those to whom they sold the\\nlands found settlers with New York titles already in posses-\\nsion. In 1796 suits were brought in the United States Cir-\\ncuit Court to eject the New York claimants. Before the\\ncases were heard, Connecticut wholly renounced her right and\\ntitle to land or jurisdiction west of the line of 1733, which\\nthrew the suitors out of court. This act of renunciation led\\nto long and bitter murmuring on the part of those holding\\nthe Ward and Halsey titles, which was finally quieted, partly\\nby time and partly by a compensation voted from the State\\ntreasury.\\nMassachusetts fared much better than Connecticut in main-\\ntaining her Western title. Her cession of 1785 to the nation\\nwill be treated in another place; but here it is important to\\nremark that that cession did not touch her contest with New\\nYork for the lands within her charter-limits west of the Dela-\\nware and east of the north and south cession-line. That\\nissue was compromised in 1786. Massachusetts surrendered\\nto New York all her claim to the jurisdiction over said tract\\nand New York surrendered to Massachusetts all claim to the\\nlands within the Massachusetts limits lying west of a line\\nMaps of the middle of the last century often bound Pennsylvania north by\\nparallel 43\u00c2\u00b0.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. 119\\nrunning from the eighty-second mile-post west of the north-\\neast corner of Pennsylvania north to Sodus Bay in Lake On-\\ntario. This tract, the southeast corner of which is a little\\nsouthwest of Elmira, embraced several million acres of land,\\nincluding the famous Genesee Valley.\\nIn June, 1788, Congress instructed the Geographer to run\\nthe meridian by which New York and Massachusetts had\\nlimited themselves on the west, and to ascertain the quantity\\nof land in the triangular tract lying west of said meridian and\\nnorth of parallel 42\u00c2\u00b0 north. This tract was sold to the State\\nof Pennsylvania the same year. The act of Congress author-\\nizing the President to issue the letters patent bears date, Janu-\\nary 3, 1792.\\nMr. H. G. Stevens writes: Dear fussy old Richard\\nHakluyt, the most learned geographer of his age, but with\\ncertain crude and warped notions of the South Sea down^the\\nback of Florida, which became worked into many of King\\nJames s and King Charles s charters, and the many grants that\\ngrew out of them, was the unconscious parent of many geo-\\ngraphical puzzles. Puzzles there are in abundance, whether\\nHakluyt was the parent of them or not. The principal of\\nthese puzzles on the Atlantic slope we have sought to solve.\\nIn future chapters we shall consider the similar ones found in\\nthe Northwest.\\n1 Narrative and Critical History, V., i8a", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "VIII.\\nTHE WESTERN LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH\\nGOVERNMENT FROM 1763 TO 177^.\\nThe ink with which the Treaty of Paris was written was\\nhardly dry when Great Britain took a very important step in\\nthe line of a new land-policy. Just how much this step meant\\nat the time is a matter of dispute, but the consequences flow-\\ning from it were such as to mark it a distinct new departure.\\nPrevious to the war, England had virtually affirmed the\\nprinciple that the discoverer and occupant of a coast was en-\\ntitled to all the country back of it she had carried her colo-\\nnial boundaries through the continent from sea to sea and,\\nas against France, had maintained the original chartered lim-\\nits of her colonies. Moreover, the grant to the Ohio Com-\\npany in 1748 proves that she then had no thought of prevent-\\ning over-mountain settlements, or of limiting the expansion\\nof the colonies in that direction. But now that France had\\nretired from the field vanquished, England began to see\\nthings in new relations. In fact, the situation was materially\\nchanged. She was left in undisputed possession of the east-\\nern half of the Mississippi Valley. Canada and Florida were\\nBritish dependencies, and governments must be provided for\\nthem. The Indians of the West were discontented and an-\\ngry and, strange to say, at the very moment that they lost\\nthe support of France, they formed, under Pontiac, a wide-\\nspread combination against the British power. Then the\\nstrength and resource that the colonies had shown in the\\nwar had both pleased and disturbed the mother country;", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 121\\npleased her because they contributed materially to the defeat\\nof France, and disturbed her because they portended a still\\nlarger growth of that spirit of independence which had already\\nbecome somewhat embarrassing. The eagerness with which\\nthe Virginians and Pennsylvanians were preparing to enter\\nthe Ohio Valley in the years 1748-1754 told England what\\nmight be expected now that the whole country lay open to\\nthe Mississippi. The home government undertook to meet\\nthe occasion with the royal proclamation of October 7, 1763.\\nAfter congratulating his subjects upon the great advantages\\nthat must accrue to their trade, manufactures, and navigation\\nfrom the new acquisitions of territory, His Majesty proceeded\\nto constitute four new governments, three of them on the\\ncontinent and one in the West Indies. His new territories\\non the Gulf he divided into East Florida and West Florida,\\nby the Appalachicola River separating them from his pos-\\nsessions to the north by the thirty-first parallel from the\\nMississippi River to the Chattahoochee, by that stream to its\\nconfluence with the Flint, by a straight line drawn from this\\npoint to the source of the St. Marys, and then by the St.\\nMarys to the Atlantic Ocean. The next year, in consequence\\nof representations made to him that there were considerable\\nsettlements north of the thirty-first parallel which should be\\nincluded in West Florida, he drew the northern boundary of\\nthat province through the mouth of the Yazoo. The terri-\\ntory lying between the Altamaha and St. Marys Rivers, so\\nlong the subject of dispute between Spain and England, as\\nwell as between South Carolina and Georgia, was given to\\nGeorgia. It was the proclamation of 1763 that first defined\\nwhat afterward became the first southern boundary of the\\nUnited States. As I shall have occasion to refer to them\\nagain, it will be well to give the boundaries of Quebec in the\\nwords of the royal proclamation.\\nThe Government of Quebec, bounded on the Labrador\\ncoast by the River St. John [Saguenay], and from thence to a", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "122 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nline drawn from the head of that river, through the Lake St.\\nJohn, to the south end of the Lake Nipissim from whence\\nthe said line crossing the River St. Lawrence and the Lake\\nChamplain, in forty-five degrees of north latitude, passes along\\nthe highlands which divide the rivers that empty themselves\\ninto the said River St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the\\nsea and also along the north coast of the Bale des Chaleurs,\\nand the coast of the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Cape Rosieres,\\nand from thence crossing the mouth of the River St. Lawrence\\nby the west end of the Island of Anticosti, terminates at the\\naforesaid River St. John.\\nThe king gives directions for constituting the governments\\nof the new provinces on the principle of representation. He\\nalso instructs the royal governors to grant lands to the officers\\nand men who have served in the army and navy in the war,\\naccording to a prescribed schedule.\\nIt will be seen that the country west of the mountains,\\nfrom parallel 31\u00c2\u00b0 to the lakes, was not embraced within the\\nnew governments. But this was not due to a sensitive regard\\nfor the chartered rights of the old colonies, as the following\\nparagraph defining the new departure shows\\nWe do, therefore, with the advice of our privy council,\\ndeclare it to be our royal will and pleasure, that no governor\\nor commander-in-chief, in any of our Colonies of Quebec, East\\nFlorida, or West Florida, do presume, upon any pretense what-\\never, to grant warrants of survey, or pass any patents for lands\\nbeyond the bounds of their respective governments, as de-\\nscribed in their commissions as also that no governor or com-\\nmander-in-chief of our other colonies or plantations in Amer-\\nica, do presume, for the present, and until our further pleasure\\nbe known, to grant warrants of survey or pass patents for any\\nlands beyond the heads or sources of any of the rivers which\\nfall into the Atlantic Ocean from the west or northwest or\\nupon any lands whatever, which not having been ceded or pur-\\nchased by us, etc.\\nThe Annual Register, 1763.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 1 23\\nJust what was the meaning of this prohibition has been a\\nmatter of dispute from that day to this the opinions of the\\ndisputants depending, often at least, upon the relation of\\nthose opinions to other matters of interest. Solicitude for\\nthe Indians, and anxiety for the peace and safety of the colo-\\nnies, are the reasons alleged in the proclamation itself. The\\nwhereas introducing the proclamation says it is essential\\nto the royal interest and the security of the colonics that the\\ntribes of Indians living under the king s protection shall not\\nbe molested or disturbed in the possession of such parts of\\nhis dominions and territories as, not having been ceded to or\\npurchased by him, are reserved to them as their hunting\\ngrounds and a declaration follows the prohibition that it is\\nhis royal will and pleasure, for the present, to reserve under\\nhis sovereign protection and dominion, for the use of the said\\nIndians, all the lands within the new governments, within the\\nlimits of the Hudson Bay Company and beyond the sources\\nof the rivers falling into the sea from the west and north-\\nwest. The king strictly forbids his loving subjects making\\nany purchases or settlements whatever, or taking possession\\nof any of the lands described, without his special leave and\\nlicense and he further enjoins all persons who have seated\\nthemselves upon any of the lands so reserved to the Indians,\\nforthwith to abandon them. If at any time the Indians are\\ninclined to dispose of their lands, they shall be purchased\\nonly in the king s name, by the governor or commander-in-\\nchief of the colony within which the lands lie. The procla-\\nmation winds up with some wholesome regulations respecting\\nthe Indian trade.\\nNo doubt a desire to conciliate the Indians was one of the\\nmotives that led to the prohibition of 1763. But was it the\\nonly motive Was it also the royal intention permanently to\\nsever the lands beyond the sources of the rivers flowing into\\nthe Atlantic from the old colonies within whose charter-lim-\\nits they lay and, when the time should come, to cut them\\nup into new and independent governments", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "124 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe Annual Register for 1763 says many reasons may\\nbe assigned for the prohibition. It states the necessity of\\nquieting the Indians, and then presents the desirability of\\nlimiting the from sea to sea boundaries.\\nAnother reason, we suppose, why no disposition has been\\nmade of the inland country, was, that the charters of many of\\nour old colonies give them, with very few exceptions, no other\\nbounds to the westward but the South Sea and consequently\\nthese grants comprehended almost everything we have con-\\nquered. These charters were given when this continent was\\nlittle known and little valued. They were then scarce ac-\\nquainted with any other limits than the limits of America it-\\nself and they were prodigal of what they considered as of no\\ngreat importance. The colonies settled under royal govern-\\nment have, generally, been laid out much in the same manner\\nand though the difficulties which arise on this quarter are not\\nso great as in the former, they are yet sufficiently embarrassing.\\nNothing can be more inconvenient, or can be attended with\\nmore absurd consequences, than to admit the execution of the\\npowers in those grants and distributions of territory in all their\\nextent. But where the western boundary of each colony ought\\nto be settled, is a matter which must admit of great dispute, and\\ncan, to all appearance, only be finally adjusted by the interpo-\\nsition of Parliament.\\nObviously, Edmund Burke, or whoever wrote the Regis-\\nter s review for that year, thought the prohibition meant\\nsomething more than simply to guard the rights of the Ind-\\nians. Washington, on the other hand, wrote his Western\\nland-agent, Colonel Crawford, in 1767 I can never look\\nupon that proclamation in any other light (but this I say be-\\ntween ourselves) than a temporary expedient to quiet the\\nminds of the Indians. It must fall, of course, in a few years,\\nespecially when those Indians consent to our occupying the\\nThe Annual Register, 1763, 20, 21.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 12$\\nlands. The authors of the Report on the Territorial Limits\\nof the United States, made to Congress, January 8, 1782, ex-\\namined the proclamation very thoroughly, and came to the\\nsame conclusion that Washington had arrived at fifteen years\\nbefore. They declare the king s object to have been to keep\\nthe Indians in peace, not to relinquish the rights accruing\\nunder the charters, and especially that of pre-emption. Dr.\\nFranklin held the same view, as we shall soon see. Mr. Ban-\\ncroft says the West was shut against the emigrant from fear\\nthat colonies in so remote a region could not be held in de-\\npendence. England, by war, had conquered the West, and a\\nministry had come which dared not make use of the con-\\nquest. No matter what the proclamation meant, it was a\\ngreat disappointment to the colonies. Wherein are we bet-\\nter off, as respects the Western country, they said in sub-\\nstance, than we were before the war -j\\nNo man of his time more thoroughly comprehended the\\nWestern question than Dr. Franklin. Notices of his princi-\\npal writings on the subject will more clearly define that ques-\\ntion, and throw much light on its shifting phases.\\nReference has already been made to the Plan of Union\\nadopted by the Albany Congress in 1754, and to Franklin s\\nexposition of the same. This plan placed the regulation\\nof the Indian trade, the purchasing of Indian lands, and the\\nplanting of new colonies under the control of the Union.\\nFranklin supported this part of the scheme with the obvious\\narguments. A single colony could not be expected to extend\\nitself into the West but the Union might establish a new\\ncolony or two, greatly to the security of the frontiers, to in-\\ncrease of population and trade, and to breaking the French\\nconnections between Canada and Louisiana. The from sea\\nto sea colonies must be suitably limited on the west.\\nSoon after the Albany Congress, Franklin wrote his\\nButterfield Washington-Crawford Letters, 3.\\nSecret Journals of Congress, III., 154. History, III., 32.\\nSparks Writings of Franklin, III., 32-55.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "126 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nPlan for Settling two Western Colonies in North America,\\nwith Reasons for the Plan. He says the country back of the\\nAppalachian Mountains must become, perhaps in another cen-\\ntury, a populous and powerful dominion, and a great accession\\nof power to either England or France. If the English delay\\nto settle that country, great inconveniences and mischiefs will\\narise. Confined to the region between the sea and the moun-\\ntains, they cannot much more increase in numbers owing to\\nlack of room and subsistence. The French will increase much\\nmore, and become a great people in the rear of the English.\\nHe therefore recommends that the English take immediate pos-\\nsession of the country, and proceed at once to plant two strong\\ncolonies, one on the Ohio and one on Lake Erie. The new\\ncolonies will soon be full of people they will prevent the dis-\\nasters sure to follow if the French are allowed to have their\\nway in the West the Ohio country will be a good base for op-\\nerations against Canada and Louisiana in case of war; and the\\ncolonies will promote the increase of Englishmen, of English\\ntrade, and of English power. Franklin again assumes that\\nthe from sea to sea charters are still in force, and argues that\\nthey must be limited by the Western mountains. The tract\\ncloses with a plea for urgency. War with the French had\\nnow begun, and new colonies were necessarily postponed until\\nthe sword should decide the destiny of the West but Frank-\\nlin still kept the subject in mind. In 1756 he wrote to Rev.\\nGeorge Whitfield r\\nI sometimes wish that you and I were jointly employed by\\nthe Crown to settle a colony on the Ohio. I imagine that we\\ncould do it effectually, and without putting the nation to much\\nexpense but I fear we shall never be called upon for such a\\nservice. What a glorious thing it would be to settle in that fine\\ncountry a large, strong body of religious and industrious peo-\\nple What a security to the other colonies and advantage to\\nBritain, by increasing her people, territory, strength, and com-\\n1 Sparks III., 69-77.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 12/\\nmerce Might it not greatly facilitate the introduction of pure\\nreligion among the heathen, if we could, by such a colony, show\\nthem a better sample of Christians than they commonly see in\\nour Indian traders the most vicious and abandoned wretches\\nof our nation.\\nImmediately after Wolfe s victory in 1759, men on both\\nsides of the ocean began to speculate upon the terms of the\\npeace that they saw must soon come. It seemed inevitable\\nthat England would be able to dictate her own terms to her\\nold enemy and the question arose, what territorial indemni-\\nties and securities she should exact. More specifically, the\\nquestion arose whether Canada should be retained or return-\\ned to France in exchange for Guadaloupe. Two or three\\npamphlets discussing this question appeared in London. To\\none of them, that advocated the surrender of Canada, pub-\\nlished without a name, but sometimes ascribed to Edmund\\nBurke, Franklin wrote a reply that he entitled The Interest\\nof Great Britain Considered with Regard to the Colonies\\nand the Acquisition of Canada and Guadaloupe, but that is\\ncommonly called The Canada Pamphlet. A rapid review\\nof this vigorous production will throw much light upon the\\nstate of opinion touching the West both in America and in\\nEurope.\\nFranklin holds, in opposition to his antagonist, that Eng-\\nland might properly demand Canada as an indemnification,\\nalthough she had not, in the outset, put forward such an\\nacquisition as one of the objects of the war. He argues that\\nthe relations of England and France in America are such as\\nto prevent a lasting peace, declaring that such a peace can\\ncome only when the whole country is subject to the English\\ngovernment. Disputes arising in America will be the occa-\\nsion of European wars. Wars between the two powers origi-\\nnating in Europe will extend to America, and give oppor-\\nBigelow Works of Franklin, XL, 467.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "128 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ntunities for other powers to interfere. The boundaries be-\\ntween the English and French in North America cannot be\\nso drawn as to prevent quarrels. The frontier must neces-\\nsarily be more than fifteen hundred miles in length. Happy-\\nwas it for both Holland and England that the Dutch, in 1674,\\nceded New Netherlands to the English since that time\\npeace between them has continued unbroken, which would\\nhave been impossible if the Dutch had continued to hold\\nthat province, separating, as it does, the eastern and middle\\nBritish colonies. y\\nFranklin next contends that erecting forts in the back set-\\ntlements will not prove asuflficient security against the French\\nand Indians, but that the retention of Canada implies every\\nsecurity. The possession of that province, and that alone,\\ncan give the English colonies in America peace.\\nHe then devotes several pages to the proposition that the\\nblood and treasure spent in the war were not spent in the\\ncause of the colonies alone. This is in reply to the argument\\nthat the interests at stake in America were rather colonial than\\nBritish or imperial. The retention of Canada will widen the\\nlanded opportunities of the colonists, and will tend to keep\\nthem agricultural and to prevent manufactures. Franklin\\nthen enunciates a proposition that would make Pennsylvania\\neconomists of to-day stare and gasp. Manufactures are\\nfounded in poverty. It is the multitude of poor without land\\nin a country, and who must work for others at low wages or\\nstarve, that enables undertakers to carry on a manufacture,\\nand afford it cheap enough to prevent the importation of the\\nsame kind from abroad, and to bear the expense of its own\\nexportation. He contends that the North American colo-\\nnies are the western frontier of the British Empire; that they\\nmust be defended by the empire for that reason, and that\\nCanada will be a conquest for the whole, the advantage of\\nwhich will come in increase of trade and ease of taxes.\\nTo the argument that the colonies are large and numer-\\nous enough, and that the French ought to be left in North", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 129\\nAmerica to keep them in check, Franklin replies that, in time\\nof peace, the colonists double by natural generation once in\\ntwenty-five years, and that they will probably continue to do\\nso for a century to come but that the colonies will not cease\\nto be useful to the Mother Country for that reason. On this\\npoint he accumulates a variety of information relating to the\\nindustrial and commercial possibilities of the country east of\\nthe Mississippi River that is as interesting as curious. One\\nhundred millions of people can subsist in the agricultural con-\\ndition east of that river and south of the Lakes and the St.\\nLawrence. The facilities for inland navigation are dwelt\\nupon with admiration. Franklin dwells at much length upon\\nthe improbability of the colonists taking up manufactures, and\\nupon the vast quantities of British goods that they will be\\nsure to buy and consume.\\nHaving striven at such length to prove that the colonies\\nwill not be useless to the Mother Country, he takes up the\\nproposition that they will not be dangerous to her. This is\\nthe most delicate subject handled in the whole pamphlet,\\nand one that attracted attention before the war began. Kalm,\\nthe Swedish naturalist who visited the colonies in 1748, and\\nwho saw so much more than natural objects in the course of\\nhis travels, reports that in New York he found much doubt\\nwhether the King of England, if he had the power, would\\nwish to drive the French out of Canada. Kalm thus expresses\\nhis own opinion: As this whole country is toward the sea\\nunguarded, and on the frontier is kept uneasy by the French,\\nthese dangerous neighbors are the reason why the love of\\nthese colonies for their metropolis does not utterly decline.\\nThe English Government has, therefore, reason to regard the\\nFrench in North America as the chief power that urges their\\ncolonies to submission. It is well known that Choiseul\\nwarned Stanley when the two ministers v/ere discussing the\\ntreaty of 1763, that the English colonies in America would\\nBancroft: History, II., 3 10-31 1.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "I30 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nnot fail to shake off their dependence the moment Canada\\nshould be ceded, This feeling was shared by many people\\nin England, and it probably influenced those who said Gua-\\ndaloupe not Canada quite as much as the superiority of the\\nGuadaloupe sugar to the Canada furs. Such is a fair state-\\nment of the argument that Franklin sets himself to answer.\\nHis reply is that the colonies cannot be dangerous to\\nEngland without union, and that union is impossible. To\\nprove that union is impossible, he sets forth the jealousies of\\nthe colonies and the failure of all attempts hitherto made to\\nbring them to act together. There are now fourteen sepa-\\nrate governments on the sea-coast, and there will probably\\nbe as many more behind them on the inland side. These\\nhave different governors, different laws, different forms of\\ngovernment, different interests, different religious persuasions,\\nand different manners. If they could not agree to unite for\\ntheir defence against the French and Indians, who were per-\\npetually harassing their settlements, burning their villages, and\\nmurdering their people, can it reasonably be supposed there\\nis any danger of their uniting against their own nation, which\\nprotects and encourages them, with which they have so many\\nconnections and ties of blood, interest, and affection, and\\nwhich, it is well known, they all love much more than they\\nlove one another? And yet Franklin was careful to leave\\nan open door through which he could have escaped the charge\\nof inconsistency if such charge had been preferred a dozen\\nyears later. When I say such a union is impossible, I mean\\nwithout the most grievous tyranny and oppression. The\\nwaves do not rise, he says, but when the winds blow.\\nWhat such an administration as the Duke of Alva s might\\nbring about he does not know but he has a right to deem\\nthat impossible. Under this head he answers the argument\\nthat the remoteness of the Western territories will bring\\nabout their separation from the Mother Country. While our\\nParkman Montcalm and Wolfe, II., 403.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 13 1\\nstrength at sea continues, the banks of the Ohio, in point of\\neasy and expeditious conveyance of troops, arc nearer to Lon-\\ndon than the remote parts of France and Spain to their re-\\nspective capitals, and much nearer than Connaught and Ulster\\nwere in the days of Queen Elizabeth, Of the two, the pres-\\nence of the French in Canada will engender disaffection in\\nthe colonies rather than prevent it. The only check on their\\ngrowth that the French can possibly be, is that of blood and\\ncarnage.\\nFranklin then argues that Canada can be easily peopled\\nfrom the colonies without draining Great Britain of her in-\\nhabitants. Last of all comes the proposition that the value\\nof Guadaloupe is much overestimated by those who prefer\\nthat island to Canada.\\nMany of the arguments contained in this famous pamphlet\\nwould now be set aside by an economist as fallacious but,\\nfallacious as they may be, they have that plain directness\\nwhich, along with other qualities, rendered Franklin s political\\ntracts so conclusive to the common mind. The pamphlet at-\\ntracted great attention at the time, and was believed, ac-\\ncording to Dr. Sparks, to have had great weight in the min-\\nisterial councils, and to have been mainly instrumental in\\ncausing Canada to be held at the peace.\\nIn 1765, Sir William Johnson, Governor Franklin, and\\nother influential persons formed a project for establishing a\\nnew colony in the Illinois country. They applied to Dr.\\nFranklin, then in London, acting as agent for Pennsylvania,\\nfor assistance, and he entered warmly into the enterprise, in\\nwhich he also had an interest. For a time the application for\\na grant of lands was regarded with much favor, but was fi-\\nnally rejected. The Doctor s letters to his son, in the years\\n1766-1768, report the progress of the negotiation, and help\\nus to understand English opinion touching Western settle-\\nments. He found the following objections urged against\\nSparks IV., 1-53.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "132 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe plan: (i) The distance would render such a colony of\\nlittle use to England, as the expense of the carriage of goods\\nwould urge the people to manufacture for themselves (2)\\nthe distance would also render.it difficult to defend and gov-\\nern the colony (3) such a colony might, in time, become\\ntroublesome and prejudicial to the British Government; (4)\\nthere were no people to spare, either in England or the other\\ncolonies, to settle a new colony. Lord Hillsborough was ter-\\nribly afraid of dispeopling Ireland. To overturn these ob-\\njections, Franklin brought forward the arguments with which\\nwe are now familiar. Some London merchants, who were\\ncalled upon for testimony, gave the unanimous opinion that\\ncolonies in the Illinois country and at Detroit would enlarge\\nBritish commerce. Franklin reckoned that there would be\\n63,000,000 acres of land in the proposed colony. He also\\nreported an inclination on the part of ministers to abandon\\nthe Western posts as more expensive than useful, unless the\\ncolonies should see fit to keep them up at their own expense.\\nFort Pitt was actually abandoned soon after.\\nHere I must interrupt the narrative concerning Franklin,\\nto state some other facts material to the purpose. In 1768\\nStuart, the Southern Indian agent, following the proclamation\\nof 1763, and the instructions of Lord Hillsborough, negotiated\\nwith the Cherokees, who had no claim whatever to lands on\\nthe south side of the Ohio, a treaty that was very obnoxious\\nto Virginia, since it limited her on the west by the Kanawha\\nRiver. A few days later Sir William Johnson, the Northern\\nagent, negotiated with the Six Nations, who claimed the\\ncountry to the Cumberland Mountains, a treaty that was\\nmuch more to her liking. This treaty established the fol-\\nlowing boundary-line between the lands that the Nations\\nclaimed in the West and the lands of the whites on the\\nEast The Ohio and Alleghany Rivers from the m.outh of\\nthe Cherokee, as the Tennessee was then called, to Kittan-\\nSparks IV., 233-241.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 133\\nning, above Fort Pitt thence by a direct line east to the\\nwest branch of the Susquehanna; thence through the moun-\\ntains to the east branch, and on to the Delaware; and finally\\nby the Delaware, the Tianaderher, and Canada Creek to Wood\\nCreek, above Fort Stanwix While this line left nearly one-\\nhalf of the State of New York in the hands of the Six Na-\\ntions, it gave to the colonies the whole southeastern half of\\nthe Ohio Valley to the Tennessee. This line itself shows that\\nthe Nations regarded their Western possessions but lightly.\\nIt should be observed, also, that the alienation of their claim\\nstill left the English to deal with the Indians actually on the\\nWestern soil. In the end, this boundary came very near giv-\\ning Virf^inia a still closer limitation on the west than the one\\ndrawn by Stuart, as will soon appear. The opening up of the\\ncountry south of the Ohio to settlement was followed by great\\nland-speculations, and by quickened emigration to that region.\\nIn 1769 the proposition to establish a Western colony was\\nrevived, but in a new form. Thomas Walpole, Samuel Whar-\\nton, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Pownal, and others peti-\\ntioned the king for the right to purchase 2,400,000 acres of\\nland on the south side of the Ohio River, on which to found\\na new government. After the delays incident to such busi-\\nness, this petition was granted by the King in Council in\\n1772. Slow progress was made in perfecting the details; but\\nthe price of the land was finally fixed, the plan of government\\nagreed upon, and the patent actually made ready for the seals,\\nwhen the Revolution broke out, and dashed the new colony\\nforever. Walpole, the leading promoter of the scheme, Avas\\nan eminent London banker, and the company and grant were\\ncommonly called by his name. The company called itself\\nthe Grand Company, and proposed to name the colony\\nVandalia. Although the project finally failed, its history\\npresents some exceedingly interesting features. It should be\\nobserved that the Ohio Company of 1748, which had been\\nkept alive thus far, although thwarted in its original purposes\\nby the war, was absorbed in this new scheme.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "134 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nIn May, 1770, the Privy Council referred the Walpole pe-\\ntition to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations\\nand two years later their Lordships made an elaborate report,\\ndrawn by their president. Lord Hillsborough. This report ob-\\njected to the petition, that the tract of land prayed for lay partly\\nwithin the dominion of Virginia south of the Ohio that it\\nextended several degrees of longitude westward from the\\nmountains and that a considerable part of it was beyond the\\nline that had been drawn between His Majesty s territories\\nand the hunting grounds of the Six Nations and the Chero-\\nkees. Besides, to grant the petition would be to abandon\\n-the principle adopted by the Board of Trade, and approved\\nby His Majesty at the close of the war. Confining the\\nWestern extent of settlements to such a distance from the\\nsea-coast as that those settlements should lie within the reach\\nof the trade and commerce of this Kingdom, upon which the\\nstrength and riches of it depend, and also within the exercise\\nof that authority and jurisdiction which were conceived to be\\nnecessary for the preservation of the colonies in due subor-\\ndination to, and dependence upon, the Mother Country are\\ndeclared the two capital objects of the proclamation of\\n1763. Lord Hillsborough, indeed, admits that the line agreed\\nupon at Fort Stanwix in 1768 is, in the southwest, far be-\\nyond the sources of the rivers that flow into the Atlantic\\nbut since this Stanwix line still further restricts the Indians\\nhunting grounds, he sees in this fact a new reason for adher-\\ning closely to the restrictive policy. His Lordship declares\\nthe proposition to form inland colonies in America entirely\\nnew he says the great object of the North American colo-\\nnies is to improve and extend the commerce, navigation, and\\nmanufactures of England shore colonies he approves be-\\ncause they fulfil this condition, and inland colonies he con-\\ndemns because they will not fulfil it. To the argument that\\nsettlers are flowing westward, and that Western settlements\\nare inevitable, Lord Hillsborough replies that His Majesty\\nshould take every method to check the progress of such set-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 135\\ntlements, and should not make grants of land that would have\\nan immediate tendency to encourage them. The report closes\\nwith a recommendation that the Crown immediately issue a\\nnew proclamation forbidding all persons taking up or settling\\non lands west of the line of 1763.\\nIt would be hard to say whether this report won for its\\nauthor the wider fame by reason of its odious application of\\nthe doctrines of the colonial system to the question of West-\\nern settlements, or by reason of the crushing reply that it\\ncalled out from Dr. Franklin. Before taking up that reply,\\nhowever, the remark is pertinent that Lord Hillsborough s\\nnotion that royal proclamations were going to keep the ad-\\nventurous people of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the Carolinas\\nout of the Western country, is one of a multitude of proofs of\\nthe incapacity of the British mind, at that time, to under-\\nstand American questions. It was only less absurd than\\nDean Tucker s famous plan for guarding the frontier against\\nthe incursions of the Indians, viz., that the trees and bushes\\nbe cut away from a strip of land a mile in breadth along the\\nback of the colonies from Maine to Georgia.\\nFranklin begins his reply with correcting the noble Lord s\\nideas of American geography. The land asked for lies be-\\ntween the Alleghany Mountains and the Ohio River, which\\nare separated, on a medium, by not more than a degree\\nand a half. The grant will not be an invasion of the domin-\\nion of Virginia, because that colony is bounded on the west\\nby the mountains. The country west of the Alleghanies was\\nin the possession of the Indians previous to the Stanwix\\ntreaty, and since that time the king has not given it to Vir-\\nginia. To support the proposition that Virginia does not ex-\\ntend beyond the mountains, which is absolutely essential to\\nhis argument, he draws up a territorial historj^ of the region\\nwithin which the grant will fall, entirely ignoring the Vir-\\nginia charter.\\nSparks Writings of Franklin, III., 48, 49,", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "13^ THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\n1. The country southward of the Great Kanawha, as far\\nas the Tennessee River, originally belonged to the Shawanese\\nIndians.\\n2. The Six Nations, beginning about the year 1664, carried\\ntheir victorious arms over the whole country, from the Great\\nLakes to the latitude of Carolina, and from the Alleghanies\\nto the Mississippi. They, therefore, became possessed of the\\nlands in question by right of conquest.\\n3. Much stress is then laid on the English protectorate\\nover the Six Nations, acknowledged by the French in 17 13,\\nand by the Nations in 1726. When the French came into\\nWestern Pennsylvania, in 1754, the English held them in-\\nvaders on the express ground that the country belonged to\\ntheir allies and dependents. This was the view held by the\\nBritish court in discussing the subject with Paris in 1755.\\nIn the French and Indian war the English had simply main-\\ntained their old rights they expelled the French from the\\nWest as intruders, and held the country not by conquest, but\\nby the Iroquois title. At Fort Stanwix the Iroquois sold to\\nthe Crown all their lands south of the Ohio, as far down as\\nthe Tennessee. The Crown ^is, therefore, vested with the un-\\ndoubted right and property of those lands, and can do what\\nit pleases with them.\\n4. The Cherokees never resided or hunted in the country\\nbetween the Kanawha and the Tennessee, and had no right\\nto it. The claim that this region ever belonged to the\\nCherokees is a fiction altogether new and indefensible, in-\\nvented in the interest of Virginia. When that government\\nsaw that it was likely to be confined on the west by the\\nmountains in consequence of the Stanwix purchase, it set up\\nthe Cherokee title in opposition to the Northern Indians.\\n5. Nor do the Six Nations, the Shawanese, or the Dela-\\nwares now reside or hunt in the region where the grant will\\nfall.\\nFranklin s object is to find room for the new colony be-\\ntween the Alleghanies and the Ohio. He follows closely the", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 137\\nfacts of history touching the matter immediately in hand.\\nThe Iroquois had pretended to own the whole West north\\nof the Cumberland Mountains, and the British government\\nand New York had humored them in that pretension. But\\nFranklin s reasoning on this point recalls forcibly what Mr.\\nParkman says in a passage already quoted concerning Iroquois\\nconquests and titles. What is more, the Iroquois never occu-\\npied the Ohio Valley, while the Indians who were occupying\\nit did not acknowledge the Iroquois title. The signers to the\\nStanwix treaty were all Iroquois, the Delaware and Shawa-\\nnese delegates present at the council refusing, or at least neg-\\nlecting, to sign. But granting that the British-Iroquois title\\nwas perfectly good as against the French and Western Indians,\\nit had no force as against Virginia. The right that priority\\nof discovery gave the discoverer was the right of pre-emption,\\nand the fact that the Indian title to the Ohio Valley was ac-\\nquired long after the Virginia charters in no way affected the\\nrights of Virginia, if she ever had any. If the English had\\nwaited to acquire Indian titles before sending over colonies,\\nAmerica would be a wilderness at this day. Even the hu-\\nmane Fenn first sent over his colony, two thousand strong,\\nand then treated with the Indians. Franklin had himself, in\\n1754, expressly acknowledged the binding force of the from\\nsea-to-sea charters until they should be duly limited. It is\\nhard to see, therefore, that the Fort Stanwix purchase af-\\nfected Virginia s rights, unless it be claimed that the purchase\\nwas made by a royal officer at the expense of the Crown, and\\nnot by the colony at her own expense but it must be re-\\nmembered that the Crown had taken Indian affairs out of\\nthe hands of the colonies, and that New York, Massachusetts,\\nand Connecticut never regarded the purchase as at all easing\\ntheir rights in the West. At the same time, Franklin s rea-\\nsoning was admirably adapted to his immediate purpose. It\\nwould appear, from Franklin s account of things, that Virginia\\nhad concluded that after all she had more to fear from John-\\nson s line than from Stuart s.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "138 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nFranklin restates the old arguments in favor of interior\\nsettlements, and, after a thorough examination of the whole\\nsubject, comes to the conclusion that the proclamation of\\n1763 was intended solely to pacify the Indians at a critical\\ntime, and that the Stanwix treaty has set the proclamation-\\nline effectually aside. Looking into the West, he reports that\\nin the years 1765-1768 great numbers of the king s subjects\\nfrom Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania were settling over\\nthe mountains that this emigration led to great irritation\\namong the Indians that the emigrants refused to obey the\\nproclamations issued ordering them to return to the other\\nside of the king s line that attempts to remove them by force\\nended only in failure that the frontier troubles were among\\nthe causes that led to the treaty of 1 768 that the said treaty,\\nnegotiated by Sir William Johnson under express orders from\\nthe home government, proves that the permanent exclusion\\nof settlers from the Western country could not have been in-\\ntended in 1763. The Doctor states that Pennsylvania had\\nmade it felony to occupy Indian lands within the limits of\\nthat colony that the Governor of Virginia had commanded\\nsettlers to vacate all Indian lands within the limits of his gov-\\nernment and that General Gage had twice sent soldiers to\\nremove the settlers from the Monongahela region, but all\\nthese efforts to enforce the restrictive policy had proved un-\\navailing. He asserts that the object of the Stanwix purchase\\nwas to avert an Indian rupture, and give an opportunity to\\nthe king s subjects quietly and lawfully to settle thereon.\\nFranklin does not fail to convict the Board of Trade of\\ninconsistency. In 1748 it was anxious to promote settle-\\nments in the Ohio Valley in 1768 it was of the opinion that\\nthe inhabitants of the middle colonies should be permitted\\ngradually to extend themselves backward in 1770 Lord Hills-\\nborough recommended a new colony there, and two years later\\nhe made to the council the adverse report to which Franklin\\nis now replying. The promoters of the new colonj^ have no\\nidea, he says, of draining Great Britain or the old colonies of", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 139\\ntheir population. That will be wholly unnecessary. If the\\ncolony is planted the colonists will not become lawless or re-\\nbellious, because they will be subjected to government but\\nif the present restriction be continued the country will become\\nthe resort of desperate characters. Moreover, there is already\\na considerable population in the very district that the peti-\\ntioners pray for and if these lawless people are not soon\\nmade subject to some authority, an Indian war will be the\\nconsequence. They are beyond the jurisdiction of Virginia,\\nwhich cannot be extended over them Avithout great difficulty,\\nif at all. Hence, the only way to prevent the back country\\nbecoming the home of violence and disorder is to establish a\\nnew government there.\\nMany pages of Franklin s paper are devoted to the eco-\\nnomical bearings of the proposed colony. He does not deny\\nthe doctrines of the colonial system he rather assumes them\\nbut he contradicts Hillsborough s applications of those doc-\\ntrines to the matter in hand. On these points he collects a\\nmass of information concerning the Ohio country and its ca-\\npabilities, its relations to the commercial world, methods of\\nreaching it, etc., that makes the report exceedingly readable.\\nFranklin s reply to Hillsborough, read in Council, July i,\\n1772, immediately led to granting the Walpole petition. His\\nLordship, who had considered his report overwhelming, at\\nonce resigned his ofifice in disgust and mortification. Hills-\\nborough, it is said, had conceived an idea, and was forming\\nthe plan of a boundary-line to be drawn from the Hudson\\nRiver to the Mississippi, and thereby confining the British col-\\nonists between that line and the ocean, similar to the scheme\\nof the French after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle which brought\\non the war of 1756. The fact is, the British government\\nhad borrowed of the French their restrictive scheme,\\nIt appears from Franklin s pamphlet that the Virginia gov-\\nThe Hillsborough Report, Franklin s reply, and the proclamation of 1763 are\\nin Sparks, IV., 302-380.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "140 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nernment had been disturbed by the proceedings at Fort Stan-\\nwix. It was still more seriously disturbed by the proceedings\\nof Walpole and his associates in London. On April 15, 1770,\\nGeorge Washington wrote a letter to Lord Botetourt, the\\ngovernor, explaining how the Walpole grant would affect\\nthat colony. He says the boundary would run from the\\nmouth of the Scioto River south through the pass of the\\nOuasioto Mountains near to the latitude of North Caro-\\nlina thence northeast to the Kanawha at the junction of\\nthe New River and the Greenbrier; thence by the Green-\\nbrier and a due-east line drawn from the head of that river to\\nthe Alleghany Mountains after which the boundaries will\\nbe Lord Fairfax s line, the lines of Maryland and Pennsyl-\\nvania, and the Ohio River to the place of beginning a large\\nsurface, surely, over which to spread 2,400,000 acres of land.\\nWashington says that many Virginians are already settled on\\nNew River and the Greenbrier upon lands that Virginia has\\npatented. He declares that the grant will give a fatal blow to\\nthe interests of Virginia. Having thus delivered his senti-\\nments as a member of the community at large, he begs leave to\\naddress his Excellency from a more interested point of view,\\nalleging that the 200,000 acres of land promised the Virginia\\ntroops called out in 1754 lie within these very limits. He\\nprotests earnestly against any interference with the rights of\\nthese men, and prays his Lordship s interposition with His\\nMajesty to have these lands confirmed to the claimants and\\nrightful owners. Washington continued to watch the new\\ncolony with a lively interest. In a letter to Lord Dunmore,\\nwritten June 15, 1771, he says the report gains ground that\\nthe grant will be made and the colony established, and de-\\nclares again that the plan will essentially interfere with the\\ninterests and expectations of Virginia. He also renews his\\nplea in behalf of the oflficers and soldiers of 1754.*\\n_ __\\nThe two leUers are found side by side in Sparks Writings of Washington,\\nII-. 355-361.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 141\\nThe facts presented show conclusively that in the years\\nfollowing the French war the Western policy of the British\\nwas not steady or consistent, but fitful and capricious\\nprompted by a solicitude for the Indians that was partly\\nfeigned, and partly by a growing jealousy of the shore colo-\\nnies. Vandalia was the more welcome to the Council because\\nit would limit Virginia on the west, and so weaken her influ-\\nence. It is perfectly plain that George III. did not excel\\nJames I. in regard for the charter of 1609.\\nThe policy of restriction culminated in 1774 in the Quebec\\nAct. This act guaranteed to the Catholic Church in the Prov-\\nince of Quebec the possession of its vast property, said to\\nequal one-fourth of the old French grants it confirmed the\\nCatholic clergy in the rights and privileges that they had en-\\njoyed under the old rifgimc; it set aside the provisions of the\\nproclamation of 1763, creating representative government, and\\nrestored the French system of laws it committed taxation to\\na council appointed by the Crown it abolished trial by jury\\nin civil cases and, finally, it extended the province on the\\nnorth to Hudson s Bay, and on the southwest and west to the\\nOhio and the Mississippi. Some features of this enactment\\ncan no doubt be successfully defended. As a whole it had two\\ngreat ends. One was to propitiate the French population of\\nCanada, to attach them by interest and sympathy to England,\\nand so to prevent their making common cause with the colo-\\nnies in case worse should come to worst the other was per-\\nmanently to sever the West from the shore colonies, and put\\nit in train for being cut up, when the time should come, into\\nindependent governments that should have their afifiliations\\nwith the St. Lawrence basin rather than with the Atlantic\\nslope. Here it may be observed that twice the old North-\\nwest was subject to a jurisdiction whose capital was on the\\nSt. Lawrence once in the old French days, and once in the\\nlast year of the British control of the colonies a fact that\\nshows how thoroughly the home government had adopted\\nFrench ideas concerning the West.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "142 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe year 1774 is remarkable for odious colonial measures;\\nit was the year of the Boston Port Bill and the Massachusetts\\nBay Bill but no one of these measures was more odious to\\nthe colonists than the Quebec Act. They regarded the\\nchanges made in the government of Canada as a stroke at\\ntheir own governments, while they looked upon the new\\nboundaries as a final effort to wrest the West from them for-\\never. The act provoked a general outcry of denunciation.\\nThe youthful Hamilton made it the subject of one of his\\nfirst political papers. The Continental Congress, enumerating\\nthe acts of pretended legislation to which the king had\\ngiven his assent, included in the formidable list the act for\\nabolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring\\nprovince, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and\\nenlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example\\nand fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule in\\nthese colonies. The Declaration of Independence arraigned\\nthe king on another charge. He has endeavored to prevent\\nthe population of these States for that purpose obstructing\\nthe laws for the naturalization of foreigners refusing to pass\\nothers to encourage emigration hither, and raising the condi-\\ntions of new appropriations of lands. The presence of these\\ncounts in the indictment of 1776 shows the power with which\\nthe royal policy had taken hold of the colonial mind. Those\\ncolonies that had definite Western boundaries joined in the\\nindictment, as well as those that claimed to the Mississippi\\nRiver. There was a universal feeling that lands which had\\nbeen rescued from the French by the united efforts of Great\\nBritain and America were now severed from their natural\\nconnections with the settlements of the seaboard, and formed\\ninto a vast inland province like the ancient Louisiana.\\nThe enlargement of the province was defended in Parlia-\\nment, according to the Annual Register, on the ground that\\nAdams Maryland s Influence on Western Land Cessions to the United\\nStates, 19.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 143\\nthere were French inhabitants beyond the proclamation-limits\\nof 1763 who ought to have provision made for them; and\\nthat there was one entire colony at the Illinois. The Reg-\\nister thus sums up the objections of the opposition\\nFurther they asked, why the proclamation limits were en-\\nlarged, as if it were thought that this arbitrary government\\ncould not have too extensive an object. If there be, which they\\ndoubted, any spots on which some Canadians are settled, pro-\\nvide, said they, for them but do not annex to Canada immense\\nterritories now desert, but which are the best part of that con-\\ntinent, and which run on the back of all your ancient colonies.\\nThat this measure cannot fail to add to their other discontents\\nand apprehensions, as they can attribute the extension given to\\nan arbitrary military government, and to a people alien in ori-\\ngin, laws, and religion, to nothing else but that design, of which\\nthey see but too many proofs already, of utterly extinguishing\\ntheir liberties, and bringing them, by the arms of those very\\npeople, whom they had helped to conquer, into a state of the\\nmost abject vassalage.\\nThe restoration of the French system of laws was defended\\non the ground that the Canadians were indifferent to English\\ninstitutions, and were incapable of carrying on representative\\ngovernment.\\nBut the Quebec Act did not accomplish its expected pur-\\npose. It was nullified by the Revolution. By and by, when\\nthe limits of the Thirteen Colonies, as they were after 1763,\\nwere set up as the criterion to determine the boundaries of\\nthe United States, England, France, and Spain, all took the\\nposition that the Royal Proclamation and the Quebec Act\\nlimited the States on the west. To this claim the replies,\\nThe king s line of 1763 was a temporary expedient to quiet\\nthe Indians, and The Quebec Act was one of the causes\\nthat brought on the war, and that we are fighting to resist,\\nAnnual Register, 1774, 76, 77.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "144 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nare pressed once and again in the American state papers of\\nthe period.\\nEven Lord Dunmore, that bitter enemy of the colonies\\nand steadfast upholder of the British cause, ignored the\\nWestern policy of the home government. His personal char-\\nacteristics, love of money and of power, contributed to this\\nend. His passion for land and fees, says Bancroft, out-\\nweighing the proclamation of the king and reiterated most\\npositive instructions from the Secretary of State, he supported\\nthe claims of the colony to the West, and was a partner in\\ntwo immense purchases of land from the Indians in Southern\\nIllinois. In 1773 his agents, the Bullets, made surveys at the\\nFalls of the Ohio and parts of Louisville and parts of the\\ntowns opposite Cincinnati are now held under his warrant.\\nThe Indian war that takes its name from his Lordship, which\\nwas brought on by his own Western policy, was in contraven-\\ntion of the policy of the home government and the historian\\njust quoted goes so far as to say The royal Governor of\\nVirginia, and the Virginian Army in the Valley of the Scioto,\\nnullified the Act of Parliament which extended the Province\\nof Quebec to the Ohio, and in the name of the King of Great\\nBritain triumphantly maintained for Virginia the Western and\\nNorthwestern jurisdiction which she claimed as her chartered\\nright. Virginia applauded Dunmore when he set at naught\\nthe Quebec Act, and kept possession of the government and\\nright to grant lands on the Scioto, the Wabash, and the Illi-\\nnois. Dunmore s invasion of the Northwest, in 1774, added\\nanother link to the Virginia chain of titles to those regions.\\nFrom its second charter, the discoveries of its people, the au-\\nthorized grants of its governors since 1746, the encouragement\\nof its legislature to settlers in 1752-53, the promise of lands\\nas bounties to oflficers and soldiers who served in the French\\nwar, and the continued emigration of its inhabitants, the An-\\ncient Dominion derived its title to occupy the Great West.\\n1 History, IV., 82, 83, 88. Bancroft: History, IH., 320.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "LAND POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 145\\nStrangely enough, the British Government strove to keep\\nthe Northwest a waste, years after having lost all control of it.\\nThe British commissioners at Ghent, in 1814, proposed as\\none of the first conditions of peace, that the United States\\nshould conclude a peace with the Indian allies of Great Brit-\\nain, and that a species of neutral belt of Indian territory should\\nbe established between the dominions of the United States\\nand Great Britain, so that these dominions should be nowhere\\nconterminous, upon which belt or barrier neither power should\\nbe permitted to encroach even by purchase, and the bounda-\\nries of which should be settled in this treaty [about to be\\nnegotiated] and Dr. Adams, one of those commissioners,\\nanswering the question what should be done with the one\\nhundred thousand citizens of the United States already set-\\ntled in Ohio, Michigan, and Illinois, replied that they must\\nshift for themselves.\\nThere was one English statesman, at least, at the period\\nof the Revolution who saw the futility of all attempts to carry\\nout the restrictive policy. In his famous Speech on Con-\\nciliation of America, delivered in the House of Commons,\\nMarch 22, 1775, Edmund Burke replied to the suggestion\\nthat, as a means of checking the too rapidly growing popula-\\ntion, the Crown should make no further grants of land, thus\\nworking an avarice of desolation and a hoarding of a\\nroyal wilderness. If the grants are stopped, the people will\\noccupy without grants, as they have already done in many\\nplaces; if driven from one locality, they will remove to an-\\nother, for in the back settlements they are little attached to\\nparticular situations. And then, launching out into one of\\nthose glowing descriptive passages for which his eloquence is\\nso celebrated, the orator proceeds\\nAlready they have topped the Appalachian Mountains.\\nFrom thence they behold before them an immense plain, one\\nvast, rich level meadow a square of five hundred miles.\\nMorse John Quincy Adams, in Statesmen Series, 78, So.\\n10", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "14^ THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nOver this they would wander without a possibility of re-\\nstraint they would change their manners with the habits of\\ntheir life would hence soon forget a government by which\\nthey were disowned would become hordes of English Tar-\\ntars, and, pouring down upon your unfortified frontiers a fierce\\nand irresistible cavalry, become masters of your governors and\\nyour counsellors, your collectors and comptrollers, and of\\nall the slaves that adhered to them. Such would, and in\\nno long time must be, the effect of attempting to forbid as a\\ncrime, and to suppress as an evil, the command and blessing\\nof Providence, Increase and multiply. Such would be the\\nhappy result of an endeavor to keep as a lair of wild beasts\\nthat earth which God by an express charter has given to the\\nchildren of men.\\nSignally as England failed in the attempt to exclude civili-\\nzation from the Great West, she did not abandon the attempt\\nto apply the principles of the Royal Proclamation to the\\nAmerican wilderness. In discussing the Oregon Question\\nwith the United States in i8 18-1846, she stubbornly strove\\nto prevent settlements on the waters of the Columbia, and to\\ndevote the shores of the distant Pacific to the purposes of the\\nHudson Bay Company. Fortunately she was again foiled by\\nthe power that had foiled her before the enterprise and hardi-\\nhood of the American pioneer.\\nSee Barrows Oregon, in Commonwealth Series.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "IX.\\nTHE NORTHWEST IN THE REVOLUTION.\\nMr. Bancroft says the French and Indian war was be-\\ngun by England for the acquisition of the Ohio Valley.\\nShe achieved this conquest, but not for herself. Eng-\\nland became not so much the possessor of the valley of the\\nWest as the trustee, commissioned to transfer it from the\\nFrance of the Middle Ages to the free people who were mak-\\ning for humanity a new life in America. How unfit Eng-\\nland was, in the days of George III., to be the possessor of\\nthe valley is shown by the policy that she pursued from the\\nclose of the French war to the beginning of the Revolution.\\nShe was first anxious to secure possession of the Ohio, and\\nthen reluctant to see it put to any civilized use. Her restric-\\ntive Western policy, as we have seen, was one of the causes\\nleading to the War of Independence, and so leading to the loss\\nof the whole West.\\nAlthough a solitude, and because a solitude, the over-\\nmountain country had more at stake in the Revolution than\\nthe Atlantic slope. On the slope, whatever the issue of\\nthe war, an Anglo-Saxon civilization, although it might be\\ngreatly stunted and impoverished, was assured but in the\\nWestern valleys such few seeds of civilization as had been\\nplanted were Gallican and not Saxon. Moreover, there were\\nuncertainties and perils growing out of the relation of that\\ncountry to the Franco-Spanish civilization of Louisiana. Be-\\ntween 1748 and 1783 the Western question presented three\\nHistory, II., 565.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "148 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ndistinct phases. In 1 748-1 763 it was the supremacy of Eng-\\nland or France in the West; in 1763-1775 it was whether the\\ncountry should belong to the red man or the white man and\\nin 1 775-1 783 it was whether it should form a part of the\\nUnited States or of some foreign power. In general, this last\\nquestion was settled by the skirmishes of sentinels and out-\\nposts east of the mountains, as Lafayette called the Rev-\\nolution. Still the Northwest appears in the Revolution in\\ntwo or three aspects that must be presented.\\nFor a few years before the beginning of the French war\\nthe Western Indians had been disposed to listen to the Eng-\\nlish envoys who visited them rather than to the French but\\nthe defeat of Braddock brought upon the English frontier-\\nsettlements all the scalping knives of the Western hordes.\\nThe Indians were really a part of the soil, like the trees and\\nthe buffalo, but France could not transfer them in 1763 with\\nthe same facility to their new masters. The savages under-\\nstood perfectly that the English were far more dangerous to\\nthem than the French had been. The posting of garrisons in\\nthe Western forts would be likely to bring to their best hunt-\\ning grounds swarms of colonists greedy for lands. The offi-\\ncers of the garrisons sent to the West reported the Indians\\nsullen and angry. Pontiac was at that very time organizing\\nhis formidable conspiracy, the aim of which was to roll back\\nthe tide of English invasion. In the summer of 1763 the\\nstorm of war burst upon the wilderness-garrisons Mackinaw,\\nSt. Joseph, Sandusky, Ouiatenon, Fort Miami, Presque Isle,\\nLe Boeuf, and Venango fell into the hands of the savages\\nand Fort Pitt and Detroit were beleaguered. But Boquet s\\nbrave march to the heart of Ohio and Gladwin s heroic de-\\nfence of Detroit broke the power of the Ottawa chieftain, and\\nthe Indians were compelled to come to terms. And now\\nbegan a process of mutual reconciliation. The royal procla-\\nmation of 1763, the subsequent restriction of the Western\\npopulation, the measurable adoption of French methods by\\nthe British officers, the growing conviction of the savage that", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST IN THE REVOLUTION. 149\\nthe British Government and the colonies were not the same,\\nand that his danger came from the latter these causes, with\\nthe widening breach between the Mother Country and the\\ncolonies, gradually won the Indians over to the British side,\\nand made them ready to accept the war-belt Avhenever the\\nBritish commandant at Detroit should send it to them. It\\nis a fact, and perhaps a curious one, that whenever the St.\\nLawrence Valley and the Atlantic Slope have been arrayed\\nagainst each other in deadly strife, the Western Indians have\\nsided with the former in 1755, in 1775, and in 1812.\\nIn 1763 Sir William Johnson estimated the Western Ind-\\nians, exclusive of the Illinois, at 9,000 warriors, and we may\\naccept that as the number at the beginning of the Revolu-\\ntion. Of these the large majority were already enemies of\\nthe Americans, fully prepared to do their part to wrap the\\nlong frontier from the Susquehanna to the Tennessee in\\nflames and blood. Left to themselves, these savages would\\nhave been a formidable foe but with a base of supplies on\\nthe Detroit, with rallying points in the wilderness-forts, and\\nwith the constant stimulation and frequent leadership of Brit-\\nish officers, they were simply portentous. The American\\nRevolution in its Northwestern aspect was a continuation of\\nthe French and Indian war, the old conflict renewed with\\nsome change of parties. The States find the savage power of\\nthe Northwest arrayed against them as before. France has\\ndropped out and England has taken her place, succeeding to\\nall her ideas even that of employing the savage s tomahawk\\nagainst her revolted colonies and to all the advantages of\\nthe old French position.\\nThe proposition to employ the scalping knife called out\\nfrom Lord Chatham one of his immortal bursts of eloquence.\\nIt was repugnant to the feelings of General Howe and Sir Guy\\nCarleton but it was heartily approved by Governor Hamil-\\nton, at Detroit, who at once made ready to use all the re-\\nWalker Michigan Pioneer Collections, III., 16.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "ISO THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nsources that his position gave him, to bring upon the rear\\nand flank of the States the only form of warfare known in\\nthose regions. He employed Elliot, McGee, and the Girty\\nbrothers. He subsidized the Indians. Time and again he\\nsent to the tribes the war-belt, summoning them to bloody\\nforays that he himself had planned. His acts will not be here\\nrecounted, nor will the history of this phase of the Revolu-\\ntion be written but it is due to Hamilton to say that his hand\\nwas seen at Wheeling, at Harrodsburg, at Boonsborough, at\\nthe Blue Licks, where the flower of Kentucky fell, as well as\\nin a hundred attacks upon outlying stations and defenceless\\nfarms.\\nThe only other force that the British commander at De-\\ntroit could wield was that of the habitants. Before we can\\ndescribe the part that they played in the struggle, we must\\nsketch their history from the close of the previous war.\\nThe moment the French settlements in the West passed\\ninto English hands, they began to decline in both the number\\nand the quality of their population. The causes of this de-\\ncline are easily found.\\nThe sources of such strength as they had had were now\\nsapped. The proclamation of 1763 left them outside the pale\\nof any civil jurisdiction, subject only to military authority.\\nNor did the Quebec Act work any real change. All through\\nthe Revolution, the commander of the Detroit garrison was\\nthe civil as well as the military head of the whole Northwest,\\nand most of his subordinates were military officers. There\\nwere magistrates, but their commissions came from the com-\\nmandant, and they dealt out a very arbitrary and capricious\\njustice. For example, Governor Hamilton adjudged a\\ndefendant, who pleaded that he could not pay a debt, to\\ngive the plaintiff an old negro wench and Dejean, a magis-\\ntrate who cuts a great figure in Detroit in those days, con-\\ndemned men to the gallows whom a jury had found guilty of\\ntheft. The orderly was a more conspicuous officer of the lavv^\\nthan the constable. Military officers sometimes solemnized", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST IN THE REVOLUTION. 151\\nmarriages, and even administered the rite of baptism. The\\nCanadian officers of the time knew almost nothing of the\\ncountry beyond the Lakes. Sir Guy Carleton, Governor of\\nCanada, told the House of Commons in 1774 that Michigan\\nwas a part of Canada, but that Detroit was not and that he\\ndid not know where Canada ended and Illinois began. At\\nthat time, it must be remembered, English statesmen had less\\nknowledge of the boundaries of great provinces in North\\nAmerica than they have now of narrow valleys or small oases\\nin the deserts of Turkistan. Between the Western habitants and\\nthe British officers there was a strong mutual dislike. They\\nhad been trained for generations to believe the British their\\nimplacable enemies, and they could not suddenly consent to\\nbe governed by them. To be sure, the capitulation of 1760\\nand the treaty of 1763 both guaranteed them fullest pro-\\ntection, with the full enjoyment of their religion but these\\npledges did not overcome their repugnance to the change\\nof governors. Then most of them had sympathized with\\nPontiac, and this made them shy of the British authorities.\\nThe authorities of Louisiana offered the French in Illinois\\nand Michigan special inducements to remove to that prov-\\nince. The mild climate, productive soil, a congenial popula-\\ntion, and the French laws, religion, and customs, together with\\nthe more direct inducements, made the invitation very attrac-\\ntive. The Illinois people had only to cross the Mississippi to\\nfind another Illinois. Then just at that time La Clede founded\\nSt. Louis. Very naturally, therefore, the Northwestern set-\\ntlements began to diminish in numbers and to deteriorate in\\nquality. In a few years Kaskaskia and Detroit dwindled\\nto one-third their former population. Nor did a British pop-\\nulation come in to take their places. No doubt men from\\nNew York and other colonies would have flocked to Detroit,\\nhad it not been for the adoption by the British Government\\nof the French policy of restriction. Judge Walker says that\\nin 1773 there were at Detroit thirty Scotchmen, fifteen Irish-\\nmen, and two Englishmen and he estimates the total per-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "152 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmanent population of the territory between the two rivers and\\nthe lakes as five thousand at the beginning of the Revolution.\\nEvidently this was not an inviting field in which to find\\nrecruits for the British service.\\nIn the fall of 1775 Lord Dunmore despatched his creature\\nDr. Connolly, who had just figured so prominently in the\\nWestern Pennsylvania troubles, to Detroit, with orders to\\nraise a regiment of Canadians and a force of Indians with which\\nto join his Lordship but Connolly s arrest and imprisonment\\nin Maryland, and Dunmore s precipitate flight, nipped this en-\\nterprise in the bud. The next year Captain de Langlade, of\\nGreen Bay, who had seen service in the French war, recruited\\na motley force of whites and Indians, mainly upon the upper\\nwaters, with which he descended to Montreal and joined the\\nBritish army.\\nIt must not be supposed that the men of the frontier\\nsat nerveless while the Indians were making their raids and\\nthe British officers were seeking to array the French against\\nthem. Mention will not here be made of the minor invasions\\nof the Indian country but one heroic movement, that was\\nfraught with large consequences, must be treated somewhat\\nat length.\\nIn the middle of the last century Virginia, owing to her\\nposition, her vast land-claims, and the stage of civilization\\nwhich she had attained, had more Western enterprise than\\nany other colony. In 1774 Dunmore s war gave her the\\nback-lands, into which her frontiersmen had been for some\\ntime pressing. Boone was a Carolinian, but Kentucky was a\\ndistinctively Virginia colony. In 1776 the Virginia legisla-\\nture erected the County of Kentucky, and the next year a\\nVirginia judge dispensed justice at Harrodsburg. Soon the\\ncolony was represented in the legislature of the parent state.\\nWhile thus extending her jurisdiction over the region south-\\nwest of the Ohio, the Old Dominion did not forget the lan-\\nMichigan Pioneer Collections, III., 12 et seq.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST IN THE REVOLUTION. 1 53\\nguage of 1609, up into the land throughout from sea to sea,\\nwest and northwest.\\nGeorge Rogers Clark, a Virginian who had made Ken-\\ntucky his home, was endowed with something of the general s\\nand statesman s grasp. While floating down the Ohio in\\n1776, being then twenty-four years of age, he conceived the\\nconquest of the country beyond the river. It does not appear\\nthat he saw the remote bearings of such an achievement at\\nleast, in his own account of it he says he was elivated with\\nthe thoughts of the great service we should do our country in I\\nsome measure puting an end to the Indian war on our fron- f\\nteers. But this was a great object. The savages scattered I\\nthrough the Northwestern wilderness were constantly attack-\\ning at one point or another the long thin line of frontier set-\\ntlements and they drew their supplies of powder and lead\\nand other necessaries, and often received leaders as well as\\ndirection, from the fortified forts, Detroit, Vincennes, and the\\nrest. Accordingly, if the posts could be captured, the Indians f\\nwould lose their rallying points and supplies, they would be\\noverawed and restrained in a degree, and the war on the fron-\\ntier would be put an end to in some measure, if not alto-\\ngether. Probably this was as far as Clark saw. But Thomas\\nJefferson saw much further. In a letter to Clark, the date of\\nwhich is lost but that was written before the issue of the\\ncampaign was known in Virginia, that great statesman wrote\\nMuch solicitude will be felt for the result of your expedition\\nto the Wabash it will at least delay their expedition to the\\nfrontier-settlement, and if successful have an important bear-\\ning ultimately in establishing our northwestern boundary.\\nClark says he had since the beginning of the war taken\\npains to make himself acquainted with the true situation of the\\nNorthwestern posts; and in 1777 he sent two young hunters to\\nspy out the country more thoroughly, and especially to ascer-\\ntain the sentiments of the habitants. On the return of these\\nClark s Campaign in the Illinois, 24. Ibid., 2, note.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "154 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nhunters with an encouraghig report, he went to WiUiamsburg,\\nthen the capital of Virginia, where he enlisted Governor Pat-\\nrick Henry and other leading minds in a secret expedition to\\nthe Illinois. Acting under a vaguely worded law, authorizing\\nhim to aid any expedition against their Western enemies,\\nGovernor Henry gave Clark some vague public instruc-\\ntions, directing him to enlist, in any county of the common-\\nwealth, seven companies of men who should act under his\\ncommand as a militia, and also private instructions that were\\nmuch more full and definite. He is to attack the post of Kas-.,\\nkaskia, but this he is to confide to as few as possible. If the\\nwhite inhabitants of the post will give undoubted evidence\\nof their attachment to this State (for it is certain they live\\nwithin its limits), says the governor, they shall be treated as\\nfellow-citizens; but if not, they must feel the miseries of war.\\nHe remarks that it is in contemplation to establish a post near\\nthe mouth of the Ohio. Boats, provisions, powder and lead,\\nwill be provided at Fort Pitt. Both the public and private\\ninstructions are dated January 2, 1778. The governor also\\ngave the young captain a small supply of money.\\nClark immediately recrossed the mountains, and began\\nto recruit his command. The secrecy that he was obliged to\\nmaintain made his undertaking difficult in the extreme. He\\ncomplains bitterly of the obstructions thrown in his way by\\nmany leading men in the fronteer, which prevented the en-\\nlistment of as many men as had been contemplated, and also\\nled to frequent desertions. Overcoming as best he could the\\ndifficulties that environed him, he collected his feeble com-\\nmand at the Falls of the Ohio. On June 26, 1778, he began\\nthe descent of the river. Leaving the Ohio at Fort Massac,\\nforty miles above its mouth, he began the march to Kaskas-\\nkia. This fell into his hands, July 5th, and Cahokia soon\\nafter, both without the loss of a single life. Clark found few\\nEnglishmen in these villages, and the French, who were weary\\nAppendix to Clark s Campaign in the Illinois.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST IN THE REVOLUTION. 1 55\\nof British rule, he had little difficulty in attaching to the\\nAmerican interest. Vincennes, soon after, surrendered to a\\nmere proclamation, when there was not an American soldier\\nwithin one hundred miles of the place. The ease with which\\nthis conquest was accomplished was largely due to the Kas-\\nkaskia priest. Father Pierre Gibault, who entered into Clark s\\nplans with the greatest warmth and energy.\\nI now found myself, says Clark, in possession of the\\nwhole, in a country where I found I could do more real ser-\\nvice than I expected, which occasioned my situation to be\\nthe more disagreeable as I wanted men. At no time had\\nhe had two hundred men in his command and now, the\\ntime for which they had enlisted having expired, and the im-\\nmediate object of the expedition having been gained, they\\nwere anxious to return home. Although the Illinois and the\\nWabash had fallen almost without a blow, it was necessary\\nthat they should be held or all would be lost, no matter\\nwhether the situation was viewed with the eyes of George\\nRogers Clark or the eyes of Thomas Jefferson. Clark pre-\\nvailed upon one hundred men to re-enlist for eight months\\nhe then filled up his companies with recruits from the vil-\\nlages, and sent an urgent call to Virginia for re-enforcements.\\nThe editor of Clark s Campaign in the Illinois quotes from Judge Law,\\nColonial History of Vincennes, the remark that to Gibault, next to Clark and\\nVigo, the United States are indebted for the accession of the States comprised\\nin what was the original Northwest Territory [more] than to any other man\\n33. 34. note.\\nIn 1778, St. Louis was a young town fourteen years of age, and the Spanish\\nas well as the French population were very friendly to the Americans. Colonel\\nFrancis Vigo was a St. Louis merchant who rendered Clark and the Ameri-\\ncan cause most valuable services. Among others, he cashed Clark s drafts for\\n$12,000 on New Orleans, a large sum in the Mississippi Valley one hundred\\nyears ago, and thus enabled him to keep the field. Clark s drafts were pro-\\ntested and the debt due Vigo was not paid until 1876, and then after many\\nhearings by congressional committees and protracted litigation in the United\\nStates courts. See Tract 35 of the Western Reserve and Northern Ohio His-\\ntorical Society, A Centennial Lawsuit, by Judge C. C. Baldwin.\\nClark s Campaign, 36.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "156 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe salutary influence of the invasion upon the Indians was\\nfelt at once it began to spread among the nations even to\\nthe border of the lakes and in five weeks Clark settled a\\npeace with ten or twelve different tribes. With great ability\\nClark outwitted the English, counteracted their influence\\nupon the savages, and kept spies continually in and about\\nDetroit for a considerable time. He even captured Ouiate-\\nnon, which stroke, he says, completed our interest on the\\nWabash.\\nAnd now Clark began really to feel the difficulties of his\\nsituation. Destitute of money, poorly supplied, commanding\\na small and widely scattered force, he had to meet and cir-\\ncumvent an active enemy who was determined to regain what\\nhe had lost. Governor Hamilton projected a grand campaign\\nagainst the French towns that had been captured and the small\\nforce that held them. The feeble issue was the capture, in\\nDecember, 1778, of Vincenrfes, which was occupied by but\\ntwo Americans. Clark, who was in the Illinois at the time\\nof this disaster, at once put his little force in motion for the\\nWabash, knowing, he says, that if he did not take Hamilton,\\nHamilton would take him and, February 25, 1779, at the\\nend of a march of two hundred and fifty miles, that ranks in\\nperil and hardship with Arnold s winter march to Canada, he\\nagain captured the town, the fort, the governor, and his whole\\ncommand. Hamilton was sent to Virginia a prisoner of war,\\nwhere he was found guilty of treating American prisoners\\nwith cruelty, and of offering the Indians premiums for scalps,\\nbut none for prisoners.\\nAmerican statesmen and soldiers perfectly understood the\\nimportance of Detroit. Congress considered the feasibility\\nof capturing it as early as April, 1776, and often returned to\\nthe subject thereafter. But nothing was done, or really at-\\ntempted, in the early years of the war, for want of men, mu-\\nnitions, and money, Washington gave the subject his earnest\\nattention. In December, 1778, he considered it in connection\\nwith a grand invasion of Canada, then projected. In January,", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST IN THE REVOLUTION. 1 57\\n1779, when a Northwestern expedition, under General Mcin-\\ntosh, was proposed, he said the best way to deal with the Ind-\\nians was to carry the war into their own country. In April of\\nthe same year he inquired of Colonel Broadhcad the best time\\nto attempt a march to Detroit, and suggested the winter, be-\\ncause the British would not then be able to use their naval\\nforce on Lake Erie. Naturally, Clark s achievement, since it\\nmade the reduction of the post seem more feasible, led to\\nmore serious consideration of the subject. Clark himself con-\\nsidered his work only half done, and was very ambitious to\\nlead an army through the wilderness to the gateway of the\\nNorthwest. INIore than once a force seemed almost on the\\npoint of starting. A joint Virginia and continental expedi-\\ntion was at one time contemplated. But the same causes\\nthat operated to defeat the earlier attempts continued to\\noperate. Clark, who probably did not appreciate the differ-\\nence between seizing Detroit and*seizing Kaskaskia, was com-\\npelled to abandon the enterprise, and Detroit remained in\\nBritish hands at the end of the war, and, in fact, until 1796.\\nDetroit lost for a few hundred men, was his pathetic la-\\nment as he surrendered an enterprise that lay near his heart.\\nHad he been able to achieve it, he would have won and\\nheld the whole Northwest. As it was he won and held\\nthe Illinois and the Wabash in the name of Virginia and\\nof the United States. The bearing of this conquest on the\\nquestion of western boundaries will be considered in another\\nplace, but here it is pertinent to remark that the American\\nCommissioners, in 1782, at Paris, could plead iiti possidetis in\\nreference to much of the country beyond the Ohio, for the\\nflag of the Republic, raised over it by George Rogers Clark,\\nhad never been lowered. It would not be easy to find in our\\nhistory a case of an officer accomplishing results that were so\\ngreat and far-reaching with so small a force. Clark s later life\\nis little to his credit, but it should not be forgotten that he\\nSparks Writings of Washington, VI., 120, 156, 225.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "158 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nrendered the American cause and civilization a very great ser-\\nvice.\\nAll this time the British were not idle. War-party after\\nwar-party was sent against the American border. In 1780 a\\ngrand expedition was organized at Detroit and sent to Ken-\\ntucky, under the command of Captain Bird. But it accom-\\nplished nothing commensurate with its magnitude and cost.\\nGreat efforts were made to raise a white contingent, but they\\nbrought together only some eighty men. Judge Walker finds,\\namong the bills for supplies furnished the British Indian De-\\npartment, items that plainly reveal the character of Bird s\\ncommand; viz., 476 dozen scalping-knives, 1,206 pounds of\\nvermilion, 21,663 yards tinsel roll, 301 dozen looking-glasses,\\n8,200 ear-bobs, etc.\\nThe Northwest had been won by a Virginia army, com-\\nmanded by a Virginia ofificer, put in the field at Virginia s ex-\\npense. Governor Henry had promptly announced the con-\\nquest to the Virginia delegates in Congress. He spoke of\\nDetroit as being at present defended by so inconsiderable a\\ngarrison, and so scantily furnished with provisions, for which\\nthey must be still more distressed by the loss of supplies from\\nthe Illinois, that it might be reduced by any number of men\\nabove five hundred, and closed his interesting communi-\\ncation with the words Were it possible to secure the St.\\nLawrence and prevent the English attempts up that river by\\nseizing some post on it, peace with the Indians would seem\\nto be secured. In the same letter he also expressed much\\ngratification at the spirit in which Clark s command had been\\nreceived by the French settlers. But before Patrick Henry\\nwrote this letter Virginia had welded the last link in her\\nchain of title to the country beyond the Ohio. In October,\\n1778, her Legislature declared: All the citizens of the com-\\nmonwealth of Virginia, who are actually settlers there, or\\nwho shall hereafter be settled on the west side of the Ohio,\\nTyler Patrick Henry, 230, 231.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST IN THE REVOLUTION. 159\\nshall be included in the district of Kentucky, which shall be\\ncalled Illinois County. Nor was this all. Soon after, Gov-\\nernor Henry appointed a lieutenant-commandant for the new\\ncounty, with full instructions for carrying on the government.\\nThe French settlements remained under Virginia jurisdiction\\nuntil March, 1784.\\nAttention should more particularly be drawn to the spirit\\nin which the French settlers beyond the Ohio received the\\nAmericans. It is perfectly clear that had they actively taken\\nthe side of the British, Clark could never have done his work.\\nThe ancient antipathy to the British a desire to see the\\nwork of 1763 apparently undone, although it was only being\\nperfected; the French alliance of 1778, which made them\\nthink they were again opposing the old enemy these, with\\nthe intelligent and spirited conduct of the Kaskaskia priest,\\ndecided the habitants o\\\\ the Illinois and the Wabash. In\\nthe far North, where the ^.traggling white men were more\\nreckless, and at Detroit, th centre of British influence, the\\nFrench were more favorably disposed to the British. But\\neven at Detroit the British of^cers complained of the apathy\\nof the Canadians, and the small number of volunteers en-\\nrolled in the expeditions there organized confirms the com-\\nplaints. It is not too much to say that, in the end, the set-\\ntlements upon which the British so much relied proved a\\nmeans of their destruction.\\nIn future chapters we shall have occasion to refer to these\\nFrench settlements again. But this is the place to say that\\nthe welcome which they gave the Americans did not arrest\\ntheir fate or retard their decline. The breath of Anglo-Amer-\\nican civilization seemed almost as fatal to them as to the Ind-\\nians themselves. Louisiana and the fur lands continued to\\ndraw away their strength and scarcely a trace of them can\\nbe found in Northwestern life to-day. Champlain laid the\\nfoundation of the British Province of Quebec the State of\\nEdwards History of Illinois, and Life of Ninian Edwards, 5, 7.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "l6o THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nLouisiana is the child of the French colony; but the Jiahi-\\ntants of the Northwest seem as effectually lost in the past as\\nthe Mound Builders.\\nAlthough the French settlements did not become an ele-\\nment in the civilization of the Northwest, they will always re-\\nmain an attractive and, in many respects, a pleasing chapter of\\nAmerican history. The story of Northwestern discovery and\\nexploration will long be drawn upon for examples of heroic\\nendurance, high courage, and unyielding devotion. It will\\nlong point the moral that sound ideas and practical purposes\\nare as essential to success as zeal and enthusiasm. The\\nFrench colonies as much surpass the English in poetic ele-\\nments as the English surpass them in strength and perma-\\nnence and the long procession of discoverers, explorers,\\npriests, coureurs des bois, traders, voyageiirs, soldiers, and Jia-\\nbitants^ with its retinue of bedizened savages, will stir the\\nhearts of those who respond to high qualities, and catch the\\nattention of those who have an eye for the picturesque.\\nFrench life was marked by a good humor, contentment, sim-\\nplicity, freedom from cankering care and desire for acquisi-\\ntion, hospitality, childlike faith, and sociability that make it\\nvery attractive. Cable has touched some of its phases in his\\nCreole pictures. Longfellow idealizes some of its traits, as\\nwell as much of its scenery, in Evangeline. The descrip-\\ntions written by tourists and United States officers at the\\ntime of the Louisiana purchase are more prosaic, but still have\\nmany elements of charm. Detroit stood the shock of the\\nAmerican emigration better than any other of the Western\\nposts and many of the striking features of the old French\\ntown remained until they were fixed in enduring colors, Mr.\\nBela Hubbard s chapters, entitled French Habitants of the\\nDetroit, are a series of delightful pictures of the pipe-stem\\nfarms, the uncouth ploughs and carryalls, the pony-carts, the\\nraces, the apple-orchards, the cider-mills, and ancient pear-trees\\nwhose origin no one can explain, the quaint houses, the wind-\\nmills, the jaunty costumes, the fishing, the language, religion,", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST IN THE REVOLUTION. l6l\\nmanners, and recreations, and the voyageiirs, with a few speci-\\nmens of their songs.\\nBut while the French life has so thoroughly disappeared\\nfrom the old Northwest, some of its wilder aspects may still\\nbe seen far north in the Great Fur Land. The voyageur,\\nfor example, has disappeared from the streams of Michi-\\ngan and Wisconsin but he still paddles his canoe on the\\nrivers falling into Hudson s Bay and on the affluents of the\\nMackenzie. His blood is more mixed, his language more\\ncorrupt, and he is more a savage than one hundred years ago\\nbut he still preserves the main features of the type. A\\ntraveller who has visited those haunts describes him as merry,\\nlight-hearted, obliging, hospitable, and extravagant; when\\nidle, devoted to singing, dancing, gossip, and drinking to in-\\ntoxication having vanity as his besetting sin intensely su-\\nperstitious completely under the influence of his priest de-\\nvoted to the forms of religion, grossly immoral, often dishon-\\nest, and generally untrustworthy with no sense of duty in\\nhis daily life controlled by passion and caprice, and having\\nlittle aptitude for continuous labor. No man will labor more\\ncheerfully and gallantly at the severe toil pertinent to his call-\\ning but those efforts are of short duration, and when they\\nare ended, his chief desire is to do nothing but eat, drink,\\nsmoke, and be merry all of them acts in which he greatly\\nexcels.\\nThe labor of the oar, says Mr. Hubbard, was relieved by songs, to which\\neach stroke kept time, with added vigor. The poet Moore has well caught the\\nspirit of the voyageurs melodious chant, in his Boat-song upon the St. Law-\\nrence. But to appreciate its wild sweetness, one should listen to the melody as\\nit wings its way over the waters, softened by distance, yet every measured cadence\\nfalling distinct upon the ear. Memorials of a Half Century, 107-154.\\nRobinson The Great Fur Land, 108, 109.\\nII", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "X.\\nTHE UNITED STATES WREST THE NORTH-\\nWEST FROM ENGLAND.\\nThe Second Treaty of Paris.\\nOn the Fourth of July, 1776, the thirteen British colonies\\nin North America, by their chosen representatives in general\\ncongress assembled, solemnly published and declared that\\nthey were, and of a right ought to be, free and independent\\nStates. By this act they assumed a separate and equal place\\namong the powers of the earth as the United States of\\nAmerica. Less than two years thereafter that is, on February\\n6, 1778 the King of France entered into two treaties with\\nthe new nation one of alliance, and one of amity and com-\\nmerce the essential and direct end of the first being, as de-\\nclared in the second article, to maintain effectually the lib-\\nerty, sovereignty, and independence absolute and unlimited\\nof the said United States, as well in matters of government\\nas of commerce. Article 5 stipulated that, if the United\\nStates should conquer the British in the Northern parts of\\nAmerica, or the Bermuda Islands, those countries or islands\\nshould be confederated with, or be made dependent upon, the\\nsaid United States. Article 7 stipulated that if His Majesty\\nthe King of France should attack any of the islands in the\\nGulf of Mexico, belonging to Great Britain, or islands near\\nthat gulf, such islands should, in case of success, appertain to\\nthe Crown of France. In Article 6 the king renounced the\\npossession of the Bermudas, as well as those parts of North", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 163\\nAmerica that, by the treaty of 1763, were acknowledged to\\nbelong to Great Britain, or to the United States, before\\ncalled British colonies, or which then were, or had lately\\nbeen, under the power of the Crown of Great Britain. By\\nArticle 11 the United States guaranteed to His Majesty his\\npresent possessions in America, as well as those he might\\nacquire by the future treaty of peace while His Majesty\\nguaranteed to the United States not only their liberty, sover-\\neignty, and independence in both matters of government and\\ncommerce, but also their possessions, and the conquests that\\nthey might make from Great Britain during the war, as pro-\\nvided in the previous article. The Declaration of Independ-\\nence bore the caption The unanimous Declaration of the\\nUnited States of America the names of the States were\\ngiven, with the signers at the end. One of the French treaties\\nwas made with the thirteen United States of North Amer-\\nica, the other with the United States of North America\\nthe names of the States being added in both cases. Beyond\\nthese general terms neither the Declaration nor the treaties\\ncontained one word describing the new nation. Were the\\nterms clothed with such definite meaning that all the world\\nknew just what the new nation was\\nIn a social and political sense the thirteen British col-\\nonies in North America, previous to 1776, stood for clear\\nand definite ideas. They were the thirteen communities\\nplanted by England, at least by Englishmen, in the sev-\\nenteenth and eighteenth centuries on the eastern shore of\\nNorth America, between the St, Croix and Altamaha Rivers\\ncommunities that had an individual history and a collective\\nhistory which plainly marked them off, to the minds of\\nEuropeans, from the French settlements to the north and the\\nSpanish settlements to the south. Nor did they lose their\\nindividuality even when these French and Spanish settle-\\nments, after 1763, took rank with them as American colonics\\nof the British Crown. Who were the people that put forth\\nthe Declaration of Independence was therefore well under-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "I64 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nderstood wherever that Declaration was read as it was, like-\\nwise, who entered into the treaties with France in 1778.\\nBut what the names found in the Declaration and French\\ntreaties stood for in a geographical and territorial sense was\\nnot equally plain. Massachusetts, Virginia, Carolina,\\nfor example, had meant very different things at different\\ntimes. Nor did they represent definitely ascertained units in\\n1776. Probably, too, there were no two States lying side by\\nside between which there were not pending boundary-dis-\\nputes. The chapters on the Thirteen Colonies as Constituted\\nby the Royal Charters make that sufificiently plain. Then\\nthere arose sharp controversies as to the division and pro-\\nprietorship of the country beyond the Alleghany Mountains.\\nBut above these internal territorial questions towered one\\nthat may be called external, viz. What is the extent of the\\nthirteen States of America considered as a whole Neither\\nthe Declaration nor the treaties contained any answer so far\\nfrom it, the name used in these -documents might mean, and\\nsoon came to mean, very different things to different people.\\nFor instance, although the King of France entered into the\\ndefensive alliance of 1778 solely to make sure and effectual\\nthe liberty, sovereignty, and absolute independence of the\\nUnited States, in less than two years he used his influence to\\ninduce his allies to consent to the Alleghany Mountains as a\\nwestern boundary, which would have cut off fully one half of\\nthe territory that the United States claimed, and that Great\\nBritain ultimately conceded. Again, the United States de-\\nscribed in 1779 in the instructions to John Adams, commis-\\nsioner to negotiate a peace, are not geographically the same\\nUnited States whose independence was acknowledged at Paris\\nin 1782. Hence it is plain that England might, the day after\\nthe French treaties were signed, or even the day after the Dec-\\nlaration was published, have conceded the independence of\\nthe States in the very terms used in those documents, and\\nstill have left unsettled a territorial question larger than the\\none which brought on the French and Indian war in 1754. It", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 165\\nis quite clear, therefore, that in 1776 the United States were\\nnot as definitely marked off from other nations territorially\\nas they were from other peoples politically and socially.\\nAt the beginning the United States were a purely federal\\nnation and government. They could not touch directly a sin-\\ngle citizen, a single dollar, or a single foot of land. They\\nwere dependent upon the States individually for a Congress,\\na treasury, an army, and a capital. The States made up the\\nUnited States. At different times, in the course of the war,\\nCongress offered land-bounties for volunteers in the conti-\\nnental line, but when the offers were made Congress had no\\nlands, and, had it not been for the Northwestern cessions,\\nit would have been compelled to ask the States for special\\ngrants with which to satisfy them. When the time came to\\ninstruct the national representatives abroad in regard to the\\nnational limits, the federal principle was strictly followed.\\nHence Mr. Jay, who went to Spain in 1779, was instructed,\\nOctober 4, 1780, to insist upon the Mississippi River because\\nit was the boundary of several States in the Union. On\\nJanuary 8, 1782, a committee of which Mr. Madison was a\\nmember, to which had been referred certain papers in regard\\nto the prospective negotiations for peace with His Britannic\\nMajesty, thus stated the rule by which the national boun-\\ndaries should be ascertained\\nUnder his authority the limits of these States, while in the\\ncharacter of colonies, were established to these limits the\\nAs Mr. G. T. Curtis points out, the term federal or federalist has\\nbeen used in our politics in three distinct senses First, in its philosophical sense,\\nin that of federal in distinction from National second, in that of a supporter of\\nthe Constitution, when it was before the people for their adoption third, in that\\nof a member of the political party at the head of which stood Washington. The\\nthree meanings all appeared within the limits of a few years. In 1787 Hamilton\\nwas not a Federalist, because opposed to the continuance of the Confederation,\\nand desirous of a National Government in 1788 he was a Federalist, because he\\ndesired the adoption of the Constitution, and he continued a Federalist, because\\nhe favored a particular political policy. History of the Constitution, H. 497.\\nThe word is used above in its proper philosophical sense.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "1 66 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nUnited States, considered as independent sovereignties, have\\nsucceeded. Whatsoever territorial rights, therefore, belonged\\nto them before the Revolution were necessarily devolved upon\\nthem at the era of independence.\\nThen follows a long argument to show that this principle\\nwould give the United States the territories that they\\nclaimed in the instructions soon to be mentioned. This re-\\nport was referred to a second committee, which reported it\\nback, August i6th following, with a mass of facts and obser-\\nvations sustaining its positions. This document covers forty-\\npages of the printed journal, and is the best statement extant\\nof the territorial rights of the States. It makes very promi-\\nnent the fact that Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,\\nVirginia, and the two Carolinas and Georgia claimed to the\\nMississippi River. This was pleading the royal charters as\\nmodified by the treaty of 1763. But if His Majesty should\\nreply that at the beginning of the war he, and not the colo-\\nnies, was seized of the Western country, the American Com-\\nmissioners could meet the claim with the argument that\\nThe character in which he was so seized was that of king\\nof the thirteen colonies collectively taken. Being stripped of\\nthis character, its [his] rights descended to the United States\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0for the following reasons (i) The United States are to be con-\\nsidered in many respects as one imdivided independent nation,\\ninheriting those rights which the King of Great Britain en-\\njoyed as not appertaining to any one particular State, while he\\nwas what they are now, the superintending governor of the\\nwhole. (2) The King of Great Britain has been dethroned as\\nKing of the United States by the joint efforts of the whole.\\n(3) The very country in question hath been conquered through\\nthe means of the common labors of the United States.\\nUnder the third specification the reference is, of course, to\\nthe conquest of George Rogers Clark.\\nThe Secret Journals, III., 151 et seq.\\n2 Ibid., 198, 199.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 167\\nIn these reports the charge that the from sea-to-sea char-\\nters were due to geographical ignorance is rebutted the view\\nthat they sprang from a desire to hold the West against Spain\\nis advanced; and the theory that the proclamation of 1763\\nhad worked a limitation of the colonies on the west is ex-\\npressly set aside in favor of the theory held by Washington\\nin 1767, viz., a temporary device for quieting the Indians.\\nThe stress laid on the chartered extension of certain States to\\nthe West becomes all the more significant when we remem-\\nber that for several years some of the States, and particularly\\nMaryland, had been denying that the West belonged to the\\nclaimant States at all. At the same time, the American com-\\nmissioners were to plead uti possidetis, growing out of the\\nClark conquest of the country beyond the Ohio, if the appeal\\nto the charters did not prove effectual.\\nThe events that at last compelled England to treat for\\npeace are not pertinent to the present inquiry. The year\\n1782 found her ready to treat the final commission given to\\nMr. Oswald, her principal representative in the Paris discus-\\nsions with the Americans, owing to the insistance of Mr.\\nJay, formally acknowledged the independence of the United\\nStates and this acknowledgment became the point of de-\\nparture for the later negotiation. But all this left many ver)^\\ndifficult questions to be adjusted, such as the fisheries, com-\\npensation to Loyalists, and especially the boundaries.\\nThe instructions given to John Adams by Congress, bearing\\ndate August 14, 1779, are the earliest authoritative statement\\nof the territorial claims of the United States with which I am\\nacquainted. Only disappointment came from Mr. Adams s\\nmission to Europe at that time but these instructions were\\nHad the interval between those seas been precisely ascertained, it is not\\nprobable that the King of England would have divided the chartered boundaries\\nnow in question into more governments. For perhaps his principal object at that\\ntime was to acquire by that of occupancy which originated in this Western World,\\nto wit, by charters, a title of the lands comprehended therein against foreign\\npowers. The Secret Journals, III., 177.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "l68 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nsubstantially those under which the commissioners acted in\\n1782, They claimed on the northeast the St. Johns River; on\\nthe north, the proclamation line of 1763 as far as the foot of\\nLake Nipissing, and beyond that point a straight line drawn\\nto the source of the Mississippi on the west, the Mississippi\\nto parallel 31\u00c2\u00b0 north; on the south, the northern boundary of\\nFlorida as established in 1763; and on the east, the ocean.\\nMr. Adams was instructed strongly to contend that the\\nwhole of the said countries and islands lying within the\\nboundaries aforesaid be yielded to the powers of\\nthe States to which they respectively belong, a clear out-\\ncropping of the federal idea but, notwithstanding the clear\\nright of these States, and the importance of the object, yet\\nthey are so much influenced by the dictates of religion and\\nhumanity, and so desirous of complying with the earnest re-\\nquest of their allies, that if the line to be drawn from the\\nmouth of the Lake Nipissing to the head of the Mississippi\\ncannot be obtained without continuing the war for that pur-\\npose, you are hereby empowered to agree to some other line\\nbetween that point and the River Mississippi provided the\\nsame shall in no part thereof be to the southward of lati-\\ntude 45\u00c2\u00b0 north. Similarly, Mr, Adams was authorized to\\nconsent that the northeastern boundary be afterward adjusted\\nby commissioners duly appointed for that purpose, if the St.\\nJohns could not be obtained. The cession of Canada and\\nNova Scotia was declared of the utmost importance to the\\npeace and commerce of the United States, but it should not\\nbe made an ultimatum.\\nSave the ocean and the St. Johns, these were the lines es-\\ntablished by the French treaty and the royal proclamation of\\n1763. The line northwest of the St. Lawrence could be de-\\nfended on the ground that the grant to the Plymouth Com-\\npany was bounded north by the forty-fifth parallel in 1606,\\nand by the forty-eighth parallel in 1620. The source of the\\n1 The Secret Journals, 11. 225-228.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 169\\nMississippi had not been discovered in 1779, but it was sup-\\nposed to be at least as far north as the Lake of the Woods.\\nHad this supposition been correct, the Nipissing Hne would\\nhave excluded Great Britain from all the great lakes but\\nLake Superior the real Nipissing line, however, would have\\nleft nearly the whole of that lake, with large parts of Michi-\\ngan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota to that power. At the close of\\nthe Revolution the Mississippi was the natural, and, we may-\\nsay, indispensable western boundary of the United States\\nnext to independence, which was, in fact, already conced-\\ned, our extension to that river was the most important ques-\\ntion involved in the negotiation, far transcending the St. Johns,\\ncompensation to the Loyalists, and even the fisheries. This\\nwas the question, whether the trustee commissioned twenty\\nyears before to transfer the West from the France of the Mid-\\ndle Ages to the free people who were making for humanity\\na new life in North America, should execute the commission.\\nOn the British side the negotiation was opened by Mr.\\nOswald, under the direction of the Rockingham ministry on\\nthe American side, by Dr. Franklin. The promptness with\\nwhich the British Commissioner consented to all the boun-\\ndaries of the Adams instructions appeared to show that the\\ntrustee was ready to transfer the West without objection. In\\nfact, those boundaries were incorporated in the treaty draft\\nsent to London as late as the early days of October. Nor is\\nit probable that these lines would have been seriously ob-\\njected to if the courts of Paris and Madrid had not meddled\\nwith the question. Before taking up that topic, however, at-\\ntention must be drawn to another fact that strikingly illus-\\ntrates the pliable temper of Mr. Oswald, as well as the yield-\\ning spirit of the Court of London in the first stage of the\\nnegotiations. Dr. Franklin actually proposed that the British\\nCrown should cede the whole of Canada to the United States.\\nThe territory of the United States and that of Canada, by long extended\\nfrontiers, touch each other. The settlers on the frontiers of the American prov-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "I70 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThis proposition was finally rejected on the one side, and\\ndropped on the other, but for a time there seemed to be a\\nprobability that the cession would actually be made. Mr.\\nOswald certainly listened to it with favor, and he reported\\nthe British ministers, to whom he communicated the proposi-\\ntion, as not offering particular objection.\\nIn previous chapters we have seen that in the sixteenth\\ncentury Spain despised her grand opportunity to take posses-\\nsion of the Mississippi River, and that in the seventeenth she\\nallowed it to pass quietly into the hands of France. At the\\nclose of the French and Indian war, the western half of the\\ngreat valley, with the exclusive possession of the mouth of\\nthe river, passed into her hands but this was only a partial\\nrecovery of what she had before lost, and was a compensation\\nfor Florida, that she was obliged to cede to England in ex-\\nchange for Havana.\\nResponding to the pressing intercessions of France, and to\\nthe promptings of her own ambition, Spain declared war\\nagainst England in June, 1779. In America she hoped to re-\\ncover Florida and to strengthen her position on the Missis-\\ninces are generally the most disorderly of the people, who, being far removed\\nfrom the eye and control of their respective governments, are more bold in com-\\nmitting offences against neighbors and are forever occasioning complaints and\\nfurnishing matter for fresh differences betw^een their States\\nBritain possesses Canada. Her chief advantage from that possession consists\\nin the trade for peltry. Her expenses in governing and defending that settlement\\nmust be considerable. It might be humiliating to her to give it up on the demand\\nof America. Perhaps America will not demand it. Some of her political rulers\\nmay consider the fear of such a neighbor as a means of keeping the thirteen\\nStates more united among themselves and more attentive to military discipline.\\nBut, on the mind of the people in general, would it not have an excellent effect if\\nBritain should voluntarily offer to give up this province though on these condi-\\ntions That she shall in all times coming have and enjoy the right of free\\ntrade thither, unencumbered with any duties whatsoever that so much of the\\nvacant lands there shall be sold as will raise a sum sufficient to pay for the houses\\nburnt by the British troops and their Indians, and also to indemnify the Royal-\\nists for the confiscation of their estates. Diplomatic Correspondence, III., 3S8\\net seq.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. I/I\\nsippi. How thoroughly these projects had been thought out\\nat that time may be questionable but Spain was careful to\\ndemand in her engagement with France a stipulation that left\\nher free to exact from the United States, as the price of her\\nfriendship, a renunciation of every part of the basin of the St.\\nLawrence and the lakes, of the navigation of the Mississippi,\\nand of all the land between that river and the Alleghanics.\\nHoping to effect treaties with the Court of Madrid similar to\\nthose already effected with the Court of Paris, Congress de-\\nspatched John Jay as an envoy at the end of the year 1779,\\nauthorizing him to guarantee to His Catholic Majesty, Flor-\\nida, East and West, if he should conquer it and the fortunes\\nof war should leave it in his hands at the peace Provided\\nalways, that the United States shall enjoy the free navigation\\nof the River Mississippi into and from the sea. He was also\\nparticularly to endeavor to obtain some convenient port or\\nports below the thirty-first degree of north latitude on the\\nMississippi for all merchant-vessels, goods, wares, and mer-\\nchandises belonging to the inhabitants of the United States.^\\nThe free navigation of the Mississippi was already a practical\\nquestion. In 1779 both Pennsylvania and Virginia had con-\\nsiderable populations west of the mountains; settlements were\\nspringing up in the valleys of the Holston and the Kentucky,\\nwhile Louisville dates from the George Rogers Clark expe-\\ndition and there were the old French settlements on the\\nWabash and in the Illinois that had always enjoyed the free\\nuse of the great river. By that time, too, there were several\\nAmerican merchants in New Orleans men from Boston,\\nNew York, and Philadelphia; and these merchants, in the\\nyears 1776-78, with the consent of the Spanish governor,\\nshipped arms and munitions up the Mississippi and Ohio to\\nPittsburg. Plainly, therefore, Congress was simply doing its\\nduty in looking out for the interests of the scattered settle-\\nBancroft: History, VI., 183. Boston, 1879.\\nThe Secret Journals, II., 261 et seq.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "1/2 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmeats beyond the mountains. But the Spanish Court would\\nnot listen to the overture, nor receive Mr. Jay as an accred-\\nited envoy. The reasons that controlled its conduct are a\\nmaterial part of this chapter of Western history.\\nFirst, the war was proving to be much more protracted\\nand more costly than France and Spain had anticipated and\\nat the opening of 1780 they desired nothing so much as a\\nspeedy peace, provided measurably satisfactory terms could be\\nmade. This desire led France to wish a full alliance between\\nthe United States and Spain, since such an alliance would\\nlead to a more vigorous prosecution of the war while it lasted\\nand it would no doubt have had the same effect upon Spain,\\nbut for her dread of everything that touched, or seemed to\\ntouch, her own interests on the Mississippi. France there-\\nfore began to exert a steady pressure upon Congress, to in-\\nduce that body to recede from its demand for the free navi-\\ngation of the river, and Congress, yielding to the pressure and\\nto the depression of feeling produced by the wasting continu-\\nance of the war, withdrew, February 15, 1781, the offensive\\nultimatum. Moreover, the French representatives at Phila-\\ndelphia, first Gerard and afterward Luzerne, told Congress\\nrepeatedly that the United States had no valid claim to the\\ncountry west of the king s line of 1763. One object of the\\nFrench ministers in insisting upon this boundary was, as we\\nshall soon see, to keep the United States out of the way of\\nSpain in the Western country, and another object was to keep\\nthe conditions of peace on the part of the United States\\nwithin narrow limits.\\nBut this modification of Mr. Jay s instructions, made con-\\ntrary to his advice, wholly failed to accomplish its object.\\nAt first Count Florida Blanca, the Spanish Prime Minister,\\nhad tacitly consented to the Mississippi as our western boun-\\ndary but, now that the other obstacle to a treaty was out of\\nthe way, he held that such a westward extension was alto-\\ngether inadmissible. The fact is, the Clark conquest of the\\nNorthwest, the spread of Western settlements, and the stay-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 173\\ning power that the States were showing in the war, were re-\\nvealing to the Spanish Court the fact that an Anglo-Ameri-\\ncan republic, stretching down the Atlantic slope from Nova\\nScotia to Florida and spreading over the Alleghanies to the\\ngreat lakes and the great river, meant a future menace to\\nHis Catholic Majesty s North American dominions; and the\\nannexation of Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and portions of\\nMexico to the United States show how well grounded these\\nfears were. Spain had always striven to exclude all rival\\npowers from the Gulf of Mexico she expected to regain\\nFlorida and the practical control of the Gulf at the peace\\nand to allow the United States to extend westward to the\\nriver and southward to parallel 31\u00c2\u00b0 seemed little less than\\nabandoning her dearest American interests. At that time,\\ntoo, Spain was the greatest colonial empire of the world and\\nit was no more the business of her king to offer a premium\\non colonial revolutions than it was the business of Francis of\\nAustria to foster rebellion.\\nIn the third place, Galvez, the gallant young Governor of\\nLouisiana, had captured and was holding possession of the\\nBritish posts on the Gulf and the Mississippi Pensacola, Mo-\\nbile, Baton Rouge, and Natchez. These conquests had daz-\\nzled the Spanish imagination, opening up new possibilities of\\nterritorial expansion in the vast region west of the Appa-\\nlachian Mountains, including, perhaps, a complete retrieval\\nof the great blunder of one hundred years before. Now that\\nWest Florida was in her hands, she remembered its ancient\\nextension northward. Her ambition growing with what it\\nfed on, Spain now conceived the thought of laying claim to\\nthe whole West, as far as the lakes. To lay the foundation for\\nsuch claim, the Spanish commandant at St. Louis, in the dead\\nof the winter of 1780-81, sent an expedition into the very heart\\nof the Northwest, to seize the post of St. Joseph, established\\nby La Salle in 1679, j st after he had sent back the GriflSn\\nfrom Green Bay. This expedition was completely successful\\nDon Eugcnio Purre, the commander, seized the post, captur-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "174 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ning the garrison, and took formal possession of the region\\ncommanded by it, and of the Illinois River, displaying the\\nSpanish standard in token of conquest and carrying off the\\nEnglish colors as a Spanish title-deed. News of this exploit\\nreached Philadelphia by way of Madrid and Paris in the\\nSpring of 1782, accompanied by this message from Mr. Jay\\nto Mr. Livingston When you consider the ostensible ob-\\nject of this expedition, the distance of it, the formalities with\\nwhich the place, the country, and the river were taken posses-\\nsion of in the name of His Catholic Majesty, I am persuaded\\nit will not be necessary for me to swell this letter with re-\\nmarks that would occur to a reader of far less penetration\\nthan yourself, Dr. Franklin also saw in the expedition a\\npurpose to coop up the United States between the Alle-\\nghanies and the sea, and he demanded that Congress should\\ninsist upon the Mississippi as a western boundary, and upon\\nits free navigation from its source to the ocean. Nor can\\nthere be any doubt that the Illinois towns would have been\\nseized and held by the Spaniards, if they had not already\\npassed into the custody of the Virginia troops. While this\\nNorthwestern expedition did not occur in time to influence\\nthe discussions with Mr. Jay at Madrid, it is still a material\\npart of the history as a whole, and it strikingly illustrates the\\nSpanish policy.\\nMr. Jay wholly failed to accomplish the object for which\\nhe was sent to Madrid but he acquired a knowledge of\\nSpanish purposes, and had an experience of Spanish charac-\\nter, that enabled him to render his country invaluable service\\nat Paris as one of the commissioners who negotiated the\\ntreaty of peace with Great Britain.\\nAs Mr. Jay was leaving Madrid for Paris, in the early\\nsummer of 1782, Count Florida Blanca told him that the\\nCount de Aranda, the Spanish ambassador at the French\\nCourt, was authorized to continue the discussion of a treaty\\nDiplomatic Correspondence, VIII., 78.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 1/5\\nbetween Spain and the United States, In due time, Jay put\\nhimself in communication with the Count but as the Span-\\niard would never show his full powers, and the American\\nwould not treat without seeing them, their frequent confer-\\nences were all informal and non-official. However, in these\\nconferences the Spanish diplomatist fully disclosed the ideas\\nof his government touching the Western country.\\nHaving drawn from Mr. Jay the statement that the\\nUnited States claimed on the south to the proclamation line\\nof 1763, and on the west to the middle of the Mississippi, the\\nCount replied That the Western country had never be-\\nlonged to the ancient English colonies, or been claimed by\\nthem that, previous to the Treaty of Paris, the West had be-\\nlonged to France, and that it continued, after that treaty, a\\ndistinct part of the British dominions that, in consequence\\nof Spanish conquests in West Florida and on the Mississippi\\nand Illinois Rivers, the title had become vested in Spain\\nand that, supposing the Spanish right did not cover all the\\ncountry, it was possessed by nations of Indians, free and in-\\ndependent, whom the States had no right to disturb. He\\ntherefore proposed a longitudinal line on the east side of the\\nriver as a boundary between Spain and the United States,\\nadding that he did not mean to dispute about a few acres or\\nmiles. What De Aranda s longitudinal line was he after-\\nward made plain, by drawing a red line on a copy of Mitchell s\\nmap from a lake near the confines of Georgia, but east of\\nthe Flint River, to the confluence of the Kanawha with the\\nOhio thence round the western shores of Lake Erie and\\nHuron; and thence round Lake Michigan to Lake Supe-\\nrior. West and south of this line Spain should hold\\neast, the United States while north of the lakes the United\\nStates might make such terms with Great Britain as she\\ncould. Here we may drop the so-called negotiation with\\nSpain, with the remark that until the year 1795 the Missis-\\nDiplomatic Correspondence, VIII., 150-152.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "1/6 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nsippi River remained an insuperable obstacle in the way of\\nan American treaty with that power.\\nThe Spanish claim to the West was dangerous mainly be-\\ncause, in a modified form, it was supported by France. When\\nDr. Franklin and Mr. Jay pointed out to the Count de Ver-\\ngennes, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, the extrav-\\nagance of De Aranda s claim, the Count was very cautious\\nand reserved but M. Rayneval, his principal secretary,\\nwho was present, was talkative, and expressed the opinion\\nthat the Americans claimed more than they had a right to.\\nSoon after, Rayneval suggested to Mr. Jay a conciliatory\\nline and in a memoir dated September 6th he explained at\\nlength what he meant by it. In this paper the secretary\\nstated the conflicting United States and Spanish claims, and\\nthen urged that the one had no support in colonial history,\\nand that the other was not justified by the Spanish conquests.\\nHis conciliatory line he drew from a point on the Gulf mid-\\nway between the Chattahoochee and the Mobile, nearly due\\nnorth to the Cumberland River, and then down the Cumber-\\nland to the Ohio. The savages west of this limit should be\\nfree, under the protection of Spain those east should be free,\\nunder the protection of the United States. Spain would lose\\nalmost the whole course of the Ohio America would retain\\nher settlements on that river, and have a large space in which\\nto plant new ones. Spain had no claim to the lands north of\\nthe Ohio their fate must be regulated with the Court of\\nLondon. The navigation of the Mississippi would be con-\\ntrolled by the power owning its banks.\\nMr. Jay very naturally concluded that the Count de Ver-\\ngennes was the real author of this scheme. He concluded,\\nalso, that in case the American Commissioners would not\\nconsent to it, then France would aid Spain in a negotiation\\nto divide the West with England. It is now well known that\\nsuch was, in substance, the programme of the two counts.\\nDiplomatic Correspondence, VIII., 156 et seq.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND.\\nAs a first step toward carrying it out, M. Rayneval was sent\\non a secret mission to England, where he informed Lord\\nShelburne that his chief would not support the Americans\\nin several of their claims, as the fisheries and the Missis-\\nsippi.\\nThe destiny of the West had thus become a European\\nquestion involving the three powers, all of which had inter-\\nests of their own to look after in both worlds. England\\nwould naturally make the best terms that she could with her\\nenemies, one and all more specifically, she would obtain\\nwhatever advantage she could in the negotiations with the\\nAmericans from the jealousies of the two other powers. Spain\\nwas resolved on the recovery of Gibraltar as well as of Florida,\\nand France was committed to her support. France had not\\nentered into alliance with America from love of the American\\ncause, but from hatred of England and now that a rival\\npower to England had been raised up on the shores of the\\nNew World, Vergennes was apprehensive that power would\\nbecome so strong as to feel wholly independent of France.\\nHe was, indeed, committed irrevocably to the independence\\nof the United States so far as England was concerned but\\nhe was also determined that their independence should not\\nbe finally settled until a general peace had been arrived at.\\nPossibly the country beyond the Alleghany Mountains could\\nbe traded off for Gibraltar, or be balanced against some other\\nmake-weight in the diplomatic scale. Fortunately, for his\\npurpose, the treaty of 1778 bound the United States not to\\nconclude a peace with England until France should also\\nconclude one; and, as early as June, 1781, he had induced\\nCongress to instruct the commissioners who were to negoti-\\nate with England to make the most candid and confidential\\ncommunications upon all subjects to the ministers of our\\ngenerous ally the King of France to undertake nothing in\\nthe negotiations for peace or truce without their knowledge\\nand concurrence, and to make them sensible how much we rely\\nupon His Majesty s influence for effectual support in every-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "178 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthing that may be necessary to the present security or future\\nprosperity of the United States.\\nSuch, in brief, was the diplomatic situation in Paris when\\nthe American negotiation entered on its second stage. In\\nthis tremendous game of politics, the fate of the West seemed\\nto hang on issues wholly beyond the control of the American\\nCommissioners. No more critical or anxious moment can be\\nfound in the whole history of our diplomacy. Determined, if\\npossible, to keep their country from becoming the football of\\nthe three powers, the commissioners resolved, in disregard of\\ntheir instructions, to propose to the British Cabinet a nego-\\ntiation to be conducted without the knowledge of the French\\nministers. Lord Shelburne, now Prime Minister, for reasons\\nof state that are here immaterial, promptly accepted this over-\\nture, and the negotiation took a new departure.\\nOwing to important successes of the British arms in the\\nWest Indies and at Gibraltar, and to the discovery of a want\\nof good understanding between America and France, the\\nBritish ministers now held a firmer tone than in the first\\nnegotiation. The determination of the ministers to obtain a\\ncompensation for the British refugees whose property had been\\nconfiscated by the States became the occasion for reopening\\nthe question of boundaries in the Northeast, the West, and\\nthe Northwest. Mr. Strachey was sent over the Channel to\\nassist Mr. Oswald in retreating from some of his concessions\\nand Lord Fitzmaurice tells us that his instructions were\\nTo urge the claims of England, under the proclamation of\\n1763, to the lands between the Mississippi and the Western\\nboundary of the States, and to bring forward the French boun-\\nThe Secret Journals, II., 435.\\nMr. Lyman, Diplomacy of the United States, I., 121, note, relates the fol-\\nlowing anecdote, which he says he has from a direct source. Dr. Franklin, one\\nday sitting, during the discussion of the question of instructions, in Mr. Jay s\\nroom at Paris, said to that gentleman, Will you break your instructions\\nYes, replied Mr. Jay, who was smoking a pipe, as I break this pipe and\\nimmediately threw it into the fire.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 179\\ndary of Canada, which was more extensive at some points than\\nthat of the proclamation of 1763. He was to urge these claims,\\nand the right of the King to the ungranted domain, not indeed\\nfor their own sake, but in order to gain some compensation for\\nthe refugees, either by a direct cession of territory in their\\nfavor, or by engaging the half, or some proportion of what the\\nback lands might produce when sold, or a sum mortgaged on\\nthose lands or by the grant of a favorable boundary of Nova\\nScotia, extending, if possible, so as to include the province of\\nMaine or, if that could not be obtained, the province of Saga-\\ndahock, or, at the very least, Penobscot.\\nLord Shelburne urged the same view, in a strong despatch\\nto Oswald.\\nAs a resource to meet the demands of the refugees the\\nmatter of the boundaries and back lands presents itself. Inde-\\npendent of all the nonsense of charters, I mean, when they talk\\nof extending as far as the sun sets, the soil is, and has always\\nbeen acknowledged to be the King s. For the good of America,\\nwhatever the government may be, new provinces must be\\nerected on those back lands and down the Mississippi and\\nsupposing them to be sold, what can be so reasonable as that\\npart of the province, where the King s property alone is in ques-\\ntion, should be applied to furnish subsistence to those, whom\\nfor the sake of peace he can never consistently with his honor\\nentirely abandon,\\nThis was a very different view from the one that Oswald\\nhad held when he declined any attempt at asserting the\\nclaims of the English Crown over the ungranted domains,\\ndeeming that no real distinction could be drawn between\\nthem and other sovereign rights which were necessarily to be\\nceded.\\nIt is impossible to say much about the Western boundary\\ndiscussions, because we know next to nothing about them.\\nLife of Earl Shelburne, IIL, 281, 282. Ibid., III., 284.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "l80 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nOther controversies at Paris, far less important, were re-\\nported much more fully but here the information that we\\npossess only piques our curiosity. The right to fish on the\\nbanks of Newfoundland was thought more valuable in 1782\\nthan the ownership of the valleys of Ohio, the prairies of\\nIllinois, and the forests of Michigan. What would we not\\ngive for a full review of the whole subject from the pen that\\nwrote the Canada Pamphlet, and the Reply to Hillsbor-\\nough\\nThe Mississippi was finally conceded by the British Cabi-\\nnet. Still, this concession left unanswered the question\\nwhere the northern boundary should strike the Mississippi.\\nWriting to Minister Townsend, November 8th, Mr. Strachey\\nsays 1 despatch the boundary line originally sent to you by\\nMr. Oswald, and ,two other lines proposed by the American\\nCommissioners after my arrival at Paris. Either of these you\\nare to choose. They are both better than the original line, as\\nwell in respect to Canada as to Nova Scotia. Mr. Adams\\ntells us that one of these lines was the forty-fifth parallel,\\nnorthwest of the St. Lawrence, and the other the line of the\\nmiddle of the lakes. Most fortunately for us, the British\\nministers, owing, no doubt, to their desire to give Canada\\nfrontage on the four lakes, and to a preference for a water\\nboundary, chose that line which left the Northwest intact.\\nHad the forty-fifth parallel become the boundary, nearly one-\\nhalf of Lakes Huron and Michigan, and of the States of\\nMichigan and Wisconsin, and part of Minnesota, would have\\nfallen to Great Britain. Writing to Robert R. Livingston,\\nthe American Secretary for Foreign Affairs, the commission-\\ners say: Congress will observe, that although our northern\\nline is in a certain part below the latitude of forty-five, yet in\\nothers it extends above it, divides the Lake Superior, and\\ngives us access to its western and southern waters, from which\\naline in that latitude would have excluded us. If the com-\\nFitzmaurice Life of Earl Shelburne, III., 295.\\nDiplomatic Correspondence, X., 118.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. l8l\\nmissioners had understood Northwestern geography better, to\\nsay nothing of the then unknown resources of Lake Superior,\\n.they would have stated the argument with even greater\\nstrength.\\nTo close the war that began on Lexington Green, April\\n19, 1775, three separate treaties were necessary. France and\\nthe United States conducted simultaneous negotiations with\\ndifferent English commissioners, the understanding being that\\nthe preliminaries should be signed the same day. On Novem-\\nber 29th Dr. Franklin wrote to M. de Vergennes that the\\nAmerican articles were already agreed upon, and that he\\nhoped to lay a copy of them before his Excellency the next\\nday. Except a single secret article, they were duly communi-\\ncated but, to the astonishment and mortification of the Count,\\nthey were already signed, and therefore binding, as far as the\\ncommissioners could make them so. The game for despoiling\\nthe young Republic of one-half her territorial heritage was\\neffectually blocked. Vergennes bitterly reproached Franklin\\nfor the course that he and his associates had followed, and\\nFranklin replied, making such defence as he could, admitting\\nno more than that a point of biens^ance had been neglected.\\nThe American Congress and Secretary for Foreign Affairs at\\nfirst were also disposed to blame the commissioners but so\\nanxious was the country for peace and so much more favora-\\nble were the terms obtained than had been expected, that\\nmurmurs of dissatisfaction soon gave place to acclaims of\\ngratification and delight. The preamble to the treaty con-\\ntained the saving clause that it should not go into effect un-\\ntil France and England came to an understanding, a fact that\\nthe astute Franklin did not fail to press upon the attention of\\nthe irate Vergennes. However, that condition was soon ful-\\nfilled, and a general peace assured.\\nThe definitive treaty of peace between the United States\\nand England, which is merely the preliminary treaty over\\nagain, with the exception of the secret article to be noticed in\\nthe note at the end of this chapter, was signed September 3,", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "l82 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\n1783. His Britannic Majesty acknowledged the United States\\nto be free, sovereign, and independent States, and relinquished\\nfor himself, his heirs, and successors all claim to the govern-\\nment, propriety, and territorial right of the same and every\\npart thereof assigning them boundaries that have proved\\nto be more satisfactory than those proposed by Congress in\\n1779 could have been. It was a treaty of partition of the\\nBritish Empire, and of the English-speaking world. At the\\ntime, British statesmen generally dreaded its effect on the\\nMother Country, but time has proved it a godsend to her as\\nwell as to America.\\nThe happy issue of this negotiation was very largely due\\nto William, Earl of Shelburne, afterward first Marquis of\\nLansdowne. Both as Secretary for the Colonies in the Rock-\\ningham Cabinet, and as Prime Minister, he was governed by\\nthe sentiment that he thus expressed Reconciliation with\\nAmerica on the noblest terms by the noblest means. Had\\nthe negotiation remained open at the downfall of his ministry,\\nwhich was largely the result of the liberal terms that he gave\\nthe Americans, and so passed into the hands of the Fox-North\\ncoalition, no one can tell what the fate of the West would\\nhave been.\\nIt is impossible nicely to divide among Dr. Franklin, Mr.\\nAdams, and Mr. Jay, the honor of saving the West to their\\ncountry. On that issue, Mr. Adams was unquestionably\\nfirm. A tradition has floated down the stream of diplomacy\\nto the effect that Dr. Franklin was indifferent, or at least dis-\\nposed to yield but we have Mr. Jay s express testimony to\\nthe contrary, to say nothing of the improbability of the Doc-\\ntor s taking such a course, in view of his Western record as\\nset forth in a previous chapter. However, the man who goes\\nthrough the original documents, including the discussions at\\nMadrid as well as those at Paris, will be pretty certain to con-\\nclude that the old Northwest has greater reason for gratitude\\nto John Jay than to either of his colleagues.\\nSparks Works of Franklin, X., 8.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 1 83\\nIt is not easy to tell what were the decisive arguments in\\nthis Western controversy. It is often said, and particularly by\\nWestern writers, that the issue turned mainly on the George\\nRogers Clark conquest. This view rests on tradition rather\\nthan on historical evidence, and I venture the opinion that it\\nis largely erroneous. No man, at least, can read the reports on\\nthe national boundaries submitted to Congress without seemg\\nthat far more reliance was laid, by the committees that pre-\\npared them, on the colonial charters than on Clark s great\\nachievement. The report of August 16, 1782, urges the argu-\\nment The very country in question hath been conquered\\nthrough the means of the common labors of the United\\nStates for a considerable distance beyond the Alleghany\\nMountains, and particularly on the Ohio, American citizens\\nare actually settled at this day fencible men, not behmd\\nany of their fellow-citizens in the struggle for liberty, who\\nwill be thrown back within the power of Great Britain if the\\nWestern territory is surrendered to her but the same report\\ncontains page after page of arguments based on the charters\\nand on colonial history. It was indeed most fortunate that\\nthe Virginia troops were in possession of the Illinois and the\\nWabash at the close of the war, but there is no reason to\\nthink that the Clark conquest, separate and apart from the\\ncolonial titles, ever would have given the United States the\\nGreat West. Writing to Secretary Livingston, the American\\nCommissioners give color to the idea that the decision turned\\non the charters and not on the conquest. They say the Court\\nof Great Britain claimed not only all the lands in the West-\\nern country and on the Mississippi, which were not ex-\\npressly included in our charters and governments, but also\\nall such lands within them as remained ungranted by the\\nKing of Great Britain. It would be endless, they add,\\nto enumerate all the discussions and arguments on the sub-\\nject. It is highly probable that the British ministry, see-\\nDiplomatic Correspondence, X., 117.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "1 84 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ning that the West would go to Spain if not to the United\\nStates, preferred to give it the latter direction. Moreover, the\\nClark conquest was much more potent in keeping the West\\nfrom falling into the hands of Spain than in wresting it from\\nthe hands of England.\\nThe refusal of England to surrender so much of the\\nNorthwest as remained in her hands at the close of the war\\nis a very striking proof of the reluctance with which she\\nconsented to the Northwestern boundaries. In July, 1783,\\nWashington sent Baron Steuben to General Haldiman, Brit-\\nish commander in Canada, with a commission to receive pos-\\nsession of Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, Mackinaw, and the\\nminor posts but Haldiman made reply that he had not re-\\nceived instructions for their surrender, and that he could not\\neven discuss the subject with him. At the time there was no\\nreason for retaining the posts consistent with national good\\nfaith afterward the British Government alleged as a reason\\nthe non-fulfilment by this country of certain stipulations of the\\ntreaty of peace. For thirteen years the Northwestern posts\\nwere sharp thorns in the sides of the United States. The Rev-\\nolution was followed by a harassing Indian war that, in reality,\\nnever ceased until Wayne s victory of the Fallen Timbers, in\\n1794 and from its first day to its last the savages found al-\\nways sympathy, and often active support, at the British gar-\\nrisons. British officers, audaciously invading territory which\\nthey did not hold at the end of the war, built Fort Miami\\nat the rapids of the Maumee, where Perrysburg, O., now\\nstands. General Wayne pursued the Indians under the very\\nmuzzles of the cannon of this fortification, and laid waste the\\nsurrounding country to its gates. The Indian war and the\\nBritish occupation, that had been so closely connected, virtu-\\nally ceased at the same time. In 1795, Wayne negotiated\\nwith the Indians the Treaty of Greenville, and, the year be-\\nfore, Jay negotiated with the British Government the treaty\\nthat bears his name, by which England bound herself to\\nyield possession of the posts that she should have yielded in", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 185\\n1783. On July II, 1796, a detachment from Wayne s army-\\nraised the stars and stripes above the stockade and village of\\nDetroit, where the French and British colors had successively\\nwaved, and this act completed the tardy transfer of the old\\nNorthwest to the United States. No doubt England had\\nsome reason to complain of the United States for the imper-\\nfect fulfilment of the treaty of 1783 but her retention of the\\nposts, so calamitous in results to the growing Western settle-\\nments, was largely due to a lingering hope that the young re-\\npublic would prove a failure, and to a determination to share\\nthe expected spoil. The fact is, neither England nor Spain\\nregarded the Treaty of Paris as finally settling the destiny of\\nthe country west of the mountains.\\nIt is not improbable that the War of 18 12, for a time,\\nrevived English hopes of again recovering the Northwest.\\nTecumseh strove to erect his dam to resist the mighty\\nwater ready to overflow his people. Hull s surrender placed\\nall Michigan in British hands. General Proctor sought to\\ncompel the citizens of Detroit to take the oath of allegiance\\nto the King of England and although Harrison s successes\\non the Maumee and Perry s victor)/ on Lake Erie forced Proc-\\ntor to evacuate Detroit, a British garrison continued to hold\\nMackinaw to the close of the war. Only three of the thirty-\\ntwo years lying between 1783 and 181 5 were years of war;\\nbut for one-half of the whole time the British flag was flying\\non the American side of the boundary-line. In the largest\\nsense, therefore, the destiny of the Northwest was not assured\\nuntil the Treaty of Ghent.\\nThe Iroquois called themselves the owners of the lands\\nnorthwest of the Ohio the Indians living on those lands they\\nconsidered simply as occupants or tenants. It is obvious that\\nthe tenants valued them much more highly than the owners.\\nThe long wars that the Western Indians waged for Ohio tell\\nthe story of their affection for their homes. The same wars\\nalso tell at what fearful cost the American frontier was ex-\\ntended west of the Alleghany Mountains. From the defeat", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "1 86 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nof Braddock, in 1755, onward to Wayne s Treaty, in 1795,\\nwith a few short intermissions, that frontier was undergoing a\\nconstant baptism of fire and blood.\\nThe original United States were bounded on the north by\\nGreat Britain, on the west and south by Spain, and on the\\neast by the Ocean the last named being the only neighbor\\nwith whom we never had any trouble. One of the most\\nstriking evidences of the value of this domain, and of its ad-\\nmirable position, is the remarkable growth of the United\\nStates. An area of eight hundred and twenty-seven thou-\\nsand square miles has become an area of three million six\\nhundred thousand. Parallel thirty-one degrees north and\\nthe Mississippi have given place, as boundaries, to the Gulf\\nof Mexico, the Rio Grande, and the Pacific Ocean. Our\\nmarvellous territorial expansion and material development\\nwestward discourage prophecy but, at this time, it does\\nnot seem probable that the territory wrested from England\\nwill soon, if ever, cease to be the most valuable part of our\\nwhole national domain, described by Mr. Gladstone as a\\nnatural base for the greatest continuous empire ever estab-\\nlished by man.\\nThe man curious about what might have been cannot\\nhelp speculating on the course of history provided any one of\\nthe limitation-schemes proposed at Paris had prevailed. As\\nhe reflects on the facts of geography, on the strength and au-\\ndacity of American civilization, on the weakness of Spanish\\nAmerica and of Spain herself, and on the feeble Canadian\\nsettlements in 1783, he may conclude that the eastern half of\\nthe Mississippi Valley and the Atlantic Plain would have\\nbeen reunited even if once separated that the idea of separa-\\ntion, supported in some form by the three powers, was against\\nNature that Spain, in particular, lost her only opportunity\\nto control the Father of Waters in the sixteenth and seven-\\nteenth centuries, and that the great valley of the West was\\nthe predestined field of Anglo-Saxon institutions and life.\\nThere is undeniable force in this reasoning perhaps it is al-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 1 8/\\ntogether conclusive. At the same time, the proposed limita-\\ntion might have turned American events into wholly differ-\\nent channels. What if the Confederacy had fallen to pieces\\nWhat if the Constitution of 1787 had never been framed or\\nratified What if the United States had become dependent\\nupon one of the European powers In any one of these\\nevents, the world would never have seen that magnificent\\ngrowth which has absorbed territories four times as great as\\nthat bounded by the treaty of 1783, and which furnishes the\\nmain argument for the conclusion, It would have made lit-\\ntle difference. The longer one considers the subject, the less\\nwill he be disposed to think that the delivery of the West by\\nthe trustee appointed in 1763 was a foregone conclusion the\\nmore will he think the retention of the Northwest by Great\\nBritain would have been a much more serious mischance than\\nthe gaining of the Southwest by Spain and the more reason\\nwill he discover for congratulation that the logic of events\\ngave us our proper boundaries at the close of the War of Inde-\\npendence, and did not leave us to succumb to untoward fate\\nor to renew the struggle with two European powers instead\\nof one in after years.\\nNote. Article 2 of the Treaty of Paris reads thus And\\nthat all disputes which might arise in future on the subject of\\nthe boundaries of the United States may be prevented, it is here-\\nby agreed and declared that the following are and shall be their\\nboundaries, namely From the northwest angle of Nova Scotia,\\nnamely, that angle which is formed by a line drawn due north\\nfrom the source of St. Croix River to the Highlands along the\\nsaid Highlands, which divide those rivers that empty themselves\\ninto the River St. Lawrence from those which fall into the\\nAtlantic Ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut\\nRiver thence down along the middle of that river to the forty-\\nfifth degree of north latitude from thence, by a line due west\\non the said latitude, until it strikes the River Iroquois or Cata-\\nraquy [that is, the St. Lawrence] thence along the middle of\\nsaid river into Lake Ontario, through the middle of said lake", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "l88 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nuntil it strikes the communication by water between that lake\\nand Lake Erie thence along the middle of said communica-\\ntion into Lake Erie, through the middle of said lake until it ar-\\nrives at the water communication between that lake and Lake\\nHuron thence along the middle of said water communication\\ninto the Lake Huron thence through the middle of said lake\\nto the water communication between that lake and Lake Su-\\nperior thence through Lake Superior northward of the isles\\nRoyal and Philipeaux to the Long Lake thence through the\\nmiddle of said Long Lake and the water communication be-\\ntween it and the Lake of the Woods to the said Lake of the\\nWoods thence through the said lake to the most northwestern\\npoint thereof, and from thence on a due west course to the\\nRiver Mississippi thence by a line to be drawn along the mid-\\ndle of the said River Mississippi until it shall intersect the\\nnorthernmost part of the thirty-first degree of north latitude.\\nSouth, by a line to be drawn due east from the determination\\nof the line last mentioned, in the latitude of thirty-one degrees\\nnorth of the equator, to the middle of the River Appalachicola\\nor Catahouche thence along the middle thereof to its junc-\\ntion with the Flint River thence straight to the head of St.\\nMary s River, and thence down along the middle of St. Mary s\\nRiver to the Atlantic Ocean. East, by a line to be drawn along\\nthe middle of the River St. Croix, from its mouth in the Bay of\\nFundy to its source, and from its source directly north to the\\naforesaid Highlands, which divide the rivers that fall into the\\nAtlantic Ocean from those which fall into the River St. Law-\\nrence comprehending all islands within twenty leagues of any\\npart of the shores of the United States, and lying between lines\\nto be drawn due east from the points where the aforesaid boun-\\ndaries between Nova Scotia, on the one part, and East Florida,\\non the other, shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and\\nthe Atlantic Ocean, excepting such islands as now are or here-\\ntofore have been within the limits of the said province of Nova\\nScotia.\\nThe fullest report of the discussion of the Western question,\\nat Paris, found in any contemporary State paper,is in the letter\\nthat the Commissioners wrote to Mr. Livingston, July i8, 1783,", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 1 89\\nin reply to his censure for signing the treaty without commu-\\nnicating it to the Court of Versailles till after the signature, and\\nin concealing the separate article from it even when signed.\\nThe preceding narrative is sufficiently full touching the rea-\\nsons for secrecy, but a few remarks may properly be added\\nconcerning the secret article, which was in these words It is\\nhereby understood and agreed that in case Great Britain, at\\nthe conclusion of the present war, shall recover or be put in\\npossession of West Florida, the line of north boundary be-\\ntween the said province and the United States shall be a line\\ndrawn from the mouth of the River Yazoo where it unites with\\nthe Mississippi due east to the River Appalachicola. This\\nline was the northern boundary of West Florida as established\\nin 1764. At the time of the negotiation this province was in the\\npossession of the Spanish troops, and it was a question what\\ndisposition would be made of it at the general peace. The\\nCommissioners show very plainly that this question materially\\naffected the whole Western negotiation. Mr. Oswald, wishing\\nto cover as much of the eastern shores of the Mississippi with\\nBritish claims as possible, had much to say of the ancient\\nboundaries of Canada and Louisiana and the British Court,\\nexpecting to regain the Floridas, seemed desirous of annexing\\nas much territory to them as possible, even up to the mouth of\\nthe Ohio.\\nOswald avowed the desire to render the British countries\\non the gulf large enough to be worth keeping and protect-\\ning, and also to gain a convenient retreat for the Tories\\nbut he finally consented to yield to the United States the\\ncountry north of the Yazoo line, if the Commissioners would\\nyield to England south of that line. Hence it will be seen\\nthat the secret article was a bargain between the parties. At\\nthe same time the Commissioners say: We were of opin-\\nion that the country in conquest was of great value, both on\\naccount of its natural fertility and of its position, it being, in\\nour opinion, the interest of America to extend as far down\\ntoward the mouth of the Mississippi as we possibly could.\\nDiplomatic Correspondence, X., 187 el seq.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "190 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThis boundary-description flows smootli, but it is doubtful\\nif the same number of words in a treaty ever concealed more\\nseeds of controversy. To draw boundary-lines on paper is\\none thing to go upon the ground where they are supposed\\nto fall, with instruments to run and mark them, is quite an-\\nother, as the high contracting parties in this case found to their\\ncost the moment an attempt was made to transfer the treaty-\\nlines to the surface of the earth. No doubt the diplomatists at\\nParis used the language in good faith but their lines had to\\nbe drawn, not only on paper, but also through vast wildernesses\\nuninhabited and unexplored, and some of the lines, naturally,\\nwere found impracticable. In part, however, the disputes that\\narose had other sources than ignorance of geography. Serious\\ndoubts having arisen as to the practicability of reaching the\\nMississippi by a due west line from the nortliwesternmost point\\nof the Lake of the Woods, Jay s Treaty provided that measures\\nshould be taken in concert to survey the Upper Mississippi, and\\nthat, in case the due-west line was found impracticable, the\\ntwo powers would thereupon proceed by amicable negotia-\\ntion to regulate the boundary in that quarter, etc. I have\\nfound no trace of such a survey being made, and the boundary\\nwas not fixed for more than twenty years thereafter.\\nA convention was signed, May 12, 1803, by the representa-\\ntives of the two powers, which contained arrangements for de-\\ntermining the boundary from the Lake of the Woods to the Mis-\\nsissippi. But at the same time that Rufus King was negotiating\\nthis treaty in London with Lord Havvkesbury, Messrs. Living-\\nston and Monroe were negotiating a much more familiar one\\nin Paris with the ministers of the First Consul. This was the\\ntreaty for the cession of Louisiana to the United States, signed\\nApril 30, 1803. When the London treaty came before the Sen-\\nate, the argument was made that the Louisiana cession would\\naffect the line from the Lake of the Woods to the Mississippi\\nRiver the Senate accordingly struck out the article, which the\\nThe best maps of the period put down the course of the river above the\\nforty-fifth parallel as the Mississippi by conjecture. McMaster History of\\nthe People of the United States, II., 153.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWEST WRESTED FROM ENGLAND. 191\\nBritish Government resented, and so the whole treaty fell. By\\nthe purchase of 1803 we succeeded to all the rights, as respects\\nLouisiana, that had belonged to Spain or France, and this car-\\nried us, west of the Mississippi, north to the British posses-\\nsions. By a convention dated October 20, 1818, the United\\nStates and England settled the Lake of the Woods controversy,\\nand established the boundary between them to the Rocky\\nMountains.\\nIt is agreed that a line drawn from the most northwestern\\npoint of the Lake of the Woods, along the forty-ninth parallel\\nof north latitude, or if the said point shall not be in the forty-\\nninth parallel of north latitude, then that a line drawn from the\\nsaid point due north or south, as the case may be, until the\\nsaid line shall intersect the said parallel of north latitude, and\\nfrom the point of such intersection due west along and with\\nthe said parallel, shall be the line of demarcation between the\\nterritories of the United States and those of His Britannic\\nINIajesty, and that the said line shall form the northern boun-\\ndary of the said territories of the United States, and the south-\\nern boundary of the territories of His Britannic Majesty, from\\nthe Lake of the Woods to the Stony Mountains.\\nThis extract, together with the facts of geography, explains\\nthe singular projection of our northern boundary on the west\\nside of the Lake of the Woods, which first appeared on ordi-\\nnary maps some ten years ago.\\nThe line from the intersection of the St. Lawrence and par-\\nallel 45\u00c2\u00b0 north to the foot of the St. Marys was established in\\n1823, by joint commission under the Treaty of Ghent the line\\nfrom the foot of the St. Marys to the northwesternmost point\\nof Lake of the Woods, by the Webster-Ashburton Treaty in\\n1842.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "XI.\\nTHE NORTHWESTERN LAND-CLAIMS.\\nThe second part of the chapter devoted to the territorial\\nquestions growing out of the royal patents and charters closed\\nwith a promise to consider, in the proper place, the similar\\nquestion affecting the old Northwest. In fact, the only-\\nreason for introducing the charters at all is their bearing on\\nWestern questions. Accordingly, this chapter will be given\\nto a statement of the Western land-claims the two fol-\\nlowing chapters, to their settlement. Unfortunately, the dis-\\ncussion of the whole subject is often colored by State feel-\\ning or by patriotism. Connecticut writers are apt to stand\\nfor the Connecticut claim, New York writers for the New\\nYork claim, while Virginians pride themselves on Virginia s\\nbeing the mother of States as well as of statesmen. Again,\\nWestern men, little disposed to admit that the Northwestern\\nStates were the children of the Atlantic commonwealths, and\\nfond of looking at the subject from a national point of view,\\ntend either to belittle or to deny the titles of the claimant\\nStates to the Western lands.\\nIn her constitution of 1776, Virginia ceded, released, and\\nforever confirmed to the people of Maryland, Pennsylvania,\\nand North and South Carolina, the territories contained\\nwithin their charters, so far as they were embraced in her\\ncharter of 1609, with all the rights of property, jurisdiction,\\nand government, and all other rights that had ever been\\nclaimed by Virginia, except the navigation of certain rivers\\nafter which she said", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN LAND-CLAIMS. 193\\nThe western and northern extent of Virginia shall, in all\\nother respects, stand as fixed by the charter of King James L,\\nin the year one thousand six hundred and nine, and the public\\ntreaty of peace between the Courts of Britain and France, in\\nthe year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three unless,\\nby act of this Legislature, one or more governments be estab-\\nlished westward of the Alleghany Mountains. And no pur-\\nchases of lands shall be made of the Indian natives, but on be-\\nhalf of the public, by authority of the General Assembly,\\nThis declaration meant, that Virginia claimed the whole\\nNorthwest as falling within her west and northwest lines.\\nThe claim has been often denied by historians, statesmen,\\nlawyers, and pamphleteers, on grounds that will be stated as\\nconcisely as is consistent with clearness.\\nProbably no bolder or stronger denial was ever made than\\nthat of Hon. Samuel F. Vinton, of counsel for the defendants\\nin the case of Virginia vs. Peter M. Garner and others, be-\\nfore the General Court of Virginia, in December, 1845. The\\nlegal question involved was that of the boundary between the\\nStates of Virginia and Ohio. In the course of his argument to\\nthe court Mr. Vinton affirmed the following historical propo-\\nsitions\\n(i) That Virginia, during the War of the Revolution, set\\nup a claim to the country beyond the Ohio; (2) that she\\nnever had a valid title to it (3) that her title, not only to\\nit, but to both sides of the Ohio, was disputed by the Con-\\nGarner and the other defendants, citizens of Ohio, were seized by a party of\\nVirginians, between low-water and high-water mark, on the north side of the\\nOhio River, in the act of assisting some slaves belonging to one Harwood, a\\nVirginian, to escape from slavery. The case went up from Wood County to the\\nGeneral Court on a special verdict, the question being whether the defendants\\nwere, at the time of meeting and assisting the slaves, within the jurisdiction\\nof Virginia or of Ohio. The case is reported at length in Grattan, Reports of\\nCases decided in the Supreme Court of Appeals and in the General Court of Vir-\\nginia, III., 655. Mr. Vinton s argument was published in pamphlet, Marietta,\\nO., 1846 and it is also found in the Second Annual Report of the Ohio State\\nFish Commission, 1877.\\n13", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "194 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nfedcracy, and by other States (4) that they claimed all\\nthat she asserted a right to (5) that, in the end, she ad-\\njusted her claim by compromise (6) that she relinquished\\nher claim beyond the Ohio with the express understanding\\nthat the acceptance of her act of cession was not to be taken\\nas an admission by the Confederacy (who was the grantee)\\nthat Virginia had a title to the country ceded by her (7)\\nthat the separate and acknowledged right of Virginia to the\\ncountry on the lower, and of the Confederacy to that on the\\nupper, bank of the Ohio, began with this compromise.\\nFrom these propositions Mr. Vinton deduced others of a\\nlegal nature that do not here concern us.\\nThese seven propositions may all be reduced to two, for\\nconvenience. The first of these, the absolute denial of the\\ncharter-title, is supported by this chain of reasoning: (i) The\\nVirginia grant of 1609 was made in total ignorance of the ex-\\ntent of the continent and of the grant sought to be conveyed\\n(2) the English king at that time had no right or title to the\\nlands included within the limits beyond the Atlantic slope\\n(3) the charter was annulled by a writ of quo tvarranto issued\\nby the Court of King s Bench in 1624, and was never re-\\nnewed (4) the English Crown s later title to the country be-\\ntween the Alleghaniesand the Mississippi was the treaty with\\nFrance in 1763 (5) the Crown plainly signified by numerous\\nacts, as the proclamation of 1763 and the Walpole grant of\\n1772, that colonial Virginia did not extend beyond the moun-\\ntains, and that the over-mountain lands were Crown lands\\nand (6) later grants than that of 1609, as those to the Caro-\\nlina proprietors, to Baltimore and Penn, and to the New Eng-\\nland colonies, show that the Crown did not regard those limits\\nas conclusive, either on the sea-shore or in the West. Mr.\\nVinton rested his second cardinal proposition, that Virginia s\\ntitle to the country southeast of the Ohio is a compromise\\nwith other States and with Congress, made in 1784, on the\\nhistory of the cessions. The cessions will be treated in the\\nnext chapters, and need not be anticipated here. Nearly all", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN LAND-CLAIMS. 195\\nthe judges who gave opinions in Garner s case waived the his-\\ntorical issue that Mr. Vinton had raised, on the ground that\\na Virginia court could not question the fundamental law of\\nthe State; but the temptation proved so strong that some of\\nthem discussed the subject more or less at length. McComas,\\nJudge, thus touched some of the points involved\\nIt will not be necessary to inquire into the rights of the\\nBritish king, because no civilized nations had claim to the\\ncountry except England and France and, by treaty between\\nthose two nations, the boundaries were ascertained and fixed\\nbetween them and the territory in controversy was acknowl-\\nedged to be in the English Crown, and of course by that treaty\\nthe title of Virginia to the lands contained in her charter, and\\ncomprehended in the limits of the British possessions, was con-\\nfirmed, and thereby made good. The British king by several\\nacts, and particularly by grants of large tracts of land, ac-\\nknowledged that the Northwestern territory was within the\\njurisdiction and limits of Virginia. But it is stated\\nthat the charter of Virginia was annulled, and that she has no\\nright to claim under said charter. It has been decided, and I\\nthink rightly, that the charter was annulled so far as the rights\\nof the company were concerned, but not in respect to the rights\\nof the Colony. The powers of government, the same powers\\nwhich the charter had vested in the company as proprietor,\\nwere vested in the Crown the same title to the lands within its\\nchartered limits, which the charter had vested in the company,\\nwas revested in the Crown.\\nIn relation to the territory northwest of the Ohio River,\\nit ought to be recollected that during the Revolutionary War,\\nand before the cession, Virginia conquered the territory by her\\nown troops, unaided by the other States of the Union and\\nformed the whole territory into the county of Illinois. It\\ntherefore seems to me, as the territory was not within the\\nchartered limits of any other State, and as it undoubtedly be-\\nlonged to the British Crown, this conquest would give Virginia\\nan undoubted right to it.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "19^ THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nLomax, Judge, held that:\\nThe charter of \\\\6og was the commencement of the colo-\\nnial or political existence of Virginia and it was that charter\\nwhich separated and designated the country called Virginia,\\nand the community which was settled upon it. That charter\\nbecame the primal and perpetual law of this Commonwealth.\\nThe Crown of England, when by the judgment of ^uo warranto\\nagainst the company in London it took the charter out of their\\nhands, did not cancel the charter. The government of the Col-\\nony, when it thereby became a Royal Colony, was still ad-\\nministered according to the scheme of government established\\nby the previous charters. The rights guaranteed to the people\\nof Virginia by that charter, were frequently and strenuously\\nappealed to, down to the time of the Revolutionary contest, as\\nthe chartered rights of Virginians. In March, 165 1, the treaty\\nbetween Virginia and the commonwealth of England, stipu-\\nlated that Virginia should have, and enjoy the ancient bounds\\nand limits granted by the charters of the former Kings. This\\nwas a recognition in the most solemn form, notwithstanding\\nthe judgment above referred to in 1624, of the boundaries of\\nVirginia and of her ancient charters. The subsequent grants\\nby the King to Penn, Baltimore, and Carteret could not disturb\\nthose limits, but to the extent that those grants conveyed and\\neven to that extent were remonstrated against by the colony.\\nThere are many public acts of the Colonial govern-\\nment of Virginia, in which her title was asserted, and dominion\\nexercised by her over the territories she claimed, as her west-\\nern territories, extending to the River Ohio, and beyond it,\\nincluding the present State of Ohio nor was any question\\never raised as to that title or dominion by any civilized people,\\nexcept for a time by the French. These acts show that she\\nhad extended her jurisdiction over the Northwestern territory\\nwhich was ceded, and that she had made grants of lands and\\nsettlements on the Ohio. In all these acts the consent of the\\nKing, the proprietor of the colony, must necessarily have been\\ngiven by himself or those who were authorized by him to give\\nit. For in all the laws and public acts of the Colony, the ap-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN LAND-CLAIMS. 197\\nprobation of the sovereign, or of a substitute, fully represent-\\ning him as to that matter, was indispensable.\\nThe learned judge then recounts a long series of public\\nacts in which Virginia exercised sovereignty west of the\\nmountains. Among the most prominent of these are the cre-\\nation of counties: Orange, in 1734; Augusta, in 1738; Bote-\\ntourt, in 1769, bounded west by the utmost limits of Vir-\\nginia. The act creating one of these counties speaks of\\nthe people situated on the waters of the Mississippi as\\nliving very remote from their court-house. Other coun-\\nties erected before the Revolution extended to the Ohio, and\\nembraced Kentucky. The Dinwiddle proclamation of 1754,\\noffering lands to volunteers to serve against the French one\\nhundred thousand acres contiguous to the fort at the Forks\\nof the Ohio, and one hundred thousand on or near the Ohio\\nwas recognized by the Virginia land-law of 1779. In 1752\\nand 1753 Virginia passed acts for encouraging persons to settle\\non the Mississippi meaning, doubtless, the waters of Ohio\\nand in 1754 and 1755 acts for their protection. Grants of land\\non the southeastern side of the Ohio, made in the colonial\\nperiod, were numerous. Marshall s Life of Washington is\\nquoted as authority for the statement that the grant made\\nto the Ohio Company in 1748 was made as a part of Virginia.\\nThe proclamation of 1763 was obviously designed for the pres-\\nervation of peace with the Indians, and their enjoyment of\\nthe hunting-grounds. The Treaty of Paris, 1763, limited the\\ncolony on the west but Virginia continued to fill up and oc-\\ncupy, both geographically and politically, the territory to the\\nMississippi, until that signal act of her sovereignty over the\\nWestern territories was exercised by her in the cession she\\nmade of them in March, 1784, and which was consummated by\\nthe acceptance of it by the United States in Congress assem-\\nbled upon the same day.\\nThese facts certainly demolish Mr. Vinton s proposition\\nthat the Virginia claim was set up during the Revolution.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "198 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe grant made to the Duke of York in 1664 was\\nbounded on the west by the Delaware River. But at the\\nbeginning of the Revolution, as well as before that time,\\nNew York claimed a far greater western extension, on these\\ngrounds (i) That the grant to the Duke of York and the\\nboundary east of the Hudson barred the New England colonies\\non the west (2) that the quo warranto of 1624 and the grant to\\nPenn limited Virginia and Pennsylvania on the west, the first\\nby the Alleghanies, the second by the five-degree line west\\nof the Delaware (3) that the country west of these lines be-\\nlonged to the Iroquois, in the north from times immemorial,\\nin the south after the Iroquois conquest of 1664; (4) that after\\n1624, 1664, and 1681, the pre-emption of the West was vested\\nin the Crown, not in particular colonies (5) that the acces-\\nsion of the Duke of York, the proprietary of the province, to\\nthe throne, in 1685, affiliated the territory on the two sides\\nof the Delaware north of Penn s line and (6) that the later\\nIroquois treaties made the whole Western country, from the\\nLower Lakes to the Cumberland Mountains, and from Vir-\\nginia and Pennsylvania to the Mississippi River, a part of\\nNew York. A report on the Western land-claims, made in\\nCongress, November 3, 1781, preferred the New York claims\\nto all those with which it conflicted, and thus justified the\\npreference\\nI. It clearly appeared to your committee, that all the lands\\nbelonging to the Six Nations of Indians, and their tributaries,\\nhave been in due form put under the protection of the crown\\nof England by the said Six Nations, as appendant to the late\\ngovernment of New York, so far as respects jurisdiction only.\\n2. That the citizens of the said colony of New York have\\nborne the burthen both as to blood and treasure, of protecting\\nand supporting the said Six Nations of Indians, and their tribu-\\ntaries, for upwards of one hundred years last past, as the de-\\npendents and allies of the said government.\\n3. That the crown of England has always considered and\\ntreated the country of the said Six Nations, and their tributa-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN LAND-CLAIMS. 199\\nries, inhabiting as far as the 45th degree of north latitude, as\\nappendant to the government of New York.\\n4. That the neighboring colonies of Massachusetts, Con-\\nnecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, have also,\\nfrom time to time, by their public acts, recognized and admitted\\nthe said Six Nations and their tributaries, to be appendant to\\nthe government of New York.\\n5. That by Congress accepting this cession, the jurisdic-\\ntion of the whole western territory belonging to the Six Na-\\ntions, and their tributaries, will be vested in the United States\\ngreatly to the advantage of the Union.\\nAt this distance it is difficult, notwithstanding the particu-\\nlarity of this report, to repel Mr. Hildreth s characterization of\\nthe New York claim as the vaguest and most shadowy of\\nall. Furthermore, there is reason to think the report part\\nof a political scheme that will be duly noticed hereafter. But\\nhere it is pertinent to point out that this claim was virtually\\nthe claim to the Northwest which England made just before\\nthe French War, characterized by Mr. Parkman as including\\nevery mountain, forest, or prairie where an Iroquois had taken\\na scalp.^\\nThe two New England States rested their claims on the\\ncharters with which the reader is already familiar. Connecti-\\ncut s claim, at the beginning of the Revolution, was the zone\\nlying between parallels 41\u00c2\u00b0 and 42\u00c2\u00b0 2 north latitude, and\\nMassachusetts s, the zone north of this to the parallel of three\\nmiles beyond the inflow of Lake Winnipiseogee in New\\nHampshire both claims extending from the Delaware and\\nthe line thereof to the Mississippi. Connecticut s claim was\\nlargely reduced by the Trenton decision of 1782; but this\\nin no way affected her rights west of Pennsylvania. It was\\nurged that these claims were barred west of the present west-\\nJournals of Congress, IV., 21, 22. History, III., 399.\\nMontcalm and Wolfe, I., 125.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "200 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nern limits of these States: (i) By the words, actually pos-\\nsessed and occupied by a Christian people or prince, found\\nin the Plymouth charter of 1620, because they related to the\\nlands west of the Dutch settlements; (2) by the presence of\\nthe Dutch on the Hudson in 1620, 1629, and 1662; (3) by\\nthe grant to the Duke of York (4) by the boundary-settle-\\nment of 1733 (5) by the grant to Penn in 168 1 and (6) by\\nNew York s Iroquois title. Stress was also laid on the old\\nargument against the from sea-to-sea grants viz., they were\\nmade in ignorance of geography, and included vast tracts of\\nland that did not, at the time, belong to the English Crown.\\nThe most important of these points were sustained by Attor-\\nney-General Pratt in 1761, who also held that there were\\nState reasons for deciding the Wyoming controversy in favor\\nof Peivnsylvania but Thurlow, and the other Crown lawyers\\nconsulte|d by Connecticut, held that the reservation made in\\nthe charter of 1620 did not extend to lands on the west side\\nof the Dutch settlements that the Plymouth grant did not\\nmean to except in favor of anyone anything to the westward\\nof such plantations; that the agreement of 1733 between\\nConnecticut and New York extended no further than to\\nsettle the boundaries between the respective parties, and\\nhad no effect upon other claims that either of them had in\\nother parts and that as the charter to Connecticut was\\ngranted but eighteen years before that to Penn, there was no\\nground to contend that the Crown could, at that period,\\nmake an effective grant to him of that country which had\\nbeen so recently granted to others.\\nThe two New England claims rested on substantially the\\nsame foundation but it is curious to note how differently\\nthey were treated east of the western limits of Pennsylvania\\nand New York. A Federal court threw the one claim aside\\nas invalid, while the State of New York virtually conceded\\nHoyt gives the substance of the two opinions Title in the Seventeen Town-\\nships in the County of Luzerne, 32, 33.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN LAND-CLAIMS. 201\\nthe validity of the other in her compromise with Massachu-\\nsetts in 1786.\\nThe report of the committee on the national limits made\\nAugust 16, 1782, assigns the treaties of 1684, 1701, 1726, 1744,\\nand 1754, with the Six Nations, as the sources of New York s\\ntitle to the West. The report of January 8th on the same\\nsubject speaks of the royal geographer, in a map describing\\nand distinguishing the British, Spanish, and French dominions\\nin America according to the treaty of 1763, as carrying the\\nStates of Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Vir-\\nginia as far as the Mississippi.* Some maps of that period, it\\nmay be added, do carry the east and west lines of these States\\nas far as the great river others carry them no farther than\\nthe mountains but all maps making any pretentions to thor-\\noughness lay down the lines of the royal proclamation.\\nSuch were the Northwestern land-claims that, for many\\nyears, were a foremost question of domestic polity. Practi-\\ncally they were not heard of until the time came for the\\nAmerican column to pass the Endless Mountains and take\\npossession of the Great West. And, strange to say consider-\\ning the vehemence with which they were afterward disputed,\\nthe first time they were brought before a Congress of the\\nColonies they met with a unanimous approval.\\nNote.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 These are the resolutions in which the Albany Con-\\ngress set its seal to the claims in 1754.\\nThat His Majesty s title to the northern continent of\\nAmerica appears to be founded on the discovery thereof first\\nmade, and the possession thereof first taken in 1497, under a\\ncommission from Henry the Seventh of England to Sebastian\\nCabot That the French have possessed themselves of several\\nparts of this continent, which by treaties have been ceded and\\nconfirmed to them.\\nThat the right of the English to the whole sea-coast from\\nGeorgia on the south, to the river St. Lawrence on the north.\\nSecret Journals, III., 168. 2 Uj^j^ jjj_^ j-^", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "202 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nexcepting the Island of Cape Breton, and the Islands in the bay\\nof St. Lawrence remains indisputable\\nThat all the lands or countries westward from the Atlantic\\nOcean to the South Sea, between 48 and 34 degrees north lati-\\ntude, was expressly included in the grant of King Charles the\\nFirst to divers of his subjects, so long since as the year 1606,\\nand afterwards confirmed in 1620, and under this grant the\\ncolony of Virginia claims extent as far west as the South Sea,\\nand the ancient colonies of the Massachusetts Bay and Con-\\nnecticut, were by their respective charters made to extend to\\nthe said South Sea so that not only the right to the sea-coast,\\nbut all the inland countries from sea to sea, has at all times\\nbeen asserted by the crown of England\\nThat the bounds of those colonies, which extend to the\\nSouth Seas, be contracted and limited by the Alleghany or\\nAppalachian mountains and that measures be taken for settling\\nfrom time to time, colonies of his Majesty s Protestant subjects\\nwest of said mountains, in convenient cantons to be assigned\\nfor that purpose and finally, that there be a union of his Maj-\\nesty s several governments on the continent, that so their coun-\\ncils, treasures, and strength, may be employed in due propor-\\ntion against their common enemy.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "XII.\\nTHE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (I.)\\nThe United States and the States taken together might\\npossibly have continued conterminous until the Louisiana an-\\nnexation in 1803, provided all the States had been bounded\\non the west by the Mississippi River. But such was not the\\ncase. New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Dela-\\nware, and Maryland were all confined to the Atlantic Plain,\\nand Pennsylvania did not extend far beyond the Forks of the\\nOhio while the seven remaining States claimed the whole\\nWest, from the Florida line to the Lakes, and some of it two\\nand even three times over. The division of the States into\\nthe two classes, in connection with the nature of the war,\\nmade the Western lands an inevitable issue. The claimant\\nStates were more numerous, more populous, and more wealthy\\nthan the non-claimant States, not to speak of their territorial\\nsuperiority they also stood on the plain federal principle\\nthat the Confederation was the States confederated but they\\ncould not prevent the issue being raised or prevent its going\\nagainst them in the end. Before the boundaries of 1783\\nwere agreed upon, Congress had adopted a policy that ul-\\ntimately gave the jurisdiction of the West, and a large part of\\nthe lands, to the nation and we are now to follow the de-\\nvelopment of this policy so far as it relates to our subject.\\nOn October 14, 1777, Congress adopted the following rule\\nfor supplying the treasury of the United States\\nAll charges of war and all other expenses that shall be\\nincurred for the common defence or general welfare, and al-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "204 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nlowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be\\ndefrayed out of a common treasury which shall be supplied by\\nthe several states, in proportion to the value of all land within\\neach state granted to, or surveyed for, any person, as such\\nland and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be esti-\\nmated according to such mode as the United States in Con-\\ngress assembled shall from time to time direct and appoint.\\nThis rule, which left the States wholly free to raise the\\nsupplies for the treasury in their own way, was made a part\\nof Article VIII. of the Articles of Confederation. The vote\\non this rule does not appear to have been influenced by the\\nland-issue. That issue was first raised the following day,\\nwhen this proposition, submitted no doubt by one of the\\ndelegates from that State, received the single vote of Mary-\\nland\\nThat the United States in Congress assembled shall have\\nthe sole and exclusive right and power to ascertain and fix the\\nwestern boundary of such states as claim to the Mississippi or\\nthe South Sea, and lay out the land beyond the boundary so ascer-\\ntained into separate and independent states, from time to time, as the\\nnumbers and circumstances of the people thereof may require.\\nBecause this was the first proposition that Congress should\\nexercise sovereign jurisdiction over the Western country,\\nProf. H. B. Adams calls it a pioneer thought. In one re-\\nspect it is a very different thought from that which finally\\nprevailed. The proposition was really double an end to be\\ngained and a means of gaining it. The end was national\\njurisdiction over the Western lands the means, the assertion\\nof this jurisdiction by Congress, no more attention being paid\\nto the claimant than to the non-claimant States. It was a\\nThe history of the Confederation in Congress is found in the Secret Jour-\\nnals of Congress, I., 283 et seq. The citations will be found under the appro-\\npriate dates.\\nMaryland s Influence upon Land Cessions to the United States, 23.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 205\\nplain proposition to nationalize the lands. The end was the\\nhighest statesmanship but if Congress had adopted the\\nmeans of reaching it proposed by Maryland, it is reasonably\\ncertain that the Confederation and the patriot cause would\\nhave been hopelessly wrecked.\\nScenting danger, the claimant States, October 27th, caused\\na declaration to be incorporated in the Articles that the\\nUnited States in Congress assembled should be the last re-\\nsort, on appeal, in all disputes and differences between two\\nor more States concerning boundaries, jurisdiction, or any\\nother cause whatever, with an elaborate machinery for the\\nexercise of such jurisdiction. The amendment closed with\\nthis bulwark against pioneer thoughts, or other encroach-\\nments, on the Western preserves No State shall be de-\\nprived of territory for the benefit of the United States.\\nMassachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Vir-\\nginia, and North Carolina voted for the amendment New\\nHampshire voted against it New Jersey and South Carolina\\nwere divided Maryland and Georgia were not present or\\nvoting and Connecticut was not counted, as but one mem-\\nber was present.\\nWithin a month of the time that Maryland brought for-\\nward her pioneer thought, the Congress had perfected the\\nArticles of Confederation and November 17, 1777, they\\nwere sent out to the States, with a circular letter recommend-\\ning that they empower their delegates in Congress to ratify\\nthem in their name and behalf.\\nSome of the legislatures promptly gave their delegates\\nsuch instructions, and some hesitated. A number of amend-\\nments to the Articles were proposed, and of these several re-\\nlated to the land-question, One of those that came from\\n^Maryland was a virtual renewal of the proposition of the year\\nbefore, but in a somewhat less emphatic form. Rhode Island,\\nAll the amendments proposed may be found in the Secret Journals, I., un-\\nder June 22, 23, 1778.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "206 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nNew Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, all non-\\nclaimant States, voted for this amendment New Hampshire,\\nMassachusetts, Connecticut, Virginia, and South Carolina, all\\nclaimant States but the first, voted against it New York\\nwas divided North Carolina and Georgia were not present\\nor voting. Rhode Island submitted the following amend-\\nment, which was also lost, nine votes to one\\nThat all lands within these States, the property of which,\\nbefore the present war, was vested in the Crown of Great Brit-\\nain, or out of which revenues from quit rents arise payable to\\nthe said Crown, shall be deemed, taken, and considered as the\\nproperty of these United States, and be disposed of and ap-\\npropriated by Congress for the benefit of the whole Confed-\\neracy, reserving, however, to the States, within whose limits\\nsuch Crown lands may be, the entire and complete jurisdiction\\nthereof.\\nNew Jersey laid before Congress a lengthy representa-\\ntion, in which she stated, though not in the form of amend-\\nments, her views on various provisions of the Articles. This\\ndocument touched the land-issue at two points: (i) The\\nboundaries and limits of each State ought to be fully and\\nfinally fixed and made known; and if circumstances did not\\nadmit of this being done before the Articles were ratified\\nand went into effect, then it should be done afterward, not\\nexceeding five years from the final ratification of the Confeder-\\nation. (2) It was urged that the war was undertaken for the\\ngeneral defence of the confederating States that the benefits\\nderived from a successful contest should be general and pro-\\nportionate that the property of the common enemy, acquired\\nduring the war, should belong to the United States and be\\nappropriated to their use that the Articles of Confederation\\nshould empower Congress to dispose of such property, and es-\\npecially the vacant and unpatented lands, commonly called\\nthe Crown Lands, for defraying the expenses of the war, and\\nfor other general purposes but that the jurisdiction ought, in", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 20/\\nevery instance, to belong to the respective States within the\\ncharter or determined limits of which such lands may be\\nseated. These recommendations were voted down, receiving\\nbut three votes to six against them.\\nNone of the amendments proposed by the States received\\nmuch consideration they were voted down one and all, in the\\napparent belief that the surest and quickest way to complete\\nthe Confederation was to adhere to the Articles as originally\\nadopted. It is clear, however, that the opposition to the land^.\\nclaims of the claimant States was broadening and deepening.\\nAt the same time, we must not overlook the difference be-\\ntween the pioneer thought brought forward by Maryland\\nin 1777 and the propositions now submitted by Rhode Island\\nand New Jersey. The first was that the United States in\\nCongress assembled should assert jurisdiction over the West-\\nern lands the others were, that the lands, or parts of them,\\nshould be disposed of for the benefit of all the States, or of the\\nnation as a unit, not disturbing the jurisdiction.\\nThe Confederation had now been fully ratified by eight\\nStates, and of the five others. North Carolina had empowered\\nher delegates to do so. The four that had not ratified were\\niVIaryland, Delaware, New Jersey, and Georgia. To these\\nCongress, on July 10, 1778, sent a circular letter, urging them\\nto instruct their delegates to ratify with all convenient des-\\npatch, putting forward as the one conclusive argument that\\nCongress had never ceased to consider a confederacy as the\\ngreat principle of union, which can alone establish the liberty\\nof America, and elude forever the hopes of its enemies.\\nFuture deliberations should be trusted to make such alterations\\nand amendments as experience might show to be expedient\\nand just. Georgia responded to this appeal at once, and New\\nJersey soon followed.\\nIn the act empowering her delegates to ratify the Articles,\\nthe legislature of New Jersey reaffirmed that they would, in\\ndiverse particulars, be unequal and disadvantageous to that\\nState, but that she was willing, in reliance on the justice and", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "208 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ncandor of the several States, to surrender her State interest to\\nthe general good of the Union. On February 22, 1779, the\\nDelaware delegates ratified the Articles in behalf of that\\nState, and the day following laid before Congress some resolu-\\ntions which the Delaware Council had adopted, asserting that\\nmoderate limits should be assigned to the States claiming to\\nthe Mississippi that Congress should have the power of fix-\\ning those limits also that Delaware was justly entitled to a\\nright, in common with the other members of the Union, to the\\nlands westward of the frontiers, the property of which was\\nvested in individual States at the beginning of the war, but\\nthat ought now to be a common estate to be granted out on\\nterms beneficial to the United States, since they have been\\nor must be gained by the blood and treasure of all. Congress\\nreceived and filed this paper, but declared that it should\\nnever be considered as admitting any claim by the same set\\nup or intended to be set up.\\nThe ratification of Delaware left Maryland standing soli-\\ntary and alone but she still refused her ratification as\\nstoutly as ever. Moreover, she refused it on the sole ground\\nthat she defined in the amendment Article proposed October\\nI5 ^111- -^s her assent alone was wanting to complete the\\nConfederation, Maryland felt compelled to justify herself to\\nCongress and to her sister States. In fact, she had already\\ntaken the first steps in that direction before Delaware s final\\nassent to the Articles was given.\\nOn December 15, 1778, the Maryland Legislature adopted\\na declaration, stating her objections to the policy touching\\nthe Western lands thus far pursued. It was declared funda-\\nmentally wrong and repugnant to every principle of equity\\nand good policy that Maryland, or any other State entering\\ninto the Confederation, should be burdened with heavy ex-\\npenses for the subduing and guaranteeing of immense tracts of\\ncountry, if she is not in any Avay to be benefited thereby.\\nThe Secret Journals, IV., 422.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 209\\nMaryland will ratify the Confederation when it is so amended\\nas to give full power to Congress to ascertain and fix the west-\\nern limits of the States claiming to extend to the Mississippi,\\nand expressly to reserve to the United States a right in com-\\nmon in and to all the lands lying to the westward of the\\nfrontiers as thus fixed, not granted to, or surveyed for, or pur-\\nchased by individuals at the commencement of the war.\\nFurther, the exclusive claim set up by some States to the\\nwhole Western country is declared to be without any solid\\nfoundation and it will, if submitted to, prove ruinous to\\nMaryland and to other States similarly circumstanced, and,\\nin process of time, be the means of subverting the Confeder-\\nacy. This document, which was intended to influence public\\nopinion as well as Congress, was brought forward in Con-\\ngress, January 6, 1779; but a longer and more earnest one,\\nadopted by the General Assembly on the same day, entitled\\nInstructions to the Maryland Delegates, was not presented\\nuntil May 21st. The two documents are the defence of her\\nposition that Maryland made to the country.\\nThe instructions assume that some of the States have\\nacceded to the Confederation from dread of immediate ca-\\nlamities growing out of the war and other peculiar circum-\\nstances, and that, when these causes cease to operate, said States\\nwill consider it no longer binding, but will improve the first\\nfavorable opportunity to assert their just rights and secure\\ntheir independence. The Western lands, if the course marked\\nout is persisted in, will present such an opportunity. The\\nsame grasping spirit that leads the claimant States to insist\\non a claim so extravagant, so repugnant to every principle of\\njustice, so incompatible with the general welfare of the States,\\nwill urge them on to add oppression to injustice. The de-\\npopulation and impoverishment of the non-claimant States,\\nThis declaration, with other important papers relating to the same subject,\\nis found in Hening s Statutes of Virginia, X., 546 et seq.\\nFound ill tlie Secret Journals, under this date.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "2IO THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nif not their oppression by open force, will follow. The prob-\\nable consequences to Maryland of the undisputed possession\\nby Virginia of the Western country that she claimed are thus\\nvigorously described\\nVirginia, by selling on the most moderate terms a small\\nproportion of the lands in question, would draw into her treas-\\nury vast sums of money and in proportion to the sums arising\\nfrom such sales, would be enabled to lessen her taxes. Lands\\ncomparatively cheap, and taxes comparatively low, with the\\nlands and taxes of an adjacent state, would quickly drain the\\nState thus disadvantageously circumstanced of its most useful\\ninhabitants its wealth and its consequence in the scale of the\\nconfederated States would sink of course. A claim so injurious\\nto more than one-half, if not to the whole of the United States,\\nought to be supported by the clearest evidence of the right.\\nYet what evidences of that right have been produced What\\narguments alleged in support either of the evidence or the\\nright None that we have heard of deserving a serious refuta-\\ntion.\\nTo the argument that some of the States were too large\\nfor one practicable government, and that it would be found\\nnecessary to divide them into two States even if the Articles\\nstood as they were, it was replied that, for a State to divide\\nits territory to erect under its auspices and direction a new\\nState, upon which it would impose its own form of govern-\\nment, binding the new State to itself by some alliance or con-\\nfederacy, and influencing its councils, thus forming a sub-con-\\nfederacy, imperiiiin hi imperio, would certainly be opposed by\\nthe other States as inconsistent with the letter and spirit of\\nthe proposed Confederation. Moreover, if these States con-\\ntemplate such a policy, why insist now upon the territories\\nthat they intend to surrender? But two motives can be as-\\nsigned. Either the suggestion is made to lull suspicion and\\nto cover the designs of the secret coalition, or the purpose is\\nto reap an immediate profit from the sale of the lands.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 211\\nThe Maryland proposition as presented in 1777 is then re-\\naffirmed, and the Maryland delegates are instructed not to\\nratify the Confederation unless an amendment be added in\\nconformity with that view but should the delegates succeed\\nin obtaining such an amendment, then they are fully empow-\\nered to ratify it. The document closes with a fervent hope\\nthat Congress may be led by these arguments to amend the\\nArticles in such a manner as to bring about a permanent\\nunion.\\nThe fallacy that there is value in wild lands appears to\\nhave been universally accepted in Congress and the States\\none hundred years ago. It was constantly assumed that the\\nWestern lands, when sold, would enormously enrich the claim-\\nant States or the Nation, as the case might be while experi-\\nence has proved, in this case as in many others, that the man\\nwho subdues such land can, as Professor W. G. Sumner\\nputs it, only afford to give a remuneration for the survey\\nwhich secures him a definite description and identification of\\nthe land which he has appropriated, and for the authority of\\na civil government which protects his title. In the long\\nrun, the national Government has not found the public do-\\nmain a source of revenue.\\nThe economical arguments so warmly urged by the non-\\nclaimant States were, therefore, next to worthless. Besides,\\nthe most weighty political arguments in favor of nationalizing\\nthe lands were practically overlooked, or at least not carried\\nout to their results.\\nAs the Articles were Articles of Confederation and Per-\\npetual Union among thirteen States, the ratifications of the\\ntwelve did not give them force and effect even over the\\ntwelve. Maryland refused to close the circle, and her refusal\\nwas followed by very serious results. The machinery that\\nAndrew Jackson as a Public Man. Professor Sumner says (p. 185) Down\\nto September 30, 1832, the lands had cost $49.7 million and the total revenue\\nreceived from them had amounted to $38.2 million.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "212 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe Articles furnished for filling the treasury and recruiting\\nthe army could not be set in motion the domestic and for-\\neign enemies of the national cause were elated at the appear-\\nance of serious dissensions among the States and the friends\\nof the cause were correspondingly depressed.\\nVirginia now prepared practically to assert her claim to\\nthe lands west of the Alleghany Mountains. In May, 1779,\\nthe very month that the Maryland instructions were read to\\nCongress, her legislature passed an act directing the opening\\nof a land-ofifice the ensuing October, and fixing the terms on\\nwhich lands should be sold and, about the same time, a sec-\\nond act, regulating the land-patents issued by royal authority\\nto the Virginia officers and troops in the French and Indian\\nWar. The meaning of the two acts was unmistakable Vir-\\nginia proposed to disregard the growing sentiment in favor\\nof endowing the United States with the Western lands. To\\nher surprise she immediately called into activity a power that\\nhad been sleeping since the beginning of the war the range\\nof controversy was at once widened, and the way to agree-\\nment prepared by increasing the confusion.\\nOn September 14, 1779, a memorial signed by George\\nMorgan in behalf of certain land claimants, was read in\\nCongress. This memorial recited That at the Indian Con-\\ngress held at Fort Stanwix in 1768, in consideration of the\\nloss of some ;^85,ooo sustained by certain traders, the Six\\nNations granted a tract of land, lying on the southern side\\nof the Ohio between the southern limit of Pennsylvania and\\nthe Little Kanawha River, called Indiana that afterward, but\\nbefore the war began, this tract of land, as included within\\nthe bounds of a larger tract called Vandalia, was by the King\\nin Council separated from the dominion which, in right of the\\nCrown, Virginia claimed over it that, as the memorialists\\nare advised, the said tract is not subject to the jurisdiction of\\nVirginia or any particular State, but of the United States\\nand that the action of Virginia directing the sale of the lands\\nin question seems intended to defeat the interposition of Con-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 213\\ngress. Hence, the memorialists pray Congress to take such\\nspeedy action as shall arrest the sale of the lands until Vir-\\nginia and the memorialists can be heard by Congress, and the\\nrights of the owners of the tract called Vandalia, of which\\nIndiana is a part, shall be ascertained, in such a manner as may\\ntend to support the sovereignty of the United States and the\\njust rights of individuals. A memorial signed by William\\nTrent, in behalf of Thomas Walpole and his associates in the\\nGrand Company, was presented at the same time. New\\nHampshire, Massachusetts, Virginia, and both the Carolinas\\nvoted against the motion to refer the Morgan memorial to a\\ncommittee, but the motion prevailed. Messrs. Witherspoon,\\nJenifer, Atlee, Sherman, and Peabody, on October 8th, were\\nappointed said committee. The Trent memorial had the\\nsame reference. It should be observed that, when the me-\\nmorials were introduced, the Virginia delegates objected that\\nCongress had no jurisdiction over their subject-matter. The\\ncommittee was also instructed to inquire into the foundation\\nof this objection, and first to report the facts relating to that\\npoint. This action is evidence that Congress was prepared at\\nleast to inquire whether the Nation had any title to lands\\nin the West.\\nOn October 29, 1779, the committee reported that they\\nhad considered the facts presented to them by the Virginia\\ndelegates and that they could not find any such distinc-\\ntion between the question of the jurisdiction of Congress\\nand the merits of the cause as to recommend any decision\\nupon the first separately from the last. The next day a pre-\\namble and resolution offered by the Maryland delegates, but\\nsomewhat amended, was adopted as follows\\nWhereas, the appropriation of vacant lands by the several\\nstates during the continuance of the war will, in the opinion of\\nCongress, be attended with great mischiefs therefore,\\nThe Morgan memorial is found in the Journals of Congress, III., 359. The\\nTrent memorial is not found in the Journals at all.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "214 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nResolved, That it be earnestly recommended to the State of\\nVirginia to reconsider their late act of assembly for opening\\ntheir land office and that it be recommended to the said State,\\nand all other States, similarly circumstanced, to forbear set-\\ntling or issuing warrants for unappropriated lands, or granting\\nthe same during the continuance of the present war.\\nVirginia and North Carolina are the only States that\\nvoted in the negative, but New York was divided. This\\naction at once shifted the onus from Maryland to Virginia.\\nThe Old Dominion was now compelled to speak. On Decem-\\nber 14, 1779, her legislature addressed to the delegates of the\\nUnited States in Congress assembled a remonstrance of\\nwhich these are the leading points (i) That Virginia has al-\\nready enacted a law to prevent further settlements on the\\nnorthwest banks of the Ohio River (2) That Virginia learns\\nwith surprise and concern that Congress has received and\\ncountenanced petitions from the Indiana and Vandalia Com-\\npanies asserting claims to lands within her limits as claimed\\nand that for Congress to assume a jurisdiction and right of\\nadjudication such as granting these petitions would imply,\\nwould be contrary to the fundamental principles of the Con-\\nfederation, would introduce a most dangerous precedent which\\nmight be urged to deprive one or more of the States of terri-\\ntory, or subvert its sovereignty and government, and establish\\nin Congress a power which would degenerate into an intoler-\\nable despotism (3) that there are many other land-companies\\nthan those that have already petitioned Congress, claiming\\nlands in the West, repugnant to Virginia s laws and that\\nlistening with consideration to the Indiana and Vandalia Com-\\npanies will encourage these to bring forward their claims (4)\\nCongress have stated their ultimatum as to boundaries in their\\nterms of peace (in the instructions to Mr. Adams, mentioned\\nin a previous chapter). The United States hold no terri-\\nJournals of Congress, III., 385.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 21 5\\ntory but in right of some one individual State in the Union\\nthe territory of each State from time immemorial hath been\\nfixed and determined by their respective charters, there being\\nno other rule or criterion to judge by. The setting aside of\\nthis rule will end in bloodshed among the States. Nor can\\nany argument be fairly urged to prove that any particular\\ntract of country within the limits claimed by Congress on be-\\nhalf of the United States, not part of the chartered territory\\nof some one of them, but must militate with equal force\\nagainst the right of the United States in general and tend\\nto prove that tract of country (if northwest of the Ohio\\nRiver) part of the British Province of Canada (5) the limits\\nof Virginia are defined in her constitution of 1776; (6) Vir-\\nginia is ready to listen to any just and reasonable proposition\\nfor removing the ostensible causes of delay to the complete rat-\\nification of the Confederation\u00e2\u0080\u0094 referring, of course, to Mary-\\nland. Virginia is now ready, as she has before declared herself\\nready, to furnish lands northwest of the Ohio to the troops\\non the continental establishment of such of the States as have\\nnot unappropriated lands for that purpose but she solemnly\\nprotests against any jurisdiction or right of adjudication in\\nCongress upon the petitions of the Vandalia or Indiana\\nCompanies, or any other matter or thing subversive of the\\ninternal policy, civil government, or sovereignty of this or\\nany other of the United American States, as unwarranted by\\nthe Articles of Confederation.\\nFirm as is the tone of the remonstrance, it is plain that\\nVirginia is becoming more yielding and pliable.\\nParticular attention should be drawn to the bearing of the\\nquestion with which we are dealing on the national boun-\\ndaries. Virginia states the point with great force in her re-\\nmonstrance and it is perfectly clear, in the light of the facts\\nalready presented, that a denial of the Western titles on\\nthe ground that the Western lands belonged to the Crown,\\nHening s Statutes of Virginia, X.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "2l6 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ntended to subvert the very foundation on which Congress\\ninstructed its foreign representatives to stand while contend-\\ning with England, France, and Spain for a westward extension\\nto the Mississippi. Accordingly, the Maryland doctrine was\\na dangerous one; it left no standing ground on which to con-\\ntend for the Western country but that of conquest and occu-\\npancy. But Congress wisely kept wide of the Maryland path\\nleading to the Maryland goal, and eventually worked out a\\nsolution of the Western question on the principle of com-\\npromise and concession.\\nThe first practical step toward a solution of the question\\nwas taken by the State of New York. On January 17, 1780,\\nher legislature passed an Act for facilitating the completion\\nof the Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union among\\nthe United States of America. After reciting the desirabil-\\nity of a more perfect Union, the dissatisfaction of some States\\nwith the Articles, growing out of the waste lands, and the de-\\nsire of New York to accelerate the Union by removing, as far\\nas possible, this impediment, the legislature provides: (i)\\nThat the delegates of the State in Congress, or the majority\\nof them, are authorized and empowered, in behalf of the State,\\nto limit and restrict its boundaries in the western parts by\\nsuch line or lines, and in such manner and form, as they shall\\njudge to be expedient, with respect either to the jurisdiction\\nor the right of soil, or both (2) that the territory so ceded\\nshall be and inure for the use and benefit of such of the\\nUnited States as shall become members of the federal alli-\\nance of the said States, and for no other use or purpose what-\\never (3) that such of the lands, so ceded, as shall remain\\nwithin the jurisdiction of the State, shall be surveyed, laid\\nout, and disposed of only as Congress may direct.\\nVirtually this act was the first of the cessions. It imme-\\ndiately changed the whole situation. Henceforth, the claim-\\nant states were compelled to justify themselves to Congress\\nand the country for not following New York s example.\\nMoreover, the act is remarkable for the large powers with", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 217\\nwhich it clothed the New York delegates in Congress, mak-\\ning them the sole judges whether the boundaries of the State\\nshould be restricted, and, if so, what should be the manner\\nand the extent of the restriction. This act was the result of a\\ngrowing conviction that the Western country ought not to be-\\nlong solely to the seven claimant States, and of the growth of\\nnational ideas. Professor Adams seeks to prove that it was\\nthe distinct result of Maryland s influence, and his argument,\\nwhether wholly conclusive or not, contains some valuable\\ninformation, chiefly drawn from a letter written by General\\nPhilip Schuyler, then a delegate in Congress, to the New\\nYork Legislature, that immediately preceded the Facilitating\\nAct\\nOn September 6, 1780, a committee to whom all the\\ndocuments in relation to the subject, accumulated on the\\ntable, had been referred, submitted a report on which the\\nfinal issue turned.\\nThat having duly considered the several matters to them\\nsubmitted, they conceive it unnecessary to examine into the\\nmerits or policy of the instructions or declaration of the gener-\\nal assembly of Maryland, or of the remonstrance of the gener-\\nal assembly of Virginia, as they involve questions, a discussion\\nof which was declined, on mature consideration, when the ar-\\nticles of confederation were debated nor, in the opinion of the\\ncommittee, can such questions be now revived with any pros-\\npect of conciliation That it appears more advisable, to press\\nupon those states which can remove the embarrassments re-\\nspecting the western country, a liberal surrender of a portion\\nof their territorial claims, since they cannot be preserved entire\\nwithout endangering the stability of the general confederacy\\nto remind them how indispensably necessary it is to establish\\nthe federal union on a fixed and permanent basis, and on prin-\\nciples acceptable to all its respective members how essential\\nto public credit and confidence, to the support of the army, to\\nMaryland s Influence upon Land Cessions to the United States, 30 et seq.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "2l8 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe vigor of our councils, and success of our measures, to our\\ntranquillity at home, our reputation abroad, to our very exist-\\nence as a free, sovereign, and independent people that they are\\nfully persuaded the wisdom of the respective legislatures will\\nlead them to a full and impartial consideration of a subject so\\ninteresting to the United States, and so necessary to the happy\\nestablishment of the federal union that they are confirmed in\\nthese expectations by a review of the before-mentioned act of\\nthe legislature of New York, submitted to their consideration\\nthat this act is expressly calculated to accelerate the federal al-\\nliance by removing, as far as depends on that state, the impedi-\\nment arising from the western country, and for that purpose to\\nyield up a portion of territorial claim for the general benefit\\nResolved^ That copies of the several papers referred to the\\ncommittee be transmitted, with a copy of the report, to the leg-\\nislatures of the several states and that it be earnestly recom-\\nmended to these states who have claims to the western country\\nto pass such laws, and give their delegates in Congress such\\npowers, as may effectually remove the only obstacle to a final\\nratification of the articles of confederation and that the legis-\\nlature of Maryland be earnestly requested to authorize their\\ndelegates in Congress to subscribe the articles.\\nThis report was agreed to without call of the roll. Its\\nadoption marks a memorable day in the history of the land-\\ncontroversy. No other document extant shows so clearly the\\nwise policy that Congress adopted. That policy was neither\\nto afifirm nor to deny, nor even to discuss, whether Congress\\nhad jurisdiction over the wild lands, but to ask for cessions\\nand to trust the logic of events to work out the issue. The ap-\\npeal made to Maryland was one that she could not well refuse\\nto heed. And then, that nothing but selfish interest might\\nstand in the way of the other claimant States following the\\nexample of New York, Congress adopted, October loth, this\\nfurther resolution\\nJournals of Congress, III., 516, 517.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 219\\nResolved, That the unappropriated lands that may be ceded\\nor relinquished to the United States, by any particular state,\\npursuant to the recommendation of Congress of the sixth day\\nof September last, shall be disposed of for the common benefit\\nof the United States, and be settled and formed into distinct\\nrepublican states, which shall become members of the federal\\nunion, and have the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and\\nindependence as the other states That each state which shall\\nbe so formed shall have a suitable extent of territory, not less\\nthan one hundred nor more than one hundred and fifty miles\\nsquare, as near thereto as circumstances will admit That the\\nnecessary and reasonable expenses which any particular state\\nshall have incurred since the commencement of the present war,\\nin subduing any British posts, or in maintaining forts or garri-\\nsons within and for the defence, or in acquiring any part of\\nthe territory that may be ceded or relinquished to the United\\nStates, shall be reimbursed\\nThat the said lands shall be granted or settled at such times\\nand under such regulations as shall hereafter be agreed on by\\nthe United States in Congress assembled, or any nine or more\\nof them.\\nThe offer to reimburse the reasonable expenses that any\\nState had incurred in subduing any British posts, etc., was, in\\nsubstance, a proposition to reimburse Virginia for the cost of\\nthe George Rogers Clark expedition.\\nThe papers sent to the claimant States under the resolu-\\ntion of September 6th called out immediate responses, Con-\\nnecticut replied by a legislative act, October loth, offering a\\ncession of lands within her charter-limits, west of the Sus-\\nquehanna purchase and east of the Mississippi, on condition\\nthat the State retain the jurisdiction, the quantity of land so\\nceded to be in just proportion of what shall be ceded and re-\\nlinquished by the other States claiming and holding vacant\\nlands as aforesaid with the quantity of such their claim un-\\nThe Journals of Congress, III., 585.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "220 THE OLD NORTHWEST,\\nappropriated at the time when the Congress of the United\\nStates was first convened and held at Philadelphia. The\\npreamble of this act explains that its enactment was due to\\nthe anxiety of the State to promote the liberty and indepen-\\ndence of this rising empire.\\nVirginia was the next State to respond. On January 2,\\n1781, her legislature resolved to yield to Congress, for the\\nbenefit of the United States, all the right, title, and claim\\nwhich Virginia had to the lands northwest of the River Ohio,\\nupon eight conditions. The seventh of these conditions was,\\nthat all purchases and deeds from any Indian or Indians, for\\nany lands within the cession made for the use of any private\\nperson or persons, as well as grants inconsistent with the\\nchartered rights of Virginia, should be deemed and declared\\nabsolutely void, in the same manner as if the said territory\\nhad still remained part of the commonwealth of Virginia.\\nThe last condition was that all the remaining territory of Vir-\\nginia, enclosed between the Atlantic Ocean and the southeast\\nside of the River Ohio, and the Maryland, Pennsylvania, and\\nNorth Carolina boundaries, should be guaranteed to Virginia\\nby the United States. Plainly, these two conditions, if agreed\\nto, would involve a declaration of the validity of Virginia s\\nclaim to the Northwest, and a ruling out of the claims of\\nNew York, if not of Connecticut and Massachusetts, and so\\nbe a departure from the policy that Congress had thus far\\npursued. In the year or more that elapsed before Congress\\nreplied to this overture, some very important things were\\ndone.\\nOn February 2, 1781, the Maryland Legislature empow-\\nered the Maryland delegates in Congress to subscribe and\\nratify the Articles of Confederation. The preamble of the\\nact recites the reasons why the circle of the Confederation\\nshould be closed, and declares the devotion of Maryland to\\nthe common cause. The act also declares that the State\\nJournals of Congress, IV., 265, 266.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 221\\ndoes not, by acceding to the Confederation, relinquish any\\nright or interest that she had, with the other States, in the\\nback country. She still stands on the declaration of I77 S;\\nbut she relies on the justice of the States hereafter as to the\\nsaid claim. Further, she says no Article in the Confederation\\ncan bind Maryland, or any other State, to guarantee any ex-\\nclusive claim of any particular State to the soil of the back\\nlands. This act was read in Congress on the 12th of the same\\nmonth, and preparations were made for the immediate con-\\nsummation of the Confederation.\\nMessrs. Duane, Floyd, and McDougal, the New York dele-\\ngates, now prepared a deed of limitation, in the name of the\\nState, ceding to the United States all her right, title, interest,\\njurisdiction, and claim to all lands and territories northward of\\nthe forty-fifth parallel of north latitude and westward of a\\nmeridian line drawn through the western bent or inclination\\nof Lake Ontario, or westward of a meridian line twenty miles\\nwest of the most westerly bent of the Niagara River,\\nprovided the former meridian should not be found to fall\\nthat distance beyond said river. At the same time, the New\\nYork delegates prepared another paper, that they named an\\nact or declaration, calling attention to the guarantee that\\nVirginia demanded for the territory that she did not cede\\nasserting that it was unjust to ask New York to guarantee the\\nterritories that other States making cessions reserved, at the\\nsame time that she was herself making large cessions of lands\\nand receiving no guarantee for those she did not cede and\\ndeclaring, therefore, that the deed of cession was not absolute,\\nbut, on the contrary, should be subject to ratification or dis-\\navowal by the people of the State, represented in the legis-\\nlature, at their pleasure, unless the territories reserved for\\nthe future jurisdiction of New York should be guaranteed by\\nthe United States in the same manner as the territories of\\nother States making cessions of lands were guaranteed.\\nSee Journals of Congress, under that date.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "222 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nOn March i, 1781, two important transactions were con-\\nsummated. Messrs. Duane, Floyd, and McDougal exe-\\ncuted, in the name of New York, the deed of limitation and\\nthe act or declaration and John Hanson and Daniel Car-\\nroll, delegates in behalf of the State of Maryland, signed and\\nratified the Articles of Confederation, by which act [so runs\\nthe Journal the Confederation of the United States of\\nAmerica was completed, each and every of the Thirteen\\nUnited States, from New Hampshire to Georgia, both in-\\ncluded, having adopted and confirmed, and by their delegates\\nin Congress ratified the same. Congress had anticipated this\\nauspicious event by providing that the completion of the Con-\\nfederation should be announced to the public at noon of that\\nday that the Boards of War and of Admiralty should take\\norder accordingly that information be communicated to the\\nexecutives of the several States that the American ministers\\nabroad be informed, and that they be instructed to notify the\\nrespective courts at which they resided that information be\\ngiven to the honorable the minister plenipotentiary of France\\nthat information be transmitted to the commander-in-chief,\\nand that he announce the same to the army under his com-\\nmand. We now note a change in the style of the Journals\\nof Congress. On and after March 2, 1781, the style is, The\\nUnited States in Congress Assembled.\\nThat Maryland had not theoretically abandoned her old\\nground is proved by the Act of February 2, 1781 that she\\nhad not abandoned it practically, is proved by the histoiy\\nthus far recited. The Connecticut and Virginia cessions were\\nfar from satisfactory either to Maryland or to Congress, but\\nthey were an earnest of what might, in time, be looked for.\\nThe resolutions of September and October, 1780, proved con-\\nclusively the drift of national sentiment. The New York\\ncession arrayed that great State on the side of the small\\nStates, and was an example that the other claimant States\\ncould not long refuse to follow. So much had been gained\\nthat Maryland could well afford to close the circle of the Con-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 223\\nfederation, relying on the justice of the several States here-\\nafter to dedicate the Western lands to the Nation. The com-\\npletion of the Confederation took away the great argument\\nhitherto relied upon in favor of the limitation-policy and\\nhenceforth, the strong appeal addressed to the claimant States\\nis the needs of the treasury.\\nIn a recent article, Professor Alexander Johnston says the\\nprovision of the national Constitution for the admission of\\nnew States was the result of State experience only. All the\\nStates had experienced the British system of treating colonies\\nas mere creatures of an omnipotent Parliament and they had\\nbeen determined that their territories should be treated in a\\ndifferent way, as inchoate States. The Constitution s provi-\\nsion had its origin in the Congress of the Confederation. It\\nis to the Ordinance of 1787, not to the Convention of that\\nyear, that we must look for the conception of this powerful\\nfactor in our peculiar national development and the Con-\\ngress of the Confederation took it, not from creative genius,\\nbut from the natural growth of State feeling. There is, in-\\ndeed, a wide difference between dependent colonies and in-\\ndependent States. Mr. Bancroft s felicitous chapter, The\\nColonial System of the United States, does not bear a felici-\\ntous name. Professor Johnston s praise of this feature of the\\nConstitution is well deserved but its ultimate source is the\\npioneer thought of Maryland, which antedates the ordi-\\nnance of 1787 by ten years. However, nothing is said of\\nnew States in either the New York Facilitating Act or the\\nNew York Deed of Limitation the only arguments upon\\nwhich those documents rest are the desirability of closing the\\nConfederation and the justice of distributing the lands among\\nthe States.\\nThe New Princeton Review, September, 1S87, 184.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "XIII.\\nTHE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (II.)\\nOn January 31, 1781, the resolution of October 10, 1780,\\ntogether with the accumulated acts and resolutions of the\\nStates of Connecticut, New York, and Virginia, had been re-\\nferred to a committee consisting of Messrs. Witherspoon,\\nDuane, Root, Adams, Sullivan, Burke, and Walton. The pe-\\ntitions of the Indiana and Vandalia Land Companies, as well\\nas of two other companies that had memorialized Congress con-\\ncerning their claims, were also referred to the same committee.\\nUltimately this committee, and another one that came in its\\nroom, became a sort of clearing house to which all troublesome\\nquestions that in any way touched the land-issue were sent.\\nOne of the first questions that it had to deal with, as well as\\none of the most difficult, was the guarantee demanded by Vir-\\nginia as the condition of ceding the country beyond the Ohio.\\nWe must see what such a guarantee really involved.\\nFirst, the lands claimed by the Indiana and Vandalia\\nCompanies lay on the southeastern side of the Ohio. Sec-\\nondly, the State of New York, before her deed of cession,\\nclaimed the whole country west of the Alleghanies, from the\\nLakes to the Cumberland Mountains. Thirdly, it was held\\nby som.e, irrespective of the claims of the company and of\\nNew York, that the Crown had limited Virginia on the west\\nby the Alleghanies, and that her claim to what is now West\\nVirginia and Kentucky was spurious. Hence the committee\\nwas compelled to inquire into the merits of the case as be-\\ntween the companies and New York on the one part and\\nVirginia on the other, unless, indeed, Congress should either", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 22$\\ngive or rufuse the guarantee without any inquiry whatever.\\nIt will be remembered that the question had been touched by\\nthe report of October 29, 1779, when it declared that, in the\\nmatter of the Indiana and Vandalia claims, it could not find\\nany such distinction between the question of the jurisdiction\\nof Congress and the merits of the cause as to recommend any\\ndecision upon the first separately from the last. In the light\\nof these facts, the motive of Virginia in asking a guarantee of\\nher whole territorial claim east and south of the Ohio River is\\nobvious. Evidently, Congress must waive the Virginia cession\\naltogether, or it must inquire whether part of the territories\\nto be guaranteed did not belong to the land-companies, as also\\nwhether a still larger part of them had not already been ceded\\nto the United States by New York.\\nAccordingly, the committee of seven called on the Con-\\nnecticut, New York, and Virginia delegates in Congress, as\\nwell as the agents of the four land-companies, to present their\\nrespective claims, with the proofs on which they rested them.\\nOn October 16, 1781, the Virginia delegates submitted to\\nCongress a representation urging that such an inquiry as was\\ncontemplated into the claims of companies claiming lands with-\\nin the limits of particular States was beyond its jurisdiction,\\nand asking whether Congress had intended that the committee\\nshould hear evidence, in behalf of the companies, that was ad-\\nverse to the claims or cessions of Virginia, New York, or\\nConnecticut. The paper declared it derogatory to the sover-\\neignty of a State, thus to be drawn into contest with a land-\\ncompany. On the 26th of the same month the Virginia\\ndelegates brought up the question again, this time seeking\\nto carry a motion denying to the committee the right to ad-\\nmit counsel, or to hear documents, proofs, or evidence not\\namong the records, nor on the files of Congress, which have\\nnot been specially referred to them. This was all in har-\\nThe citations to proceedings in Congress are now found in the Journnis of\\nCongress, under the respective dates, unless otherwise indicated.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "226 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmony with the Virginia remonstrance of two years before.\\nBut Congress persisted, voting down the motion of Octo-\\nber 26th, five votes to three; and on November 3, 1781, the\\ncommittee submitted an elaborate report covering the whole\\nground. In the first paragraph of this very important docu-\\nment, the committee state that the New York and Connecti-\\ncut delegates had submitted the claims of their States, with\\nvouchers to support the same, but that the Virginia delegates,\\ndeclining any elucidation of their claim, either to the lands\\nceded in the act referred to your [the] committee, or the lands\\nrequested to be guaranteed to the said State by Congress,\\ndelivered to your [the] committee the written paper hereto\\nannexed and numbered 20. This paper is not printed in\\nthe Journals, but the original is found among the unpub-\\nlished papers of Congress. It is signed by the Virginia dele-\\ngates, including Mr. Madison, and is a statement of the reasons\\nwhy they refused to present the grounds of the Virginia claim\\nto the committee. This is the most important\\nThe acts of Congress in compliance with which the above\\nmentioned cessions [viz., those of New York, Connecticut, and\\nVirginia] were made, are founded on the supposed inexpedi-\\nency of discussing the question of right, and recommended to\\nthe several states having territorial claims in the western coun-\\ntry, a liberal surrender of a portion of these claims for the ben-\\nefit of the United States, as the most advisable means of remov-\\ning the embarrassments which such questions created. To make\\nthese acts of surrender, then, the basis of a discussion of terri-\\ntorial rights, is a direct contravention of the acts of Congress,\\nand tends to diminish the weight and efficacy of future rec-\\nommendations from them to their constituents.*\\nThis report is found in the Journals under the date of May i, 1782. Messrs.\\nBoudinot, Varnum, Jenifer, Smith, and Livermore are here given as constituting\\nthe committee. I have not found any mention, in the Journals, of a second com-\\nmittee being appointed.\\nSee argument of Samuel F. Vinton in case of Virginia vs. Garner and\\nothers, Marietta, O., 1846.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 22/\\nIt cannot be denied, that for Congress to conduct an in-\\nquir) into the grounds of title by which any State held, or\\nclaimed to hold, her territories was a departure from the\\npolicy hitherto pursued nor that Virginia, in asking for the\\nguarantee, had presented sufficient occasion for the departure\\nto be made. In view of the outcome, it is plain that Virginia\\nmade a false step when she asked for the guarantee. But the\\nconclusions reached by the committee were still more distaste-\\nful to Virginia than the inquiry itself, as we shall now see.\\nThe report made, November 3, 1781, came up for action,\\nMay I, 1782. First, it recommended the acceptance of the\\nNew York cession as contained in the deed executed by\\nMessrs. Duane, Floyd, and McDougal, March i, 1781. The\\nreasons that induced the committee to recommend the ac-\\nceptance of this cession are an important part of the literature\\nrelating to the ownership of the Western lands. These were\\nfully presented, with remarks, in the statement of the North-\\nwestern claims made in the last chapter. The additional\\nobservation is called for that, at this distance, the New York\\nclaim appears the most flimsy of all the Western claims and\\nit is hard to resist the conclusion that it was preferred by the\\ncommittee from a desire to get a leverage on the other States,\\nand particularly on Virginia. This view is supported by the\\ngeneral history of the subject, by the composition of the com-\\nmittee, and by the testimony of Mr. Madison, soon to be ad-\\nduced. The five men who composed the committee were\\nBoudinot of New Jersey, Varnum of Rhode Island, Jenifer\\nof Maryland, Smith of Pennsylvania, and Livermore of New\\nHampshire.\\nThe report strongly urged Massachusetts and Connecticut\\nto make an immediate release of all their claims and preten-\\nsions to the Western territories, without condition or reserva-\\ntion. Not a word was said about the conditional cession that\\nConnecticut had already made.\\nComing to the cession proffered by Virginia, the com-\\nmittee reported that it was not consistent with the interest of", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "228 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe United States, the duty that Congress owed to their con-\\nstituents, or the rights necessarily vested in Congress as the\\nsovereign power of the United States, to accept the said ces-\\nsion, or to guarantee the tract of country claimed by Virginia\\nsoutheast of the Ohio assigning the following reasons for\\nthis conclusion\\nI. It appeared to your committee from the vouchers laid\\nbefore them, that all the lands ceded, or pretended to be ceded,\\nto the United States by the state of Virginia, are within the\\nclaims of the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New\\nYork, being part of the lands belonging to the said Six Nations\\nof Indians and their tributaries.\\n2. It appeared that great part of the lands claimed by the\\nstate of Virginia, and requested to be guaranteed to them by\\nCongress, is also within the claim of the state of New York,\\nbeing also a part of the country of the said Six Nations and\\ntheir tributaries.\\n3. It also appeared that a large part of the lands last afore-\\nsaid are to the westward of the west boundary line of the late\\ncolony of Virginia, as established by the King of Great Britain,\\nin Council, previous to the present revolution.\\n4. It appeared that a large tract of said lands hath been\\nlegally and equitably sold and conveyed away under the gov-\\nernment of Great Britain before the declaration of indepen-\\ndence by persons claiming the absolute property thereof.\\n5. It appeared that in the year 1763, a very large part\\nthereof was separated and appointed for a distinct government\\nand colony by the King of Great Britain, with the knowledge\\nand approbation of the government of Virginia.\\n6. The conditions annexed to the said cession are incom-\\npatible with the honor, interests, and peace of the United States,\\nand therefore, in the opinion of your committee, altogether in-\\nadmissible.\\nThese reasons, together with those given for adopting the\\nresolution accepting the New York cession, totally deny the\\nvalidity of Virginia s claim to territory west of the mountains,", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 229\\nand fully affirm the sufficiency of New York s title. Still, to\\nput an end to all questions, the committee recommended the\\nfollowing resolution\\nThat it be earnestly recommended to the state of Virginia,\\nas they value the peace, welfare and increase of the United\\nStates, that they re-consider their said act of cession, and by a\\nproper act for that purpose, cede to the United States all\\nclaims and pretensions of claim to the lands and country be-\\nyond a reasonable western boundary, consistent with their\\nformer acts while a colony under the power of Great Britain,\\nand agreeable to their just rights of soil and jurisdiction at\\nthe commencement of the present war, and that free from any\\nconditions and restrictions whatever.\\nThe committee further reported that the Indiana claim\\nwas a bona fide claim, made in the usual way and it therefore\\nrecommended that, in case the said lands were finally ceded\\nto the United States by Great Britain, Congress should con-\\nfirm to such of the purchasers as were citizens of the United\\nStates their respective shares and proportions of such lands.\\nAfter reciting the facts relating to the Vandalia grant,\\nthe committee declared it wholly incompatible with the in-\\nterests of the United States to permit such inordinate grants\\nof lands to be vested in individual citizens of the States\\nnevertheless, in order to do strictest justice to such of the said\\ncompany as should remain citizens of the United States, it\\nrecommended that, in case the tract should finally be ad-\\njudged to the United States, Congress should make reason-\\nable provision for them out of the lands.\\nThe committee recommended, further, that the claims of\\nthe Illinois and Wabash Companies be dismissed, on the\\nground that they were originally illegal.\\nFinally, the committee declared that many inconveniences\\nwould arise unless the jurisdiction of Congress in regard to\\nIndian affairs was more clearly defined, and so submitted a\\nnumber of resolutions intended to accomplish that end.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "230 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThis report was never acted upon as a whole and to fol-\\nlow it through the Journals is a wearisome undertaking,\\nespecially as the land-issue soon becomes complicated with\\nother subjects, as the national jfinances.\\nAs early as 1776, attention was drawn to the Northwest-\\nern lands as a resource amply adequate, under proper regu-\\nlations, for defraying the whole expense of the war. Now\\nthat the Confederation had been completed, and the financial\\nembarrassments of the country were becoming greater and\\ngreater, the eyes of the people and of Congress were more and\\nmore turning to the Northwest to find the means of relief.\\nOn July 31, 1782, a grand committee of one from each State,\\nappointed to consider and report the most effective means of\\nsupporting the credit of the United States, recommended\\nCongress to decide upon the cessions made by Connecticut,\\nNew York, and Virginia. It is their opinion, say the com-\\nmittee, that the Western lands, if ceded to the United States,\\nmight contribute toward a fund for paying the debt of these\\nStates. As a substitute for this part of the report, Mr.\\nWitherspoon offered a series of resolutions asserting that such\\ncessions, if made agreeably to the resolutions of 1780, would\\nbe an important fund for the discharge of the national debt,\\nand strongly urging them upon the claimant States. For\\nsome reason these resolutions, as well as the foregoing item\\nof the report, were lost but the phrase national debt\\nshows that the national idea was growing.\\nReplying, January 30, 1783, to the complaints of Pennsyl-\\nvania that she could not procure payments of money due her\\nfrom the Federal Government, Congress called attention to\\nthe steps taken to secure the Western cessions, begging Penn-\\nsylvania to consider the subject as of importance, not only\\nas may affect the public credit, but as it will contribute to\\nSilas Deane See Adams s Maryland s Influence upon Land Cessions to\\nthe United States, 22.\\nJournals of Congress, IV. 68, 69 82, 83.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 23 1\\ngive general satisfaction to the members of the Union. On\\nApril 18th the subject came up again as a part of the well-\\nknown financial scheme of that year, as will soon be pointed\\nout more at length.\\nNext to the Journals of Congress, the Madison\\nPapers and Mr. Madison s reports of the debates in Con-\\ngress, found in Eliot s Debates, are the principal sources of\\ninformation concerning the land-cessions. Mr. Madison was\\nin Congress in i7 So, 1781, 1782; and his letters to his Vir-\\nginia correspondents in those years throw a f^ood of light on\\nthe whole subject, making clear the motives that governed\\nthe Virginia delegates, revealing hidden springs of action, and\\nshowing conclusively that politics played a large part in those\\ntransactions.\\nWriting to Edmund Pendleton, September 12, 1780, of the\\nresolution of Congress adopted six days before, he expresses\\nthe sanguine belief that the States to which that appeal is\\nmade will see the necessity of closing the union in too\\nstrong a light to oppose the only expedient that can ac-\\ncomplish it. To Joseph Jones, September 19th, October\\n19th, and November 21st of the same year, he suggests that\\nthe States making cessions can shut off the land-companies,\\ncalled by him land-mongers, by expressly excluding them\\nfrom all participation in the lands ceded he does not believe\\nthere is any design in Congress to gratify the avidity of land-\\nmongers, but the best security for their virtue in this respect\\nwill be to keep it out of their power and declares a prop-\\nosition to arbitrate the issue between the Indiana Company\\nand Virginia, submitted by Morgan, irreconcilable with the\\nhonor and sovereignty of the State. Writing to Jones, Novem-\\nber 28th, he thus touches the Connecticut cession They\\nreserve the jurisdiction to themselves, and clog the cession\\nwith some other conditions which greatly depreciate it, and\\nUnless otherwise designated, the citations from Madison are from the Mad-\\nison Papers. See the respective dates.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "232 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nare the more extraordinary as their title to the land is so con-\\ntrovertible a one. December 19th, he expresses to Jones\\nregret that the Virginia Assembly has not acted on the con-\\ngressional recommendation, because the delay will tend to\\npostpone Maryland s ratification of the Confederation. To\\nEdmund Randolph he writes, May i, 1781, that the attempt\\nto secure the acceptance of the Virginia cession has pro-\\nduced all the perplexing and dilatory objections which its\\nadversaries could devise. He declares to Randolph, October\\n30th of the same year, that an agrarian law is as much\\ncoveted by the little members of the Union as ever it was by\\nthe indigent citizens of Rome he cherishes little hope of\\narresting any aggression upon Virginia which depends solely\\non the inclination of Congress he thinks the rule requiring\\nseven States to carry a vote will be a check on the agrarians,\\nbut in another letter he speaks of the same rule as retarding\\nbusiness. November 13th, he tells Pendleton that the Vir-\\nginia cession will not be adopted with the conditions an-\\nnexed to it and then states the programme of the opposi-\\ntion as follows\\nThe opinion seems to be, that an acceptance of the ces-\\nsion of New York will give Congress a title which will be\\nmaintainable against all the other claimants. In this, however,\\nthey will certainly be deceived and even if it were otherwise,\\nit would be their true interest, as well as conformable to the\\nplan on which the cessions were recommended, to bury all\\nfurther contentions by covering the territory with the titles of\\nas many of the claimants as possible.\\nIn a letter to Thomas Jefferson, November 18, 1781, Mad-\\nison writes of the hostile machinations of some of the States\\nagainst our territorial claims says the report of the com-\\nmittee, made November 3, 1781, is not founded on the ob-\\nnoxious doctrine of an inherent right in the United States to\\nthe territory in question, but on the expediency of clothing\\nthem with the title of New York, which is supposed to be", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 333\\nmaintainable against all others utters the opinion that the\\nprinciples of the report will not be ratified by Congress and\\nadds that the committee was composed of a member each\\nfrom Maryland, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Rhode Island,\\nand New Hampshire, all of which States, except the last,\\nare systematically and notoriously adverse to the claims of\\nWestern territory, and particularly those of Virginia. In\\nthis, as in others of his letters, Mr. Madison expresses the\\nfear that the Virginia Assembly will become offended at the\\nunreasonable course pursued by Congress, and so refuse fur-\\nther help to end the controversy. He says, also, that the in-\\nvestigation made by the committee of the rights of States\\nand companies was vindicated on the ground that the condi-\\ntions annexed by Virginia to the cession made it necessary.\\nIn a second letter to Jefferson, bearing date, January 15, 1782,\\nhe reviews the history of the cessions to date. He speaks\\nagain of the machinations against Virginia, and of the per-\\nseverance with which her territorial rights are persecuted\\nhe says an accurate and full collection of the documents bear-\\ning on Virginia s title would be of great service to the Vir-\\nginia delegation, and calls upon Mr. Jefferson to investigate\\nthe whole subject from the original charter down. Writing to\\nMr. Jefferson again, April i6th, he describes the line of at-\\ntack on the Virginia title. The adversaries of the State will\\nbe either the United States or New York, or both. The\\nformer will either claim on the principle that the vacant coun-\\ntry is not included in any particular State, and consequently\\nfalls to the whole, or will clothe themselves with the title of\\nthe latter by accepting its cession. He again calls on his\\ndistinguished correspondent to trace the title of Virginia to\\nthe disputed lands.\\nIn a letter to Randolph, of August 13, 1782, he says\\nseveral of the Middle States seem to be facing about.\\nMaryland, however, preserves its wonted jealousy and ob-\\nstinacy. In another letter to Randolph he discusses the\\nfinancial bearings of the land-question in reference to a recent", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "234 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ndebate in Congress, and states the circumstances leading to\\nthe Witherspoon resolutions already cited.\\nAfter the usual discussion of the question of right, and a\\nproposal of opposite amendments to make the report favor the\\nopposite sides, a turn was given to the debate to the question\\nof expediency, in which it became pretty evident to all parties,\\nthat unless a compromise took place no advantage would ever\\nbe derived to the United States, even if their right were ever\\nso valid. The number of States interested in the opposite doc-\\ntrines rendered it impossible for the title of the United States\\never to obtain a vote of Congress in its favor, much less any coer-\\ncive measure to render the title of any fiscal importance whilst\\nthe individual States, having botli the will and the means to\\navail themselves of their pretensions, might open their land\\noffices, issue their patents, and, if necessary, protect the execu-\\ntion of their grants, without any other molestation than the\\nclamors of individuals within and without the doors of Con-\\ngress. This view of the case had a manifest effect on the tem-\\nperate advocates of the Federal title.\\nEvery review I take of the western territory produces\\nfresh conviction that it is the true policy of Virginia, as well\\nas of the United States, to bring the dispute to a friendly com-\\npromise. A separate government cannot be distant, and will\\nbe an insuperable barrier to subsequent profits. If, therefore,\\nthe decision of the state on the claims of companies can be\\nsaved, I hope her other conditions will be relaxed.\\nHe means, no doubt, that Virginia shall drop her demand\\nfor a guarantee.\\nReplying, March 24, 1782, to Madison s loud calls for help,\\nMr. Jefferson expresses surprise at the plan to set up New\\nYork s claim against Virginia s. Previous to the receipt of\\nMadison s letter, he had never been able to comprehend a\\nground on which Virginia s right could be denied that would\\nnot at the same time subvert the right of all the States to\\nthe whole of their territory. He confesses his inability to", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 235\\nadd anything to the argument on the Virginia side, and\\nventures the opinion that, if the decision of Congress .s un-\\nfavorable to Virginia, it will not close the question and\\nsupposes that men on the Western waters who are amb tious\\nofTcewill urge a separation of the West by authority of\\nCongress. Neither Mr. Madison s correspondents nor Mr\\nMadison himself ever suggested any standmg ground for Vir-\\nginia other than the charter of the colony.\\nWe are indebted to Mr. Madison s correspondence for\\nthe information that the Western issue hinged on another\\nfamous question of those days. This is the question of the\\nriL n of Vermont to the Union, that has already been\\ntreated in another place. This issue became mvolved with\\nthe land-question as early as 1781. On August 14th of that\\nyear Mr. Madison predicted the speedy triumph of Vermont\\nassigning this as one of his reasons The jealous policy o\\nsome of the little states which hope that such a precedent\\nmay engender a division of some of the large ones. Under\\ndate of May i, 1782-the very day that the report of 1781\\nwas taken up-Mr. Madison committed to writing some\\nnoteworthy observations relating to the mfiuence of Ver-\\nmont and the Territorial Claims on the politics of Congress.\\nThe New England States, with the exception of New\\nHampshire, patronize the independence of Vermont from an-\\ncient hostility to New York, from the interest of their citi-\\nzens in Vermont lands, but principally from the accession of\\nweight this will give that section in Congress. Pennsylvania\\nand Maryland also patronize the pretensions of Vermont, as\\ndo New Jersey and Delaware; the first two, with the sole\\nview of reinforcing the opposition to claims of Western terri-\\ntory, particularly those of Virginia the other two with the\\nad^Uonal view of strengthening the interests of the little\\nstates. Rhode Island is also influenced by these considera-\\ntions, as well as by those that influence the other New Eng-\\nand States. New York opposes Vermont ^or obv^us rea\\nVirginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia oppose Vermont\\nsons.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "236 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\non four grounds A habitual jealousy of Eastern predomi-\\nnance the opposition that it is expected Vermont, if admitted,\\nwill oppose to Western claims; the inexpediency of admitting\\nso small a State on an equal footing with the first members\\nof the Union the tendency of the example to bring about a\\npremature dismemberment of the other States.\\nIt is plain that the admission of Vermont under the cir-\\ncumstances would be a sort of premium on rebellion, and\\nmight encourage the Virginians west of the mountains to\\nrevolution. Mr. Madison then defines the motives from\\nwhich the States act on the other question. Of those that\\noppose the Western claims, Rhode Island is influenced by a\\ndesire to share the lands as a revenue-fund, and by the envy\\nexcited by superior resources and importance; New Jersey,\\nPennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland are influenced by these\\nconsiderations, but more by the intrigues of their citizens who\\nare interested in the land-companies. The peculiar hostility\\nof these States to Virginia is due to the fact that the claims\\nof the companies lie within the limits of Virginia. Pennsyl-\\nvania and Maryland would oppose Vermont, only their allies\\nin the Western combination require them to favor her; Mas-\\nsachusetts and Connecticut thwart the settlement of the\\nWestern question until the admission of Vermont is made\\nsure. With these States, Vermont is first and the lands sec-\\nond; with Pennsylvania and Maryland, the lands are first and\\nVermont second. No direct interest in the lands is accorded\\nto Massachusetts, and but a slight one to Connecticut. New\\nYork, Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia all have Western\\nclaims in which they take an interest South Carolina least\\nof all. New York s claim is very extensive, but her title\\nis very flimsy. She urges it, expecting to obtain some ad-\\nvantage or credit by its cession rather than hoping to main-\\ntain it.\\nIt should be observed that the cession-policy was actually\\nattended by some dangers that do not appear on the surface\\nof the subject. On the one hand, the cessions tended to", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 237\\nStrengthen the Union by conciliating the non-claimant States\\non the other, they tended, or at least might tend, to engender\\ndangerous divisive tendencies. Discussing the admission of\\nVermont, in a letter dated September 19, 1780, Mr. Madison\\nsays For my own part, if a final decision must take place,\\nI am clearly of opinion that it ought to be made on prin-\\nciples that will effectually discountenance the erection of\\nnew governments without the sanction of proper authority,\\nand in a style marking a due firmness and decision in Con-\\ngress.\\nAgain, November 19, 1782, he writes that he has seen a\\nletter from General Irvine, then at Fort Pitt, which displays\\nin full colors the avidity of the Western people for the vacant\\nlands and for separate governments. Mr. Jefferson s corre-\\nspondence bears a similar testimony. The over-mountain peo-\\nple of North Carolina, in defiance both of the parent State\\nand of Congress, actually sought to set up the State of Frank-\\nlin. And this divisive tendency was no doubt a fact to be\\nconsidered by cautious statesmen.\\nHaving let in this side-light on the stage, we are ready to\\nfollow the movement of the scenes.\\nOn motion of the Maryland delegation, October 29, 1782,\\nCongress accepted the New York cession as defined in the\\ndeed executed, March i, 1781, Virginia alone voting in the\\nnegative. November 5th, Mr. Madison explained to Mr.\\nRandolph the reasons that led to this negative vote In the\\nfirst place, such a measure, instead of terminating all contro-\\nversy the object proposed by the original plan introduces\\nnew perplexities and, in the second place, an assent from us\\nmight be hereafter pleaded as a voluntary acceptance of the\\nUnited States in the room of New York as a litigant against\\nVirginia. The acceptance of the New York cession, how-\\never, did not include the approval of the reasons given by the\\ncommittee of 1781 for its recommendations. This was a fort-\\nunate circumstance, as it proved, for the way was thus left\\nopen for the compromise finally made. At the same time,", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "238 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe acceptance of the New York cession was understood to\\nbe a decisive defeat of Virginia. Some members of Congress\\nexpected never again to hear of Virginia s land-claims. Such\\nwas the consummation of the long and determined effort\\nmade by Virginia to secure the acceptance by Congress of her\\ncession with the guarantee. After this, the final success of\\nthe cession-policy was only a question of time.\\nIn the letter to Randolph last cited, Mr. Madison recounts\\nthe action of October 29th, and points out its bearings.\\nThe success of the Middle States in obtaining the cession\\nof New York has given great encouragement, and they are\\npursuing steadily the means of availing themselves of the\\nother titles. That of Connecticut is proposed for the next\\nobject. Virginia will be postponed for the last. By enlisting\\nthe two preceding into their party, they hope to render their\\nmeasures more effectual with respect to the last. He says\\nthe coalition of the Middle States with New York will hurt\\nthe pretensions of Vermont. New York, by ceding a claim\\nwhich was tenable neither by force nor by right, has ac-\\nquired with Congress the merit of liberality, rendered the\\ntitle to her reservation more respectable, and at least damped\\nthe ardor with which Vermont has been abetted.\\nThe lands again came to the front in connection with the\\nnational finances.\\nIn a note to his report of the debate of February 26, 1783,\\non the famous revenue-plan of that year, Mr. Madison defines\\nthe position of the States with reference thereto. New\\nHampshire would approve of a share in the vacant territory.\\nRhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and\\nMaryland are deeply interested in the lands. New York,\\nsince the acceptance of her cession, is interested in those of\\nother States. Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia must make\\nlarger or smaller sacrifices of territory. Massachusetts, so\\nfar as appears, has no interest in the question. Connecticut\\nmay, perhaps, consider herself interested in the acquisition of\\nthe vacant lands since the condemnation of her title to her", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 239\\nWestern claims, the reference being, of course, to the refusal\\nto accept her cession.\\nOn April 9, 1783, a memorial praying Congress to grant a\\ntract of land on Lake Erie to the Canadian refugees who had\\nengaged in the cause of the United States led to a protracted\\ndiscussion of the land-question. On the i8th of the same\\nmonth the revenue-plan was adopted, containing the follow-\\ning recommendation\\nThat as a further means, as well of hastening the ex-\\ntinguishment of the debts as of establishing the harmony of\\nthe United States, it be recommended to the states which have\\npassed no acts towards complying with the resolutions of Con-\\ngress of the 6th of September and loth of October, 1780, rela-\\ntive to the cession of territorial claims, to make the liberal ces-\\nsions therein recommended, and to the states which may have\\npassed acts complying Avith the said resolutions in part only, to\\nrevise and complete such compliance.\\nMr. Madison s reports of these discussions contain no argu-\\nments with which we are not already familiar.\\nMany members of Congress supposed that this recom-\\nmendation was a finality they thought that, with the accept-\\nance of the New York cession, it sealed the fate of Virginia s\\nWestern claims. But the delegates from that State appar-\\nently had not given up the hope of obtaining the acceptance of\\nthe Virginia cession. At least, Mr. Bland made a motion to\\naccept it, and the motion was referred to a committee. This\\ncommittee reported, June 9, 1783, that action should be post-\\nponed until Congress had proceeded to a determination on\\nthe report of November 3, 1781. Accordingly, Congress re-\\nsumed the consideration of that report, and so much of it as\\nrelated to the Virginia cession was referred to a committee\\nconsisting of Messrs. Rutledge, Ellsworth, Bedford, Gorham,\\nand Madison. This reference alarmed the States that had so\\nEliot s Debates, V., 59, 6a", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "240 THE OLD NORTHWEST,\\nunflaggingly opposed the pretensions of Virginia, and that\\nsupposed the acceptance of the New York cession and the\\nfinance scheme meant the limitation of Virginia s claim on\\nthe west by the Alleghany Mountains. They feared that the\\nreference meant a reopening of the whole question, and pos-\\nsibly a backing down from the position taken, April i8th.\\nThis view of the case is well put in a vigorous remonstrance\\nthat New Jersey sent to Congress, June 20th, expressing sur-\\nprise at the reopening of the question applying the recom-\\nmendation of April 1 8th expressly to Virginia, whose cession\\nis declared partial, unjust, and illiberal, and requesting\\nCongress not to accept that cession but to press Virginia to\\nmake a more liberal surrender of that territory of which they\\nclaim so boundless a proportion. The same day the report\\nof the Rutledge Committee was considered. This report,\\nafter being under discussion for three months, was finally\\nadopted, September 13, 1783. Mr. Madison thinks this report,\\nwhen first offered, a fit basis for a compromise, and ex-\\npresses the hope, when it is finished, that it will meet the ul-\\ntimatum of Virginia. How well grounded his view was, is\\nshown by an examination of the report itself, and by the sub-\\nsequent history.\\nThe report states the eight conditions that Virginia an-\\nnexed to the cession of January 2, 1781, and disposes of them\\none by one pointing out that some of them have been met\\nalready, that others are reasonable and should be met, and\\nthat some are unnecessary because they are covered by others.\\nThe last condition, that requiring the guarantee, is thus dis-\\nposed of\\nAs to the last condition, your committee are of opinion,\\nthat Congress cannot agree to guarantee to the commonwealth\\nof Virginia, the land described in the said condition, without\\nentering into a discussion of the right of the state of Virginia\\nMadison Papers, 543, 572.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 241\\nto the said land and that by the acts of Congress it appears\\nto have been their intention, which the commiitee cannot but\\napprove, to avoid all discussion of the territorial rights of in-\\ndividual states, and only to recommend and accept a cession\\nof their claims whatsoever they might be, to vacant territory.\\nYour committee conceive this condition of a guarantee, to be\\neither unnecessary or unreasonable inasmuch as, if the land\\nabove mentioned is really the property of the State of Virginia,\\nit is sufficiently secured by the Confederation, and if it is not\\nthe property of that state, there is no reason or consideration\\nfor such guarantee.\\nThe report closes with a recommendation that, if the\\nlegislature of Virginia make a cession conformable to these\\nviews, Congress shall accept such cession. Maryland and\\nNew Jersey alone voted in the negative.\\nThe report adopted September 18, 1783, is in marked\\ncontrast with the one offered November 3, I78i,and for which,\\nin some sense, it was a substitute. Particularly is it impossi-\\nble to harmonize what is said of the guarantee in 1783 with\\nthe arguments adduced two years before to prove the validity\\nof the New York claim and the invalidity of the Virginia\\nclaim. The one document gives the results of an inquiry\\ninto the question of right the other waives such inquiry al-\\ntogether, on the ground that it is the settled policy of Con-\\ngress to avoid all such inquiries and discussions, and only to\\nrecommend the cession of State claims, whatever they may\\nbe. Evidently a change had come over the temper of Con-\\ngress. In 1 78 1 the policy was to put pressure on Virginia\\nwith a view of inducing her to cede the territory between the\\nAlleghanies and the Ohio, Hence the affirmation of New\\nYork s claim. The Union was to be clothed w^ith New\\nYork s title, as Mr. Madison states in his letters. Such was\\nthe plan of the non-claimant States in 1781, Time has told\\nagainst that plan, and a new one has been agreed upon as a\\ncompromise. Nothing is said in the report of 1783 about the\\nlands southeast of the Ohio the right to inquire into titles\\n16", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "242 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nis denied Congress can only recommend cessions and accept\\nthem when made. This leaves the way open for Virginia to\\nwithdraw her demand for a guarantee, at the same time that\\nshe renews the cession of the Northwest. As the reasons of\\n1 78 1 have never been adopted, Congress can tacitly assent to\\nthe southern limitation of the cessions by the Ohio River.\\nThis will leave the lands within the present States of West\\nVirginia and Kentucky in Virginia s possession, which is ex-\\nactly what she has been contending for from the first. The\\ndetails of this plan were evidently arranged by the Rutledge\\nCommittee.\\nVirginia promptly performed the part assigned her. On\\nOctober 20, 1783, her legislature passed an act authorizing a\\ncession of the territory northwest of the Ohio. Before stating\\nthe terms of this cession, however, we must attend to an at-\\ntempt that was made to break up the compromise, and to\\nwrest the lands claimed by the Indiana Company from the\\ngrasp of Virginia.\\nAlarmed at the prospect of being abandoned by Congress,\\nColonel George Morgan, the petitioner of three years before,\\nin behalf of himself and his fellow-proprietors, applied to New\\nJersey for protection, of which State some of them were citi-\\nzens. He proposed, virtually, that the State should adopt\\nthe Indiana Company s claim as its own, at least to the ex-\\ntent of suing for an investigation of the title by a Federal\\ncourt. The legislature, probably in the hope of defeating the\\ncompromise, accepted the proposal, and appointed Morgan its\\nagent for the purpose of bringing the claim before Congress.\\nIn his petition, dated February 24th, and presented in\\nCongress, March i, 1784, Morgan recites the fact of his ap-\\npointment, quotes the finding of the committee of 1781 con-\\ncerning the Indiana Company, says Virginia still claims the\\nsame lands, denies the validity of her claim, and prays for a\\nhearing in the premises agreeably to the Ninth Article of the\\nConfederation. A motion to commit was lost, as was a\\nmotion for a committee to prepare an answer to New Jersey.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 243\\nWe have no intimation why Congress refused this applica-\\ntion possibly because it did not consider Article IX, as cover-\\ning the case. Mr. Madison, in one of his letters, says he does\\nnot understand the policy of the land-companies in opposing\\nthe Virginia compromise. They can never hope for specific\\nrestitution of their claims they can never even hope for a\\ncession of the country between the Alleghany and the Ohio\\nby Virginia as little can they hope for an extension of a\\njurisdiction of Congress over it by force. I should suppose,\\ntherefore, that it would be their truest interest to promote a\\ngeneral cession of the vacant country to Congress and in\\ncase the titles of which they have been stripped should be\\ndeemed reasonable, and Congress should be disposed to make\\nany equitable compensation, Virginia would be no more in-\\nterested in opposing it than the other states. The petition\\nof March i, 1784, is the last that we hear of the Indiana\\nCompany in the Old Congress.\\nHaving thus refused to do anything with Morgan s peti-\\ntion. Congress the same day took up and accepted the deed of\\ncession that Mr. Jefferson and his colleagues had already pre-\\nsented in behalf of Virginia. After reciting the resolutions\\nof Congress of 1780, the Virginia cession of 1781, and the re-\\nport adopted by Congress, September 13, 1783, the act on\\nwhich the deed is based stipulates that the territory so ceded\\nshall be laid out and formed into states, containing a suitable\\nextent of territory, not less than one hundred nor more than\\none hundred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto as cir-\\ncumstances will admit, and that the states so formed shall\\nbe distinct republican states, and admitted members of the\\nFederal Union, having the same rights of sovereignty, freedom,\\nand independence as the other states that the reasonable ex-\\npenses incurred by Virginia in subduing and garrisoning any\\npart of this territory shall be paid that the inhabitants of\\nthe Kaskaskia, Vincenncs, and the neighboring French vil-\\nMadison Papers, 543, 544.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "244 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nlages who have become citizens of Virginia shall have their\\ntitles confirmed to them that one hundred and fifty thousand\\nacres of land promised by Virginia to Clark and the officers\\nand men who served under him in the Northwest shall be\\ngranted to them that in case certain lands reserved for the\\nVirginia troops on the continental establishment, south of the\\nOhio River between the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers,\\nshould prove insufficient for their legal bounties, the defi-\\nciency shall be made up to the said troops, in good lands, to\\nbe laid off between the Rivers Scioto and Little Miami, on\\nthe northwest side of the River Ohio and that all the\\nlands so ceded, not reserved for any of the enumerated pur-\\nposes, and not disposed of in bounties to the officers and sol-\\ndiers of the American army, shall be a common fund for the\\nuse, aid, and benefit of the members of the Union, present or\\nfuture, Virginia included, according to their usual respective\\nproportions in the general charge and expenditure, and shall\\nbe faithfully and bona fide disposed of for that purpose, and\\nfor no other use or purpose whatsoever. The cession is of\\nall right, title, and claim, as well of soil as of jurisdiction,\\nwhich the said commonwealth hath to the territory or tract of\\ncountry within the limits of the Virginia charter, situate, lying,\\nand being to the northwest of the River Ohio. The act also\\nexpresses the hope that Congress, in justice to Virginia for\\nher liberal cession, will earnestly press upon the other States\\nclaiming large bodies of waste lands to make cessions equally\\ni liberal for the common benefit and support of the Union.\\nA motion to add to the resolution accepting the deed\\nthe proviso that its acceptance should not be considered as\\nimplying any opinion or decision of Congress respecting the\\nextent or validity of the claim of Virginia to Western terri-\\ntory, by charter or otherwise, received the votes of only New\\nJersey and Pennsylvania. New Jersey alone voted against\\naccepting the deed, South -Carolina was divided, Maryland\\nwas not present.\\nSuch was the end of the long struggle between Congress", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 245\\nand Virginia. The sole question at issue had long been the\\nterritory southeast of the Ohio. Virginia demanded a guar-\\nantee in 1 78 1 as a reply to the demand that she should be\\nbounded on the west by the mountains. That guarantee was\\nnot given, and yet Virginia won a substantial victory. Now\\nthat the demand to shut her up between the sea and the moun-\\ntains was pressed with less vigor, and there was a disposition\\nto recede from the reasons of the report of 1781. she was quite\\nwilling to let the guarantee go, and accept in its stead a tacit\\nunderstanding that she should not be molested in the posses-\\nsion of the back lands. By this time the dispute had become\\nwearisome; the compromise suggested by the report of 1783\\noffered a practicable settlement, and a large majority of Con-\\ngress, as the votes show, were very glad to accept that compro-\\nmise and let the matter drop. The controversy with Virginia\\nwas considerably affected by the events of the war. Hildreth\\nsays the terror inspired by Arnold s approach to Richmond was\\na main motive with Virginia in making the cession of 1781.\\nAfter the peace of 1783 Congress was less disposed to press\\nVirginia to make a more liberal cession, and Virginia was less\\ndisposed to yield. Had the war gone on a year or two longer\\nat least, had Maryland s ratification of the Articles been\\npostponed so long it is highly probable that Virginia s west-\\nern boundary would have been drawn where it now is, at the\\nclose of the Revolution rather than at the beginning of the\\nCivil War.\\nIn the course of the long discussion about the West, there\\nwas a considerable fluctuation of opinion as to the proper\\nnumber and size of the new States. Virginia was the only\\nState making a cession which stipulated that the territory\\nceded should be formed into States and she imposed a rule\\nof division that would have given anywhere from ten tO/\\ntwenty States in the Northwest. But in 1788, in response to\\na representation made by Congress two years before, that such\\nHistory, III., 399.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "246 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ndivision would be productive of many and great inconveni-\\nences, growing out of geographical conditions, Virginia con-\\nsented to such a modification of her deed and cession as\\nwould admit of not more than five states nor less than three,\\nas the situation of that country and future circumstances may\\nrequire. This was simply ratifying Article V. of the com-\\npacts of 1787.\\nThe two States making largest land-pretensions had now\\nceded as much of their lands as they proposed to cede. Con-\\nnecticut and Massachusetts still retained their claims in the\\nNorthwest, and the Carolinas and Georgia theirs in the South-\\nwest. It was confidently expected, however, that the two ces-\\nsions would bring about the others in time. From this point\\nthe subject is less prominent in the national councils, is less\\ninteresting, and can be more rapidly despatched.\\nIn April, 1784, Congress again called attention to the\\nWestern territory as an important financial resource, and urged\\nthose States that had not complied with the recommendation\\nof September 6, 1780, to make immediate and liberal cessions.\\nOn November 13, 1784, the General Court of Massachusetts\\npassed an act authorizing her delegates in Congress to exe-\\ncute a deed of cession of such part of the tract of land lying\\nbetween the Hudson River and the Mississippi, belonging to\\nthe State, as they might think proper, in such manner and\\non such conditions as should appear to them most suitable.\\nOn April 19, 1785, Samuel Holton and Rufus King, delegates,\\nexecuted and Congress accepted, such deed, conveying and\\nreleasing to the United States all of Massachusetts s right\\nand title to lands, both soil and jurisdiction, lying within the\\ncharter-limits of the State, west of a meridian line drawn\\nthrough the western bent or inclination of Lake Ontario, pro-\\nvided such line should fall twenty miles or more west of the\\nwestern limit of the Niagara River and if not, then west of\\nthe meridian falling that distance west of said river. This was\\nadopting the New York line of four years before. It will be\\nremembered that Massachusetts then claimed nearly all West-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 247\\nem New York. The New York and Massachusetts cessions\\ndid not in any way touch that controversy. It was finally\\nsettled by a joint commission of the two States in 1786. The\\nmeridian marking the eastern limit of the New York and\\nMassachusetts cession, which is also the western boundary of\\nthe former State from latitude 42\u00c2\u00b0 to Lake Erie, was surveyed\\nand marked in 1790.\\nThe State of Connecticut, by an iict of May 11, 1786, au-v\\nthorized an ample deed of release and cession of all the right,\\ntitle, interest, jurisdiction, and claim of Connecticut to certain\\nwestern lands, beginning at the completion of the 41\u00c2\u00b0 of north\\nlatitude, 120 miles west of the western boundary line of the\\ncommonwealth of Pennsylvania, as now claimed by said com-\\nmonwealth, and from thence by a line drawn north, parallel to\\nand 120 miles west of the said west line of Pennsylvania, and\\nto continue north until it come to 42\u00c2\u00b0 2 north latitude. The\\neffect of this cession, if adopted, would be to leave in the\\nhands of Connecticut that part of her original claim which is\\nbounded north by the international boundary-line, east by\\nPennsylvania, south by parallel 41\u00c2\u00b0, and west by a meridian\\nline one hundred and twenty miles west of the western bound-\\nary of Pennsylvania the Western Reserve. It also left the\\ncontroversy between New York and Connecticut as to the\\nGore unsettled. The extent of one hundred and twenty\\nmiles east and west was given to the reservation because\\nthat was the extent of the Susquehanna purchase of 1754.\\nThe acceptance of this cession was strongly opposed in Con-\\ngress because it was partial, and because to accept it would be\\nindorsing the charter of 1662. After a severe struggle it was\\naccepted. May 26, 1786, Maryland alone voting in the nega-\\ntive. Messrs. Johnson and Sturgess executed the deed Sep-\\ntember 14th, following.\\nMr. Grayson, of Virginia, writing to Washington, said the\\nresult of the Connecticut reservation was a clear loss of about\\nsix million acres of land to the United States, which had al-\\nready been ceded by Virginia and New York. Connecticut,", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "248 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nhe said, would at once open a land-office and sell the lands.\\nGrayson then states the reasons urged in Congress for accept-\\ning the cession\\nThat the claim of a powerful State, although unsupported\\nby right, was, under present circumstances, a disagreeable\\nthing that sacrifices must be made for the public tranquillity,\\nas well as to acquire an indisputable title to the residue that\\nConnecticut would settle it immediately with emigrants well\\ndisposed to the Union, who would form a barrier, not only\\nagainst the British but the Indian tribes and that the thick\\nsettlement they would immediately form Would enhance the\\nvalue of the adjacent country and facilitate emigration thereto.\\nWashington ascribed the acceptance of the cession, with\\nthe reservation, to a want of competent knowledge of the\\nConnecticut claim to Western lands. Grayson can be ex-\\ncused for magnifying three million two hundred and fifty\\nthousand acres of land into six million, as the geography of\\nthe Lake Erie region was not then carefully known but what\\nshall we say of Mr. Bancroft, who repeats the blunder in the\\nlast edition of his history!^\\nIt has always been the fashion to berate Connecticut for\\nilHberality in making her cession. No State came through\\nthe cession controversy with less credit. This feeling is hard\\nto explain. Connecticut was more tardy than New York,\\nVirginia, and Massachusetts, but she was much more prompt\\nthan the Carolinas and Georgia. She reserved some lands,\\nbut so did all the other ceding States, and particularly Vir-\\nginia, whose course at the time provoked much more ill-feel-\\ning. Her charter had been jumped by later charters, but so\\nhad those of Virginia and Massachusetts. The lands that she\\nretained were separated from her home territory but so\\nwere those that Massachusetts retained in Western New\\nYork. Of course she had not the reasonable excuse that\\nSparks Writings of Washington, IX., 177, 178. VI., 279, 280.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 249\\nNew York and Virginia had for the first of these States\\nwished to have a Lake Erie front, and the second desired to\\nbe brought out to the Ohio River.\\nThe Connecticut cession completed the national title to\\nthe Northwest, except the Connecticut reservation. The\\nnext year Congress enacted the Ordinance of 1787, and the\\ncivil life of the territory began in 1788. At that time the\\nSouthwest attracted less attention than the Northwest the\\nframing of the Constitution and the organization of the gov-\\nernment under it, as well as the foreign embarrassments of\\nthe government coming soon after, drew more and more of\\nthe public attention and, very naturally, the subject of ces-\\nsions fell somewhat into the background. Moreover, the\\nSouthwestern cessions were delayed and complicated by do-\\nmestic disturbances and by foreign troubles. They do not\\ncome within the scope of this inquiry.\\nThis history shows that four different ideas as to the West-\\nern lands were first and last suggested. The original idea of\\nthe claimant States was to retain them for their own exclu-\\nsive use and for a time the other States seemed to acquiesce\\nin this policy. Secondly, it was proposed to distribute the\\nlands or their proceeds, in whole or in part, among the States,\\nleaving the jurisdiction in the hands of the claimant States.\\nConnecticut acted on this idea in offering her first cession.\\nThe third proposition was the one for which Maryland con-\\ntended so long and valiantly, viz. That Congress should as-\\nsert the sovereign power of the United States over the West-\\nern country without waiting for cessions. Lastly the plan of\\ncession. This ultimately reached the same practical end that\\nMaryland proposed, but by a different road. Manifestly, to\\npersuade the claimant States to cede their lands to the Na-\\ntion was not to assert a national title to them.\\nBut the lands were not, and could not be fully national-\\nized as long as the Confederation lasted. The Articles gave\\nCongress no resources except those that came from the\\nStates and although the Nation should ultimately receive", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "250 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe proceeds of the cessions, it could receive them only by\\nway of the States. Accordingly, the deeds made to the\\nUnited States stipulated that the lands, or their proceeds,\\nshould be distributed among all the States in the Union, and\\nthis was the principle on which the Land-Ordinance of 1785,\\nthat will form the subject of the next chapter, was con-\\nstructed. When the Constitution went into effect, in 1789, it\\nfully nationalized the public domain.\\nUnfortunately, the history of the cessions has not always\\nbeen so presented as clearly to define the course that Con-\\ngress pursued. For example. Chief Justice Chase speaks of\\nthe claim of the United States, which rested on the\\nground that the Western lands had been the property of\\nthe Crown, and naturally fell, on the declaration of indepen-\\ndence, to the opponent of the former sovereign. He thus\\nbalances this claim against the claims of the States\\nOf these various claims, that of the United States seems\\nto have been the most rational and just. The charter of Vir-\\nginia had been vacated by a judicial proceeding the company\\nto which it was granted had been dissolved, the grant itself had\\nbeen resumed by the Crown, and large tracts of the country\\nincluded by its original limits had been patented to various in-\\ndividuals and associations, without remonstrance on tlie part of\\nthe colony of Virginia. The expenses incurred, and the efforts\\nmade by Virginia, in the reduction of the British posts, and in\\nthe defence and protection of the frontier, created a just claim\\nupon the treasury of the Union, but could not, of themselves,\\nconfer a valid title to the Western lands. The western boun-\\ndary of Connecticut had been so clearly defined in her agree-\\nment with New York, that her claims to territory beyond that\\nline could not be entitled to much consideration the preten-\\ntions of New York were liable to easy refutation upon an ap-\\npeal to western geography, and an investigation into the real\\nextent of the territory of the Six Nations and the claim of\\nMassachusetts rested upon a charter granted at a period when\\nthe territory now claimed under it was actually possessed and", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 251\\noccupied by France. In opposition to these various preten-\\ntions, the Congress, as the common head of the United States,\\nmaintained its title to the Western lands upon the solid ground\\nthat a vacant territory wrested from the common enemy, by the\\nunited arms, and at the joint expense of all the States, ought of\\nright to belong to Congress, in trust for the common use and\\nbenefit of the whole union. y\\nCongress never maintained a national claim on this\\nground or on any other ground. The argument here\\nstated as a ground of title was often urged in discussion in\\nand out of Congress, and is found in State resolutions. It no\\ndoubt had a material effect in forming the opinion of the\\ntime, but it cannot be found in a single act or resolution\\nthat ever passed the doors of Congress. The great argu-\\nments advanced by Congress in its appeals for cessions were\\nthe desirability of perfecting the Union, the need of harmony\\namong the States, and the necessities of the treasury. Effec-\\ntive as the national view was. Congress kept it sedulously in\\nthe background, and constantly acted on the federal theory\\nof the national territory. The Western lands came to the\\nNation by a series of cessions that proceeded upon the as-\\nsumption that the States making them ceded something, and\\nthat Congress received something in accepting them.\\nThe longer one studies the land-question of the Revolu-\\ntion the more he is impressed by its difficulty, by its impor-\\ntance, and by the wisdom and self-restraint that marked its\\nsettlement. No one can deny that the young republic had a\\nhappy escape from what might easily have been a great dis-\\naster. The cessions prevented a series of inevitable contro-\\nversies growing out of conflicting claims and we may well\\nquestion whether the machinery provided for settling such\\ncontroversies by the Articles of Confederation Avas adequate\\nto the task that their adjustment would have entailed. The\\ncessions satisfied the non-claimant States, and so removed\\nStatutes of Ohio Preliminary Sketch of the History of Ohio, I., 12, 13.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "252 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\njealousy and heart-burning. They tended materially to na-\\ntionalize the government, by creating the public domain for\\nCongress to control and to prepare for future republics.\\nThey prepared the way for the more perfect union of the\\nConstitution. Next to independence and union, the Western\\nlands were the most important question that the old Con-\\ngress dealt with and no small part of their importance arose\\nfrom their relation to independence and union.\\nNote. There has been much discussion as to the value of\\nthe claims and titles now described, and therefore as to the value,\\nin a legal point of view, of the cessions growing out of them.\\nSometimes the cessions are set wholly aside, and the North-\\nwestern titles derived immediately from the treaty with Great\\nBritain in 1783. An example of this procedure may be found\\nin the Report of the Tenth Census, 1880. But such is not the\\nprocedure of the Supreme Court of the United States. The\\ncase of Handley s Lessee vs. Anthony involved the question\\nwhether a certain tract of land on the Indiana side of the Ohio\\nRiver, that was an island at high water and a peninsula at low\\nwater, belonged to the jurisdiction of Indiana or of Kentucky,\\nand so a construction of the language found in the Virginia deed\\nof cession, situate, lying, and being to the northwest of the\\nRiver Ohio. Chief Justice Marshall, delivering the opinion of\\nthe Court, stated the question to be whether the river at low-\\nwater mark, or at its middle state, is the boundary between the\\nStates of Kentucky and Indiana. He said two cases were to\\nbe considered. When a great river forms the boundary be-\\ntween two nations or states, if the original property is in nei-\\nther, and there is no convention respecting it, each nation holds\\nto the middle of the stream. The second case is that of a\\nstate s being the original proprietor, and granting the terri-\\ntory on one side only. Here the rule is that the grantor retains\\nthe river within its own domain, and the newly created state\\nextends to the river only. The Chief Justice declared that\\nthe case before the Court fell under the second rule and that\\n1 Wheaton, V., 691.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "THE NORTHWESTERN CESSIONS. 253\\nthe only question to be determined was, What is the river in\\nsuch a case Wherever the river is a boundary between\\nstates, it is the main, the permanent river, which constitutes\\nthat boundary, he says and the mind will find itself embar-\\nrassed with insurmountable difficulties in attempting to draw\\nany other line than the low-water mark. The sole question\\nin the cause i-espected the boundary of Kentucky and Indiana\\nand the title depended entirely upon that question. He held\\nthat low-water mark on the northwest bank is the boundary\\nbetween the two States, and closed his opinion with the words,\\nthe shores of a river border on the water s edge.\\nTo the historian the principal interest of this decision arises\\nfrom the fact that it recognizes the Virginia cession of 1784 as\\nthe ground of title on the southern limit of Indiana, and so,\\nby parity of reasoning, throughout the whole Northwest wher-\\never there had been no conflict of claims between Virginia and\\nother States. Marshall s reasoning all proceeds on that as-\\nsumption, and he expressly says The question whether the\\nlands in controversy lie within the State of Kentucky or Indi-\\nana depends chiefly on the land-laws of Virginia, and on the\\ncession made by that State to the United States. The distin-\\nguished jurist had a good opportunity, if he had desired one, to\\nignore the Virginia cession altogether and to base the title on\\nthe treaty with Great Britain he had only to apply the rule of\\ninternational law that makes the middle thread of a river flow-\\ning between two states the boundary, when the original prop-\\nerty was in neither, and there is no convention respecting it.\\nHe quotes this rule, but sets it aside as not applying to the\\ncase before the Court. He bases the decision distinctly on the\\nother rule. When, as in this case, one state is the original\\nproprietor, and grants the territory on one side only, it retains\\nthe river within its own domain, and the newly-created state\\nextends to the river only.\\nIn Garner s case, Mr, Vinton sought to break the force of\\nthis decision on the ground that the Virginia cession was not\\nin the record of the case before the Chief Justice but the Gen-\\neral Court of Virginia followed the precedent that Marshall had\\nset, and directed the defendants to be set at liberty, because the", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "254 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\noffence with which they were charged was not committed within\\nthe jurisdiction of the State.\\nIn 1800, Marshall reviewed the Connecticut title to the West-\\nern Reserve in an elaborate report to the House of Repre-\\nsentatives.* He held that title to be good and sufficient in this\\nreport and there can be no reasonable doubt that he would\\nhave done the same thing, if the occasion had arisen, from the\\nSupreme Bench of the United States.\\nState Papers Public Lands, I., 94 et seq.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "XIV.\\nTHE LAND-ORDINANCE OF 178^.\\nOne of the great arguments used in urging the claimant\\nStates to surrender some portion of their Western lands was\\nthe needs of the State and Federal treasuries. In the resolu-\\ntions of Congress asking for them, the cessions are considered\\nas lands to be sold as well as territory to be made into new\\nStates. The idea of revenue is also prominent in the acts of\\ncession. It was almost distinctively a new idea. In colonial\\ndays, waste lands had not proved a source of income to either\\nthe colonies or the Crown. The Crown had reserved a small\\nquit-rent, but it was rarely paid. Virginia imposed an an-\\nnual rental of two cents per acre upon her waste lands, and\\nthen threw them open to indiscriminate locations. Whole\\nStates, as West Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, were dis-\\nposed of without affording any public revenue whatever. It\\nis, therefore, somewhat difficult to understand how the idea\\nthat the over-mountain lands would be a source of large\\nincome became current. But so it was. Whatever is the\\nexplanation, the new idea could not be realized without a\\nsystem of surveys such as was unknown to any one of the\\ncolonies. This need was met by Congress in An Ordi-\\nnance for ascertaining the mode of disposing of lands in the\\nWestern territory, enacted May 20, 1785, but applying only\\nto such lands as had already been ceded by individual States\\nto the United States, and also been purchased by the United\\nStates of the Indians. Before presenting the salient features\\nof this ordinance, it is necessary to glance at two or three o\u00c2\u00a3\\nthese Indian treaties.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "256 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nBy the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, 1768, the Six Nations had\\nsold all their right and title to lands lying south and south-\\neast of the treaty-line running from the mouth of the Ten-\\nnessee to Wood Creek, save those in the Province of Pennsyl-\\nvania, the pre-emption of which belonged to the Penns. North\\nand west of that line they continued in as full possession as\\never. The protectorate of the Iroquois, recognized in 1713\\nand in 1726, in no way touched the fee of the Indian lands.\\nBraddock marched toward the Forks of the Ohio to defend\\nthe allies of England, whose dominions were invaded, and he\\ncalled upon the Indians to come to his help for that reason.\\nBut by a second Treaty of Fort Stanwix, negotiated in 1784\\nby Oliver Wolcott, Richard Butler, and Arthur Lee, commis-\\nsioners appointed by Congress, and the representatives of the\\nSix Nations, they yielded to the United States all their claims\\nto the country west of a line drawn from Johnston s Landing\\nPlace on Lake Ontario southerly to the mouth of Buffalo\\nCreek on Lake Erie, and always four miles south of the\\ncarrying path between the two lakes thence south to the\\nnorth boundary of Pennsylvania thence west to the end of\\nthe said north boundary and thence south to the Ohio\\nRiver. The first practical effect of this line was the aliena-\\ntion by the Iroquois of all their interest in the Northwest.\\nThe United States still had to deal with the Western Ind-\\nians those on the soil for these tribes did not acknowledge\\nthat the Six Nations could deed away their lands. A treaty\\nconcluded at Fort Mcintosh, January 21, 1785, between com-\\nmissioners of the United States and the sachems and war-\\nriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Chippewa, and Ottawa na-\\ntions, made the Cuyahoga River, the portage between that\\nstream and the Tuscarawas branch of the Muskingum, and the\\nTuscarawas as far as the crossing place above Fort Laurens\\na line drawn thence westerly to the portage of the Great\\nMiami the portage between the Miami and the Maumee,\\nand the Maumee and Lake Erie to the north of the Cuya-\\nhoga, the boundaries between the United States and the said", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "THE LAND-ORDINANCE OF 1785. 257\\ntribes. Within these lines the Indians could still live and\\nhunt but lands east, south, and west were declared to belong\\nto the United States, so far as the said Indians formerly\\nclaimed the same, This treaty, which was reaffirmed at\\nFort Harmar in 1789, was the first of a long series of treaties\\nthat finally put the United States in full possession of all the\\nNorthwestern lands. The two treaties now sketched show\\nhow matters stood when the old Congress enacted the land-\\nordinance that we are now to examine.\\nThis ordinance provided for a corps of surveyors, to be ap-\\npointed by Congress, or a committee of the States, one from\\neach State, to survey the lands already ceded and purchased,\\nunder the directions of the Geographer of the United States.\\nThese paragraphs describe the main features of the plan of\\nsurvey\\nThe surveyors shall proceed to divide the said\\nterritory into townships of 6 miles square, by lines running due\\nnorth and south, and others crossing these at right angles, as\\nnear as may be.\\nThe first line, running north and south as aforesaid shall\\nbegin on the River Ohio, at a point that shall be found to be\\ndue north from the western termination of a line, which has\\nbeen run as the southern boundary of the State of Pennsyl-\\nvania and the first line running east and west shall begin\\nat the same point and shall extend throughout the whole terri-\\ntory provided that nothing herein shall be construed as fixing\\nthe western boundary of the State of Pennsylvania. The Ge-\\nographer shall designate the townships, or fractional parts of\\ntownships, by numbers progressively from south to north al-\\nways beginning each range with No. i and the ranges shall be\\ndistinguished by their progressive numbers to the westward.\\nThe first range, extending from the Ohio to the Lake Erie being\\nmarked No. i. The Geographer shall personally attend to the\\nrunning of the first east and west line and shall take the lati-\\ntude of the extremes of the first north and south line, and of\\nthe mouths of the principal rivers.\\n17", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "258 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe lines shall be measured with a chain shall be plainly\\nmarked by chaps on the trees, and exactly described on a plat,\\nwhereon shall be noted by the surveyor, at their proper dis-\\ntances, all mines, salt-springs, salt-licks, and mill-seats, that\\nshall come to his knowledge and all water-courses, mountains\\nand other remarkable and permanent things, over and near\\nwhich such lines shall pass, and also the quality of the lands.\\nThe plats of the townships respectively, shall be marked\\nby subdivisions into lots of one mile square or 640 acres, in the\\nsame direction as the external lines, and numbered from i to\\n36 always beginning the succeeding range of the lots with the\\nnumber next to that with which the preceding one concluded.\\nAnd where, from the causes before mentioned, only a fraction-\\nal part of a township shall be surveyed, the lots, protracted\\nthereon, shall bear the same numbers as if the township had\\nbeen entire. And the surveyors, in running the external lines\\nof the townships, shall, at the interval of every mile, mark cor-\\nners for the lots which are adjacent, always designating the\\nsame in a different manner from those of the townships.\\nThe Geographer and surveyors shall pay the utmost atten-\\ntion to the variation of the magnetic needle and shall run and\\nnote all lines by the true meridian, certifying, with every plat,\\nwhat was the variation at the times of running the lines thereon\\nnoted.\\nAs soon as seven ranges were surveyed, the Geographer\\nshould transmit the plats to the Board of Treasury, to be\\ncarefully recorded and so for every succeeding series of sev-\\nen ranges. It was made the duty of the Secretary of War,\\nfrom time to time, to take by lot from the whole number of\\ntownships and fractional townships making up each series of\\nseven ranges, as well those to be sold entire as those to be sold\\nin lots, one-seventh of the whole, for the use of the Continen-\\ntal Army; until enough land should be drawn to satisfy the\\nclaims arising under the resolutions of Congress, adopted Sep-\\ntember 16 and 18, 1776, and August 12 and September 22,\\nJournals of Congress, IV., 520.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "THE LAND-ORDINANCE OF 1785. 259\\n1780. The Board of Treasury should cause the remaining\\nnumbers to be drawn for in the name of the thirteen States\\nrespectively, according to the quotas in the last preceding\\nrequisition on all the States, and should certify the results\\nof such drawings to the Commissioners of the State Loan\\noffices. The State Commissioners should now proceed to\\nsell the lands at public vendue, after first advertising them, in\\nthe following manner Townships i, 3, 5, etc., whole or frac-\\ntional, in the first range, entire Nos. 2, 4, 6, etc., in the same\\nrange, in lots townships i, 3, 5, in the second range, in lots;\\nNos. 2, 4, 6, entire and so on, alternating throughout, pro-\\nvided that no lands should be sold at a less price than one dol-\\nlar an acre in specie or its equivalent in certificates of State\\nor United States indebtedness, and the cost of surveying and\\nother charges, which are rated at $36 a township. Lots Nos.\\n8, II, 26, 29, in all whole townships, and such of them as were\\nfound in the fractional townships, were reserved to the United\\nStates for future sale. The ordinance also declared There\\nshall be reserved the lot No. 16 of every township for the\\nmaintenance of public schools, within the said township also\\none third part of all gold, silver, lead, and copper mines to\\nbe sold or otherwise disposed of as Congress shall hereafter\\ndirect.\\nThe lands between the Scioto and Little Miami Rivers,\\nthat Virginia had contingently reserved, were excepted from\\nthe operation of the ordinance. Three townships adjacent to\\nLake Erie were reserved for the use of the Canada and Nova\\nScotia refugees who had adhered to the cause of the colonies\\nin the war, and lands on the Muskingum were reserved for\\nthe Christian Indians of Gnadenhiitten, Schonbrunn, and\\nSalem. Deeds should be given for lands by the Loan Com-\\nmissioners of the States records of deeds should be kept in\\nthe loan ofifices and a regular system of accounting between\\nthe Federal and State authorities should be observed. All\\nmoneys received by the commissioners for the lands sold\\nshould be charged to them. Provision was also made for dis-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "260 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ntributing the lands reserved for bounties for service in the\\nContinental Army.\\nUnder this ordinance, the Federal Government made its\\nfirst land-surveys, the so-called seven ranges adjoining\\nPennsylvania, south of the forty-first parallel, frequently men-\\ntioned in histories of Ohio.\\nThe Land-Ordinance of 1785 is eminently characteristic of\\nthe time in which it was enacted. It is a curious medley of\\nstate and national ideas. In operation it would have been\\nexceedingly complex and cumbersome. But its state feat-\\nures passed away when the Constitution went into operation,\\nwhile national features are still alive. It contained the germs\\nof our present admirable system of national land-surveys\\nBase-lines boundaries carefully run, measured, and marked\\naccording to a uniform plan the six-mile township and the\\nsection; maps and plats, deeds and records. In no case\\nwas the land to be sold or otherwise disposed of before it had\\nbeen surveyed. The greatest defect of the plan of survey was\\nthe lack of subdivisions smaller than a square mile, but this\\nwas afterward overcome.\\nY With all its defects, this ordinance was perfection itself\\ncompared with the old colonial methods say, that of Virginia.\\nHere the State made no surveys whatever before disposing of\\nthe lands to the settler or speculator. The prospective owner\\nsought out a tract of land that pleased him, and caused a sur-\\nvey to be made and marked, the latter generally by blaz-\\ning the trees with a hatchet. The survey was then recorded\\nin the State land-office, and became the basis for warrants\\ncovering the land. Such was the way in which the lands of\\nWest Virginia and Kentucky were taken up. The read-\\ner of Washington s correspondence with Crawford finds it\\nwell illustrated in practice, and at the same time gets an in-\\nsight into a phase of Washington s character. This method\\ngave the greatest scope to settlement. The pre-emptor was\\nnever obliged to wait for the surveyor. Such a system led to\\nthe running: out of all sorts of tracts of land. Half a dozen", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "THE LAND-ORDINANCE OF 1785. 261\\npatents would sometimes be given for the same tract. Pieces\\nof land, of all shapes and sizes, lay between the patents and\\nin time, as lands became more valuable, huge blanket\\npatents were thrown out to catch these pieces. Such a sys-\\ntem naturally begot no end of litigation, and there remain\\nin Kentucky curious vestiges of it, that Professor Shaler thus\\ndescribes\\nOf all these conflicts the Virginia, and, following it, the\\nKentucky land-office took no note. To this day one can, if he\\nplease to pay the costs, patent any land that lies in Ken-\\ntucky, and repeat the process on the same area each year. The\\nState only guarantees the entry if the land is unpossessed under ,r\\nprevious title of valid kind. In time a vast amount of litiga-\\ntion and no end of trouble came out of this scheme. At this\\nmoment, owing to the absence of records, there are hundreds\\nof thousands of acres in Kentucky over which no sort of\\nownership has ever been exercised. No taxes are collected on\\nthem. If they have ever been surveyed, no one knows under\\nwhat patents they are claimed.\\nAs it was, there was a sufificiency of land-litigation in the\\nNorthwest Territory but the first settlers and their descend-\\nants have the greatest reason to be grateful to the old Con-\\ngress for saving them from such confusion as Virginia suffered\\nto come upon Kentucky.\\nThe system of surveys inaugurated did not extend to\\nthe Connecticut and Virginia reservations on the south-\\nern shore of Lake Erie and the northern bank of the Ohio.\\nEvery Ohioan can join with Dr. Andrews, of Marietta, in\\nthis opinion It would have been desirable if the system\\nof uniform ranges, townships and sections, which commenced\\nwith the seven ranges in the summer of 1786, could have\\nbeen carried out over the whole surface of the State avoid-\\ning the confusion of the five-mile system of the Western\\nKentucky, 49, 51.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "262 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nReserve and the no system of the Virginia Military Dis-\\ntrict.\\nThe reservation to Congress of one-third of the gold, silver,\\nand copper came to naught but the dedication to the sup-\\nport of public schools of lot No. i6 in every township was a\\nfar-reaching act of statesmanship that is of perpetual interest.\\nIt was the first and greatest of the long series of similar dedi-\\ncations made by Congress to education and the funds de-\\nrived from the sale of these original school lands are the\\nbulk of the public-school endowments of the five great States\\nof the old Northwest.\\nNote. There has been some controversy as to the author\\nof the plan of survey incorporated in the Ordinance of 1785.\\nThe late Colonel Charles Whittlesey accords the honor to\\nThomas Hutchins, first Geographer of the United States, whose\\nduties were similar to those now performed by the Surveyor-\\nGeneral of the Public Lands. Whittlesey says Hutchins con-\\nceived this simplest of all known modes of survey in 1764,\\nwhen he was a captain in the Sixtieth Royal Regiment, and\\nengineer to the expedition to Ohio, under Colonel Henry Bou-\\nquet. It formed a part of his plan of military colonies north\\nof the Ohio as a protection against Indians. The seven ranges\\nwere surveyed in 1786-87, under the protection of United States\\ntroops. The base-line of this survey, known as the Geogra-\\npher s line, runs west from the north bank of the Ohio, where\\nthe State line crosses it, forty-two miles.\\nHutchins died at Pittsburg in 1788, where his remains now\\nlie unnoticed, in the cemetery of the First Presbyterian\\nChurch. Ohio Surveys, Tract No. 59, of Western Reserve and\\nNorthern Ohio Historical Society.\\nOhio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, 4, June, 1887.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "XV.\\nTHE ORDINANCE OF 1787.\\nThe ordinance enacted, July 13, 1787, for the govern-\\nment of the territory of the United States northwest of the\\nRiver Ohio is one of the memorable documents that passed\\nthe doors of the old Congress. It ranks with the great State\\npapers of 1774 and 1775, that won from Lord Chatham the\\nencomium For solidity of reason, force of sagacity, and wis-\\ndom of conclusion, under a complication of dif^ficult circum-\\nstances, no nation or body of men stand in preference to the\\nGeneral Congress at Philadelphia with the Declaration of\\nIndependence, that should always hang, Lord Brougham said,\\nin the cabinets of kings with^ or rather above, the Articles\\nof Confederation, that, with all their imperfection and weak-\\nness, still formed the first constitution of the American peo-\\nple, and contained the elements for the evolution of a more\\nperfect union.\\nThe Ordinance of 1787 stands at the convergence of three\\nserie\u00c2\u00abL_of_important events. The first of these entered into\\nmany great questions of the time, as Confederation, finance,\\nthe national boundaries, foreign relations. Western settlements,\\nthe Northwestern and Southwestern territories, the admis-\\nsion to the Union of Vermont as a State, the navigation of\\nthe Mississippi, and the fidelity of the Southwest to the\\nUnion. These events are the cessions that have already been\\ntreated, so far as they relate to the old Northwest. Except\\nthe Western Reserve, and the lands that Virginia had re-\\ntained in Southern Ohio to discharge her obligations to her\\nsoldiers, the four cessions gave the United States a clear title", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "264 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nto the territory bounded by the Lakes, the Ohio, and the\\nMississippi. This was the original public domain. It was a\\nterritory in which all the States had a common interest it\\nfurnished national subjects of legislation and it prepared the\\nway for the Constitution. The happy effects of the cessions\\nupon the States, and upon the Nation, cannot be overesti-\\nmated one of them being the escape from the difficulties\\nattending any attempt to adjust the conflicting jurisdictions.\\nThese Northwestern cessions are the culmination of the first\\nseries of events leading up to the Ordinance. Moreover,\\nthey put the United States in what was really a very anom-\\nalous position. The Articles of Confederation were ar-\\nticles of confederation and perpetual union among States\\nand they no more contemplated a Federal territory to be\\nmanaged by Congress than the Constitution of 1787 contem-\\nplated the acquisition of territory beyond the boundaries of\\n1783. To some extent, no doubt, this fact explains the re-\\nmarkable form of government that was devised for the\\nNorthwest.\\nPrevious to 1748, the English colonies had taken little in-\\nterest in the interior of North America. After that all was\\nchanged. The Ohio Company, organized in 1748; the Plan\\nof Union, adopted by the Albany Congress of 1754; Dr.\\nFranklin s comments on the Plan, and his Plan for set-\\ntling two Western Colonies in North America, have all been\\nfully treated in another place. Governor Thomas Pownall,\\nwho has been called the only British official in the country\\nwho had a statesman-like grasp of colonial questions, favored\\nwhat he called barrier colonies, after the fashion of the\\nmarks and marches of the Middle Ages. Pownall wrote home\\nIf the English would advance one step farther, or cover them-\\nselves where they are, it must be at once, by one large step\\nover the mountains, with a numerous and military colony.\\nThe coming on of the French and Indian war adjourned the\\nSparks Works of Franklin, III., 69.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. 265\\nplans of the Ohio Company, of Franklin, and of Pownall, un-\\ntil the sword should decide to whom the West belonged and\\neven when the sword had rendered a verdict in favor of Eng-\\nland, the proclamation of 1763 still further adjourned similar\\nplans. But the paths that the wild deer had made over the\\nmountains could not be blocked up. The hunter followed\\nthe deer, and the settler followed the hunter. Adventurous\\nPennsylvanians and Virginians began to enter the valleys\\nleading to the Ohio James Robertson was at Watauga in\\n1769, and John Sevier came soon after; Boone entered the\\nDark and Bloody Ground the same year; and when the em-\\nbattled farmers fired the shot heard round the world, a party\\nof hunters in the valley of the Elkhorn heard the echo, and\\nbaptized the station that they were building Lexington.\\nIt has been said that the English race has a hunger for the\\nhorizon. Have not all America extended their back settle-\\nments in opposition to laws and proclamations is a ques-\\ntion that Judge David Campbell asked Governor Caswell,\\nwhen the people of the back counties of North Carolina were\\ntrying to set up the State of Franklin. But sporadic settle-\\nments under the jurisdiction of the old States did not fill the\\nambition of the times and in less than three years from the\\nsigning of the royal proclamation the discussion of interior\\ncolonies was boldly renewed. Again Franklin bore a promi-\\nnent part in the discussion. In 1766, 1767, and 1768 he\\npressed upon the home government a grant for a colony in\\nthe Illinois, and was refused. In 1769 he presented another,\\npraying for a grant on the southern side of the Ohio. This\\ntime he was successful; the petition was granted in 1772,\\nterms of government were agreed upon, and the charter was\\nmade ready for the seals, when the breaking out of the war\\nwith England again adjourned Western colonies to more\\npeaceful times.\\nAll through the Revolution the over-mountain settlements\\nwere slowly growing the Maryland amendment of 1777, and\\nthe Congressional resolutions of 1780, kept the thought of new", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "266 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nand independent States before the country and with the re-\\nturn of peace, the acknowledgment of independence, and the\\nconcession of the Lakes and the Mississippi as our northwest-\\nern and western boundaries, together with tlie land-cessions,\\nthe hour of preparation for planting the West with new\\nStates struck. There was no time to lose if the West was to\\nremain in our hands for the Briton and the Spaniard con-\\ntinued to retain considerable portions of our territory, and\\nneither looked upon the boundaries of 1783 as finalities. In his\\nwell-known letter to Governor Harrison, Washington wrote\\nin 1784 The flanks and rear of the United States are\\npossessed by other powers, and formidable ones, too; it is\\nnecessary to apply the cement of interest to bind all parts of\\nthe Union together by indissoluble bonds the Western\\nStates stand, as it were, upon a pivot the touch of a feather\\nwould turn them any way.\\nOn the 1st of March, 1784, the very day that Virginia\\ncompleted her cession, Mr. Jefferson, as chairman of a com-\\nmittee, reported to Congress a temporary plan of govern-\\nment for the Western territory; and this plan, variously\\namended, became an ordinance of Congress on April 23d fol-\\nlowing. This ordinance did not organize a territorial govern-\\nment, but left everything inchoate and, with all its merits,\\nwas a nullity, and was repealed by the Ordinance of 1787.\\nBetween April 23, 1784, and July 9, 1787, as many as three\\nordinances for the government of the Western territory were\\nreported to Congress: May 10, 1786, September 19, 1786,\\nand April 26, 1787. These ordinances, one and all, were\\nquite different documents from the one whose history we\\nare now tracing. On May 10, 1787, the last one had reached\\nthe third reading, when its further progress was suddenly\\narrested by a third series of events that we must now follow.\\nBut first, the facts now related in regard to new States and\\ngovernments are the second series, at the junction of which\\nSparks Writings of Washington, IX., 62, 63.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. 267\\nwith the two others we find the Ordinance for the Govern-\\nment of the Northwest Territory.\\nNovember 2, 1783, Washington took leave of the rank and\\nfile of the Continental army, and two days later, of the officers.\\nHe left both in a most distressful condition the majority\\nwere poor, many broken in health they were all unpaid, and\\nCongress could do no more than give them the final cer-\\ntificates that were almost worthless; eight years of suffering\\nlay behind, and they knew not how many more of poverty\\nbefore. In that dark hour some of them looked beyond the\\nWestern mountains for a theatre where they might repair\\ntheir broken fortunes, as they had in darker hours often looked\\nthere as a place of retreat from the enemy in case of over-\\nwhelming disaster and Washington, in his final order, had\\ncheered them with these words The extensive and fertile\\nregions of the West will yield a most happy asylum to those\\nwho, fond of domestic enjoyment, are seeking for personal\\nindependence. Even before that order was issued, a plan\\nfor forming a new State westward of the Ohio was in con-\\ntemplation; and on June 16, 1783, two hundred and eighty-\\nfive ofificers of the Continental line of the army had petitioned\\nCongress to assign and mark out the tract of land bounded by\\nLake Erie on the north, Pennsylvania on the east, the Ohio\\non the south, a meridian twenty-four miles west of the mouth\\nof the Scioto, and the Miami of the Lakes on the west, as\\nthe seat of a distinct colony of the United States, in time\\nto be admitted one of the confederated States of America.\\nThe petitioners also asked that their bounty lands be set off\\nto them in this district. This petition was really the foun-\\ndation of the Ohio Company of Associates, organized at the\\nSparks: Writings of Washington, VIII., 493.\\nOf the two hundred and eigluy-five names, two hundred and thirty-five be-\\nlonged to New England, thirty-six to New Jersey, thirteen to Maryland, and one\\nto New York. The New England names belonged, one hundred and fifty-five to\\nMassachusetts, thirty-four to New Hampshire, and forty-six to Connecticut.\\nOhio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, June, 1S87, 46.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "268 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nBunch of Grapes, in Boston, March 3, 1786. This organ-\\nization meant, as has been well said, The conversion of those\\nold final certificates into future homes, westward of the Ohio,\\nand the formation of a new State. The directors sent\\none of their number, General S. H. Parsons, of Middletown,\\nConn., to Congress to negotiate the purchase of a tract of\\nland and it was his arrival in New York, May loth, that\\narrested the progress of the ordinance that had been reported\\nthe previous month. Parsons presented his memorial, which\\nwas referred to a committee, and returned home. His place\\nwas shortly taken by Dr. Manasseh Cutler, of Ipswich, Mass.\\nCutler reached New York on July 5th, the day before the\\npending ordinance was to be taken up. The few days fol-\\nlowing his waiting upon Congress are big with the issues of\\nfuturity. They are the convergence of the three lines of\\nevents that we have been following the land-cessions, the\\ngrowing interest in Western colonization, and the objects of\\nthe Ohio Company where we find the immortal Ordinance.\\nDr. Cutler s ostensible business in New York was to pur-\\nchase as much of the land bounded bj the petition of 1783 as\\nCongress would exchange for $1,000,000 of the evidences of\\nthe public debt. But he was really as much interested in the\\nordinance that Congress was then considering as in the me-\\nmorial of General Parsons for what would homes be worth\\nto New England men without good government He seems,\\nindeed, to have had almost as much to do with the one as\\nwith the other. It is impossible and unnecessary to give in\\ndetail the history of those eventful July days, but a rapid\\nsummary of events is essential to our purpose.\\nOnly eight States were then present by their delegates in\\nCongress Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Delaware,\\nVirginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. On\\nthe 9th of July the ordinance of April preceding was re-\\nferred to a new committee Carrington and Lee of Virginia,\\nDane of Massachusetts, Kean of South Carolina, and Smith", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. 269\\nof New York three of them Southern men. On the loth,\\nDr. Cutler, in response to an invitation of the committee,\\nsubmitted in writing his views touching an ordinance on the\\nnth, the committee reported and on the 13th, after receiving\\nsome amendments, the report was adopted by the unanimous\\nvote of the States pi-esent, and the unanimous vote of the\\neighteen delegates, with the exception of Yates of New York.\\nThus, an act of legislation that had been before Congress for\\nmore than three years was consummated within a week from\\nthe time that Dr. Cutler, who had been twelve days on the\\nway, drove his gig up to the Plough and the Harrow, in\\nthe Bowery.\\nAdmirable in matter and in literary style as the Ordinance\\nis, its provisions are not arranged with that careful method\\nwhich Gouverncur Morris gave to the Constitution of the\\nUnited States. I shall make no attempt at classification be-\\nyond remarking that the Ordinance created a machinery of\\ngovernment for immediate use, defined the method and spirit\\nof its administration, provided for the creation of the long-\\npromised new States, and established certain principles of\\ncivil polity that should be of perpetual obligation.\\nSection i constituted the Territory one district for tempo-\\nrary government, but reserved to Congress the power to divide\\nit into two districts in the future.\\nSection 2 ordained that landed estates in the Territory, of\\npersons dying intestate, should be divided among the chil-\\ndren of the intestate, or if none, among the next of kin, in\\nequal shares. This provision Jefferson had introduced into\\nthe ordinance for Western lands that he reported in 1784, and\\nthat Congress never acted upon, in the words The lands\\ntherein shall pass in descent and dower according to the cus-\\ntoms known in the common law by the name of gavelkind.\\nIt adds interest to the fact to recall that, not long before, en-\\ntails and primogeniture had been eradicated from the laws of\\nVirGrinia.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "270 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nSections 3 to 12, inclusive, created a Territorial govern-\\nment, and directed how it should be administered. Congress\\nshould appoint a governor for a term of three years, a secre-\\ntary for a term of four years, and three judges for good be-\\nhavior. Until the election of a general assembly, the gov-\\nernor and judges should adopt and publish in the district such\\nof the laws, civil and criminal, of the original States as they\\ndeemed necessary and best suited to the circumstances of the\\npeople, subject to the approval of Congress. The governor\\nshould be commander-in-chief of the militia, should appoint\\nand commission militia officers below the rank of general\\nofficers, and appoint such magistrates and other civil officers\\nin counties and townships as he deemed necessary to the\\nmaintenance of peace and good order. The secretary s duties\\nare sufficiently indicated by his title. Any two of the judges\\nshould form a court having a common-law jurisdiction. A\\ngeneral assembly was authorized as soon as there should be five\\nthousand free male inhabitants, of full age, in the district. The\\nlegislature should consist, when formed, of a governor, a legis-\\nlative council, and a house of representatives the representa-\\ntives to be chosen by the people, but the five members of the\\ncouncil to be chosen by Congress from a list of ten nominated\\nby the house of representatives. The legislature should elect\\na Territorial delegate to Congress. All the officers must re-\\nside in the Territory. The governor must own a freehold of\\n1,000 acres of land in the district; the secretary, the judges,\\nand the members of the council must have similar freeholds\\nof 500 acres each representatives must hold, in their own\\nright, 200 acres of land in the district, and no man was a\\nqualified elector of a representative, the only elective office,\\nunless he filled the following requirement That a freehold\\nin 50 acres of land in the district, having been a citizen of one\\nof the States, and being resident in the district, or the like\\nfreehold and two years residence in the district, shall be nec-\\nessary to qualify a man as an elector of a representative.\\nWhat havoc these rules would make with the lee^islatures", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "THE ORDINANCE OF 17S7. 271\\nand electoral bodies of to-day They were intended to con-\\nfine the government of the Territory to those men who had,\\nas the English say, a stake in the country. Moreover, they\\nwere in accord with the temper of the times, and they stand\\non the statute-book of 1787 a landmark from which wc may\\nmeasure how far the American people have drifted on the tide\\nof democracy in one hundred years. The whole government\\nwas centralized to a degree that would not now be endured in\\nthe United States outside of Utah.\\nThen follow the articles of compact between the original\\nStates and the people and States in the Territory, forever un-\\nalterable, unless by common consent the six bright jewels in\\nthe crown that the Northwest Territory was ever to wear.\\nArticle I. declares that No person demeaning himself in\\na peaceable and orderly manner shall ever be molested on ac-\\ncount of his mode of worship or religious sentiments, in the\\nsaid Territory.\\nArticle II. guarantees to the inhabitants the writ oi habeas\\ncorpus, trial by jury, proportional representation in the legis-\\nlature, and the privileges of the common law. The article con-\\ncludes with the declaration That no law ought ever to be\\nmade or have force in the said Territory that shall, in any\\nmanner whatever, interfere with or affect private contracts, or\\nengagements boiia fide, and without fraud previously formed.\\nA few weeks later, tlys provision was copied into the Consti-\\ntution of the United States, but this is its first appearance in\\na charter of government. It was an outgrowth of the troub-\\nlous commercial condition of the country. Lee, who origi-\\nnally brought it forward, intended it as a stroke at paper\\nmoney.\\nArticle III. contains those words that should be embla-\\nzoned on the escutcheon of every American State Religion,\\nmorality, and knowledge being necessary to good government\\nand the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of edu-\\ncation shall forever be encouraged. It also says that good\\nfaith shall be observed toward the Indians.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "272 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nArticle IV. ordained That the said Territory, and the\\nStates which may be formed therein, shall forever remain a\\npart of this Confederacy of the United States of America, sub-\\nject to the Articles of Confederation, and to such alterations\\ntherein as might be made, and to the laws enacted by Con-\\ngress. It concludes, after some provisions in regard to taxa-\\ntion The navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and\\nSt.* Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall\\nbe common highways, and forever free, as well to the inhab-\\nitants of the said Territoiy as to the citizens of the United\\nStates, and those of any other States that may be admit-\\nted into the Confederacy, without any tax, imposts, or duty\\ntherefor.\\nArticle V. provided for the formation in the Territory of\\nStates, not less than three nor more than five, and drew their\\nboundary-lines subject to changes that Congress might after-\\nward make. A population of 60,000 free inhabitants should\\nentitle every one of these States to admission not into the\\nUnion, a phrase that came in with the Constitution, but\\nby its delegates into the Congress of the United States, on an\\nequal footing with the original States in all respects whatever,\\nand to form a permanent constitution of State government,\\nwith the proviso that the constitution and government so\\nto be formed shall be republican, and in conformity to the\\nprinciples contained in these articles.\\nArticle VI. dedicated the Northwest to freedom forever.\\nThere shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in\\nthe said Territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes\\nwhereof the party shall have been duly convicted. But this\\nprohibition was coupled with a proviso that stamps the whole\\narticle as a compromise. Provided always, that any person\\nescaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully\\nclaimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be\\nlawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his\\nor her labor or service as aforesaid.\\nMr. W. F. Poole says that in the whole range of topics", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. 2/3\\nin our national history there is none which has been more ob-\\nscure, or the subject of more conflicting and erroneous state-\\nments, than the Ordinance of 1787. Much labor and acute-\\nness have been devoted to the discovery of the authorship of\\nits different parts. I shall neither emulate these labors nor\\nparticularize their results, but shall content myself with three\\nor four observations.\\nWe have seen that four different ordinances had been\\npreviously reported to Congress, and that one had already\\nbeen enacted. The fifth and great Ordinance, as Mr. Ban-\\ncroft says, embodied the best parts of all its predecessors.\\nBut it embodied more and all the evidence points to the\\nconclusion that much of the new material was contained in\\nthe paper that Dr. Cutler handed to the committee, July loth,\\nafter he had studied the ordinance then pending. Whoever\\nmay have brought them forward, the imperishable principles\\nof polity woven into the Ordinance of 1787 were the ripe\\nfruit of many centuries of Anglo-Saxon civilization but the\\nbest places to search for them are the bills of rights of the\\nRevolutionary constitutions.\\nThe immortal prohibition of slavery has been the subject\\nof many a heated controversy. In the great debate of\\n1830, ^Ir. Webster claimed it for Nathan Dane, of Massachu-\\nsetts, and Mr. Hayne and Mr. Benton claimed it for Thomas\\nJefferson. Mr. Dane claimed it for himself. President King\\nof Columbia College claimed it for his father, Rufus King.\\nWilliam Grayson and Richard Henry Lee have also been\\nnominated for the honor. The facts are these Mr. Jeffer-\\nson s draught of the Ordinance of 1784 contained a prohibition\\nof slavery in all Western territory, south as well as north of the\\nOhio River, to take effect at the beginning of the year 1801,\\nbut it was struck out in Congress. In March, 1785, Mr. King\\nmoved to commit a proposition to prohibit slavery in the\\nNorthwest immediately the motion prevailed, but Congress\\nNorth American Review, No. 251.\\n18", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "274 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nnever acted upon the subject. The first draught of the Ordi-\\nnance of 1787 did not contain the prohibition; but Mr. Dane,\\nwho was a member of the committee of July 9th, and who\\nwrote that draught, brought it forward on the second reading,\\napparently on a suggestion from Virginia, and it was made\\nthe sixth article of compact. Nothing can be finer than Mr.\\nBancroft s distribution of the honors among those who helped\\nto bring about this grand result\\nThomas Jefferson first summoned Congress to prohibit\\nslavery in all the territory of the United States Rufus King\\nlifted up the measure when it lay almost lifeless on the ground,\\nand suggested the immediate instead of the prospective prohi-\\nbition a Congress composed of five Southern States to one\\nfrom New England and two from the Middle States, headed by\\nWilliam Grayson, supported by Richard Henry Lee, and using\\nNathan Dane as scribe, carried the measure to the goal in the\\namended form in which King had caused it to be referred to a\\ncommittee and as Jefferson had proposed, placed it under the\\nsanction of an irrevocable compact.\\nThe value of Rufus King s suggestion will appear when\\nwe come to study, farther on, the efforts afterward made in\\nOhio, Indiana, and Illinois to break the prohibition down,\\nand when we reflect upon the enormous power that slavery\\nwould have had in the Northwest if once it gained a foothold.\\nAny man who believes that it was Article VI. of the com-\\npacts of 1787 that decided the great issue brought to a close\\nat Appomattox in 1865 must read the history of those July\\ndays with bated breath. Once that prohibition had been\\nvoted down, and once it had been set aside it had been re-\\njected by Southern men when Mr. Jefferson first brought it\\nforward, and now five of the eight States present are South-\\nern States and eleven of the eighteen men Southern men.\\nWe have now traced the main events that led up to July\\nHistory, VI., 290.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. ^75\\n13, 1787 but we should also observe that at last the Ordinance\\ncould not have been secured, as it is, had it not been for the\\nhappy constitution of Congress at that time, for the address\\nof Dr. Cutler in conducting his mission, and for the blessed\\ninfluences of peace and wisdom that brooded over America in\\nthat year. How admirable the words of Bancroft\\nBefore the Federal Convention had referred its resolutions\\nto a committee of detail, an interlude in Congress was shap-\\nino- the character and destiny of the United States of America.\\nSublime and humane and eventful in the history of mankind\\nas was the result, it will take not many words to tell how it\\nwas brought about. For a time wisdom and peace and justice\\ndwelt among men, and the great Ordinance, which could alone\\ngive continuance to the Union, came in serenity and stillness.\\nEvery man that had a share in it seemed to be led by an invis-\\nible hand to do just what was wanted of him all that was\\nwrongfully undertaken fell to the ground to wither by the way-\\nside whatever was needed for the happy completion of the\\nmighty work arrived opportunely, and just at the right moment\\nmoved into its place.\\nBut Dr. Cutler came to New York to buy land Strange to\\nsay, the land-purchase was attended by more trouble than the\\nordinance of government but on July 27th Congress author-\\nized the sale of 5,000,000 acres lying north of the Ohio, west\\nof the seven ranges, and east of the Scioto River, 1,500,000\\nfor the Ohio Company, and the remainder, to quote Dr.\\nCutler s diary, for a private speculation in which many of\\nthe principal characters of America are concerned. The total\\nprice agreed upon was three and a half millions of dollars, but\\nas the payments were made in public securities worth only\\ntwelve cents on a dollar, the real price was only eight or nine\\ncents per acre.\\n1 History, VI., 277.\\nThe private speculation was the Scioto Company. See note at the end\\nof chapter.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "276 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe Ordinance of 1787 and the Ohio purchase, says Mr.\\nPoole, were parts of one and the same transaction. The\\npurchase would not have been made without the Ordinance,\\nand the Ordinance could not have been enacted except as an\\nessential condition of the purchase. The meaning of this is,\\nthat the New England men would not buy the land unless a\\nsatisfactory government was secured, and that Congress would\\nnot have enacted the Ordinance had it not been for the\\nopportunity to make a large sale of lands. This alone makes\\nthe sale and purchase memorable, but it is memorable for\\nother reasons. The agent who negotiated it says it was the\\ngreatest private contract ever made in America, up to that\\ntime. Besides, the Powers to the Board of Treasury au-\\nthorizing the sale contain some features that rank with those\\nof the Ordinance itself. The Land Ordinance of 1785 re-\\nserved lot No. 16 in every township, or a thirty-sixth part\\nof the whole West, for the maintenance of public schools\\nwithin the township and the powers reaffirmed the reser-\\nvation. Other kindred provisions were these The lot No.\\n29 in each township or fractional part of a township to be given\\nperpetually for the purposes of religion. Not more than two\\ncomplete townships to be given perpetually for the purposes of\\na university, to be laid off by the purchaser or purchasers, as\\nnear the centre as may be, so that the same shall be of good\\nland, to be applied to the intended object by the legislature\\nof the State. These two townships of land are the endow-\\nment of the Ohio University at Athens. Once more, it was\\nin consequence of the Ordinance and the purchase that Mari-\\netta, the first colony in the Northwest Territory, was planted\\nat the mouth of the Muskingum, April 7, 1788.\\nNo act of American legislation has called out more elo-\\nquent applause than the Ordinance of 1787. Statesmen, his-\\ntorians, and jurists have vied with one another in celebrating\\nits praises. In one respect it has a proud pre-eminence over\\nall other acts of legislation on the American statute-books. It\\nalone is known by the date of its enactment, and not by its", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. 277\\nsubject-matter. It was more than a law or statute. It was a\\nconstitution for the Territory Northwest of the River Ohio.\\nMore than this, it was a model for later leijislation relating to\\nthe national territories and some of its provisions, particu-\\nlarly the prohibition of slavery, stand among the greatest prec-\\nedents of our history. The sixth compact was the old-time\\nplatform of the Republican Party previous to 1861.\\nThe record of the vote on the Ordinance shows eighteen\\ndelegates present in Congress. As we look over the list, we\\nare surprised to see how few of them have any place in his-\\ntory.\\nMassachusetts, Holten and Dane New York, Smith,\\nHarring, and Yates New Jersey, Clark and Scheurman\\nDelaware, Kearny and Mitchell Virginia, Grayson, Lee, and\\nCarrington; North Carolina, Blount and Hawkins; South\\nCarolina, Kean and Huger Georgia, Few and Pierce. We\\nmust remember, however, that the Old Congress was not\\nnow what once it had been also that the Federal Convention\\nwas sitting at Philadelphia, and that Franklin, Sherman,\\nKing, Hamilton, the Morrises, Madison, Rutledge, the Pinck-\\nneys, Randolph, Wilson, and Washington were in attendance\\nthere. The ease with which the Ohio Company carried its\\nproposition through Congress has been the subject of sur-\\nprise for a hundred years. No doubt the explanation con-\\nsists largely in the fact that the new colony was proposed by\\na body of men fully able to make it successful. Contrasting\\nit with earlier propositions, Mr. Bancroft says\\nFor vague hopes of colonization, here stood a body of\\nhardy pioneers, ready to lead the way to the rapid absorption\\nof the domestic debt of the United States selected from the\\nchoicest regiments of the army capable of self-defence the\\nprotectors of all who should follow them men skilled in the\\nlabors of the field and of artisans enterprising and laborious\\ntrained in tlie severe morality and strict orthodoxy of the New\\nEngland villages of that day. All was changed. There was\\nthe same difference as between sending out rccruitina^ officers", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "2/8 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nand giving marcliing orders to a regular corps present with\\nmusic and arms and banners.\\nBut, after all, one cannot help thinking that the silence\\nand celerity with which the Ordinance was enacted was\\npartly due to the fact that the Federal Convention was in\\nsession. Men s eyes were fixed upon the statesmen who were\\ndiscussing in secret the National Constitution and Grayson\\nand Lee and Carrington and Dane, assisted by Manasseh\\nCutler, were left with fourteen men, all but one of whom\\nwere willing to follow them, to enact in serenity and stillness\\nan ordinance of government that might not have been se-\\ncured if New York and not Philadelphia had been the focus\\nof public attention. The year 1787 is thus doubly memor-\\nable it gave us the Ordinance for the Territory Northwest\\nof the River Ohio, and the Constitution of the United States.\\nPeace hath her victories\\nNo less renowned than war\\nand History may yet adjudge that year the greatest in our\\nannals.\\nNote.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Hitherto Mr. W. F. Poole s article, Dr. Cutler and\\nthe Ordinance of 1787, in the North Atnerican Review, No. 251,\\nhas been the best single account of the origin of the Ordinance\\nof 1787, and particularly of the part that Dr. Cutler played in\\nits enactment. But now a much fuller account may be found\\nin the Life, Journals, and Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh\\nCutler, LL.D. This work will immediately take rank with\\nthe, St. Clair Papers, as a contribution to Northwestern\\nhistory. The circumstances leading up to the organization of\\nthe Ohio Company and the planting of Marietta, are narrated\\nwith great fulness and particularity. Much the best account\\nextant of the Scioto purchase will also be found in this work.\\nThis purchase was the private speculation in which many of\\nHistory, VI., 285.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. 279\\nthe principal characters of America are concerned, that Cutler\\nwas compelled to include in his proposition to Congress before\\nhe could buy the lands that he wanted for the Ohio Associates.\\nThe Scioto purchase was purely a speculation, projected by\\nColonel William Duer, and proved to be very disastrous to all\\nconcerned.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "XVI.\\nTHE TERRITORY OF THE UNITED STATES\\nNORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO.\\nThe region beyond the Ohio that the Virginia troops and\\nthe American Commissioners at Paris wrested from England,\\nthat the four States ceded to the Nation, and that Congress\\nconstituted a district for the purposes of government in 1787,\\nof itself is a noble physical base for an empire. It contains\\n265,878 square miles of land to Austria-Hungary s 240,943,\\nGermany s 212,091, France s 209,091, Great Britain and Ire-\\nland s 120,874, and Italy s 114,296. Triangular in form, its\\nsides are washed by about three thousand miles of navigable\\nwaters. The Great Lakes, one of which reaches its very cen-\\ntre, contain nearly one-half the fresh water of the globe. The\\nvolume of the waters of the Mississippi is equal to that of\\nthree Ganges, of nine Rhones, of twenty-seven Seines, or\\neighty Tibers, or of all the rivers of Europe, exclusive of the\\nVolga. The Ohio, one thousand miles in length, is one of\\nThe territory northwest of the River Ohio contained an area of 265,878\\nsquare miles, and from it were formed and now lie in its original territory\\nSquare Miles.\\nThe State of Ohio 39 964\\nIndiana 33,809\\nIllinois 55,414\\nMichigan 56,451\\ni( Wisconsin S3\u00c2\u00bb924\\nMinnesota, east of the Mississippi River and international\\nboundary of 1783, estimated to contain 26,000\\nErie Purchase (in Pennsylvania) about 316\\nGrand Total, 170, 161,867 acres. Donaldson: The Public Domain, 161.\\nCarnegie Triumphant Democracy, 301.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 281\\nthe largest affluents of the Mississippi. The rivers flowing\\nto these three water-ways render every part of the interior of\\nthe Northwest easily accessible and some of them, as the\\nWabash, the Illinois, and the Wisconsin, are small streams\\nonly because they appear in such noble company. The sur-\\nface is exceedingly favorable to the construction of canals and\\nrailroads; and such are the geographical relations of the re-\\ngion to the remaining parts of the country that it gathers in\\nits grasp nearly all the great lines of transportation and travel\\nuniting the Mississippi River and the Atlantic Ocean. With\\na very large proportion of arable land unsurpassed in fertility\\nand adapted to a wide range of productions rich in forests of\\nhard and soft woods the waters abounding in fish abundant\\nin coal, iron, and lead, copper, oil, gas, and salt, it is the fit\\nhome of the great people who are making its history.\\nOn July 13, 1787, this great domain was an unbroken 1\\nwilderness. By far the larger number of the few inhabitants\\nwere savages, who were resolved that the wilderness should\\nremain unbroken. Passing by the roving hunters and traders,\\nthe few Americans then making a small beginning at New De-\\nsign on the Mississippi, and the occasional Moravian mis-\\nsionaries, the French colonists, not five thousand in number,\\nwere the only civilized population. As Michigan was in the\\nhands of the British, the habitants of the Illinois and the\\nWabash, who had practically been without government since\\n1784, were the only people on the ground calling for a gov-\\nernment. However, the Territory was not established for the\\nresident population. A new colonial period was opening,\\npromising grander results than the old one. The Ordinance\\nof 1787 and the Powers to the Board of Treasury take rank\\nwith the colonial charters of one hundred and fifty years be-\\nfore. The magnificent territory that the Indian had for cen-\\nturies put to uses but little superior to those of the buffalo,\\nthe bear, and the wolf that the Frenchman had used for pur-\\nposes but little higher than those of the Indian and that the\\nEnglishman had refused to use at all, was now to be devoted", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "282 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nto the greatest of human objects was now to become the\\nhomes of a progressive people excelling in all the arts of civil-\\nized life.\\nThe apex of the Northwestern triangle points to the east\\ntwo of its sides face the Atlantic slope but causes now to\\nbe pointed out made the Ohio River the seat of the earliest\\nsettlements.\\nThe census-takers of 1790 found in the United States a pop-\\nulation of 3,929,214 souls, and the number was not much less\\nin 1788, All of this population, save about five per cent., was\\ndistributed along the seaboard from Maine to Georgia, pre-\\nsenting an average depth of settlement, in a direction at right\\nangles to the coast, of two hundred and fifty-five miles. This\\nwas the population that the Northwest was first to draw upon\\nfor the days of European emigration had not then dawned.\\nGeneral Walker, the superintendent of the tenth census,\\nhas pointed out that, in the early census-years, population\\nmoved westward along four main lines (i) Through Central\\nNew York, following the valley of the Mohawk River; (2)\\nacross Southern Pennsylvania, Western Maryland, and North-\\nern Virginia, parallel to and along the course of the Upper\\nPotomac (3) southward down th(- Valley of Virginia, and\\nthrough the mountain-gaps into Tennessee and Kentucky\\n(4) around the southern end of the mountains, through Geor-\\ngia and Alabama. These movements were along the original\\nlines of communication, surveyed by Nature ages before man\\nappeared on the continent. The Great Lakes lie in the first\\nof these directions, and they afterward became a main\\nthoroughfare of emigration but, at the time of which we\\nwrite, no road had been cut through the wilderness of Western\\nNew York to Lake Erie, and as late as 1796 the surveyors of\\nthe Connecticut Land Company reached that lake by the\\nWood Creek portage. Lake Ontario, and the Niagara portage.\\nStatistics of the Population of the United States at the Tenth Census, June\\n30, 1880, xiiL", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 283\\nNor had population then advanced on this line west of the\\ninterior New York lakes. Besides, the country above the\\nhead of Lake Erie was in the possession of England, and her\\ngarrison at Detroit would have turned back adventurous\\npioneers as promptly as Du Lhut turned back the Dutch\\ntraders at the close of the seventeenth century. Furthermore,\\nthe Lake Basin was thought less inviting than the Ohio Valley.\\nOn the second line, the situation was very different. In the\\nFrench War two practicable roads were built over the moun-\\ntains The Braddock Road, cut through from the Upper Po-\\ntomac in 1755, and the Forbes Road of 1758. These two\\nroads connected the Ohio with tide-water, one at Philadelphia\\nand the other at Alexandria. Accordingl}^, when the advent-\\nurer or the pioneer had once reached the Monongahela or the\\nAlleghany, the whole West lay open before him, and he had\\nbut to descend the beautiful Ohio to his chosen destination.\\nThen, in the years just preceding the Revolution, Finley,\\nHarrod, and Boone had discovered the natural highway lead-\\ning from the mountain-gaps near the southern line of Vir-\\nginia to the fairest region of Kentucky. Moreover, the rela-\\ntions of the Ohio Valley to the country east and south were\\nsuch that it necessarily received the full streams of popu-\\nlation which the second and third of these channels soon\\nbegan to discharge. In fact, settlers moving west by these\\ntwo roads had reached the bank of the Ohio River at points\\nas distant as the Forks and the mouth of the Kentucky\\nbefore the Massachusetts men had thought of an Ohio col-\\nony at all.\\nThe five per cent, of the total population of 1790 not found\\non the Atlantic Plain was distributed in little islands almost\\nlost in the wilderness-ocean of the West. Four of these is-\\nlands lay on the border of the new Territory. The first, con-\\ntaining 63,218 people, was in Southwestern Pennsylvania; the\\nsecond and third, containing together 55,873, were in Western\\nVirginia, clustered around Wheeling and the mouth of the\\nKanawha the fourth was in Kentucky, below the Licking", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "284 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nRiver, and contained ^^^^77 souls. From the close of King\\nGeorge s War, when the colonies began to awaken to their\\nWestern interests, the Virginians had surpassed all their com-\\npetitors in Western enterprise but they were closely followed\\nby the Marylanders and Pennsylvanians on the north and\\nthe Carolinians on the south. These causes together explain\\nthe sources of the four clusters of settlements found south of\\nthe Ohio River in 1790. Nearly all of the settlers, excluding\\nthose born on the soil, came from those parts of the country\\neast of the mountains, south of New York and north of South\\nCarolina. A man living in 1787, possessing all these facts, and\\nalso observing the great relative disadvantage of New Eng-\\nland in the Western competition, growing out of her remote-\\nness from the scene of operations and of the indisposition of\\nher orderly population to fall into the channels of emigration,\\nshould have been able to indicate the principal sources of the\\npopulation that, in the first period of its history, flowed into\\nthe country beyond the River Ohio. We shall soon find the\\nfacts of history justifying the prophecy that this remark im-\\nplies.\\nIn one sense the whole Northwest below the head of Lake\\nErie was open to the Ohio Company of Associates in 1787,\\nbut, practically, only the Ohio Valley. It made choice of lands\\non both sides of the Muskingum, but mainly below that stream.\\nThree men appear to have controlled the location. In 1785\\nGeneral Benjamin Tupper, one of the State surveyors under\\nthe land-ordinance of that year, came west as far as Pitts-\\nburg, where he was stopped by the Indian hostilities then\\nraging. But he had caught a glimpse of the Western vision,\\nand he returned to New England, his imagination filled with\\npictures of Western possibilities. The same year General Sam-\\nuel Holden Parsons, a Revolutionary veteran, descended the\\nOhio to the Falls he, also, returned on fire with Western en-\\nthusiasm. The reports made to their old comrades in the\\nEast by Tupper and Parsons furnished much of the motive\\npower that kept the new-colony enterprise moving, as well", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 285\\nas tended to fix its seat on the Ohio rather than on Lake Erie. Xv-^^\\nThomas Hutchins, the Geographer of the United States, whov^ X\\nprobably had a more definite knowledge of the West than\\nany other man living at the time, determined its precise loca-\\ntion. He advised Cutler, to whom he was introduced in\\nNew York, to choose the Muskingum, which he considered\\nthe most favorable location in the West for the purposes of\\nthe company, and his advice was decisive. The choice was\\nthe more fortunate for the reason that Fort Harmar a fort\\nlarge enough to receive a garrison a regiment strong, built at\\nthe confluence of the two streams to protect passengers on the\\nOhio, to overawe the Indians, and to furnish armed escorts k^\\nfor the surveyors at work on the seven ranges had been com- a\\npleted in the spring of 1786. The contract, signed by Samuel \u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^^rt-cl\\nOsgood and Arthur Lee, of the Board of Treasury, for the ^otr\\nUnited States, and by Manasseh Cutler and Winthrop Sar- (y*\\ngent for the company, bounded the purchase, east by the sev-\\nenth range of townships, south by the Ohio, west by the\\neighteenth range, and north by an east and west line far\\nenough back from the Ohio to include 1,500,000 acres of land.\\nFive hundred thousand dollars was paid at the date of the\\ncontract. The company not being able to pay the second\\nmoiety, further legislation was had, which reduced the quan-\\ntity of land actually patented, not including reservations, to\\n1,064,285 acres.\\nHow well matured were the plans of the Associates is\\nshown by the fact that the advanced guard of the colony\\nreached the Youghiogheny, January 23, and the second\\ndivision, February 14, 1788. Here they built boats for de-\\nscending the Ohio on the opening of navigation in the spring.\\nFrom the deck of a row-galley, appropriately named the May-\\nflower, General Rufus Putnam, a hero of two wars and one of\\nthe prominent promoters of the colony, stepped to the bank\\nof the Muskingum, April 7, 1788. Forty-seven other sons of\\nAndrews Washington County and the Early Settlement of Ohio, 16-18.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "286\\nTHE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ni^^\\nU^\\nNew England landed at the same time. Felling trees, build-\\ning houses, laying out a city, and the erection of a stockade,\\ncalled Campus Martius, began at once. In the course of\\nthe year one hundred and thirty-two men, including fifteen\\nfamilies, arrived. This was a modest and unpretentious be-\\nginning, but, with the pressure of General Putnam s foot on\\nthis new soil, the present order of things in the old North-\\nwest began.\\nMeantime, the steps necessary to the setting up of the new\\ngovernment were being taken. On October 5, 1787, Congress\\nelected General Arthur St. Clair governor, and Winthrop\\nSargent secretary, of the new Territory afterward Samuel\\nHolden Parsons, James M. Varnum, and John Cleves\\nSymmes were chosen judges. St. Clair was a veteran soldier\\nof both the French and Revolutionary Wars, a trained civilian\\nand an accomplished gentleman, a sterling patriot, a friend of\\nWashington, and president of Congress at the passage of the\\nOrdinance. A Scotchman by birth, he had come out an\\nofficer in one of the British regiments in the time of the\\nFrench War he was a lieutenant under Wolfe at Quebec\\nand made Western Pennsylvania his home soon after the\\ncoming of peace. We have already met him in that region in\\nthe troublous times that preceded the Revolution. Secretary\\nSargent was from Massachusetts, and a man of many abilities\\nand accomplishments soldier, civilian, a member of learned\\nsocieties, and a poet. Parsons was from Connecticut, and Var-\\nnum from Rhode Island both were distinguished soldiers\\nand able lawyers. Judge Symmes was Chief Justice of New\\nJersey at the time of his appointment. Parsons and Varnum\\nsoon died, and their places were taken by George Turner and\\nRufus Putnam.\\nIndependence Day was duly celebrated at the mouth of\\nthe Muskingum and the expectant state of the colony, as\\nwell as the grandiose eloquence sometimes indulged in by the\\nRevolutionary orators, is well illustrated by this extract from\\nthe oration delivered by Judge Varnum", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 287\\nWe mutually lament that the absence of his Excellency\\nwill not permit us, upon this joyous occasion, to make those\\ngrateful assurances of sincere attachments, which bind us to\\nhim by the noblest motives that can animate an enlightened\\npeople. May he soon arrive. Thou gently flowing Ohio,\\nwhose surface, as conscious of thy unequaled majesty, reflecteth\\nno images but the grandeur of the impending heaven, bear\\nhim, oh, bear him safely to this anxious spot And thou,\\nbeautiful, transparent Muskingum, swell at the moment of his\\napproach, and reflect no objects but of pleasure and delight.\\nGovernor St. Clair landed at the Muskingum bank, July\\n9th, and was received with appropriate civic and military-\\nhonors the 15 th of the same month, attended by Secretary\\nSargent and Judges Parsons and Varnum, he made his public\\nentry at the bower, in the city, where he was received by\\nGeneral Putnam, at the head of the citizens, with the\\nmost sincere and universal congratulations. The Governor\\nmade a short address; Secretary Sargent read the Ordi-\\nnance and the commissions of the officers. The Governor\\nthen made a longer address. The citizens applauded, the\\nconcourse broke up, the wheels of government began to re-\\nvolve, and civil life began. M ^^y ^oJ\\nOn July 26th the Governor created Washington County, y)i fi\\nthe oldest county in the Northwest and a little later ap- *^*i j^^^^\\npointed magistrates and established a Court of Quarter Ses- 0^\\nsions. The Judiciary was formally inaugurated, September^ mi\\n2d, with impressive ceremonies. A procession marched from \u00e2\u0080\u00a2j\\nFort Harmar to one of the block-houses of Campus Martins, ^,yj^\\nwhere the judges took their seats on the high bench; Dr.\\nManasseh Cutler, who was on a visit to the colony, offered a\\nfitting prayer the commissions of the judges and officers\\nof the court were read and then, with the sheriff s proclama-\\ntion, O, yes! a court is open for the administration of even-\\nhanded justice to the poor and the rich, to the guilty and\\nSt. Clair Papers, I., 139.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "288 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe innocent, without respect of persons none to be punished\\nwithout trial by their peers, and then in pursuance of the laws\\nand evidence in the case the judicial history of the Territory\\nbegan. Paul Fearing was admitted as an attorney, the first\\nlawyer in Fhe Northwest.\\nSuch, briefly told, is the story of the founding of Marietta,\\nnamed for the unfortunate Marie Antoinette, and the institu-\\ntion of civil government in the Northwest Territory. Not even\\nthe Pilgrim colony of 1620 was made up of better elements.\\nAt the distance of a century, no fitter eulogy upon the men\\nwho constituted it can be given than Washington s No col-\\nony in America was ever settled under such favorable auspices\\nas that which has just commenced at the Muskingum. In-\\nformation, property, and strength will be its characteristics.\\nI know many of the settlers personally, and there were never\\nmen better calculated to promote the welfare of such a com-\\nmunity. The difference between French and American\\ncolonization in the Northwest is strikingly shown by two\\nsimple facts: On April 7, 1788, the village of Saut Ste Marie\\nvj was one hundred and twenty years old Marietta will not\\nhave reached a century until April 7, 1888.\\nAnother land-purchase, second only to that of the Ohio\\nCompany, was made in 1787 the Miami purchase or Symmes\\nTract of one million acres, lying on the north bank of the Ohio\\nbetween the two Miami Rivers. Three colonies were planted\\nin this tract in the year 1788 Columbia, at the mouth of the\\nLittle Miami Losantiville, opposite the mouth of the Lick-\\ning River; and North Bend, at the farthest northern sweep\\nof the Ohio west of the Kanawha. For a time every one of\\nthese settlements aspired to the leadership but the second,\\nfounded December 24, 1788, having been chosen as the seat\\nof a military post, and also as the county seat of Hamilton\\nCounty, rebaptized by St. Clair Cincinnati, a name borrowed\\nSparks: Writings of Washington, IX,, 385.\\nThe tract was not paid for, and only about one-third was patented.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 289\\nfrom the celebrated society of Revolutionary officers of\\nwhich he was a prominent member, soon outstripped both its ,jtv\\ncompetitors. Here lived the Governor, and here sat the first\\nTerritorial Legislature, Still, its growth was slow and when\\nJudge Burnet first saw it, in 1796, it gave faint promise of\\nbecoming what it now is in name, and what it long was in\\nfact, the Queen City of the West. The buildings were few\\nand poor; the population, including the garrison, was about\\nsix hundred and the social habits of the place anything but\\ncommendable/\\nThose philosophers who trace all historical phenomena to\\nphysical causes may read a suggestive lesson in the history of\\nthe Miami purchase. The location of North Bend is as favor-\\nable as that of Cincinnati. It was the home of Judge Symmes,\\nand the first station of the troops detailed by General Har-\\nmar to protect the Miami pioneers. Unfortunately, before a\\npermanent fortification was constructed the commanding of-\\nficer of the troops became enamored of the black-eyed wife\\nof one of the settlers. The jealous husband s removal to\\nCincinnati led to the prompt discovery, on the part of the\\nofficer, of the superior military advantages of that location\\nwhence resulted not the walls of lofty Rome, but the walls of\\nPort Washington and the ascendancy of the town named for\\nthe Cincinnati.\\nAs in the case of the Muskingum colony, a very large\\nnumber of the Miami settlers had seen service in the War of\\nIndependence. They were from no single locality, but Middle\\nStates men seem to have predominated some of the most\\nprominent from New Jersey. The Virginia Military District,\\nembracing six thousand five hundred and seventy square\\nmiles of the fairest part of Ohio, became the seat of a third\\ngroup of settlements, the founders of which came from Vir-\\nginia. These were later, mainly owing to the Indian War,\\nthan the settlements of the Ohio and Miami purchases. Gen-\\nBurnet Notes on the Settlement of the Northwest Territory, 35 et seq.\\n19", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "290\\nTHE OLD NORTHWESl\\neral Nathaniel Massie and Duncan McArthur, afterward Gov-\\nernor of Ohio, laid out the town of Chillicothe, soon made\\nthe capital of Ross County, on the west bank of the Scioto, in\\n1796. These Virginia colonies drew to themselves numbers\\nof very able men, and they exercised a marked influence upon\\nthe nascent society of the Northwest, and particularly of\\nOhio.\\nThe Virginia Military District is often mentioned in con-\\nnection with the Connecticut Western Reserve. Beyond the\\nfact that both were reservations, they have no points of like-\\nness and many of unlikeness Virginia s reservation was condi-\\ntional and special, Connecticut s absolute and general.\\nVirginia voted her soldiers upon continental and State es-\\ntablishment liberal land-bounties. She also set apart for this\\npurpose the lands bounded by Green River, Cumberland\\nMountains, the Tennessee line and Tennessee River, and the\\n,,Ohio, In her act and deed of cession of the Northwest, Vir-\\nginia stipulated that, in case these lands should prove insuffi-\\ncient for the purpose, the deficiency should be made up to the\\nsaid troops in good lands, to be laid off between the Rivers\\nScioto and Little Miami. The Cumberland lands did prove in-\\nsufficient for the purpose. Congress having been apprised of\\nthis fact, it passed a law in 1790 directing the Secretary of War\\nto make return to the Governor of Virginia of the names of the\\nVirginia ofificers and men entitled to bounty-lands, and the\\namount in acres due them. The same act authorized the agents\\nof the said troops to locate and survey for their use, between the\\ntwo rivers, apparently in the old Virginia fashion, such a number\\nof acres of land as, together with the number already located\\non the waters of the Cumberland, would make the amount to\\nwhich they were entitled these locations and surveys to be\\nrecorded, together with the names of those for whom they\\nwere made, in the ofifice of the Secretary of State. The\\nPresident was then directed to issue letters patent for these\\nlands to the persons entitled to them, for their use or the use\\nof their heirs, assigns, or legal representatives. The Secretary", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "HAP ILLUSTRATING LAND SURVEYS IN OHIO,\\nWITH EARLY POSTS AND SETTLEMENTS.\\nMUiptxdfrom, Colonel diaries TThittlesey s JTract I o.61, Wati:m Seserve\\nandj/urthem OhioMislorical Society.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "292 THE OLD NORTHWEST\\nof State should forward these deeds to the Executive of Vir-\\nginia, to be delivered to the proper persons. It will be seen\\nthat the national Government issued the deeds, but did not\\nmake the surveys. It is not surprising, therefore, that Dr.\\nAndrews should speak of the no system surveys of the Vir-\\nginia Military District, and that Colonel Whittlesey should\\ncharacterize the private surveys as so loose as to be entirely\\n1 useless for geographical purposes. Early in the history of\\nthe locations and surveys a dispute arose as to the Western\\nboundary of the Virginia District. The United States held\\nthat it should be the Little Miami and a line drawn from the\\nsource of that stream to the source of the Scioto Virginia\\ncontended for a straight line drawn from the mouth of the\\none river to the source of the other. The first is called\\nRoberts s line the second, Ludlow s line. Roberts s line\\nwas virtually established by a decision of the Supreme Court\\nin 1824. No question of jurisdiction concerning this District\\never arose between Virginia and the United States. In 1852\\nVirginia released to the United States all lands in the Dis-\\ntrict not already located, in consideration of Congress having\\nprovided other lands for such of the Virginia claims as were\\nnot yet satisfied. In 1871 Congress ceded such of these lands\\nas remained unappropriated, amounting to 76,735 acres, ap-\\npraised at $74,287, to the State of Ohio, and the State, in\\nturn, ceded them to the State University.\\nIn fulfilment of its promises made in the course of the\\nwar, the national Government set apart a large tract for land-\\nbounties lying south of Wayne s treaty line, west of the seven\\nranges, and east of the Scioto River. This tract, known as\\nthe United States Bounty Lands, embraces about four thou-\\nsand square miles.\\nAs a separate chapter will be devoted to the Western Re-\\nserve, it will not be noticed here, beyond the remark that it\\nwas the fourth centre of early colonization within the limits\\nDonaldson The Public Domain, 233, 234.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 293\\nof Ohio. Passing by some small tracts dedicated to various\\nobjects, the remaining lands within the present limits of Ohio\\nwere known as Congress lands, because surveyed and sold\\nunder its authority. y\\nIn Indiana and Illinois the French towns were the cen-\\ntres of the new settlements. Kentucky and Ohio were at\\nfirst naturally preferred by emigrants, and the growth of\\nthe two States beyond them was for many years exceed-\\ningly slow. Governor Reynolds, who made his home in Illi-\\nnois in 1800, found in that State a white population of two\\nthousand persons, one thousand two hundred habitants and\\neight hundred Americans. These people were scattered along\\nthe Mississippi River from Kaskaskia to Cahokia, with a few\\nabout Peoria. Moreover, the emigration to Indiana and Illi-\\nnois, in the first period, was almost Avholly from the South.\\nThey lay not only within the current of emigration that\\npoured down the Ohio Valley, but also within the stream of\\nthe one which passed through the gaps of the Cumberland\\nMountains and swept northwestward across the States of\\nTennessee and Kentucky. Many of these emigrants were na-\\ntive Tennesseeans and Kcntuckians. Mr. Washburne tells us\\nthat the Kentucky emigration was by far the best, and that\\nthe North Carolinians who came to Illinois were mostly\\npoor whites.\\nIn the winter and spring of 1790 Governor St. Clair made\\na lengthy visit to the habitants of the Wabash and the Missis-\\nsippi. Writing to the Secretary of War from Cahokia, May\\n1st, he tells a moving tale of their condition. They are the\\nmost ignorant people in the world there is not a fiftieth\\nman that can either read or write; though ignorant, they are\\nthe gentlest and best disposed people that can be imagined\\nthe distress at Vincennes and on the Mississippi is extreme.\\nIn a long and very interesting report to the President, the\\nMy Own Times, 20. Sketch of Edward Coles, 69.\\nSt. Clair Papers, II., 136-140.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "294 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nGovernor describes their situation still more fully. With great\\ncheerfulness the people had furnished Clark s command with\\neverything they could spare, and often with much more than\\nthey could spare with any convenience to themselves most\\nof the certificates for these supplies are still in their hands, un-\\nliquidated and unpaid following the conquest, a set of men\\npretending the authority of Virginia embodied themselves,\\nand a scene of general depredation and plunder ensued to\\nthis succeeded three successive and extraordinary inundations\\nfrom the Mississippi, which either swept away their crops or\\nprevented their being planted all this was followed by the\\ndecline of the Indian trade, hostile Indian incursions, and the\\nloss of the last corn crop by an untimely frost. That the\\nterms of the Virginia Cession might be kept, and the public\\ndomain also be protected. Congress had directed surveys of\\nthe Kaskaskia and Vincennes lands to be made at the ex-\\npense of the claimants, a charge the Governor found them ill\\nable to meet. Father Gibault, who had rendered the Ameri-\\ncan cause such great services in the days of the invasion, laid\\nbefore St. Clair a memoriiil in behalf of his people that\\narouses one s pity.\\nSince 1763, and even since the time of Clark s arrival in\\nthe Illinois, the settlements had materially declined. The\\ncharacter of the government in the Virginia period is plainly\\nhinted by St. Clair while in the six years following the ces-\\nsion, although the people kept calling upon Congress for re-\\nlief, there was no government at all. It was found very diflEi-\\ncult to adjust these decaying French communities mere\\npatches of the Middle Ages to the aggressive life that ulti-\\nmately overwhelmed them. For example they had, from the\\nfirst settlement of the country, enclosed their small farms by\\ncommon fences. There was great lack of surveys and rec-\\nords, and so of titles. The accumulated dif^culties that grew\\nout of such arrangements were in time referred to the Terri-\\nSt. Clair Papers, II., 164 et seq.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 295\\ntorial Legislature for settlement and avc can well believe\\nJudge Burnet when he tells us it was no easy matter to de-\\nvise a remedy for a case so complex. A plan, however,\\nwas devised, and made obligatory on all concerned, by an act\\nwhich regulated the enclosing and cultivating of common\\nfields, and which gave general satisfaction.\\nThe picture of the Detroit Jiabitants given by Burnet lacks\\nthe elements of picturesque beauty found in the chapters of\\nMr. Hubbard referring to a period forty years later. Burnet\\npresents them as extremely ignorant and strongly supersti-\\ntious treading the footsteps of their fathers, imitative, not\\nseeming to know that improvements had been made in agri-\\nculture since Noah planted his vineyard raising the same\\ncrops without variation, exhausting fields by poor tillage and\\nthen abandoning them throwing the barn and stable litter,\\nso much needed by the hungry soil, into the river and,\\nwithal, conscientiously exact in the performance of their re-\\nligious duties, regularly paying their tithes to the priest with\\ncheerfulness, and constant in attendance at church.^ No\\ndoubt the man who would form a correct conception of this\\nFrench civilization must take the two accounts together.\\nIt is impossible to follow carefully the development of\\nthe majestic civil life that has its springing point in the Mari-\\netta settlement. Attention will, however, be drawn to some\\nof the principal questions that arose in the Territorial period.\\nThe question whether the Old Congress could successfully\\nmanage the Territory, keeping it in due relation to the Con-\\nfederacy and erecting the new States when the time should\\ncome, was happily adjourned by the adoption of the National\\nConstitution. A brief act passed at the first session of the\\nfirst Congress sufficed to effect the necessary adjustments of\\nthe Ordinance to the new government. This act put the Terri-\\ntorial officers, as respects their appointment and commissions,\\nupon the same footing as the officers provided for by the Con-\\nBurnet Notes, 307. Ibid., 281 et seq.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "296 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nstitution nomination by the President and confirmation by\\nthe Senate. Afterward Congress authorized the Governor\\nand Judges to repeal laws that they had once adopted, a\\npower that the Ordinance had not conferred.\\nOne of the first duties with which Governor St. Clair was\\ncharged was the negotiation of a treaty of peace Math the Ind-\\nians. All the Western Indians repudiated the second Treaty\\nof Fort Stanwix, 1784; and the majority of them the Treaty\\nof Fort Mcintosh, of the following year. In 1789 St. Clair\\nconcluded the Treaty of Fort Harmar with the Wyandots,\\nDelawares, and several other tribes, whereby the tribes con-\\nfirmed the Treaty of Fort Mcintosh, and relinquished to the\\nUnited States all lands, so far as they had a right to the same,\\neast, south, and west of these lines The Cuyahoga and Tusca-\\nrawas Rivers, and the portage between them from Lake Erie\\nto the forks above Fort Laurens; a straight line west from\\nthe forks to Loramie s on the Big Miami and a line from\\nLoramie s to the Maumee, and then down the Maumee to\\nthe Lake. But the larger number of the Indians interested\\nrefused to be bound by this agreement. The Indians de-\\nmanded that the whites should retire beyond the Ohio and\\nthe long war that had devastated the frontier almost without\\ncessation since 1755 continued to lengthen out the years.\\nHarmar s, St. Clair s, and Wayne s invasions of the Indian\\ncountiy are told in every book of Indian warfare, and do not\\nfall within the compass of the present work. The power\\nof the Indians was broken for the time by Wayne s victory\\non the Maumee in 1794 and, by the Treaty of Fort Green-\\nville, entered into in 1795, they relinquished all the lands east\\nand south of this series of lines The Cuyahoga and Tus-\\ncarawas Rivers from the Lake to the forks above Fort Laurens\\na straight line drawn from this point to Loramie s thence to\\nFort Recovery on the Wabash and thence southwest to the\\nOhio opposite the mouth of the Kentucky River. This vic-\\ntory gave the Northwest peace until the days when, just be-\\nfore the War of 181 2, the Indians made, under the leadership of", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 297\\nTecumsch and the Prophet, another effort to stay the tide of\\ninvasion. The fondness of the Indians for this noble domain\\nis shown by the long and determined stand that they made\\nto retain it as the desire of the whites to possess it is, by\\ntheir suffering and sacrifices in the long conflict. It is said\\nthat, in the seven years closing with 1790, one thousand five\\nhundred and twenty men, women, and children, in Kentucky\\nalone, were massacred by the Indians or carried away into\\nslavery.\\nThe Indian War materially retarded population, and also\\ninfluenced its distribution. In 1795 Governor St. Clair, who\\nhad given careful attention to the subject, estimated the\\npopulation under his jurisdiction at only fifteen thousand\\nsouls. The census-takers of 1800 reported finding, in the\\nwhole Northwest, 51,006 people. Kentucky, however, in-\\ncreased from 73,679 in 1790 to 220,955 in 1800. The geo-\\ngraphical relations of the Territory to the East, to the Middle\\nStates, and to the South rendered a mixed population a fore-\\ngone conclusion. The New Englanders took the initiative,\\nmaking their way across the Hudson and the Delaware, and\\nthrough Pennsylvania, to the Forks of the Ohio. For a time\\nthe Indian War almost stopped the flow of emigration from\\nNew England and by the time that it began to move again\\nthe Western Reserve had been thrown upon the market in\\npart, and thenceforth that region absorbed the larger number\\nof the New Englanders who made their homes west of New\\nYork. But, even then, the Pennsylvania road by Pittsburg\\nwas preferred by many of the emigrants to the New York\\nroad by Buffalo. Had it not been for the renewed ferocity\\nwith which the war was waged after the Marietta settlement\\nwas made. New England would no doubt have contributed\\na much larger relative number to the first population of the\\nOhio Valley. It should be mentioned, to the great credit of\\nthe Ohio Company, that it contributed largely of its means\\nCooley Michigan, 31.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "298 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nto defend the infant settlements on the Ohio against the Ind-\\nians.\\nThe Ordinance of 1787 made the Governor and Judges a\\ntemporary legislature, empowered not to enact laws but to\\nadopt and publish such laws of the original States as they\\ndeemed necessary and fit, etc., reporting them to Congress\\nfrom time to time said laws to continue in force until the or-\\nganization of the general assembly, unless disapproved by\\nCongress, This method of legislation was followed in con-\\nstituting all the territories carved out of the old Northwest\\nexcept Wisconsin, organized in 1836, and also in the act of\\n1790 for the Territory South of the Ohio. Immediately this\\nlegislature set to work to provide a code of laws for the Ter-\\nritory, giving its attention, first of all, as was natural, to a m.il-\\nitia law but the history of its work will not be followed,\\nexcept to point out two or three interesting features.\\nFirst, the Governor and Judges did not confine themselves\\nto adopting and publishing laws of the original States, but\\nlegislated de novo. This course they defended on the ground\\nof necessity they could not find laws suited to all the wants\\nof the Territory in the State statute-books. As Congress did\\nnot formally disapprove these laws, with one or two excep-\\ntions they continued in operation until set aside by the Ter-\\nritorial authorities. There being no proper capital, the leg-\\nislature promulgated laws at various places, as Marietta,\\nCincinnati, and Vincennes. In June, 1795, the legislature\\ntook up the problem of a complete system of statutory juris-\\nprudence, by adoption from the laws of the original States, in\\nstrict conformity to the provisions of the Ordinance. By\\nadopting an old Virginia statute of the colonial period\\nthe common law of England, and all general statutes in aid\\nof the common law prior to the fourth year of James I., were\\nSee Services of the Ohio Company in Defending the United States Frontier\\nfrom Invasion, an article by W. P. Cutler, in the Ohio Archceological and His-\\ntorical Quarterly, I., 293 et seq.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 299\\nput in force in the Territory. The other laws of 1795 were\\nprincipally derived from the statute-book of Pennsylvania.\\nThe system thus adopted, continues Mr, Chase, whom we\\nare here following, was not without many imperfections and\\nblemishes, but it may be doubted whether any colony at so\\nearly a period after its first establishment ever had one so\\ngood. Another difficulty was a difference of opinion be-\\ntween the Governor and the Judges as to their respective legis-\\nlative functions. Was the Governor simply one member of the\\nlegislature or was he a constituent part of it, having equal\\nauthority with the Judges as a whole The Governor vetoed\\ndrafts of laws submitted to him the Judges called his attention\\nto the words or a majority of them in the clause of the Or-\\ndinance relating to the adoption of laws, and he retorted, with\\nno little force, that wherever the law-expounders are also the\\nlaw-makers, the result is a tyranny. On this issue St. Clair\\nhad his way on another one he Avas less successful.\\nThe Ordinance gave the Governor power to appoint such\\nmagistrates and other civil ofificers, in each county or town-\\nship, as he should find necessary, thus giving him, by impli-\\ncation, the power to erect counties. The Governor, therefore,\\nproceeded to constitute counties. While these counties were\\nnot as large as those that Virginia had bounded on the west\\nby the South Sea, or even by the Mississippi River, they were\\nstill of truly imperial proportions. Washington County, for\\nexample, reached from the Ohio to Lake Erie, and from the\\nPennsylvania line to the Cuyahoga-Tuscarawas line and the\\nScioto. St. Clair County embraced all Southern Illinois.\\nBut Wayne County, organized in 1796, was the most exten-\\nsive of all, including all the territory within the following\\nlimits North by the international boundary line, cast by the\\nCuyahoga, the portage-path, and the Tuscarawas south by a\\nline reaching from the forks above Fort Laurens west and\\nnorthwest to the head of the Miami of the Ohio thence north-\\nPreliminary Sketch of tlic History of Ohio, in Statutes of Ohio, I., 26, 27.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "300 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nwest to the portage between the Miami of the Lake and the\\nWabash, where Fort Wayne now is, and thence northwest to\\nthe head of Lake Michigan and west by a line running north\\nto the international boundary, including all the lands in Wis-\\nconsin draining eastward to the same lake. The original\\ncounties had to be divided into smaller ones, and the General\\nAssembly, after 1799, claimed the power to make the sub-\\ndivision. The Governor denied the Assembly s claim, and\\nvetoed its bills erecting new counties, the result being a con-\\ntroversy that was finally carried to Congress, and decided\\nagainst him. Much of the bitterness of this controversy is\\nsaid to have been due to land-speculators, anxious to influ-\\nence the erection of counties and the location of county\\ntowns, who found Governor St. Clair standing in their way.\\nThe mingling of elements from all parts of the Atlantic\\nslope in the new population, and particularly the appoint-\\nment of New England and Middle State men in about equal\\nnumbers to Territorial ofifices, decided the character of the lo-\\ncal institutions now found in Ohio. Two radically different\\ntypes of local government are found in the old States the\\ntown system and the county system. As the names indicate,\\nthe first assigns the major part of political power to town or\\ntownship ofificers, the second to county officers. These sys-\\ntems are traceable to England. The founders of New Eng-\\nland came from towns and cities, and they naturally set up\\nmunicipal institutions; the founders of Virginia came from\\nthe English counties, and as naturally set up county institu-\\ntions. That the one would be more congenial to a civic\\ndemocracy, the other to a landed gentry, goes without the\\nsaying. As is well known, Mr. Jefferson strove to introduce\\nthe New England system into Virginia, and made it the sub-\\nject of frequent eulogy. These wards, called townships in\\nNew England, he said, in 18 16, are the vital principle of\\ntheir governments, and have proved themselves the wisest\\ninvention ever devised by the wit of man for the perfect exer-\\ncise of self-government and for its preservation. Again, in", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 301\\n1810 he speaks of the large lubberly division into counties,\\nof the Middle, Southern, and Western States which can\\nnever be assembled. Local government in the Middle\\nStates is a compromise of the town and county systems; the\\ncounty is more than in New England, and the town more\\nthan in the South. Governor St, Clair was from Pennsyl-\\nvania, Judge Symmes from New Jersey, General Putnam\\nfrom Massachusetts; and the three established in the Terri-\\ntory local institutions that are a sort of cross on the com-\\npromise and town systems.^\\nVery serious evils grew out of the first land-policy that\\nwas adopted. The effect of that policy was the sale of\\nthe lands in large tracts to first purchasers, to be resold to\\nsettlers in lots suitable to their convenience. About one-half\\nthe State of Ohio was made up of large blocks of land\\nranging from the 1,000,000 acres of the Symmes purchase to\\nthe 4,209,800 acres of the Virginia Military District. In its\\nundivided form the Virginia District, as well as the United\\nStates Bounty Lands, belonged to a large number of persons;\\nbut, through the sale and purchase of rights, the lands in both\\nof them tended to work into the hands of large holders. In\\n1800 Governor St. Clair called the attention of the legislat-\\nure to this state of things. He said in his address that the\\nlands had generally been held by a few individuals in large\\nquantities, who had sold them out in small parcels on credit\\nthat in some of the counties the majority of the people, un-\\nable in the midst of the general poverty to meet their engage-\\nments, were debtors to the proprietors; and that this state\\nof things gave creditors a dangerous power over the votes of\\ndebtors. He therefore suggested whether the substitution\\nof election by ballot for election viva voce would not be the\\nbest way of guarding against that not improbable evil.\\nNo attention was paid to this suggestion until the year 1802,\\nJefferson Works, VII., 13 V., 525.\\nAndrews Washington County, 32.\\nSt. Clair Papers, II., 501 et seq.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "302 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nwhen it was adopted in the Ohio Constitution but competi-\\ntion and the inability of the great land-owners to hold their\\ntracts tended to diminish the danger that the Governor had\\npointed out.\\nBut there were practical evils of a serious character con-\\nnected with the land-system. At first Congress did not it-\\nself propose to sell lands save in large tracts, like the Ohio\\nand Symmes purchases. The Land Ordinance of 1785 created\\na very complicated machinery for effecting sales. It author-\\nized the Loan Commissioners of the several States to sell at\\npublic vendue lands in townships of 23,040 acres, and in sec-\\ntions of 640 acres, in equal quantities; it made no provision\\nfor land-ofifices in the Western country and it fixed the\\nminimum price at one dollar an acre and the cost of survey, in\\nspecie or its equivalent. Under the Constitution successive\\nacts of legislation corrected the evils growing out of these\\nfeatures of the Ordinance of 1785 so effectually as to create\\nother evils of the opposite character almost equally great.\\nThe survey and sale of half-sections, quarter-sections, and\\nthen of smaller lots were authorized. In 1800 the minimum\\nprice of lands was advanced to $2 an acre on a long credit,\\nor $1.64 in cash. Land-ofifices were established and multi-\\nplied. No doubt the credit system facilitated settlements,\\nbut it led to great abuses and much suffering. In 1820, if\\nwe may trust Judge Burnet, more than half of the men\\nNorthwest of the Ohio River were in debt to the Government\\nand it was feared that an attempt to enforce payment, by a\\nforfeiture of the land, under the laws of Congress, would pro-\\nduce resistance, and probably terminate in a civil war. A\\nsimilar state of things existed in the Southwest. In response\\nto a perfect snow-storm of memorials calling for relief, Con-\\ngress, in 1 82 1, by enacting that purchasers indebted to the\\nGovernment might relinquish lands they could not pay for,\\nreceiving credit on lands not relinquished for moneys actually\\npaid in, relieved the general distress. That act paid more\\nthan $20,000,000 of debts while the sore experience that led", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 303\\nto it caused Congress to reduce the price of lands to $1.25 an\\nacre, with payment in advance.\\nWhen Judge Burnet began to practise law in the Territory\\nthe General Court, which consisted of the three judges pro-\\nvided for by the Ordinance, who received each a salary of S800,\\nsat in four places Marietta, Cincinnati, Vincennes, and Kas-\\nkaskia. Soon after, Detroit was included within the circuit.\\nThis court had power to review and to revise the decisions of\\nall inferior tribunals, but from its own decisions there was no\\nappeal, not even to the Supreme Court of the United States.\\nThe Judges spent about as much time in the saddle as on the\\nbench. Court and bar travelled through the wilderness, five\\nor six together, sometimes seven or eight days on a single\\njourney, with a pack-horse to transport the supplies that they\\ncould not carry on their own horses or purchase by the way.\\nWhen purchasing a horse, one of the first questions was\\nwhether he was a good swimmer. But that was the day\\nwhen the mail was a week in going and coming between\\nMarietta and Zanesville when the Postmaster-General\\nsometimes filled up mail schedules and contracts with his own\\nhand and when the principal means of transportation on the\\nOhio was the Ark, invented by one Krudger on the Juniata\\nRiver a square, flat-bottomed vessel, forty feet in length by\\nfifteen in breadth, six feet deep, covered with a roof of thin\\nboards, accommodated with a fireplace, and carrying from two\\nhundred to four hundred barrels of flour.\\nFor a number of years the Territory was not vexed by\\nparty politics but in due time men began to divide along the\\nline separating the two nascent political parties in the old\\nStates. In general. New England men tended to the Federal\\nparty and Southern men to the Republican party, while\\nMiddle State men were divided more equally. The facts of\\nemigration already pointed out gave the party led by Mr.\\nBurnet Notes, 450-454 Sumner Andrew Jackson, 184.\\nBurnet Notes, 63-65. Harris The Journal of a Tour, etc., 30, 31.", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "304 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nJefferson a considerable advantage, and the democratizing in-\\nfluences of the time, and particularly of the West, increased\\nthat advantage more and more. In searching for an explana-\\ntion of the final triumph of the Republicans over the Feder-\\nalists, Mr. Hildreth says the second had their strength in\\nthose narrow districts where a concentrated population had\\nproduced and contributed to maintain that complexity of in-\\nstitutions and that reverence for social order which, in pro-\\nportion as men are brought into contiguity, become more ab-\\nsolutely necessaries of existence. These conditions existed\\nat the close of the last century in New England, New Jer-\\nsey, Maryland, Delaware, and tide-water South Carolina\\nand here he finds represented the experience, the pru-\\ndence, the practical wisdom, the discipline, the conservative\\nreason and instincts of the countiy. The ultra-demo-\\ncratical ideas of the opposition that expressed the country s\\nwishes, hopes, and especially theories, its passions, sympa-\\nthies, antipathies, and its impatience of restraint pre-\\nvailed in all that more extensive region in which the dis-\\npersion of population, and the despotic authority vested in\\nindividuals over families of slaves, kept society in a state\\nof immaturity, and made legal restraints the more irksome\\nin proportion as their necessity was the less felt. These\\nconditions were best represented by Virginia, the head and\\nfront of the Republican party. North Carolina, Georgia,\\nTennessee, and Kentucky followed Virginia and the rap-\\nidly increasing backwoods settlements of all these States\\nconstantly added new strength to the opposition. The\\ndecision depended ultimately on the two great and grow-\\ning States of Pennsylvania and New York and from the\\nvery fact that they were growing, that both of them had\\nan extensive backwoods frontier they both inclined\\nmore and more to the Republican side. Perhaps these\\nmost suggestive remarks do not accurately state the case be-\\nHistory, V,, 415, 416.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO 305\\ntween the two parties at the close of Mr. Adams s administra-\\ntion but there is no question that the rapid growth of the\\nnew settlements, whether in the old States or in the West,\\nfrom 1790 on, was a material cause of the final complete an-\\nnihilation of the Federal party. The democratizing influ-\\nences were less strong in the region that soon became Ohio\\nthan in the slave-holding States south of the river but they\\nwere strong enough to give the Virginia party a decided as-\\ncendancy for a full generation. The fact is and a very im-\\nportant fact, too that the political temper of Western soci-\\nety, even north of the Ohio, was far more like that of the\\nSouth than that of New England.\\nAs soon as the new political yeast began to work, men be-\\ngan to complain bitterly of the centralization of the govern-\\nment provided by the Ordinance, and of the Governor s admin-\\nistration. St. Clair s sense of justice, eminent public services,\\nsocial qualities, and w-eight of character had made him a pop-\\nular ofificer as long as there was no politics in the district\\nbut henceforth his popularity continues to wane. He was a\\ngentleman of the old school, and a Federalist his manners\\nwere those of cultivated circles he could not be, and did not\\nwish to be, a Democrat he stood stoutly for the dignity and\\nprerogatives of his office he did not trim his sails to the\\nbreeze that was now blowing stifHy from Virginia he com-\\nmitted indiscretions of power, and incurred personal enmities,\\nas a matter of course besides, and in consequence of the fore-\\ngoing, on the exciting questions now coming to the front, he\\ntook the unpopular side.\\nIn 1798 it was ascertained that the Territory had the five\\nthousand free male inhabitants that the Ordinance had made\\nthe condition of the second stage of government. That\\nstage it accordingly entered upon, the following year. The\\nGeneral Assembly first met for the transaction of business at\\nCincinnati, September 24, 1799. The Lower House con-\\nsisted of twenty-two members representing nine counties.\\nSeven of the number came from the four counties contain-", "height": "3276", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "306 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ningthe old French settlements in Michigan, Indiana, and Illi-\\nnois, fifteen from the five Ohio counties, Hamilton County\\nalone, eleven years old, had the same number of representa-\\ntives as the four French counties, more than a century old.\\nFour of the five members of the Council were from Ohio\\ncounties, and one from Vincennes. William Henry Harrison,\\nwho had succeeded Mr. Sargent in the secretaryship, was\\nchosen delegate to Congress, where he rendered his constit-\\nuents much good service, particularly in procuring needed\\nlegislation on the subject of lands. The new order of things\\nwas quite different from the old. The Governor was no\\nlonger part of the legislature, but he had an unquestioned\\nveto that he freely exercised, particularly in legislation relating\\nto counties. His power was materially strengthened by the\\nchange, and his troubles proportionally increased. Moreover,\\nthe appearance of a legislature and a delegate in Congress\\ngreatly stimulated political activity, and from this time on to\\nthe admission of Ohio to the Union, events became more and\\nmore exciting. Section i of the Ordinance reserved to Con-\\ngress the right, which it would have had otherwise, since it\\nwas not a subject of compact, to divide the Northwest into\\ntwo territories whenever circumstances might render it expe-\\ndient. At the session of 1799- 1800 the House of Represent-\\natives referred the subject to a committee, of which Delegate\\nHarrison was chairman. In a letter to Harrison, dated Feb-\\nruary 17, 1800, St. Clair recommended the formation of three\\nterritories, the dividing lines to be the Scioto River, and\\na meridian line drawn through the mouth of the Kentucky\\nRiver, with Marietta, Cincinnati, and Vincennes as capitals.\\nThis scheme, which was to continue only until the new States\\nwere formed, he supported with many plausible arguments.\\nThe vision of a new State in the eastern part of the Territory\\nwas now rising full-orbed upon the sight of national states-\\nmen and Territorial politicians, and, as in many another simi-\\nlar case, both statesmen and politicians were anxious that the\\nState should come into the Union with the right kind of poli-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. Z^7\\ntics. It was objected to St. Clair s scheme that it would\\npostpone the formation of the State, which was true enough,\\nand that his purpose was to carve out a territory of which he\\ncould be governor for life, which was absurd. His scheme\\nfailed to command the support of Mr. Harrison, who was a\\nState man, and of Congress, but it did not fail to add to St.\\nClair s growing unpopularity. On May 7, 1800, an act was ap-\\nproved constituting all that part of the Northwest lying west\\nof the treaty-line of 1795, from the Ohio to Fort Recovery,\\nand a line drawn from the fort to the international boundary,\\na separate territory, to be called Indiana Territory, The act\\nmade Chillicothe and Vincennes the two capitals, until oth-\\nerwise ordained by the respective legislatures; and said, when-\\never the territory east of the meridian of the mouth of the\\nGreat Miami River should become an independent State,\\nthenceforth said meridian should be the boundary between\\nthe new territory and such State.\\nThe Virginia colony of Ross County were very influential\\nin bringing about this legislation. In fact, the original scheme\\nof the Chillicothe managers was much more extensive, em-\\nbracing these features: (i) The appointment of William\\nHenry Harrison as Governor of the Indiana Territory (2)\\nthe establishment of the permanent seat of government for\\nthe Eastern district at Chillicothe and (3) such alterations\\nin the form of the Territorial Government as should vacate\\nthe offices. Of course, the programme included the retire-\\nment of St. Clair. Harrison did become the governor of the\\nnew territory, and Chillicothe the temporary capital of the\\nEastern district but, owing to the opposition of the Senate, the\\nact of May 7th contained an express prohibition of change in\\nthe government of the old Territory other than its limitation\\nin extent. Henceforth, until its final disappearance from the\\nmap, on February 19, 1803, the name Northwest Territory is\\nlimited to the eastern of the two territories. The striking\\nSt. Clair Papers, I., 236.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "308 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nfeatures of its history are the agitation of the State question\\nand the growing embarrassments of Governor St. Clair. The\\ncensus of 1800 reported a population of 45,916 in the Terri-\\ntory, thus distributed by counties Adams, 3,432 Hamilton,\\n14,692; Jefferson, 8,766; Ross, 8,540; Trumbull, 1,302;\\nWayne, 3,757.\\nToward the close of his long administration there was a\\ntotal want of agreement between the Governor and a majority\\nof the people of the Territory in political ideas and temper.\\nHe was a pronounced Federalist they were pronounced Re-\\npublicans. So extreme was he in his opinions that he wrote\\nand published a pamphlet in defence of the Alien and Sedition\\nLaws, which President Adams said was masterly, written\\nin the style and manner of a gentleman, and seasoned with\\nno more than was useful and agreeable of Attic salt. If\\nseasoned to Adams s taste, it must have been pungent indeed.\\nAt this time the Federalists were taking those extreme meas-\\nures which conclusively showed that they did not understand\\nthe popular temper, and the Republicans were seeking to\\nrescue the country from evils and dangers which they de-\\nscribed in the most exaggerated language. To this extent,\\nthe strife in the Valley of the Ohio was simply a part of the\\nbitter political controversy then going on in all the old States.\\nThen some of the Governor s personal qualities were a source\\nof criticism. Judge Burnet, who was an admirer of St. Clair,\\nand a member of the same political party, says he placed too\\nhigh an estimate on his own powers of mind, and, although\\nmodest and unassuming in society, very rarely yielded an\\nopinion that he had once deliberately formed.^ St. Clair was\\na Scotchman and a Federalist, holding a position of great\\npower and responsibility in a young American democracy\\nwest of the Ohio River. Naturally, he became less yielding\\nas he grew older, and assaults upon him became more fre-\\nquent and bitter. But St. Clair s Federalism and obnoxious\\nSt. Clair Papers, L, 234. Burnet: Notes, 378-381.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 309\\npersonal qualities alone would not have caused the opposition\\nthat he encountered. The question of a new State in the\\nEastern district of the Northwest was now coloring and\\ndeeply coloring all Territorial questions. Generally speak-\\ning, Federalists and Republicans divided on this subject. A\\nresolution unanimously adopted by a delegate convention of\\nthe County of Washington, held at Marietta in June, 1801,\\nexpressed the common view of the one party, viz. That in\\nour opinion, it would be highly impolitic, and very injurious\\nto the inhabitants of this Territory, to enter into a state gov-\\nernment at this time. The Republican view, as expressed\\nby a writer in the Scioto Gazette^ was that such a change would\\nbe like opening the floodgates to a mill wealth would flow\\nin, improvements would spring up, the streams would roll\\nalong food to thousands suffering from want, and arrange-\\nments for education would be perfected plains covered with\\nherds and farms with crops would gladden the owners hearts,\\nand the government, like the tree of liberty, would extend its\\nbenign branches over the citizens, sheltering them from tyranny\\nand oppression. One side objected that a State government\\nwould be costly, that the people could not pay the taxes, and\\nthat it was far better to allow the United States to pay the\\nexpenses of government than to impose them upon the citi-\\nzens and the other side replied that the salaries now paid\\nby Congress to the Governor and Judges amounted to only\\n$5,500, that a State government would not cost more than\\n\u00c2\u00a715,400 per annum, while the people were able to pay taxes\\namounting to $27,926.90 for the year 1 801.... -Those were\\ndays of small things, in more senses than one. But beneath\\nall these petty arguments was the great question of national\\npolitics. The elder Meigs said the Federalists opposed a new\\nState because it meant three more Republican presidential\\nelectors and two more Republican Senators if he had added\\nthat the Republicans favored it for the same reason, as well\\nAndrews Washington County, 27. St. Clair Papers, I., 225, 226.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "3IO THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nas because there would be a number of State offices to be dis-\\ntributed among the active politicians, he would then have told\\nan equal amount of truth about both sides. St. Clair was the\\nhead and front of the Federal party. What Mr. Smith calls\\nthe junto had plenty of reasons for desiring to break down\\nthe Governor s influence or to drive him from the Territory.\\nMen of to-day who have been taught by historians that Arthur\\nSt. Clair was a thorough patriot, and by jurists that the Or-\\ndinance of 1787 was a paragon of political wisdom, would find\\nit hard to explain the language in which the extreme Repub-\\nlicans of the Territory habitually spoke of both, were they\\nnot also instructed in the capabilities for detraction of heated\\npolitical partisans. Thomas Worthington, afterward Govern-\\nor of Ohio, called St. Clair Arthur the First, and spoke of\\nthe efforts to thwart him as efforts to curb a tyrant. Gen-\\neral Darlington, speaking of the formation of the new State,\\nsaid the people of Adams County congratulated themselves\\non the prospect of having it soon in their power to shake off\\nthe iron fetters of aristocracy and in the downfall of the Tory\\nparty in this Territory. These aristocrats and Tories\\nwere Arthur St. Clair and the leading citizens of Marietta.\\nThe writer in the Scioto Gazette, already quoted, speaks of\\nthe utter impossibility of a government conducive to national\\nhappiness in this enlightened day being administered under\\nthe Ordinance, unless by a person more than mortal, adding\\nThis government, now so oppressive, was prescribed by the\\nUnited States at a time when civil liberty was not so well\\nunderstood as at present, and when it could not be contem-\\nplated but for the government of a few. Judge Symmes, one\\nof the Governor s most determined foes, declared, We shall\\nnever have fair play while Arthur and his Knights of the\\nRound Table sit at the head. In some respects the best\\nplaces to study the clash between the old political regime\\nThe editor of the St. Clair Papers.\\nAndrews Washington County 28, St. Clair Papers, I. 242.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 3\\nand the democratizing movement headed by Jefferson are the\\nnew communities of the West.\\nPostponing the State question to the next chapter,\\nwe shall now rapidly follow St. Clair s fortunes to the\\nend.\\nA determined but ineffectual effort was made to induce\\nPresident Adams not to reappoint him on the expiration of\\nhis fourth term. No sooner was President Jefferson estab-\\nlished in the chair than a still more determined effort was\\nmade to effect his removal. An indictment almost as formi-\\ndable as the one preferred against George III. by the Conti-\\nnental Congress was drawn up and forwarded to Washington.\\nThe principal charges contained in this paper, as formulated\\nby General Massie and revised by General Worthington,\\nare usurpations of legislative power, the abuse of the veto,\\nreceiving unlawful fees, attempting to dismember the Ter-\\nritory, to destroy its constitutional boundaries and so to\\nprevent the formation of a State, endeavoring to influence\\nthe judiciary, obstructing the organization and disciplining of\\nthe militia for the defence of the Territory, and hostility to\\nthe form and substance of republican government. Frag-\\nments of St. Clair s private conversation, taken down and duly\\nauthenticated by affidavits, were also sent to Washington.\\nBut Mr. Jefferson refused to move until St. Clair, by a char-\\nacteristic act of indiscretion, himself gave a reasonable pre-\\ntext for so doing. On November ist the convention elected\\nto frame a constitution for the State of Ohio sat, and on the\\n3d, in reluctant response to his own request, the Governor\\nwas permitted to address that body. Burnet says the ad-\\ndress was sensible and conciliatory but no man read-\\ning it now, understanding the temper of the times and\\nof the convention, would be apt to think it conciliatory.\\nThis is the bolt that answered the Governor s unfortunate\\nspeech\\nSt. Clair Papers, II., 566, 567.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "312 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nDepartment of State,\\nWashington, November 12, 1802.\\nArthur St. Clair, Esq.\\nSir The President observing, in an address lately deliv-\\nered by you to the convention held at Chillicothe, an intemper-\\nance and indecorum of language toward the Legislature of the\\nUnited States, and a disorganizing spirit and tendency of very\\nevil example, and grossly violating the rules of conduct en-\\njoined by your public station, determines that your commission\\nof Governor of the Northv^estern Territory shall cease on the\\nreceipt of this notification.\\nI am, etc.,\\nJames Madison.\\nAnd then, as though removal were not punishment enough,\\nthe Secretary of State sent this letter enclosed in one to Sec-\\nretary Byrd, one of St. Clair s strongest enemies, directing that\\nofficer to assume the duties of the governor s office. Thomas\\nJefferson would have shown himself a larger man if he had\\noverlooked the indiscretion of the Chillicothe speech and per-\\nmitted the venerable Governor to remain at the head of the\\nTerritory the few weeks yet to elapse before it ceased to exist.\\nSt. Clair now retired to the home that he had made near\\nLigonier, Pennsylvania, in the interval between the French\\nWar and the Revolution. He had spent more than a quar-\\nter of a century in the continuous service of the country. He\\nwas sixty-eight years old. His private affairs had been sadly\\nneglected in his devotion to public business. He had in-\\ncurred liabilities for the Government that the Government\\nnow refused to pay. What of his once considerable fortune\\nremained was swept away by his creditors. The handsome\\nHermitage that he had built and furnished in the days of\\nhis prosperity went with the rest, and he spent the remainder\\nof his days in dignified poverty with his beloved daughter\\nLouisa in a log-house standing beside the road leading to the\\nSt. Clair Papers, I., 244-246.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 313\\ngreat Territory with which his name will ever be identified.\\nThe tardy pension voted him by Congress passed directly\\nfrom the treasury to one of his creditors. Pathetic in the ex-\\ntreme are the glimpses that we have of his last years. Hon.\\nLewis Cass, who had known him in happier days, found the\\nold soldier and civilian in his rude cabin eking out a liveli-\\nhood by selling supplies to the wagoners on the road, and he\\ndescribed the scene as one of the most striking instances\\nof the mutations which chequer life. Hon. Elisha Whittle-\\nsey, who visited him in 1815, was profoundly impressed by\\nthe dignity and benignity of his character. I never was in\\nthe presence of a man that caused me to feel the same degree\\nof esteem and veneration. Poverty did not cause\\nhim to lose his self-respect, and were he now living, his per-\\nsonal appearance would attract universal attention.\\nSt. Clair died, August 31, 1818, in consequence of being\\nthrown from a wagon while going to a neighboring village.\\nTo him who is acquainted with St. Clair s history, the name\\nalways suggests a striking example of the ingratitude of men\\nand of republics.\\nThe independent existence of Indiana Territory began July\\n4, 1800. At first it included all that part of the old Territory\\nlying west of the treaty-line of 1795 from the Ohio River to\\nFort Recovery, and of the meridian of the fort to the national\\nlimits. The act creating the Territory plainly contemplated\\nthe creation of only three States in the Northwest, for it pro-\\nvided that, whenever the part of it east of the meridian pass-\\ning through the mouth of the Great Miami, from the Ohio to\\nthe territorial line, should be admitted to the Union as an in-\\ndependent State, thenceforth said line shall become and re-\\nmain permanently the boundary-line between such State and\\nthe Indiana Territory. But the Enabling Act for Ohio, 1802,\\nbounded that State on the north by a due east and west line,\\nSt. Clair Papers, I., 253.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "314 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nfrom the Miami meridian to the international boundary,\\ndrawn through the southerly extreme of Lake Michigan, and\\nadded all territory north of such line, as well as between\\nthe meridian and the line of 1800, to Indiana. Again, in\\n1804 Louisiana, extending from parallel thirty-three degrees\\nnorth to the British dominions, and from the Mississippi\\nRiver to the Rocky Mountains, was annexed to Indiana, but\\nthe next year was created an independent territoiy. The act\\nof 1800 continued the form of government created by the Or-\\ndinance of 1787, and guaranteed to the people all the rights\\nand privileges that -the Ordinance secured to them. Vincennes\\nwas the capital, and William Henry Harrison the first gov-\\nernor, of the territory. The population was five thousand six\\nhundred and forty-one. It entered on the second stage of\\ngovernment in 1805.\\nMichigan Territory was created January 11, 1805. It was\\nbounded on the south by the parallel passing through the\\nsoutherly extreme of Lake Michigan west by a line extend-\\ning from the same extreme through the middle of the said\\nlake to its northern extremity, and thence north to the national\\nlimits and north and east by the international boundary.\\nThe act creating the Territory continued all the governmental\\nfeatures of the Ordinance. Detroit was the seat of govern-\\nment, and General William Hull, the same who seven years\\nlater surrendered Michigan to the British arms, was appointed\\ngovernor. The population reported in 1800 was two thou-\\nsand seven hundred and fifty-seven. The Territory entered\\non the second stage partially in 1823, and fully in 1827.\\nThe next step in this process of territorial evolution was\\nthe creation of the Territory of Illinois. The act of Febru-\\nary 3, 1809, separated it from Indiana Territory by the\\nWabash River from its mouth to Vincennes, and a due north\\nline from that point to the territorial line between the United\\nStates and Canada. The form of government was that pre-\\nscribed in the Ordinance, save in one feature a General As-\\nsembly might be organized whenever satisfactory evidence", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "TERRITORY NORTHWEST OF THE RIVER OHIO. 31 5\\nshould be given to the governor that such was the wish of a\\nmajority of the free-holders, notwithstanding there may not\\nbe therein five thousand free male inhabitants of the age of\\ntwenty-one years and upwards, Ninian Edwards, at the time\\nof his appointment Chief Justice of Kentucky, was the first\\ngovernor; Kaskaskia was the capital; the population, in 1810,\\nwas twelve thousand two hundred and eighty-two. The Ter-\\nritory entered on the second stage in 18 12. We must now\\nreturn to Michigan.\\nThe Enabling Act for Indiana, April 19, 18 16, bounded\\nthat State on the north by an east and west line ten miles\\nnorth of the southerly extreme of Lake Michigan. The En-\\nabling Act for Illinois, April 18, 1818, made the northern\\nboundary of that State parallel of latitude 42\u00c2\u00b0 30 north.\\nThe act also attached all that part of the Territory of Illinois\\nlying north of this line to Michigan. An act, approved June\\n28, 1834, attached to Michigan all the country extending west\\nof the Mississippi to the Missouri and White Earth Rivers, and\\nfrom the State of Missouri to the national boundary. Thus\\nat its greatest extent the Territory reached from Lake Huron\\nand the Detroit River to the Missouri, and from the States\\nof Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri to Canada.\\nThe Territory of Wisconsin, created April 20, 1836, con-\\ntained what was left of the Territory of Michigan after the\\nState of that name was constituted. It embraced the region\\nextending from a line drawn through the middle of Lake\\nMichigan to the Missouri and White Earth Rivers, and from\\nIllinois and Missouri to the British possessions. A much\\ngreater innovation than that in the case of Illinois was now\\nmade in the form of government. The peculiar features of\\nthe Ordinance of 1787 were all abandoned, and a new and\\nvery elaborate model established, the first of its kind A gov-\\nernor, a secretary, judges, etc., appointed by the President\\nby and with the consent of the Senate a legislature, consist-\\ning of a council and house of representatives elected by the\\nqualified electors of the Territory and a delegate to the na-", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "3l6 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ntional House of Representatives, elected in the same way.\\nAt the same time, Section 12 enacted that the inhabitants of\\nthe Territory should be entitled to all the rights secured to\\nthe people of the Territory of the United States Northwest of\\nthe River Ohio by the articles of compact contained in the\\nOrdinance of 1787, and should be subject to all the conditions\\nand restrictions in said articles imposed upon the people of\\nthe said Territory. The act approved June 12, 1838, constitut-\\ning the Territory of Iowa, limited Wisconsin on the west by\\nthe Mississippi River and a line drawn from its sources to the\\nterritorial line, but guaranteed to the new Territory all the\\nrights, privileges, and immunities that the old one had en-\\njoyed.\\nSuch, in outline, is the history of the first territory, and\\nthe most important territory, that the Government of the\\nUnited States ever organized.\\nNote. Perhaps as wide a deduction from Article V. of com-\\npact of the Ordinance of 1787 as could have been dreamed of at\\nthe time is one made in the discussion of the Dakota question.\\nIt has been seriously contended that the compact, reaffirmed\\nby five successive acts of Congress, guaranteed absolutely and\\ninviolably to Dakota the right to found a permanent constitu-\\ntion and State government whenever said Territory should con-\\ntain sixty thousand free inhabitants. The guarantee quoted\\nabove from the Wisconsin Act of 1836 is one of the five suc-\\ncessive acts. This claim is pressed to the extent of holding\\nthat the people have this right in their primary and sovereign\\ncapacity, without any enabling act whatever. See The State\\nHow it may be Formed from the Territory, Hugh J. Camp-\\nbell, United States Attorney of Dakota Territory.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "XVII.\\nTHE ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN\\nSTATES TO THE UNION.\\nThe pioneer thought that Maryland laid before Con-\\ngress in 1777 was the proposition that the Western territory-\\nshould ultimately be divided into new States, to be admitted to\\nthe Union on an equal footing with the original States, under\\nthe superintendence and jurisdiction of Congress. Such was\\nthe promise of the resolution of 1780, such one of the condi-\\ntions of the Virginia deed of cession of 1784, and, so far as the\\nNorthwest was concerned, such the guarantee of the Ordi-\\nnance of 1787. Kentucky and Tennessee had already been ad-\\nmitted, in pursuance of that general line of policy. The pop-\\nulation of the Eastern division of the Northwest Territory\\nhad not reached the minimum established in 1787 by many\\nthousands when, in 1802, the chiefs of the Democratic-Re-\\npublican party at Washington, as well as in the Territory, de-\\ncided that the time had come to bring in the State of Ohio.\\nI. Ohio.\\nThis decision was hastened by a bill passed by the Terri-\\ntorial Legislature at the session beginning November 23, 1801,\\ndeclaring the assent of the Territory to the following modi-\\nfication of the Ordinance respecting the boundaries of the\\nStates when they should be formed The eastern State to\\nbe bounded on the west by the Scioto River and a line\\ndrawn from the intersection of the river with the Indian\\nboundary as fixed in 1795 to the western limit of the West-\\nern Reserve the middle State to be bounded on the west", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "3l8 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nby a line drawn from the lower extremity of George Rogers\\nClark s grant at the Falls of the Ohio to the head of Chicago\\nRiver, and that river and Lake Michigan the third to be\\nbounded west by the Mississippi. This was a Federal plan,\\nand it incurred very serious resistance in the Lower House.\\nTaking alarm at this move, General Worthington hastened to\\nWashington, where he succeeded in giving matters a very dif-\\nferent shaping.\\nSoon after the legislature adjourned, in January, 1802, a cen-\\nsus was taken which found 45,028 persons of both sexes and\\nall ages in the Territory The next step was for the friends of\\nthe measure to petition Congress for admission. The special\\ncommittee to which this petition was referred reported favor-\\nably thereon. The Houses promptly passed the appropriate\\nbill, which received the President s approval and became a\\nlaw, April 30th. These are the main features of this act (i)\\nThe inhabitants of the Eastern division of the Territory were\\nauthorized to form a constitution and State government, as-\\nsuming such name as they deemed proper, said State to be\\nadmitted to the Union on the same footing as the origi-\\nnal States in all respects. (2) The boundaries of the State\\nshould be East, the Pennsylvania line south, the Ohio\\nRiver; west, the meridian of the mouth of the Great Miami\\nnorth, a due east and west line drawn through the southern\\nextreme of Lake Michigan, and the international boundary-\\nline. Congress, however, reserved the right to annex to this\\nState that portion of Michigan included within the territorial\\nlines of 1800 that is, about one-half the lower peninsula\\nor to dispose of it otherwise. (3) All territory included\\nwithin the limits of 1800, that these lines did not embrace,\\nwas annexed to Indiana Territory. (4) All male citizens re-\\nsiding in the Territory, having certain prescribed qualifications,\\nwere authorized to choose representatives to form a conven-\\ntion in designated numbers, county by county, on the second\\nChase Preliminary Sketch, 30.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 3^9\\nTuesday of October ensuing. (5) The representatives thus\\nchosen were authorized to meet in convention at Chillicothe\\nthe first Monday of November, 1802 which convention\\nshould determine, by a majority of its whole number, whether\\nit were now expedient to form a constitution and govern-\\nment, and, if so, to form them, but if not, then to provide by\\nordinance for calling a second convention for that purpose\\nsaid constitution, in either case, to be republican and not re-\\npugnant to the Ordinance. (6) Until the next census the\\nnew State should be entitled to one member in the House of\\nRepresentatives. (7) Three propositions were submitted to\\nthe convention which, if accepted, should bind the United\\nStates The grant to the State of section No. 16 in every\\ntownship for the use of schools, the grant of certain salt-\\nsprings, and the grant of one-twentieth part of the net pro-\\nceeds of all lands sold by Congress within the State, to be\\napplied to building roads connecting the Eastern and the\\nWestern waters provided, the State would exempt from\\ntaxation all such lands for the term of five years from the\\ndate of sale.\\nThis was the first enabling act, so called, ever enacted\\nby Congress. It was, however, the model of many succeeding\\nacts of a similar nature. It is, therefore, a curious question,\\nand one that cannot be very satisfactorily answered, how far\\nits leading features were due to a statesmanlike study of the\\nsubject, and how far to political exigencies. The act did not\\ncontain a gleam of what was afterward called popular sov-\\nereignty. The Territorial Legislature was wholly ignored.\\nNeither the legislature nor the people themselves were asked\\nto pass upon the question of entering into a State govern-\\nment. The sole function of the electors was to vote for\\nmembers of the convention, in the manner prescribed by Con-\\ngress. The opposition did not fail to put these points very\\nstrongly, as the bill was on its way through the House of\\nRepresentatives. Mr. Griswold, of Connecticut, declared\\nthat the bill went to a consolidation and destruction of all", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "320 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthe States that the districting of the Territory and the ap-\\nportionment of the members was arbitrary and unjust that\\nthe whole scheme was beyond the power of Congress and an\\ninvasion of popular rights and that the next thing would be\\na similar dictation to the States already in the Union. In\\nthe Territory, the opponents of the measure said these features\\nof the bill were due to the fear of the party managers that the\\nlegislature and the people could not be trusted. There is\\nprobably some truth in this charge but the framers of the\\nOrdinance had created a centralized government, and the feel-\\ning was still strong, notwithstanding the complaint that West-\\nern Democrats made of their colonial government, that\\nthere was a very wide difference between a territory and a\\nState, even when the time came to frame a constitution.\\nPopular sovereignty was due to that progress of democratic\\nideas which the peopling of the West did so much to facili-\\ntate.\\nOther objections were strongly urged. Mr. Fearing, the\\nTerritorial delegate, said Congress had exhausted its power\\nwhen it consented to the admission of the State before its\\npopulation reached sixty thousand. He argued, also, that Con-\\ngress could not divide the district, admitting part at one time\\nand part at another; that the division proposed would throw\\nLake Erie out of the State; and that the great distance of the\\nMichigan people from Vincennes would make their annexa-\\ntion to Indiana exceedingly inconvenient. Mr. Bayard, of\\nDelaware, urged that the population of the State, as bounded,\\nwould not exceed thirty-nine thousand that this was a\\nsmaller number than any State in the Union then had and\\nthat Wayne County should come in with the rest of the dis-\\ntrict, subject to the reserved right of Congress to alter the\\nboundary afterward. Mr. Griswold said that not less than\\n$40,000 would be devoted to roads, a sum too large to be\\nwithdrawn from the national treasury and devoted to local\\nobjects but Mr. Fearing thought one-half the proceeds of\\nthe lands should be given to build roads within the Territory,", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 321\\nand a proposition to that effect actually commanded twenty-\\nfive votes. It was also objected that Mr. Gallatin, the Sec-\\nretary of the Treasur)^, owned lands that would be benefited\\nby these improvements. The friends of the bill replied\\nto these arguments as best they could. Mr. Giles, of Vir-\\nginia, made the very just observation that a glance at the map\\nsuf^ced to show that the boundary of 1800, running from the\\nOhio to the Straits of Mackinaw, was necessarily temporary,\\nand that the State as bounded by the bill was one of the\\nmost compact and convenient in the Union. An analysis of\\nthe vote in the House of Representatives shows the sources\\nof the anxiety to bring the State into the Union at an early\\nday. The 47 affirmative votes came Twenty-six from the\\nSouth, 14 from the Middle States, and 9 from New England\\nthe 29 negative votes came Nine from the South, 5 from the\\nMiddle States, and 15 from New England. Virginia gave 15\\nvotes for and one against the bill Massachusetts, 5 for and 5\\nagainst; Connecticut, none for and 5 against. This vote is\\none of many proofs that, at the opening of the century, the\\nMiddle and Southern States were far more at touch with the\\nWest than New England. The vote of Dr. Manasseh Cut-\\nler, then a member of the House from Massachusetts, is reg-\\nistered in the negative.\\nThe battle fought in the House of Representatives was\\nfought over again with the same weapons in the Territory.\\nThe exclusion of Wayne County caused the deepest dissatis-\\nfaction to all Federalists, and particularly to the people of\\nthe county, most of whom were Federalists. A letter writ-\\nten to Judge Burnet by Mr. Solomon Sibley, of Detroit,\\nAugust 2, 1802, puts the case very strongly. Annexation to\\nIndiana will be the eternal ruin of the county but the\\nruin of five thousand people is of little consequence to the\\nhalf-dozen political aspirants who have brought things to the\\npresent pass. The exclusion of the county was due to Judges\\nSymmes and Meigs, and Sir Thomas, as he calls General\\nWorthington, Avho foresaw that its people would be a dead\\n21", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "322 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nweight against them. Politics may have been the cause of\\nthe peculiar grievance of the people of Detroit, which was,\\nno doubt, a considerable one for a time but in the end it\\nwas most fortunate that the five-State plan was adopted\\nrather than the three-State plan. Still more, the grief of the\\nWayne County people was of short duration. The political\\ncharacter of the population points to the conclusion that\\nthose interested in such questions were few in number and\\nBurnet tells us that the project of a new territory north of\\nthe Ordinance line, having Detroit as a capital, with the ac-\\ncompanying offices, promised to the leaders of opinion, if they\\ncame out promptly and decidedly in favor of the new State\\non the plan proposed by Congress, effectually won these few\\nover to the popular side.*\\nThe flanks of those who opposed a new State, or favored\\nbounding it on the west by the Scioto, had been completely\\nturned. At first they talked about a further effort to post-\\npone the issue. A public meeting of citizens of Dayton and\\nvicinity, held September 26th, unanimously passed a resolution\\ndenouncing the enabling act as a usurpation of power, bearing\\na striking resemblance to the course of Great Britain in re-\\ngard to the colonies expressing deep sympathy with their\\nfellow-citizens of Wayne County, and calling upon the Ter-\\nritorial Legislature to assert itself by causing a new census\\nto be taken and by calling a convention to frame a constitu-\\ntion. But these plans came to nothing. The members of\\nthe convention were duly elected, and on November i, 1802,\\nthey came together in Chillicothe, and organized for business.\\nIn his unfortunate address to the convention, Governor St.\\nClair stated, in very strong terms, the ordinary Federalist\\nobjections to the Enabling act. He affirmed that no act of\\nCongress was necessary to enable the Territory to form a State\\ngovernment, as the right was secured to them by the Ordi-\\nnance declared that the people of Wayne County had been\\nBurnet Notes, 494 et seq. Notes, 337, 338.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 323\\nbartered away like sheep in a market and urged the forma-\\ntion of a convention for the whole Territory and a demand for\\nadmission to the Union, If we submit to the degradation\\n[imposed by the Enabling act] we should be trodden upon,\\nand, what is worse, we should deserve to be trodden upon.\\nThe convention had first to decide whether it would itself\\nform a constitution or call a second convention to do that\\nwork. This could hardly have been a doubtful question, no\\nmatter what the political antecedents of the members. The\\nopposition totally collapsed. Judge Ephraim Cutler, of Mari-\\netta, being the only man who voted to refer the matter to a\\nsecond convention. The convention proceeded with such ex-\\npedition that it adjourned, November 29th, having completed\\nits task.\\nAttention can here be drawn to only one feature of the\\nconstitution that the convention framed others will be men-\\ntioned in future connections.\\nAnd first, the Chillicothe convention planted the seed of\\ncontroversies that affected the boundaries of three States.\\nThe fifth compact of 1787 ordained that there should be not\\nless than three States, nor more than five, in the territory be-\\nyond the Ohio if three, the lines of division should be the\\nmeridian of the mouth of the Great Miami, and the Wabash\\nand the meridian of Vincennes, from the Ohio River to the\\ninternational line if four or five, then the lower States should\\nbe separated from the upper one or ones by the parallel pass-\\ning through the southern bend or extreme of Lake Michigan,\\nNorth of this parallel the whole subject was left to the discre-\\ntion of Congress. No legislation could be more binding than\\nthis east and west line; it was forever unalterable, except by\\ncommon consent, and yet it was eventually set aside through-\\nout its entire length from Lake Erie to the Mississippi River.\\nThe act of 1800 dividing the Territory seems to have assumed\\nthat the three-State plan would be followed but the Enabling\\nSt. Clair Papers, II., 592 et seq.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "324 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nAct for Ohio, of two years later, proceeded on the other theory.\\nThat act bounded the new State in the northwest by the line\\nof 1787, thus reaffirming the Ordinance. But the convention,\\nand this is the seed planted at Chillicothe, inserted a proviso\\nin the Constitution of Ohio that, in case the line should be\\nfound not to intersect Lake Erie, or to intersect it east of the\\nmouth of the Maumee River, then, with the consent of Con-\\ngress, the boundary should be a straight line running from\\nthe southerly extreme of the Lake to the most northerly cape\\nof Maumee Bay, from its intersection with the Miami merid-\\nian to the international boundary-line. Judge Burnet says the\\nunderstanding had always been that the Ordinance line would\\ncross the strait connecting the two lakes between Detroit and\\nthe River Raisin but that, while the convention of 1802 was\\nin progress, an old hunter, familiar with the region, appeared\\nin Chillicothe, and imparted to some of the members the in-\\nformation that the head of Lake Michigan was much farther\\nsouth than had been supposed.^ Whether this hunter s story\\nwas true or not, and whether it was the cause of the boundary-\\nproviso, as Burnet states, it well illustrates the state of geo-\\ngraphical knowledge touching the Northwest at that time,\\nand the sources of information upon which men conducting\\ngrave public business were sometimes compelled to draw.\\nThe act of 1803 recognizing Ohio said not a word about this\\nproviso; but the act of 1805 creating the Territory of Michi-\\ngan reafifirmed the Ordinance line.\\nOhio was never, in set terms, admitted to the Union but\\nan act entitled An Act to provide for the execution of the\\nlaws of the United States within the State of Ohio was\\nequivalent to the customary act of admission, and the date of\\nits approval, February 19, 1803, is the proper date of admission.*\\nBurnet Notes, 360, 361.\\nThe date of the admission of Ohio is the subject of much controversy, and\\nhas given rise to a considerable literature. As many as seven dates have been as-\\nsigned, but of these only three are worthy of mention April 30, 1802, the date\\nof the enabling act November 29, 1802, the date of the adjournment of the", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 325\\nThe act of 1802 assigned the thirty-five members of the\\nconvention to the counties as follows Trumbull two, Jeffer-\\nson five, Belmont two, Washington four, Ross five, Fairfield\\ntwo, Adams three, Hamilton ten, and Clermont two. The\\ncounties bearing these names in 1802 were much larger than\\nthe counties bearing the same names to-day; but as the\\nnames have remained with the original settlements, a glance\\nat the map of 1887 will show where the people lived for whom\\nthe constitution was immediately made. Save only the two\\nfrom Trumbull County, the thirty-five delegates all came from\\nthe Southern part of the State, and the large majority from a\\nnarrow strip of territory fringing the Ohio River. Excluding\\nthe small beginnings made on the Western Reserve, the Ohio\\nof 1802 lay within the sweep of the Pennsylvania-Virginia\\ncurrent of emigration to the West. Of the twelve members\\nof the convention whose previous history I have been able to\\ntrace, six came from Virginia, two from Massachusetts, and one\\neach from Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Maryland, and Con-\\nnecticut. Still further, thirty-three of the forty-seven men\\nwho represented the State in Congress from 1803 to 1829 came\\nNine from Pennsylvania, six each from Virginia, Connecticut,\\nand New Jersey, three from New York, and one each from\\nNew Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Kentucky. The others\\nare unknown. Judge Jacob Burnet, who rendered Ohio and\\nthe Northwest most valuable services as a member of the\\nTerritorial Council, as Judge of the Supreme Court, and as\\nSenator, as well as author of the Notes, was from New\\nJersey. These facts, in connection with those of a similar\\nnature found in the last chapter, plainly indicate the origin of\\nthe forces that shaped the early destinies of Ohio.\\nChillicothe convention February 19, 1803, the date of the act of recognition\\nmentioned above. Dr. I. \\\\V. Andrews has proved very conclusively that this\\nlast is the proper date. See Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio their Admission into\\nthe Union, in Magazine of American History for October, 1887. Still, the act\\nof February 19, 1803, after recapitulating the history, says Whereby the said\\nState has become one of the United States of America.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "326 THE OLD NORTHWEST,\\nII. Indiana.\\nThe admission of Indiana was effected so quietly as scarcely\\nto cause a ripple on the surface of public affairs. In response\\nto a petition from the Territorial Legislature, Congress passed\\nthe requisite enabling act, which was approved, April 19, 1816.\\nThe second section of this act bounded the State, east, by the\\nboundary line of Ohio; south, by the Ohio; west, by the\\nmiddle of the Wabash from its mouth to a point where a due\\nnorth line drawn from Vincennes would last touch the north-\\nwestern shore of said river, and from thence by said due-north\\nline; and north, by an east and west line drawn through a point\\nten miles north of the southern extreme of Lake Michigan.\\nThe convention was required to ratify these boundaries. This\\nlast line deprived Michigan of a strip of territory ten miles\\nwide across the whole northern end of Indiana, that had been\\nsolemnly guaranteed to her by the Ordinance of 1787 but I\\nhave not discovered traces of remonstrance then or after-\\nward. The act was justified at the time on the ground that\\nthe State should have a lake-frontage, which the line of 1787\\nwould not give. A convention elected in pursuance of this\\nact sat at Corydon, June 10-29, and framed a constitution.\\nIndiana was formally admitted to the Union, December 11,\\n1816. At the close of the previous year the population was\\n68,897. The petition of the legislature praying for admission\\nsaid the inhabitants were principally composed of emigrants\\nfrom every part of the Union but the names of the counties\\nand the facts of emigration show that a large majority of them\\ncame from the Middle and Southern States.\\nIII. Illinois.\\nThe Enabling Act for Illinois, which bears the date, April\\n18, 18 18, bounded the State on the east by the Indiana line\\nDillon History of Indiana, 555.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 327\\nas fixed two years before, on the south and west by the Ohio\\nand Mississippi Rivers, and on the north by the parallel 42\u00c2\u00b0\\n30 north latitude. This last was a much more serious infrac-\\ntion of the Ordinance than the Indiana line, and it deserves\\nmore than a passing allusion.\\nThe enabling act, as originally introduced into the House of\\nRepresentatives by Mr. Pope, the Territorial delegate, adhered\\nstrictly to the Ordinance line but that statesman, thinking\\nbetter of the matter, moved, April 3d, the line of 42\u00c2\u00b0 30 as an\\namendment. He urged that the State, lying between the\\nMississippi Valley and the Lake Basin, and resting upon both,\\nshould be brought into relation with the States east by way\\nof the lakes as well as the States south by way of the river\\nsaid if the mouth of the Chicago River were included within\\nher limits, the State would be interested in a canal connecting\\nthe two systems of waters and in improving the harbor on the\\nlake; insisted upon the State s right to a lake-frontage and\\nalso used an argument that, from 1789 to 1861, was made to\\ndo duty in almost every kind of political emergency. If shut\\nout from the Northern waters, then, in case of national dis-\\nruption, the interests of the State would be to join a Southern\\nand Western Confederacy but if a large portion of it could\\nbe made dependent upon the commerce and navigation of the\\nNorthern Lakes, connected as they were with the Eastern\\nStates, a rival interest would be created to check the wish for\\na Western or Southern confederacy and her interests would\\nthen be balanced, and her inclinations turned to the North.\\nThis reasoning was convincing to the South and the North\\nalike, apparently, for the House adopted the amendment\\nwithout a division. The consent of the people of Wisconsin\\nwas not asked, or the preference of those living in the district\\nconsulted. As the line of 1787 is in latitude 41\u00c2\u00b0 37 07.9\\nnorth, the tract of territory that Congress thus generously\\ngave to Illinois, at the expense of Wisconsin, and in utter\\ndisregard of the Ordinance, is 52 52.1 of latitude, or a little\\nmore than sixty-one miles, in width, and in length, from the", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "328 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nlake to the river; it contains 8,500 square miles of as good\\nsoil as exists in the Northwest, as well as many fine streams\\nand the sites of such cities as Chicago, Rockford, Freeport,\\nGalena, and Dixon, not to mention smaller ones.\\nThe Illinois State Convention sat at Kaskaskia, complet-\\ning its work, August 26, 18 18. The resolution of Congress\\ndeclaring the admission of the State to the Union bears the\\ndate, December 3d, of the same year. A severe struggle on\\nthe practical recognition of slavery will be noticed in a future\\nchapter. The population, which was mostly found in the\\nSouthern part of the State, was less than that required by the\\nOrdinance. The census of 18 10 assigns 12,282, the census of\\n1820, 55,162, people to Illinois.\\nIV. Michigan.\\nWe come again to Michigan, the first part of the North-\\nwest visited by civilized men, and the last, except Wisconsin,\\nto receive a permanent form of government. No other part\\nof the United States has seen so many changes of national\\nand local jurisdiction. It has belonged to France, to Eng-\\nland, and to the United States; from 1796 to 1803 it was\\npart of the Northwest Territory, from 1803 to 1805 a part of\\nIndiana, and then an independent territory until its admis-\\nsion to the Union in 1837. Judge Cooley has appropriately\\nsketched its history as a history of governments No\\nother name of an organized territory east of the Rocky\\nMountains has stood so long upon the map. Moreover, the\\ngrowth of population was for a long time exceedingly slow.\\nIn explaining this fact, Judge Cooley mentions the late day\\nat which the Indian titles to the soil were eased, the fur-\\ntrade within the Territory, the false ideas of Michigan geo-\\ngraphy, and the want of roads but, plainly, these are only\\nproximate causes, and merely another way of saying that civ-\\nPreface to Michigan, in Commonwealth Series.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 329\\nilization was slow in taking possession of the beautiful penin-\\nsula.\\nSome of the main causes of the early discovery and ex-\\nploration of the regions of the Upper Lakes also contributed\\nto their late development. What were the opportunities of\\nthe French, and what use they made of them, has been shown\\nin earlier chapters. Beyond discovery, exploration, and a\\nfeeble colonial life that was eventually extinguished, they\\ndid nothing for the Northwest. Had the St. Lawrence fallen\\nto England that country would not have been so promptly\\nexplored, but it would have been more promptly peopled.\\nIt is easy to conceive a contingency in which the shores of\\nthe Lakes would have become the seats of civilization much\\nearlier than the banks of the Ohio. As things turned, how-\\never, Michigan drew her emigrants by the northern channel\\nof emigration, from the Northern part of the Atlantic Plain.\\nBut here she was at a great disadvantage as compared with\\nOhio, particularly the Southern part. Emigration moved less\\npromptly by this channel than by those farther south, and\\nwhen it did move it was for many years absorbed by West-\\nern New York and Northern Ohio. It was not until the ap-\\npearance of steam-boats on the Lakes, in 18 18, the opening\\nof the Erie Canal in 1825, and the partial filling up of the\\ninviting fields of emigration farther to the east, that the\\nperiod of active settlement in Michigan began. While the\\npopulation of Michigan merely doubled from 1800 to 1820,\\nthe population of Ohio increased twelve-fold.\\nBut political development was slow from another cause.\\nIt was many years before the inertia given to the community\\nby the Jiabitants could be overcome. Mr. Sibley wrote to\\nJudge Burnet in 1802: Nothing frightens the Canadians\\nlike taxes. They would prefer to be treated like dogs, and\\nkenneled under the whip of a tyrant, than contribute to the\\nsupport of a free government. In 18 18, under the belief\\nthat the Territory had the requisite population, the question\\nof entering on the second stage of government provided for", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "330 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nby the Ordinance was submitted to the people, but was lost\\nby a decided majority, and it was not until 1827 that that end\\nwas fully consummated. Plainly, the old i-egime had done\\nits work as thoroughly as Colbert could have desired.\\nBut in time steps forward began to be taken. In 1832\\nthe people, at a popular election, cast a large majority vote\\nin favor of entering into a State government. In 1834 a cen-\\nsus showed that between the two lakes and north of the line\\nof. 1787 there was a population of 87,278, Proceeding upon\\nthe theory held by St. Clair and other Federalists in 1802,\\nthat no enabling act was needed, the Territorial Legislature,\\nJanuary 26, 1835, passed an act calling a convention to\\nframe a State constitution, and appointing April 4th the day\\nfor the election of delegates. This election was duly held\\nthe convention sat in Detroit, May nth to June 29th; the\\npeople ratified the constitution framed, at an election held\\nNovember 2d President Jackson laid it before Congress in a\\nspecial message, December 9th, and the State would, no doubt,\\nhave been promptly admitted had it not encountered a series\\nof adverse influences that render the Michigan case one of\\nthe most remarkable in the history of the admission of new\\nStates. The first and most formidable of these was a boun-\\ndary-quarrel with Ohio.\\nThe Constitution for Michigan framed at Detroit assumed\\nin its preamble the boundaries of the Territory as established\\nin 1805, viz. The Ordinance line on the south; a line drawn\\nthrough the middle of Lake Michigan to its northerly extrem-\\nity, and a line due north from that point on the west and the\\ninternational boundary on the north and east. This was\\noverlapping Indiana as bounded in 18 16, and the provisional\\nboundary of Ohio adopted in 1802. The Indiana and Illinois\\nboundaries did not touch the Ohio-Michigan controversy that\\nwe are now to sketch, save as they tended to destroy the au-\\nthority of the Ordinance.\\nBetween 1802 and 1835 some history was made on the\\nNorthwestern Ohio frontier. In 1817 a Government surveyor", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 33 1\\nlaid down the boundary in conformity with the Chillicothe\\nidea, and a little later another ran the line in conformity with\\nthe Michigan idea. These lines are called the Harris and\\nFulton lines, from the names of the two surveyors. In\\n1812 Amos Spafford, collector of the port of Miami, wrote\\nto Governor Meigs, saying the fifty families comprising that\\nsettlement desired to have the laws of Ohio extended over\\nthem that the few who objected were ofifice-holders under\\nthe Governor of Michigan, who were determined to enforce\\nthe Michigan laws that the people regarded this a great usur-\\npation, and that he anticipated serious trouble unless the\\nmatter was adjusted. In 1823 Dr. Horatio Conant, of\\nFort Meigs, wrote to Ethan Allen Brown, Senator from Ohio,\\nthat the Michigan jurisdiction was extended to the territory\\nbetween the Harris and Fulton lines, with the decided appro-\\nbation of the inhabitants, which makes it impossible for the\\nState ofificers of Ohio to interfere without exciting disturb-\\nance. The territory was in possession of Michigan all this\\ntime it had been organized into a township, and roads had\\nbeen cut at her expense. The letters of Spafford and Conant\\nshow that the people sometimes inclined to one side and some-\\ntimes to the other; which was not unnatural, considering that\\nthey were settlers in a wilderness who had formed no jurisdic-\\ntional attachments, and that sometimes their interests seemed\\nto incline them to Columbus, and then again to Detroit. But\\nnow there came a change. The city of Toledo was founded\\nin 1832 and the inhabitants desired to belong to Ohio and not\\nto Michigan. Especially were they anxious to secure the full\\nadvantage of the Miami Canal, then in course of construction\\nfrom Cincinnati to the mouth of the Maumee. The strip\\nof disputed land extended from Indiana to Lake Erie, eight\\nmiles wide at one end and five at the other, containing four\\nhundred and sixty-eight square miles. The land was rich and\\nThe two letters are found in Knapp s History of the Maumee Valley, 242,\\n243-", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "332 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nfertile, but the prizes in the contest that opened in 1835 were\\nthe mouth of the Maumee and the young but promising\\ncity of Toledo. Evidently, the Ordinance line did not well\\nsuit territorial relations. It excluded Indiana and Illinois\\nfrom Lake Michigan, and cut the people of the Maumee off\\nfrom their natural connections. To be sure, these business\\narguments have no weight to the mind of a jurist in 1887 but\\nthey had great weight with the forceful people of the North-\\nwest in 1816, 1818, and 1835. They would naturally demand\\nWhy should a line established in ignorance of geography\\nand in advance of territorial development be suffered to stand\\nin the way of our convenience\\nIn 1835 Governor Lucas brought the boundary-question\\nbefore the Ohio Legislature. That body promptly extended\\nthe contiguous Ohio counties over the disputed tract, and\\ndirected the Governor to appoint three commissioners to sur-\\nvey and re-mark the Harris line. At the end of March, Gov-\\nernor Lucas, attended by his staff and the boundary commis-\\nsioners, arrived at Perrysburg to carry out the directions of\\nthe Legislature. As resistance was expected, General Bell\\nand some six hundred Ohio militia were called into the field.\\nThese went into camp at the same place. Governor Mason\\nof Michigan, attended by General Brown at the head of\\nabout one thousand Michigan militia, took possession of\\nToledo. At this juncture Richard Rush, of Philadelphia, and\\nB. C. Howard, of Baltimore, arrived in the tented valley of\\nthe Maumee, sent by President Jackson as messengers of\\npeace. Their efforts to effect a compromise until Congress\\ncould settle the dispute accomplished nothing more than the\\ndisbanding of the militia. What is variously known as Gov-\\nernor Lucas s War, the Toledo War, etc., came to a sud-\\nden end. It was a bloodless war it had some serious and\\nmany comic aspects, and long furnished material for merri-\\nment in both Ohio and Michigan. The further local inci-\\ndents of the controversy, such as the attempt of Ohio to run\\nthe Harris line and the seizure of some of the surveying", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 333\\nparty by Michigan officers the special session of the Ohio\\nLegislature, at which it enacted a law to prevent the forcible\\nabduction of the citizens of Ohio, created Lucas County, ex-\\ntending to the Harris line, appropriated $300,000 out of\\nthe treasury to carry into effect the laws in relation to the\\nnorthern boundary, and authorized the Governor to borrow as\\nmuch more on the credit of the State the arrest and impris-\\nonment by Michigan officers of citizens of Ohio the excite-\\nment in both the State and the Territory the disturbed\\nstate of affairs at Toledo these and other incidents of local\\ninterest must be passed by. The quarrel was settled by poli-\\nticians at Washington, and not by militia generals and sheriffs\\non the banks of the Maumee.\\nStrictly speaking, the quarrel was between Ohio and the\\nUnited States. The Attorney-General gave President Jack-\\nson an opinion that, until Congress should change the law,\\nthe land between the Harris and Fulton lines belonged to\\nMichigan and this opinion was properly binding on the\\nPresident as long as Mr. Butler continued his law adviser.\\nBut the President was in a strait. A presidential election\\nwould occur the next year, and he was deeply interested in\\nthe candidacy of Martin Van Buren. Indiana and Illinois,\\nboth of which States had profited by the disregard of the line\\nof 1787, sympathized with Ohio; and the three States together\\nhad a large number of votes to be given to either the Demo-\\ncratic or the Whig candidate. Michigan stood alone, only a\\nterritory. John Quincy Adams thus defined the situation\\nNever in the course of my life have I known a controversy\\nof which all the right was so clearly on one side and all the\\npower so overwhelmingly on the other; never a case where\\nthe temptation was so intense to take the strongest side and\\nthe duty of taking the weakest was so thankless. Very\\nnaturally, the President counselled both sides to keep the\\npeace, but he was understood to lean to the Ohio side.\\nCooley Michigan, 219.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "334 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nBut this was not all the politics involved in the case. The\\nState of Arkansas also stood at the door of the Union knock-\\ning for admission. The administration party was anxious\\nthat both the States be admitted in time to vote at the en-\\nsuing presidential election, for it was expected that both\\nwould be Democratic but Michigan was a free State, Arkan-\\nsas a slave State, and although it was understood that, in this\\nscale, one would balance the other, there was yet an anxiety\\non either side lest the other should get the advantage.\\nBesides, a State government had been organized. A\\nmember of the House of Representatives, as well as legisla-\\ntive and executive officers, had been elected, and judges had\\nbeen appointed. The legislature had met and chosen the\\nnational Senators. President Jackson, displeased at the ac-\\ntivity of Governor Mason on the boundary-controversy, ap-\\npointed a new Territorial governor to succeed him, whom the\\npeople would not receive, and whom they soon joked and\\nlaughed across Lake Michigan into Wisconsin, which was still\\na part of Michigan Territory. This was the local situation\\nTheoretically, the Territorial government was in force, but\\npractically, the State government. Obviously, such a state\\nof things could not long continue in an Anglo-Saxon coun-\\ntry.\\nActs for the admission of the two States were finally ap-\\nproved, June 15, 1836. The one admitted Arkansas uncon-\\nditionally, the other Michigan with a very serious condition,\\nthat is hinted by the very title of the law An Act to es-\\ntablish the northern boundary line of the State of Ohio, and\\nto provide for the admission of the State of Michigan into\\nthe Union, etc. Section i gave the district in dispute to\\nOhio but Section 2 made Michigan a territorial compensa-\\ntion in the Upper Peninsula, drawing the line separating her\\nfrom Wisconsin through Green Bay, the Menomonee River,\\nLake of the Desert, and Montreal River, These arrange-\\nments Michigan was required to assent to by a delegate con-\\nvention elected for that sole purpose, before she could take", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 335\\nher place in the family of States. A convention that sat at\\nAnn Arbor on the fourth Monday of September rejected this\\noverture by a very decided majority, and for a time it seemed\\nthat nothing had been concluded.\\nBut now the politicians came again upon the scene. Ar-\\nguments in favor of the State s yielding were put in circu-\\nlation. Political arithmeticians at Washington figured out\\nhow much the five per cent, on the public lands sold within\\nthe State would yield, affirming that it would all be lost.\\nThe Senators and Representatives were desirous of taking\\ntheir seats in Congress. President Jackson and his partisans\\nexerted a steady pressure on the same side. The edge of dis-\\nappointment becoming somewhat dulled, the people of the\\nState, with characteristic American good humor, began to\\nlook on the bright side, and before the end of October Demo-\\ncratic county conventions were calling for a second State con-\\nvention to pass upon the terms of admission. The State\\nGovernor replied that there was no time to call a second\\nconvention, and that he had no authority to call one, but\\nhinted that the Government at Washington might, possibly,\\nrecognize a popular convention. Accordingly, five citizens,\\nin the name of the people in their primary capacity, called\\na convention to meet in Ann Arbor, December 14th. This\\nwas in pursuance of a scheme worked out in the Democratic\\ncaucuses. Although the elections of delegates were much\\nridiculed, they were still held, and although the convention\\nwas stigmatized as the frost-bitten convention, it still sat,\\nand did the work for which it had been called that is, as-\\nsented to the terms of the act of admission, having no more\\nauthority to do so than the crew of a Detroit schooner or a\\nlumberman s camp in the Valley of Grand River. Still fur-\\nther, and most astounding of all, the two Houses of Congress,\\nby large majorities, passed an act, approved January 26, 1837,\\naccepting this convention as meeting the requirements of the\\nact of admission, and so declared Michigan one of the Unit-\\ned States. The electoral vote, however, was not counted.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "33^ THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nJudge Campbell says the State was recognized when admitted\\nas having existed since November, 1835. As one closes the\\nhistory of the admission of Michigan, he wonders whether\\nthe people learned to accent the first word in the Territorial\\nmotto Tandem fit siirciilus arbor.\\nThe Upper Peninsula is about three hundred miles in\\nlength, and from thirty to one hundred and sixty in breadth.\\nIt contains about twenty-two thousand six hundred square\\nmiles of area. It has considerable agricultural resources its\\ncopper and iron mines are among the richest in the world its\\nfisheries are the finest on the Lakes; it contains excellent har-\\nbors, and it commands the outlets of both Lake Michigan\\nand Lake Superior and yet Michigan was unwilling to ac-\\ncept this rich peninsula for a few hundred square miles of\\ncorn-lands on the Ohio border. She protested again and\\nagain that she did not wish to extend beyond the boundaries\\nassigned her in 1805. The tip of the Northern Peninsula she\\nstrove for when Wisconsin sought to wrest it from her, be-\\ncause of its relations to the two straits, and because of the an-\\ncient commercial connection between Detroit and the upper\\nposts but she wished nothing more. Mr. Lyon, the Territorial\\ndelegate, said, in 1834, that for a great part of the year nat-\\nure had separated the Upper and Lower peninsulas by im-\\npassable barriers, and that there never could be any identity of\\ninterest or community of feeling between them. However,\\nwhen we remember that the copper mines first became pro-\\nductive in historic times in 1845, although they had been\\nworked by the Mound Builders, and been known to white\\nmen since the days of Brul6 and Joliet, and that the whole\\npeninsula a half-century ago seemed a sterile waste, we need\\nnot be surprised at Michigan s preference for the mouth of\\nthe Maumee.\\nPolitical History of Michigan, 478.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 33/\\nV. Wisconsin.\\nThe Ordinance of 1787 left to the discretion of Congress\\nthe question whether the Northwest should be divided into\\nthree, four, or five States. No man, looking at the map, can\\ndoubt that the five-State plan was far better than either of\\nthe others. States extending from the Ohio River to the\\nnational boundary would have been of over-size, as well as\\nill-shapen while Michigan and Wisconsin are both too large\\nand too widely separated to constitute one State. These\\nfacts were perceived as early as 1802 and 1805. Furthermore,\\nit was perceived at the same time that the Upper Peninsula\\nbelongs geographically to Wisconsin. Accordingly, in 1805\\nthe dividing line between them was drawn from the southern\\nbend of Lake Michigan through the middle of that lake to its\\nextremity, that is, the Straits of Mackinaw, where historical\\ncauses turned it due north on the Miami meridian to the\\nnational limit. The addition of Wisconsin to Michigan for\\npurposes of government, in 181 8, subject to the future dispo-\\nsition of Congress, confirmed this line. Nor was any other\\nthought entertained until a territorial compensation to Michi-\\ngan for the lands that the course of events required her to\\nsurrender to Ohio was proposed. The plan of giving her the\\nUpper Peninsula appeaVs to have been first suggested by Mr.\\nPreston, of South Carolina, when the Ohio-Michigan boun-\\ndary was before the Judiciary Committee of the Senate. He\\nthought the region beyond the Lake too large for one State,\\nand he appears to have thought the peninsula an island. Mr.\\nPreston said in the Senate Whatever disadvantage may\\narise from connecting with Michigan a portion of the country\\nwest or north of the Lake is, we think, not to be weighed\\nwith the inconvenience of subjecting, forever after, to the\\njurisdiction of a single State all the inhabitants who may re-\\nside in the region west and north of the Lake.\\nIn preparing this account of the controversy touching the Wisconsin boun-\\ndaries, the author acknowledges his indebtedness to two articles entitled The\\n22", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "338 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nWisconsin, more unwilling to part with the peninsula\\nthan Michigan was to receive it, made a valiant effort for its\\nretention. The connection of the two regions under the law\\nof 1818 proved little more than nominal, and the people be-\\nyond the Lake made repeated efforts, beginning as early as\\n1829, to secure the organization of an independent territory,\\ncalled, at different times, Chippewau, Wiskonsan, and\\nHuron, that should include the whole peninsula to the\\nvery tip. The act of April 20, 1836, creating the Territory,\\nbounded it on the northeast by the line of the Michigan En-\\nabling Act. A survey of that line made in 1840 and 1841 dis-\\nclosed the fact that Congress had assumed a state of things that\\ndid not exist, and that the line was an impossible one. Wis-\\nconsin took advantage of this discovery to bring forward her\\noriginal claim, pleading the Ordinance of 1787, which did not\\ntouch the issue (since in the northern tier of States everything\\nwas left to the discretion of Congress), and the acts of 1805\\nand 1818, which was more to the purpose; but she expressed\\na willingness to accept a compensation in the shape of ex-\\ntensive and valuable internal improvements. The legislative\\ncommittee that uttered these views recommended that the\\nTerritory insist upon her ancient boundaries, to the extent,\\nif necessary, of forming a State out of the Union, the sov-\\nereign, independent State of Wisconsin and then of appealing\\nto the Supreme Arbiter of Nations to adjust all difficulties that\\nmight arise. A most belligerent address to Congress, adopted\\nabout the same time, declared that Wisconsin would never\\nlose sight of the principle that, whatever may be the sacri-\\nfice, the integrity of her boundaries must be observed. It\\nis needless, perhaps, to say that this is the familiar voice of\\nSouth Carolina in the days before the Civil War. But this\\nnote of secession, sounded among the woods and lakes of the\\nBoundaries of Wisconsin, by R. G. Thwaits, in Magazine of Western History,\\nSeptember and October, 1887.\\nMagazine of Western History, VI., 504, 529.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 339\\nNorthwest, made no impression on the course of events.\\nHaving compelled Michigan to accept what she did not want,\\nCongress now compelled Wisconsin to surrender what she\\nwished to retain. The Enabling act approved August 6, 1846,\\nfollowed the Menomonee-Montreal line with some slight modi-\\nfications. In both the conventions held under it, attempts\\nwere made to win back the ancient northeastern boundary,\\nbut without success.\\nThe act of 1836, creating the Territory of Wisconsin, made\\nthe line 42\u00c2\u00b0 30 the southern boundary. Three years later,\\nand twenty-one years after the admission of the State of Illi-\\nnois, the Territorial Legislature adopted resolutions declaring\\nthat Congress had violated the Ordinance of 1787 in fixing\\nthe northern boundary of Illinois, and requesting the people\\nof the Territory, and also those living between the line of\\n1787 and parallel 42\u00c2\u00b0 30 to vote at the next general election\\nupon the question of forming a State government that should\\nembrace the whole of ancient Wisconsin. Strange to say, this\\nproposition was received with more favor by the people of\\nNorthern Illinois than by the people of Wisconsin proper.\\nPublic meetings held in various Illinois towns adopted reso-\\nlutions in favor of the Wisconsin claim and a convention\\nheld at Rockford, July 6, 1840, declared that the fourteen\\nnorthern counties of Illinois belonged to Wisconsin, and rec-\\nommended the people to elect delegates to a convention to\\nbe held at Madison in November, for the purpose of adopt-\\ning such lawful and constitutional measures as may seem to\\nbe necessary and proper for the early adjustment of the south-\\nern boundary. Public sentiment ran veiy strong in many\\nof these counties in favor of the northern claim. But the\\nboundary was complicated with the formation of a State\\ngovernment, which the people at the north thought prema-\\nMr. Thwaits contends that the seeds of future controversies lie thick along\\nthis line.\\nMagazine of Western History, VI., 538, 539.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "340 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nture, and the total vote cast in favor of the proposition of\\n1839 was small. In 1842 the Territorial Governor sent an\\nofftcial communication to the Governor of Illinois, informing\\nhim that the Illinois jurisdiction over the frontier counties\\nwas accidental and temporary. The Enabling act of 1846\\nfollowed the Illinois line on the south, as it followed the\\nMichigan line on the northeast, and again Wisconsin sub-\\nmitted. In the first constitutional convention a vigorous but\\nunsuccessful attempt was made to secure a clause referring all\\ndisputes as to boundary to the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates, the State to come in with boundaries undetermined.\\nHere, again, politics intervened the failure of this plan is said\\nto have been due, in part, to the jealousy of the Northern Il-\\nlinois politicians entertained by those of Wisconsin. Nor is\\nit unlikely that political ambition had something to do with\\nthe fondness of the Illinois counties for a northern State con-\\nnection.\\nAs Wisconsin was the last of the five Northwestern States\\nto enter the Union, it was not, perhaps, surprising that her\\ngeographical and historical boundaries should be invaded on\\nthe south and northeast but it would appear surprising that\\non the farther or northwestern side, she should have suffered\\nmore heavily than on any other side. The explanation con-\\nsists of facts of geography and of history.\\nAfter the rectification of the northwestern boundary by\\nthe treaty of 1818, the meridian of the north westernmost\\npoint of the Lake of the Woods, from its intersection with\\nthe Mississippi to parallel 49\u00c2\u00b0, was considered the farther\\nboundary of the Northwest Territory; but the act of 1838,\\ncreating the Territory of Iowa, drew a line due north from\\nthe head-waters or sources of the Mississippi to that parallel,\\nand this line Wisconsin henceforth called her ancient boun-\\ndary in that quarter. The second of these lines falls some-\\nwhat farther to the west than the first one. Again, the\\npopulation that planted the early settlements on the upper\\nwaters of the Mississippi reached their destination by ascend-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 341\\ning the river, and not by an overland journey from Lake\\nMichigan moreover, all their natural connections, industrial,\\ncommercial, political,, and social, were with the river valley\\nrather than with the lake basin. In these circumstances orig-\\ninated the idea of a sixth State, to consist either wholly of\\nterritory belonging to the old Northwest, or partly of such\\nterritory and partly of territory acquired of France in 1803.\\nThe Enabling Act for Wisconsin, approved August 6, 1846,\\ndeparted from the ancient boundary, adopting the follow-\\ning in its stead The main channel of the St. Louis River to\\nthe first rapids in the same (above the Indian village, accord-\\ning to Nicollet s map) thence due south to the main branch\\nof the River St. Croix thence down the main channel of\\nsaid river to the Mississippi. In the debate the extension of\\nthe ancient boundary beyond the limits of the original\\nterritory, the great size of Wisconsin unless limited, and the\\ndesirability of a State that should lie on both sides of the\\ngreat river and encompass its farther sources, were urged in\\nfavor of this line. In the constitutional convention which sat\\nat Madison, October 5th, this boundary received far more at-\\ntention than any other. The people of the St. Croix Valley,\\nwho were left in Wisconsin, wished to go with their neighbors\\nacross the river. At the end of a long contest, by a vote of\\n49 ayes to 38 nays, the convention adopted a proviso that\\nwould have thrown the basin of the St. Croix into the State\\nbeyond. The principal champion of this measure favored a\\nState extending from the Mississippi to the Saut Ste. Marie\\nand Green Bay, to be called Superior, On March 3, 1847,\\nCongress assented to this proviso, but a month later the peo-\\nple, at a popular election, rejected the constitution on grounds\\nwholly distinct from boundaries.\\nIn the second constitutional convention, convened at\\nMadison, December 15, 1847, this ground was all fought over\\nagain with equal pertinacity. The Lake Michigan side of the\\nState now proved to be stronger than the Mississippi side;\\nand the convention adopted a proviso that the boundary", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "342 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nshould be drawn from the rapids of the St. Louis southward\\nto the mouth of the Rum River, which is some twenty miles\\nabove the Falls of St. Anthony, thus giving a large tract that\\nnow belongs to Minnesota, including St. Paul and the eastern\\nside of Minneapolis, to Wisconsin. This proviso brought out\\nthe full strength of the Upper Mississippi settlements in oppo-\\nsition. The people of the St. Croix Valley and about Fort\\nSnelling sent a strong memorial to Washington, urging, among\\nother things, that the Chippeway and St. Croix valleys\\nare closely connected in geographical position with the up-\\nper Mississippi, while they are widely separated from the\\nsettled posts of Wisconsin, not only by hundreds of miles of\\nmostly waste and barren lands, which must remain unculti-\\nvated for ages, but equally so by a diversity of interests and\\ncharacter in the population. This memorial suggested a\\nline drawn due south from Cheqaumegon Bay, on Lake Su-\\nperior, to the main Chippeway River, and thence down that\\nstream to the Mississippi. This memorial, seconded by a\\nvigorous lobby, defeated the Rum River proviso, but did not\\nsecure the Chippeway line. Wisconsin came into the Union\\nwith the limits of the Enabling act. No man who studies the\\ngeography of the Upper Mississippi, and its material and polit-\\nical interests, will question the practical wisdom of the limita-\\ntion on the western side, whatever he may think of its legal-\\nity. He will also be apt to think, with the memorialists of\\n1848, that the Chippeway would have been abetter boundary\\nthan the St. Croix.\\nIn all, Wisconsin lost about fifty-seven thousand square\\nmiles of territority originally intended for her, but she remains\\nthe third of the Northwestern States in size, falling only\\n1,490 square miles behind Illinois, and 2,527 square miles be-\\nhind Michigan.\\nAfter a very animated contest, the first Wisconsin Consti-\\nMagazine of Western History.\\nViz., 8,500 to Illinois, 22,600 to Michigan, and 26,000 to Minnesota.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "ADMISSION OF THE NORTHWESTERN STATES. 343\\ntution was rejected by a majority of 6,112 votes in a total of\\n34,450. The people of the Territory, in common with the peo-\\nple of the West generally, had suffered many evils from reck-\\nless and irresponsible banking. These evils, together with the\\nextreme Democratic opinions relating to banks and paper\\nmoney, led the convention to deny all legal authority to\\nbanks. The constitution declared it not lawful for any corpo-\\nration, institution, person or persons within the State, to make\\nor issue paper money, or any evidence of debt intended to\\ncirculate as money forbade any corporation to carry on any\\nof the other functions of banking institutions prohibited the\\nestablishment of any branch or agency of a banking institu-\\ntion existing without the State and made it illegal to circu-\\nlate, after 1849, bank-notes of a less denomination than $20.\\nDeposit, discount, and exchange banking were left wholly to\\nprivate enterprise. The convention had presumed too far\\nupon the popular hostility to banks. The Whigs opposed the\\nconstitution to a man, and many of the Democrats as well.\\nSerious objections were also made to other features that will\\nnot be particularized. The second convention followed, for\\nthe most part, the paths marked out by its predecessor. But\\nit empowered the legislature to submit to the voters, at any\\ngeneral election, the question of bank or no bank also to\\ngrant bank charters, or to pass a general banking law, pro-\\nvided a majority of all the votes cast on this subject should\\nbe in favor of banks. This constitution was ratified by a\\nmajority of over 10,000 in a vote of 23,000. Wisconsin was\\nadmitted to the Union May 29, 1848. The State received\\nits emigration by the great northern current, and accordingly\\nhad to wait until Michigan was partially peopled, as Michigan\\nhad been obliged to wait for Western New York and Northern\\nOhio. The population was only 30,945 in 1840, but it made\\nthe astonishing advance to 305,391 in the ten years following.\\nMinnesota, the half-sister of the five Northwestern States,\\nwas admitted to the Union May 11, 1858.\\nThe five noble commonwealths formed out of the Terri-", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "344 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ntory Northwest of the River Ohio, with their twelve or thir-\\nteen milHons of population their material, intellectual, and\\nmoral resources their vast wealth of achievements and still\\nvaster wealth of possibilities, are the grandest testimonial to\\nthe Ordinance of 1787, to the men who framed it, and to the\\npioneers who laid their foundations.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "XVIII.\\nSLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST.\\nThe surprise that historians still continue to express at\\nthe ease and celerity with which the Ordinance of 1787 was\\nenacted culminates when they come to the sixth article of\\ncompact. A few words touching that article will serve as a\\nfitting introduction to an account of slavery in the Territory\\nNorthwest of the River Ohio.\\nAt the close of the Revolutionary War slavery existed in\\nnearly all the States of the Union, but was far stronger in the\\nSouth than in the North. In the one section the causes were\\nalready at work that ere long brought about its abolishment\\nin the other, the causes had not yet begun to operate that, in\\nthe end, practically united all the people in defence of slavery.\\nIn the sense of later controversies, the one section was not\\nanti-slavery nor the other pro-slavery. The Northern States\\ntended toward anti-slavery views, but not in the aggressive\\nspirit of later times the Southern States, toward pro-slavery\\nviews, but not with such unanimity as to preclude a great\\namount of strong and even fervid anti-slavery sentiment, and\\nparticularly in Virginia. The average opinion South and\\nNorth was that slavery could not be violently uprooted that\\nit must be tolerated and protected for the time but that it\\nwas an evil the peaceful death of which every real well-wisher\\nof his country would be glad to hasten. This was the opinion\\nthat declared itself in the slavery compromises of the Con-\\nstitution, and in the sixth article of compact of the Ordinance\\nof the same year, which is also a compromise, as anyone must\\nsee the moment he looks at the two clauses of the article bal-", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "346 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nanced on the word provided. The long and fierce contest\\nover the extension of slavery, which did not begin until many\\nyears afterward, gave to that prohibition an importance which\\nno one dreamed of according to it at the time of its enact-\\nment. The fact is, the article was not of the substance of the\\nOrdinance. It was not even a part of the original draft, but\\nwas brought forward by Mr. Dane on the second reading.\\nThere is no reason to suppose that Mr. Lee, of Virginia,\\nchanged his views on the subject of slavery in the interval, but\\nhe voted against the prohibition of 1784, and for the prohibition\\nof 1787. The Ohio Associates desired the exclusion of slavery\\nfrom the region where they proposed to purchase lands, and\\nprobably would have declined to purchase them without it\\nThis was a point that the New England men always insisted upon. The\\nProposition for settling a new State by such officers and soldiers of the Federal\\nArmy as should associate for that purpose, drawn up by Colonel Timothy\\nPickering, early in 1783, which was an important link in the history of the Ohio\\nCompany, when told at length, contained this language The total exclusion of\\nslavery from the State to form an essential and irrevocable part of the Constitu-\\ntion. The editors of the Life of Rev. Manasseh Cutler present convincing\\nevidence that Dr. Cutler was the author of the sections of the Ordinance of 1787\\nrelating to religion, education, and slavery (L, 342-344). Judge Ephraim Cutler,\\nmentioned in the text, says his father asked him, in 1804-1805, whether he had\\nprepared the prohibition of slavery inserted in the Ohio Constitution. On re-\\nceiving an affirmative answer, the doctor said it was a singular coincidence, as he\\nhad himself prepared Article VL of the Ordinance, while he was in New York\\nnegotiating the Ohio purchase. The doctor further said he acted in that matter\\nfor associates, friends, and neighbors who would not embark in the enterprise\\nunless the principles in relation to religion, education, and slavery were unalter-\\nably fixed. Dr. Cutler s editors also bring out with much force, as partially ex-\\nplaining the singular interest that the Virginia members of Congress took in the\\nOhio purchase and the Ordinance, that settlements on the further banks of the\\nOhio would be a screen for the Virginia and Kentucky settlements on the south\\nbank against the Indians. They say further: Virginia, under the leadership\\nof Washington, had entered upon a wise and comprehensive policy of internal\\nimprovement, designed to secure the trade of the Ohio Valley and the Northwest\\nto Virginia seaports. Additional value would also be imparted to her bounty-\\nlands lying between the Scioto and Little Miami. Add to these the personal\\nsympathy of Washington for the success of his old associates, as well as his own\\nlanded interests in the Ohio Valley, and we find plain business considerations", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 347\\nbut their attitude toward its extension was very different\\nfrom that of David Wilmot and Abraham Lincoln. Accord-\\ningly, the sixth compact was regarded neither as an anti-\\nslavery victory nor as a pro-slavery defeat it was simply a\\nfeature, though an important one, of the frame of govern-\\nment provided for the Northwest. The tremendous conse-\\nquences flowing from it no man then living was wise enough\\nto foretell. Still the article was of great immediate advantage\\nto freedom for when the real battle with slavery in the North-\\nwest was joined, it proved a rock of defence that was never\\nsuccessfully assaulted.\\nNegro slaves were introduced into the Mississippi Valley\\nearly in the eighteenth century. Throughout the French\\nperiod pecuniary ability and personal desire were the only\\nlimitations on the number of such slaves that a colonist might\\nown. Accordingly, as the habitants of the Northwest in-\\ncreased in substance and were brought into closer commercial\\nrelations with Louisiana and the West Indies, they imported\\nthem in considerable numbers. The number continued to\\ngrow, both by natural increase and by later importations.\\nJudge Breese quotes a Jesuit missionary who found i,ioo\\nwhites, 300 blacks, and 60 red slaves of the savages in\\nfive Illinois villages in 1750. But this slavery was of the old\\npatriarchal rather than the modern commercial type. Breese\\ngives a pleasing picture of the male slaves working side by\\nside in the fields with their masters, and of the females going\\nwith their mistresses in neat attire to matins and vespers\\nboth unmindful of the fetters with which a wicked policy\\nhad bound them. Monctte gives an equally pleasing pict-\\nure of the festive enjoyments of the habitants, in which the\\nslaves freely mingled. An ordinance of Louis XV., issued in\\nthat controlled at that time this most important decision. And all evidence\\npoints to Rev. Manasseh Cutler as the agent who carefully, skilfully, and suc-\\ncessfully conducted these negotiations and brought about their results (I., 352).\\nEarly History of Illinois, 194. Ibid., 199, 200.\\nHistory of the Valley of the Mississippi, I., 1S6, 187.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "348 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\n1724, enjoined that all slaves in the French colonies should\\nbe educated in the Apostolic Roman Catholic religion, and\\nbe baptized, enjoining their owners to have these matters at-\\ntended to within a reasonable time, under pain of an arbitrary-\\nfine. Negro slaves were relatively numerous in the North-\\nwest in 1763. Governor Reynolds, who says the first impor-\\ntation -was one of five hundred made from San Domingo in\\n1726, by Philip Renault, to work the mines, reports that\\nthere were 168 slaves in Illinois in 1810, 917 in 1820, and 746\\nin 1830.^ Negro slaves are also heard of at Green Bay in\\nWisconsin.\\nThe Western Indians were slave-holders. They followed\\nthe ancient and honorable custom of selling captives taken in\\nwar into slavery, often as the alternative of putting them to\\ndeath and among their best customers, from the early days\\nof French colonization, were the white men, who often\\nbought, it must be added, as acts of humanity. So many of\\nthese red slaves belonged to a single tribe that Pawnee, or\\nPani as the French wrote it, came to be the common word\\nfor slave irrespective of race, thus repeating the history of the\\nword Slav itself.\\nThe transfer of the Northwest to England in no way dis-\\nturbed the relation of master and slave for the capitulation\\nof 1760 and the treaty of 1763 guaranteed the full protection\\nof all the property of the people who were transferred.\\nMoreover, such Englishmen as made their way into the coun-\\ntry enjoyed the same privileges as the old residents, and\\nsome of them promptly improved this opportunity. As a\\nconsequence, the Northwest came to the United States with\\na slave dowery and although the treaty of 1783 did not\\nrepeat the guarantee of the treaty of 1763, no one thought\\nthat the dowery would in any way be interfered with, for slav-\\nery was then, practically, co-extensive with the Union. The\\nDillon History of Indiana, 32. My Own Times, 28, 132.\\nSliong History of the Territory of Wisconsin, 67.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 349\\nNorthwest was slave territory all through the Virginia period,\\nreaching from 1778 to 1784; and when that State made her\\ncession she stipulated, in terms: That the French and Ca-\\nnadian inhabitants and other settlers who have\\nprofessed themselves citizens of Virginia, shall have their\\npossessions and titles confirmed to them, and be protected\\nin the enjoyment of their rights and liberties and this\\nstipulation, no doubt, included slaves. Furthermore, the\\nUnited States Government recognized the existence of slav-\\nery in the Territory. The Ordinance of 1784 mentions\\nfree males of full age and free inhabitants and, by al-\\nlowing the people to adopt the constitution and laws of\\nany one of the original States, gave full scope for the con-\\ntinuance of slavery. It has even been contended that the\\nexpression, free male inhabitants, found in the great Or-\\ndinance, assumes tacitly that such slavery as then existed\\nin the Territory should not be disturbed. And, finally. Jay s\\nTreaty, negotiated in 1794, in the article providing for the\\nevacuation of the Western posts on June i, 1796, guaranteed\\nto all settlers and traders within the precincts or jurisdiction\\nof the said posts all their property of every kind and pro-\\ntection therein, which applied to slaves as well as to other\\nproperty.\\nIn his very entertaining account of life at Detroit in the\\nyears following the extension of the American authority\\nover that town. Judge Burnet, after bearing testimony to the\\nexcellence of their hirelings and domestics, adds But\\ntheir best servants were the Pawnee Indians, and their de-\\nscendants, who were held and disposed of as slaves, under the\\nFrench and English governments a species of slavery which\\nexisted to a considerable extent in Upper Canada.\\nThat relation existed when the country was delivered up to\\nthe United States though the practice of purchasing Indian\\ncaptives as slaves, by the white people, had ceased before the\\nsurrender and consequently, the principal part, if not all,\\nthe Indians then in slavery were the descendants of enslaved", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "350 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ncaptives. Judge Cooley divides the slaves in the Northwest,\\nin 1796, as regards the legal questions affecting their lib-\\nerty, into three classes: (i) Those who were in servitude\\nto French owners previous to the cession of jurisdiction to\\nEngland, and who were still claimed as property in which the\\nowners Avere protected under the treaty of cession, 1763. (2)\\nThose who were held by British owners at the time of Jay s\\ntreaty and claimed afterward as property under its protec-\\ntion. (3) Those who since the Territory had come under\\nAmerican customs had been brought into it from the States\\nin which slavery was lawful.\\nWhen the habitants of Vincennes and the Illinois, alarmed\\nby the sixth article of compact, called upon Governor St.\\nClair to explain its meaning, he promptly replied that it was\\nnot retroactive but prospective a declaration of a principle\\nwhich was to govern the legislature in all acts respecting\\nthat matter, and the courts of justice in their decisions in\\ncases arising after the date of the Ordinance. He argued that\\nhad Congress intended to emancipate the slaves in the Terri-\\ntory, compensation would have been made to their owmers.\\nCongress had the right to determine that property of that\\nkind afterwards acquired should not be protected in future,\\nand that slaves imported into the Territory after that declara-\\ntion might reclaim their freedom. This was the theory on\\nwhich the various Territorial governments of the Northwest\\nappear to have been administered. For example, the revenue\\nlaws of the Territory of Illinois levied a tax upon slaves and\\nCongress, that had the power of revising all such laws, in this\\ncase never exercised its power. However, in one instance a\\ncourt of law materially limited this ground. The Chief\\nJustice of the Territory of Michigan, in a case that arose at\\nDetroit in 1807, held that the sixth article Avas absolute, save\\nas modified by Jay s Treaty. These are his words A right\\nNotes, 283. Michigan, 131, 132.\\nSt. Clair Papers, I., 205, 206.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 35 1\\nof property in the human species cannot exist in this Territory\\nexcept as to persons in the actual possession of British settlers\\nin the Territory on June i, 1796, and that every other man\\ncoming into this Territory is by the law of the land a freeman,\\nunless he be a fugitive from lawful labor and service in some\\nother American State or territory. Chief Justice Wood-\\nbridge accordingly refused to return to their owners fugitive\\nslaves from Canada escaping into Michigan, thereby causing\\nno little bad blood. In 1807, it may be remarked, the guar-\\nantee given the French slave-owners by England was more\\nthan forty years old, and had no other than an historical in-\\nterest.\\nUnder the operation of the Ordinance such slavery as\\nexisted in 1787 slowly but surely died out. However, black\\nslaves were still found in Illinois as late as 1846 or 1847 and\\nmen of middle age now living have seen in Detroit an ancient\\nPani who had been a slave in his earlier life.\\nThe active and dangerous championship of slavery in the\\nNorthwest did not come from the French inhabitants. The\\nNew England and Middle State emigrants were generally op-\\nposed to slavery but the larger number of the emigrants from\\nVirginia, the Carolinas, and Kentucky, accustomed to slaves,\\nand finding in the Ohio Valley physical conditions very sim-\\nilar to those they left behind them, not unnaturally desired\\nits introduction. Accordingly, they united with the slave-\\nholders already on the ground in a series of attempts per-\\nmanently to break down or temporarily to set aside the inhi-\\nbition. A petition asking the suspension of Article VI. was\\nmet by an adverse report in the House of Representatives in\\nMay, 1796.\\nIn 1799, ofificers of the Virginia line, desiring to remove with\\ntheir slaves to the Virginia Military District, between the\\nCooley Michigan, 137.\\nEdwards History of Illinois, 180, 184 and Campbell Political History\\nof Michigan, 246, 247.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "352 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nScioto and Miami Rivers, petitioned the Territorial Legislature\\nfor permission to do so; but the peremptory language of the\\nOrdinance gave that body no such discretion and the peti-\\ntion was refused. The granting of the petition would have\\nbrought into the Territory, says Burnet, a great accession of\\nwealth, strength, and intelligence yet the public feeling, on\\nthe subject of admitting slavery into the Territory, was such,\\nthat the request would have been denied by a unanimous vote\\nif the legislature had possessed the power of granting it.\\nThey were not only opposed to slavery on the ground of its\\nbeing a moral evil, in violation of personal right, but were of\\nopinion that, whatever might be its immediate advantages\\nit would ultimately retard the settlement and check the pros-\\nperity of the Territory, by making labor less reputable and\\ncreating feelings and habits unfriendly to the simplicity and\\nindustry they desired to encourage and perpetuate. But it\\nis impossible to harmonize such a unanimous and decided\\nanti-slavery sentiment as this with the admitted facts of history.\\nIn December, 1802, a delegate convention held at Vin-\\ncennes, the capital of the new Territory of Indiana, called and\\npresided over by Governor William Henry Harrison, again\\nmemorialized Congress to set aside the sixth compact and in\\nthe following March, John Randolph, as chairman of a special\\ncommittee to which the memorial and a letter of the same\\ntenor from Governor Harrison had been referred, reported it\\ninexpedient to grant the prayer. The argument of the re-\\nport is in these words\\nThe rapid population of the State of Ohio sufficiently\\nevinces, in the opinion of your committee, that the labor of\\nslaves is not necessary to promote the growth and settlement of\\ncolonies in that region that this labor, demonstrably the dear-\\nest of any, can only be employed in the cultivation of products\\nmore valuable than any known to that quarter of the United\\nStates that the committee deem it highly dangerous and in-\\nNotes, 306, 307.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 353\\nexpedient to impair a provision wisely calculated to promote\\nthe happiness and prosperity of the Northwestern country,\\nand to give strength and security to that extensive frontier.\\nIn the salutary operation of this sagacious and benevolent re-\\nstraint, it is believed that the inhabitants of Indiana will, at no\\nvery distant day, find ample remuneration for a temporary\\nprivation of labor and of emigration.\\nHowever, the people of Indiana, refusing to accept Mr.\\nRandolph s view of the case, continued to call upon Congress\\nfor the suspension of the obnoxious article. In every one of\\nthe years 1804, 1806, 1807, committees of the House of Rep-\\nresentatives reported favorably to their wishes, but the House,\\nfor some reason now unknown, never acted on the reports.\\nGovernor Harrison and the Indiana Legislature now took\\ntheir cause to the Senate, where they encountered an adverse\\nreport from a special committee that ended attempts to induce\\nthe new Congress to undo what the old one, with such so-\\nlemnity, had done. But it must not be supposed that the\\npeople of Indiana were unanimous in desiring the introduction\\nof slavery. The citizens of Clark County, for example, sent\\na vigorous counter-memorial to Congress in November, 1807.\\nThese citizens say When we take into consideration the\\nvast emigration into this Territory and of citizens, too, de-\\ncidedly opposed to the measure\u00e2\u0080\u0094 we feel satisfied that, at all\\nevents, Congress will suspend any legislative act on this sub-\\nject until we shall, by the Constitution, be admitted into the\\nUnion, and have a right to adopt such a constitution, in this\\nrespect, as may comport with the wishes of a majority of the\\ncitizens.\\nIn 1807 the Indiana Legislature passed an act authorizing\\nthe owners of negroes and mulattoes more than fifteen years\\nof age to bring them into the Territory, and to have them\\nbound to service by indenture for such time as the master and\\nSt. Clair Papers, L, 120-122.\\nDillon History of Indiana, 410-414.\\n23", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "354 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nslave might agree upon. If within thirty days of the time he\\nwas brought into the Territory the slave would not consent to\\nbe indentured, then his owner should have sixty days in which\\nto remove him into any State where slavery existed. The\\nlaw also permitted any person to bring slaves under fifteen\\nyears of age into the Territory, and to hold them to service\\nthe males until the age of thirty-five, the females until the\\nage of thirty-two years. Male children, born in the Terri-\\ntory of a parent of color owing service by indenture, should\\nserve the master until the age of thirty years, female chil-\\ndren until the age of twenty-eight years. This act continued\\nin force until 1810. On the Territorial Statute Book are\\nalso found very repressive acts concerning servants. This act\\nwas continued in force by the Illinois Legislature after the\\ndivision of the Territory. In 18 14 the same legislature passed\\na law providing that slaves might, with consent of their\\nowners, hire themselves in the Territory for a term not ex-\\nceeding one year and that such act should not in any way\\naffect the master s right of property in them in the State or\\nterritory where they belonged. The preamble of this act as-\\nsigns as reasons for its provisions that mills cannot be erected\\nor other needed improvements made, for want of laborers\\nand, particularly, that the manufacture of salt, the supply of\\nwhich should be abundant and the price low, cannot be car-\\nried on by means of white men. Still further, an act passed\\nin 1 8 12 forbade the emigration of free negroes to the Terri-\\ntory of Illinois under severe penalties and enjoined free ne-\\ngroes already there to register themselves and their children\\nin the ofifice of the Clerk of the County Court, also under\\nsevere penalties.\\nWhen one remembers that the Northwest was covered on\\ntwo sides by slave territory, from which it was separated only\\nby the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, he appreciates the facil-\\nities that such enactments as the foregoing gave for evading\\nthe intent of the sixth compact of the Ordinance. Comment\\nis not needed to show that the ingenuity here displayed could", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 355\\nhave invented a system of enforced labor not at all inferior to\\nthat devised by some of the Southern States under President\\nJohnson s reconstruction scheme. Moreover, these enact-\\nments explain certain provisions respecting indentures in the\\nfirst Constitutions of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois that would\\notherwise be inexplicable.\\nThe constitutional conventions of the three divisions of\\nthe Territory lying on the Ohio River offered opportunities\\nfor attacking the integrity of the Ordinance that in two in-\\nstances were improved.\\nJudge Burnet s Notes and Mr. William Henry Smith s\\nLife of St. Clair do not convey the impression that an\\nissue was really drawn in the Ohio Convention of 1802. But\\nJudge Ephraim Cutler s journal conveys that impression very\\ndistinctly. Those favorable to slavery took the ground that,\\nhowever it might be with the Territory, the Ordinance could\\nnot bind a State unless the State herself, as a party to a com-\\npact, assented to it and they accordingly advocated a mod-\\nified form of servitude. Judge Cutler was a son of Dr.\\nManasseh Cutler, was one of the Washington County dele-\\ngates to frame the constitution, and a member of the com-\\nmittee charged with framing the bill of rights, of which John\\nW. Brown was chairman. Cutler s journal gives this account\\nof proceedings in the committee\\nAn exciting subject was of course immediately brought be-\\nfore the committee, the subject of admitting or excluding slavery.\\nMr. Brown produced a section which defined the subject, in ef-\\nfect, thus No person shall be held in slavery if a male, after he\\nis thirty-five years of age and if a female, after twenty-five\\nyears of age. I observed to the committee that those who had\\nelected me to represent them there were desirous of having\\nthis matter clearly understood, and I must move to have the\\nsection laid upon the table until our next meeting, and to avoid\\nany warmth of feeling, I hoped that each member of the com-\\nmittee would prepare a section which should express his views\\nfully on this important subject. The committee met the next", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "35 5 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmorning, and I was called on for what I had proposed the last\\nevening. I then read to them the section as it now stands in\\nthe constitution. Mr. Brown observed that what he had intro-\\nduced was thought by the greatest men in the nation to be, if\\nestablished in our constitution, obtaining a great step toward\\na general emancipation of slavery, and was, in his opinion,\\ngreatly to be preferred to what I had offered.\\nThe section that Cutler prepared prohibited slavery in the\\nvery words of the Ordinance it forbade the holding, as a ser-\\nvant, under pretence of indenture or otherwise, any male per-\\nson twenty-one years of age, or female person eighteen years\\nof age, unless such person had entered into the indenture\\nwhile in a state of perfect freedom, and on condition of a bona\\nfide consideration, received or to be received, for the service\\nclosing with the clause Nor shall any indenture of any\\nnegro or mulatto, hereafter made and executed out of this\\nState, or, if made in the State, where the term of service ex-\\nceeds one year, be of the least validity, except those given in\\nthe case of apprenticeships.\\nAfter a sharp discussion in the committee, the section was\\nadopted by a majority of one, five votes to four. It now\\nwent to the convention, where several attempts were made\\nto weaken or obscure the sense of the section on its passage.\\nIn committee of the whole, a material change was introduced.\\nCutler was unwell, and so absent at the time. I went to\\nthe convention, he continues, and moved to strike out the\\nobnoxious matter and made my objections as forcible as I was\\nable, and when the vote was called Mr. MilHgan changed his\\nvote and we succeeded in placing it in its original state.\\nThus by a majority of only one, first in the committee and\\nafterward in the convention itself, was the attempt to fasten\\na modified slavery upon the State of Ohio defeated.\\nJudge Cutler understood President Jefferson to be the au-\\nthor of the proposition which he so effectually opposed, and\\nthe one of the greatest men in the nation referred to by", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 357\\nMr. Brown. He gives as evidence for this opinion a conver-\\nsation with Governor Worthington in Washington at the\\ntime Congress passed the law authorizing the convention, in\\nwhich Worthington told him that Mr. Jefferson had ex-\\npressed to him that such, or a similar article, might be intro-\\nduced into the constitution, and he hoped there would not be\\nany effort made for anything farther for the exclusion of sla-\\nvery, as it would operate against the interests of those who\\nwished to emigrate from the slave States to Ohio.\\nJudge Burnet says much warmth of feeling was mani-\\nfested in the convention on the different propositions which\\nwere offered relating to the people of color then residing in\\nthe Territory, amounting probably to one or two hundred.\\nThese propositions, found in the Journal of the Convention,\\nwere finally abandoned, in the fear that the feeling excited by\\nthem might defeat the object for which the convention was\\ncalled. The judge says A few of the members were dis-\\nposed to declare them citizens, to the full extent of that\\nterm while others contended against allowing them any\\nother privilege than the protection of the laws, and exemp-\\ntion from taxes and militia duty. Propositions were made\\nto declare them ineligible to any office, civil or military also\\nThe facts stated above in regard to the Ohio Convention are drawn from A\\nFuneral Discourse on the occasion of the death of Hon. Ephraim Cutler, de-\\nlivered at Warren, Washington County, O., July 24, 1853, by Professor E. B.\\nAndrews of Marietta College, Marietta, O., 1854. In this discourse Professor\\nAndrews also calls Governor Morrow as a witness that Mr. Jefferson favored the\\nadmission of slavery, for a limited period, into Ohio. The editors of the Life\\nof Rev. Manasseh Cutler say: This effort was supported by Jefferson s\\nfavorite theory of States rights. The advocates of the measure claimed that, as\\nsoon as the State assumed its own autonomy and became a sovereign among\\nothers, it had the right to decide upon the provisions of an ordinance which was\\nthe act of only one party, the general government. The central and southern\\nportions of the State then had a majority of tlie population, and the labor of\\nslaves would have suited the interests of their fertile valleys, while the political\\nprospects of the new and rising States rights democracy would have been ad-\\nvanced by holding out such a premium for emigration from Virginia and Ken-\\ntucky (L, 348).", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "358 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nto exclude them from being examined as witnesses in courts\\nof justice against white persons. Colored men were ex-\\ncluded from the basis of representation and from the suffrage.\\nThe sentiments of hostility to negroes that appeared in the\\nConvention afterward ripened in the infamous Black Laws\\nof Ohio, the last vestiges of which were not swept from the\\nstatute-book until 1887.\\nThere was a decided change of sentiment on the slavery-\\nquestion in Indiana between the years 1807 and 1816. At\\nleast, I have not been able to find evidence of a slavery con-\\ntroversy in the constitutional convention. The constitution\\nprohibited slavery in the words of Article VI. of the compacts\\nof 1787, and coupled with it this clause Nor shall any in-\\ndenture of any negro or mulatto, hereafter made and executed\\nout of the bounds of the State, be of any validity within the\\nState.\\nIn no one of the three States bordering the Ohio was\\nthere such a determined effort made to nullify the sixth com-\\npact as in Illinois. This was partly due to the geographical\\nposition of the State, and partly to the character of the popu-\\nlation. The lower part of the State projects, wedge-like, into\\nwhat was then slave territory. It was as well adapted to\\nslave labor as Kentucky on the one side or Missouri on the\\nother. Its commercial connections, in 18 18, were with the\\ndown-the-river country. Here was the stronghold of slavery\\nin the day of French domination. Here came the first emi-\\ngrants in the new regime. Long before the New Englanders\\nand Middle State men had reached the Central and Northern\\nparts of the State, Kentuckians, Tennesseeans, Carolinians,\\nand Virginians made their way by the Ohio and its affluents\\ninto this new Egypt. Nearly all these people were accus-\\ntomed to slavery many of them were poor whites, and\\nwere intensely eager to acquire that badge of distinction in\\nthe States from which they came, the ownership of slaves\\n1 Notes, 354, 355.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 359\\nmany of them, too, were very ignorant, and nearly all were\\nstrongly prejudiced against the Yankees, as they called all\\npeople from the free States. In a word, early Illinois was\\nhomogeneous with Kentucky or Tennessee in many features,\\nincluding devotion to slavery. No attempt was made in the\\nconvention that framed the constitution of 1818 to abrogate\\nthe Ordinance in terms, but the provisions now to be men-\\ntioned subverted its substance.\\nIn room of a prohibition of slavery we find the following\\nNeither slavery-.iior involuntary servitude shall hereafter be\\nintroduced into this State, otherwise than for the punishment\\nof crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted;\\na plain, practical recognition of the slavery already existing.\\nThe Ohio clauses in regard to indentures were copied word for\\nword. Slaves holden in other States should not be hired to\\nlabor in Illinois save in the salt-works tract near Shawneetown\\nnor hired for a longer time than one year, or after the year\\n1825. The last of the three sections devoted to the subject\\nlegalized the contracts and indentures already existing in virt-\\nue of the laws of Illinois Territory, but provided that the\\nchildren hereafter born of such indentured persons, negroes or\\nmulattoes, should become free, the males at the age of twenty-\\none, the females at the age of eighteen years.\\nWhen the resolution declaring the admission of Illinois to\\nthe Union was on its passage through the House of Repre-\\nsentatives, Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, opposed its adop-\\ntion on the ground that it contravened the sixth article of the\\nOrdinance. He felt himself constrained to come to the con-\\nclusion that the sections of the constitution described above\\nembraced a complete recognition of existing slavery, if not\\nproviding for its future introduction and toleration. He con-\\ntrasted the Illinois and the Indiana Constitutions, to the dis-\\nadvantage of the former. Thirty-four votes were registered\\nin the House against the resolution.\\nBut the real battle in Illinois followed the constitution.\\nIn 1822 Edward Coles was elected Governor of Illinois over", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "36o THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nthree competitors. There were no proper political parties or\\nissues in the State at the time, and elections turned largely on\\nlocal questions and personal preferences there was a strong\\ntendency to divide along the slavery-line, but this line was\\nnot so tightly drawn as to prevent two pro-slavery candidates\\nfrom entering the field. Coles was well understood to be an\\nanti-slavery man. The pro-slavery candidates together had\\n5,302 votes, to 3,332 for all others, and Coles was elected by\\na plurality of only 50. In his speech to the legislature the\\nGovernor spoke of the existence of slavery in the State as a\\nviolation of the Ordinance of 1787, and strongly recommended\\nits abolition. He also advised a general revisal of the Black\\nCode of the State. These recommendations led to action\\nvery different from what the Governor desired.\\nUp to this point the pro-slavery men had proceeded upon\\nthe theory that the Ordinance must be formally observed\\nuntil the State was fairly in the Union, They now invented\\na new theory, or perhaps extended the old one. As devel-\\noped by a committee of the legislature, this theory was that\\nthe people of Illinois have now the same right to alter their\\nconstitution as the people of the State of Virginia, or any\\nother of the original States, and may make any disposition of\\nnegro slaves they choose, without any breach of faith or vio-\\nlation of compact, ordinances, or acts of Congress. The\\nslave-owners in the State held their slaves by the various\\ntitles that have been described. In 18 18 these had been\\nthought sufificient but now the Governor s bold challenge,\\nand the increase of the Yankee population, began to shake\\ntheir confidence and drive them to the conclusion that noth-\\ning short of a constitution sanctioning slavery would make\\nthem perfectly safe. Accordingly, the pro-slavery men in the\\nlegislature, by resorting to the most flagrant breaches of\\nparliamentary law and of common justice, carried a proposi-\\ntion, by the requisite two-thirds vote of both Houses, to sub-\\nWashburne Sketch of Edward Coles, 68.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 3^1\\nmit the question of a constitutional convention to the people.\\nThis proposition was adopted at the winter session, 1822-23;\\nbut, fortunately, it could not be voted on until August, 1824.\\nWe can glance at only two or three features of the remarka-\\nble contest that now followed.\\nThe men who passed through this struggle could hardly\\nfind, in after years, language strong enough to describe its\\nviolence and bitterness. Men, women, and children entered\\nthe arena of party warfare and strife families and neigh-\\nborhoods were so divided and furious and bitter against one\\nanother, that it seemed a regular civil war might be the re-\\nsult many personal combats were indulged in the\\npress teemed with publications; stump orators were in-\\nvoked; the pulpit thundered; old friendships were\\nsundered threats of personal violence were frequent\\npistols and dirks were in great demand the whole peo-\\nple, for the space of months, did scarcely anything but read\\nnewspapers, handbills, and pamphlets, quarrel, wrangle, and\\nargue with each other whenever they met together to hear\\nthe violent harangues of their orators these are excerpts\\nfrom the accounts that have come down to us. On the pro-\\nslavery side, especially, the campaign was marked by violence,\\npassion, appeals to ignorance and subterfuge, partially re-\\nlieved by those half-true arguments that have so often done\\nduty in defence of slavery. The social and industrial condi-\\ntion of the State gave that side a great advantage.\\nThe times were hard. The farmer could find no market\\nfor his abundant crops. Manufactures languished, improve-\\nments were at a standstill, and the mechanic was without work.\\nThe country was cursed by a fluctuating and irredeemable\\npaper currency, which had driven all real money out of circu-\\nlation. The flow of emigration to the State had in a great\\nmeasure ceased, but a great emigration passed through the\\nState to Missouri, Great numbers of well-to-do emigrants\\nfrom the slave States, taking with them their slaves, were then\\nleaving their homes to find new ones west of the Mississippi.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "362 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nWhen passing through Illinois to their destination, with their\\nwell equipped emigrant wagons, drawn by splendid horses, with\\ntheir retinue of slaves, and with all the lordly airs of that class\\nof slave-holders, they avowed that their only reason for not set-\\ntling in Illinois was that they could not hold their slaves. This\\nfact had a very great influence, particularly in that part of the\\nState through which the emigration passed, and people de-\\nnounced the unwise provision of the constitution prohibiting\\nslavery, and thus preventing a great influx of population, to\\nadd to the wealth of the State.\\nFrom the first, the propagandists fought a losing battle.\\nWhen the end was finally reached, the vote stood For a con-\\nvention, 4,950; against a convention, 6,822 being a majority\\nof 1,872 in a total vote of 11,772. In view of this large ma-\\njority, the subsequent political history of Illinois for thirty\\nyears is very remarkable. The State passed almost at once\\ninto the hands of a powerful and violent pro-slavery party, and\\nthus remained until the repeal of the Missouri Compromise\\nbrought about a new combination of political forces. But the\\nattempt to enthrone slavery in the citadel of the State Con-\\nstitution was not renewed.\\nGenerally speaking, the leading free-State men in this ex-\\ntraordinary contest were from the North, the slave-State men\\nfrom the South. The one shining exception on the free-State\\nside was the incomparable leader, Edward Coles. Born in Albe-\\nmarle County, Va., in 1784, Governor Coles was one of those\\ngentlemen of cultivation and fortune of whom the Old Do-\\nminion, in the last century, produced so many, who profoundly\\nbelieved American slavery to be an economical mistake, a po-\\nlitical evil, and a moral wrong. He belonged to the Virginia\\nschool of politics, and saw much public service before remov-\\ning to the West. Popular in his manners, calm in his judg-\\nment and temper, strong in his political and social connec-\\ntions, able and polished in his addresses to his fellow-citizens,\\nWashburne Sketch of Edward Coles, 132, 133.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 3^3\\neasy in his fortune, -which he freely used for the public good,\\nmaking his appeal to the popular reason and conscience rather\\nthan to ignorance and passion, the governor of the State, and\\nresiding at the capital, where he could make his influence\\nfelt he was the very leader who was needed. To him has\\nalways been adjudged the honor of defeating the scheme to\\nmake Illinois a slave State. But the further fact must be\\ntold, that this statesman and benefactor was the object of an\\nunrelenting persecution from the day that he communicated\\nhis views on slavery to the legislature until, shaking the Illi-\\nnois dust from his feet, he removed to Philadelphia, in 1833.\\nMr. Coles removed from Virginia to Illinois, because he would\\nnot longer consent to live in a slave State. He emancipated\\nhis slaves, because he would not longer consent to be the\\nowner of property in man. He took his negroes with him to\\nhis new home, taking good care to make suitable provision\\nfor their material well-being. In executing this benevolent\\npurpose, he failed to conform to the terms of a law, that had\\nnever been published and the existence of which was not\\ncommonly known, regulating the residence of free negroes in\\nthe State. For this offence he was harassed with litigation,\\nand adjudged to pay a fine of $2,000, which, however, was\\nfinally remitted. All in all, it does not seem extravagant to\\nsay that Mr. Coles s arrival in the State, in 18 19, was more\\nimportant in its results than the arrival of any other man since\\nClark summoned Kaskaskia to surrender in 1778.\\nThe slavery struggle in the Northwestern States was\\nwatched with keen interest by statesmen at a distance. Al-\\nbert Gallatin wrote to his Genevan friend Badollet, who had\\nbecome a citizen of that State If you have had a share in\\npreventing the establishment of slavery in Indiana, you will\\nhave done more to that part of the country at least than com-\\nmonly falls to the share of man. And W. H. Crawford of\\nGeorgia, himself a slave-holder, cheered the heart of Gov-\\nCooley Michigan, 135.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "364 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nernor Coles in the Illinois contest with the words Is it pos-\\nsible that your convention is intended to introduce slavery\\ninto the State I acknowledge, if I were a citizen, I should\\noppose it with great earnestness where it has ever been intro-\\nduced it is extremely difficult to get rid of and ought to be\\ntreated with great delicacy. Other reasons for calling a\\nconvention were assigned in the controversy, but slavery was\\nthe only real issue.\\nThe attentive reader of the preceding history will not\\nfail to see several places where events might easily have taken\\nsome other direction. Nor will he fail to ask, With what\\nfinal results What if Ohio had formed a slave-State con-\\nstitution in 1802 What if Illinois had actually made the\\nproposed change in 1824? What would Congress and the\\nSupreme Court, possibly, have done with the hard questions\\nthat would have arisen in such a contingency And if one\\nor both of those States had become slave States, what then\\nWhat would have happened if slave-State men had been in a\\nmajority in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois no one can do more\\nthan conjecture. Fortunately, at the decisive tests the free-\\nState men were in the majority. Moreover, the Ordinance\\nhelped to create that majority as well as to protect it against\\nassault. Governor Reynolds, who had lived in Illinois since\\n1800 and who was* a slave-State man in 1824, although he\\nafterward rejoiced at his own defeat, said, in 1855: This\\nAct of Congress was the great sheet-anchor that secured the\\nStates of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois from slavery. I never\\nhad any doubt but slavery would now exist in Illinois, if it\\nhad not been prevented by this famous Ordinance. Never,\\nperhaps, in the history of political controversy was the advan-\\ntage of winning the victory before the battle was fought more\\nhappily illustrated.\\nIn the sixty-two years following the adoption of the Na-\\ntional Constitution, eighteen new States were brought into\\nWashburne Sketch of Governor Coles, 131. My Own Times.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 3^5\\nthe American Union nine free and nine slave States. Not\\nonly were the numbers of free and slave States equal, but in\\nseveral instances one of each kind came in together, or nearly\\nso, as though they had been born twins. It has long been\\nthe habit, at least in the Northern States, to attribute these\\nso-called double births to the management of statesmen,\\nand particularly Southern statesmen, determined to perpetu-\\nate the balance of freedom and slavery in the Senate and, as\\nfar as possible, in the electoral colleges and in the House of\\nRepresentatives, It is true that, from the first, there were\\nmen who were interested, on general principles, in preserving\\nthis balance; true that the Slave Power, after it came upon\\nthe scene with distinct ideas and purposes of its own, had no\\ngreater interest in any political subject than in this one also\\ntrue that, when it became demonstrably apparent, as it did\\nabout 1 850, that this balance could not be maintained, the more\\nultra- Southerners began to take new interest in the idea of an\\nindependent slave republic. But it is important to observe\\nthat the coming of the Slave Power upon the scene with such\\nideas and purposes was later than the majority of men, prone\\nto carry too far backward the facts with which they are per-\\nsonally^ familiar, suppose. To fix definitely its arrival may\\nbe difificult, or impossible. Certainly, the annexation neither of\\nLouisiana nor of Florida, although the South profited by both,\\nwas a Southern measure. Everything considered, the fittest\\ntime to fix upon is the demand for the annexation of Texas.\\nBut that annexation was as largely the result of Manifest\\nDestiny as of slavery aggression. It is also important to ob-\\nserve that, until the Northern States, like the frozen North\\nin the first centuries, burst their barriers, and poured their\\nfloods of population into the Lake Basin and the upper parts\\nof the Mississippi Valley, which followed the opening of the\\ngreat thoroughfares to the West, of which the Erie Canal was\\nthe first, the West and the South were much more homoge-\\nneous in thought, in temper, and in manners than the West\\nand New England and, even after that flow began in large", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "366 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nvolume, the terms East and West had more political\\nsignificance than the terms North and South. What\\nwas really Western, or, at most, Southern-Western, sentiment\\nhas often been taken for the distinct and peculiar sentiment\\nof the South. It is really worth remembering that, when dis-\\nunion was first heard of, the dividing line proposed ran along\\nthe Alleghany Mountains. Witness the letter written by\\nWashington to Governor Harrison in 1784, already quoted\\nfrom.\\nThe creation of the new free and slave States was due to\\ncauses far more powerful than state-craft. In 1787 the At-\\nlantic Plain and the West marched together from the Gulf of\\nMexico to the Northern Lakes. The northern half of the\\nPlain was free, the southern half slave, soil. The Southern\\npopulation was inferior in numbers to the Northern popula-\\ntion, but it had the advantage of position. As a whole, it\\nwas much nearer to the West. Two of the four channels\\nof Western emigration headed within the limits of the South.\\nA third channel, and for a time the most important of all, be-\\nlonged to the South in common with the North. As a con-\\nsequence, the two kinds of population, taking a term of years\\ntogether, reached the Western country in about equal num-\\nbers, moving mainly along parallels of latitude. Still further,\\nthe line separating free-labor and slave-labor productions, the\\neconomical and political consequences of which Professor J.\\nE. Cairnes so clearly pointed out in his Slave Power, di-\\nvides the West, as it divides the East, into two nearly equal\\nparts. In this respect, therefore, freedom and slavery had\\nabout equal advantages. A still further consideration is, that\\nthe cotton-gin and other mechanical inventions enormously\\nincreased the demand for cotton about the time that the new\\nlands were laid open to settlement. He who considers all\\nthese things, in connection with the facts of Western geography,\\nmust see that the expansion of the areas of freedom and of sla-\\nvery in the United States was due to natural causes, and par-\\nticularly that the organization and admission of States accord-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN THE NORTHWEST. 3^7\\ning to programme, were as much beyond the ken and power of\\nstatesmen as the regulation of the tides and eclipses is beyond\\nthe power of natural philosophers. There were cases when\\nthe admission of States was hastened or retarded somewhat\\nby political management growing out of slavery. But the\\nbalance theory is wholly at variance with the facts pertain-\\ning to the admission of the earlier States. For example,\\nKentucky came into the Union in 1792, and Tennessee in\\n1796, each having a population of seventy-five thousand or\\nmore. Ohio was admitted in 1803, Indiana in 1816, and Illi-\\nnois in 18 18, each with a population of about forty-five thou-\\nsand. The reconciliation of the case of Ohio with the\\nbalance theory, in particular, would require the reversal of\\nall the most important facts connected with its admission.\\nThe population of Kentucky in 1790 was 73,677; of Tennessee, in 1790,\\n35,691 in 1800, 105,602; Ohio, including Michigan, in 1800,45,365; of Indi-\\nana, in iSio, 24,520 in 1820, 147,178; of Illinois, in 1820, 55,162.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "XIX.\\nTHE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE.\\nOne effect of the release and cession of Western lands\\nthat Connecticut made, September 14, 1786, was to leave her\\nin possession of the territory bounded north by the line of\\n42\u00c2\u00b0 2 or, rather, the international line, east by the western\\nboundary of Pennsylvania, south by the forty-first parallel,\\nand west by a line parallel with the eastern boundary and dis-\\ntant from it one hundred and twenty miles supposed, at the\\ntime, to be equal in extent to the Susquehanna tract given to\\nPennsylvania, 1782. Connecticut s claim included both the\\nsoil and the jurisdiction. If the territory belonged to her at\\nall, it belonged to her in a sense as full and absolute as any\\ntown or county within her present limits. This territory\\nConnecticut was said to reserve, and it soon came to be\\ncalled The Connecticut Western Reserve, The Western\\nReserve, etc. These names were popular in their origin, but\\nthey were not long in making their way into legal and histori-\\ncal documents. The disposition to be made of these lands\\nbecame at once an interesting State question.\\nIn October, 1786, a month after the cession, the General\\nAssembly determined to offer the lands lying east of the\\nCuyahoga and Tuscarawas Rivers for sale. It accordingly di-\\nrected that they be surveyed into townships six miles square,\\nfixed terms of sale, dedicated five hundred acres in every\\ntownship to the support of schools and the same quantity to\\nthe support of the Gospel, promised two hundred and forty\\nacres, in fee simple, in every township, to the first minister\\nwho should settle in it, and guaranteed peace and good order", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 369\\nto the settlers under the jurisdiction of the State until it\\nshould resign its jurisdiction to Congress and local govern-\\nment be established. Beyond the Salt-springs Tract of 24,000\\nacres, lying in the Mahoming Valley, sold to General S. H.\\nParsons, which was not surveyed or settled until many years\\nafterward, nothing was done in pursuance of this legislation.\\nOn May 11, 1792, the General Assembly quit-claimed to\\nthe inhabitants of several Connecticut towns who had lost\\nproperty in consequence of the incursions into the State made\\nby the British troops in the Revolution, or their legal repre-\\nsentatives when they were dead, and to their heirs and assigns,\\nforever, 500,000 acres lying across the western end of the Re-\\nserve, bounded north by the lake shore, said lands to be di-\\nvided among the grantees in proportion to their respective\\nlosses as found and reported by a committee previously ap-\\npointed by the assembly. The total number of sufferers, as\\nreported, was i,Sjo, and the aggregate losses, ;^i6i,548 lis.\\n6^d. The grant was of the soil only. These lands are known\\nin Connecticut history as The Sufferers Lands, in Ohio\\nhistory as The Fire Lands. In 1796 the Sufferers were in-\\ncorporated in Connecticut, and in 1803 in Ohio, under the\\ntitle, The Proprietors of the Half-million Acres of Land lying\\nsouth of Lake Erie. In due time the lands were surveyed\\ninto one hundred and twenty tracts, each tract being one-\\nfourth of a township, or about four thousand acres. Next,\\nthe share-holders were arranged in classifications, i, 2, 3, 4,\\netc., up to 120; each classification footing up one one-hun-\\ndred and twentieth part of the whole stock, or ;^i,343 7s.\\nThe tracts of land were now apportioned to the classifica-\\ntions by lot, and a careful registration made of the results.\\nNothing remained for the share-holders making up a classifi-\\ncation to do, but to dispose of the tract of land that they had\\ndrawn, in any manner agreeable to themselves To sell it in an\\nThere were also some broken tracts that were subdivided, and then added\\nto the 120 to equalize them.\\n24", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "370 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nundivided form, to divide it among themselves by agreement,\\nor to resort to the courts for proceedings in partition. Con-\\nnecticut gave no deed to the Fire Lands other than the act of\\nthe legislature making the appropriation and this act, the\\nclassifications, and the record of drawings, all recorded\\nand made legal evidence by the State, are the ultimate title.\\nAn abstract of title, therefore, in Huron or Erie County, O.,\\nalways begins with a statement of the historical circumstances\\nnow recounted. The drawings of the Fire Lands were made\\nNovember 9, 1808, and their settlement began soon after.\\nIn May, 1793, the Connecticut Assembly offered the re-\\nmaining part of the Reserve for sale and in October follow-\\ning it enacted that the moneys received should be a perpet-\\nual fund, the interest of which should be appropriated to the\\nseveral ecclesiastical societies or churches of all denominations\\nin the State, to be by them applied to the support of their re-\\nspective ministers and schools of education. This legislation\\ncaused a profound agitation throughout the State that finally\\nled to its repeal.\\nIn May, 1795, the General Assembly the third time of-\\nfered the lands for sale. It fixed terms and conditions, ap-\\npointed a committee to negotiate the sale, and set apart the\\nproceeds as a perpetual fund, the interest of which should be\\nappropriated to the support of schools. In the September\\nThe Connecticut School Fund, which amounts to something more than two\\nmillion dollars, consists wholly of the proceeds of those lands and of capitalized\\ninterest. Hon. C. D. Hine, the Secretary of the State Board of Education,\\nquestions the current opinion that this fund has promoted the cause of public\\neducation. He says\\nThe School Fund derived from the sale of Western lands yielded an income\\nlast year of $120,855, which amounts to 80 cents for each person of the school-age.\\nThe average expense of educating each of these persons throughout the State is\\n$10.31, so that the fund now furnishes about eight per cent, of the total cost.\\nIn those towns and cities where the people insist upon good schools, no reliance\\nis placed upon these permanent funds. Indeed, the history of our State shows\\nconclusively that at the time when the fund was most productive, yielding $1.40\\nor $1.50 for each person of the school-age, and when towns depended upon it,", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 371\\nfollowing this legislation the committee sold the lands in a\\nbody, without survey or measurement, to thirty-five purchas-\\ners, who severally agreed to pay stipulated sums that, together,\\nmade up twelve hundred thousand dollars, the price of the\\ntract agreed upon. The committee made as many deeds as\\nthere were purchasers. The deed granted to the purchaser,\\nin behalf of the State of Connecticut, and to his heirs forever,\\nall right, title, and interest, juridical and territorial, in and to\\na certain number of twelve hundred-thousandths of the lands\\ndescribed, to be held by the said purchaser as tenant in com-\\nmon of said whole tract or territory with the other purchas-\\ners, and not in severalty. The number of undivided shares\\nthat each purchaser received was the same as the number of\\ndollars that he had agreed to pay toward the purchase-money.\\nThe term purchaser is here used in the legal sense the\\nnumber of persons interested in the purchase being much\\nlarger than the number of purchasers. The sale was made on\\ncredit the purchasers at the time gave their bonds for the\\namount of the several contracts, with personal security, but\\nafterward they gave mortgages on the lands.\\nSuch are some of the more important facts pertaining to\\nthe largest land-sale, so far as the quantity of land sold is\\nconcerned, ever made in the State of Ohio. It was a large\\ntransaction of any kind for the time. Moreover, it was fol-\\nas they generally did, for the support of their schools, the schools themselves\\nwere poor and short. In fact, this was the darkest period of our educational ex-\\nperience. A very striking deterioration took place as soon as the fund became\\nproductive and the income began to be distributed. Before that period schools\\nhad been maintained at least six months, and at most nearly the whole year,\\naccording to the size of the district. After, and not long after, this new source\\nof income was opened, the usual length of schools was reduced to only three\\nmonths, or just the time that this fund would maintain the schools. The sums\\nwhich came as gratuities relieved the people of responsibility and deadened their\\ninterest, until the schools were continued only so long as the charity lasted. Hap-\\npily, the danger from this direction is passed and cannot return. The fund has\\nprobably reached its greatest productiveness, and the per capita will constantly\\ndecrease. The public schools must draw their sustenance from the people who\\nare directly or indirectly benefited by them. The Nation, No. 1076.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "372 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nlowed at once by events of far more than a temporary or local\\ninterest.\\nThe purchasers of the Reserve, most of them belonging\\nto Connecticut, but some to Massachusetts and New York,\\nwere men desirous of trying their fortunes in Western lands.\\nOliver Phelps, perhaps the greatest land-speculator of the\\ntime, was at their head. September 5, 1795, they adopted\\narticles of agreement and association, constituting themselves\\nthe Connecticut Land Company. The company was never\\nincorporated, but was what is called to-day a syndicate.\\nThey divided the stock into four hundred shares of $3,000\\neach. They determined to survey the lands into townships\\nof five miles square. They appointed seven directors and\\nthree trustees, with defined powers and functions. In April,\\n1796, the company adopted a very elaborate method of par-\\ntitioning the lands. Six townships should be offered for sale\\nfor the benefit of the company as such. Four townships should\\nbe surveyed into four hundred tracts of one hundred and\\nsixty acres each, to be distributed among the share-holders\\nby lot. The remaining lands should be divided into equal-\\nized parcels, to be distributed in the same way (i) A cer-\\ntain number of the best townships should be set apart as\\nstandard townships (2) certain other townships and parts\\nof townships should be cut up into tracts, to be added (3) to\\nthe remaining townships to equalize them with the best ones.\\nIn the spring of the same year the directors sent out the\\nfirst party of surveyors, consisting, all told, of fifty persons.\\nThe party assembled at Schenectady, and ascended the Mo-\\nhawk to Fort Stanwix, whence most of them passed, with the\\nboats and stores, over the portage to Wood Creek, and then\\ndown that stream, Oneida Lake, and Oswego River to Lake\\nOntario but some made their way by Canandaigua, then the\\nWestern outpost of civilization on that route, to Buffalo\\nCreek. The British garrison holding Fort Oswego caused\\nthose who went by that route some inconvenience, calling\\nout from one of the surveyors the observation Such are", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 373\\nthe effects of allowing the British Government to exist on\\nthe continent of America. At Buffalo the agent bought\\nof the Indians their remaining claim to the lands cast of the\\nCuyahoga River for ^500, New York currency in trade, two\\nbeef cattle, and one hundred gallons of whiskey. From\\nBuffalo the surveyors made their way westward along the\\nsouth shore of the lake, reaching the mouth of Conneaut\\nCreek, where they fixed their base of operations, July 4th.\\nHere their first act was to celebrate the twentieth anniversary\\nof American Independence, which they did with much enthu-\\nsiasm. Two of the toasts ran thus\\nMay the Port of Independence [as they christened the\\nplace], and the fifty sons and daughters who have entered it\\nthis day, be successful and prosperous. May these sons and\\ndaughters multiply in sixteen years sixteen times fifty.\\nThe settlement of the Western Reserve properly dates\\nfrom this celebration. General Moses Cleaveland, the agent\\nin charge, with a few companions, soon moved on to the west,\\nreaching the mouth of the Cuyahoga River, July 22d, from\\nwhich day there have always been white men on the site of\\nthe city that takes its name from him.^\\nThe western boundary of Pennsylvania, as run ten years\\nbefore, and the parallel forty-one degrees north, now run for\\nthe first time, were the base-lines of the survey. The courses\\nWhittlesey Early History of Cleveland, 174.\\nWhittlesey Early History of Cleveland, 182. In 1810 the population of\\nthe Reserve was 16,092.\\n2 It was in 1830 that a newspaper called The Cleveland Advertiser was estab-\\nlished. In preparing to issue the first number, the editor discovered that the\\nheading was too long to fit the form, and so, in order to adjust it, he dropped\\nout the letter a in the first syllable of the word Cleaveland, and made it\\nread Cleveland. The public at once accepted this change in orthography.\\nRice Sketches of Western Life, 23.\\nThe western boundary of Pennsylvania has an interesting history. As early\\nas the troubles with Virginia, the question arose, From what point on the Del-\\naware shall the five degrees of longitude be measured A glance at the map\\nwill show that different answers to this question would materially affect the\\nState s westward extension. Messrs. Tilghman and Allen, the Pennsylvania", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "374 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nnorth and south were called ranges east and west, town-\\nships. Cleveland is in No. 7 in range 12; that is, the\\nseventh township counting from the southern boundary, and\\nthe twelfth counting from the eastern one. It was several\\nyears before the surveys were finished. The lands and other\\nproperty of the company were drawn in four drafts in 1798,\\n1802, 1807, and 1809. The trustees, to whom all the lands\\nhad been deeded by the share-holders, in trust, in 1795, made\\nthe deeds and with the last draft the company was dis-\\nsolved, having been in existence fourteen years.\\nAs a land-speculation, the purchase of the Reserve was\\nunfortunate. In 1795 the ideas concerning the southern\\nshore of Lake Erie, dating from the old French days, had not\\nbeen corrected and the company supposed they were buy-\\ning 4,000,000 acres of land. The survey proved that they\\nhad bought less than 3,000,000 acres. Instead of thirty\\ncommissioners sent to Williamsburg in 1774, proposed that Mason and Dixon s\\nline be run to a point five degrees from the river, and that from this point a\\nseries of zigzag lines be run northv^ard, similar to the courses of the Delaware.\\nLord Dunmore replied that the Crown could not have intended such a boundary\\nas this, because it was so very inconvenient. The agreement of 1779 provided\\nthat Mason and Dixon s line should be run west five degrees from the river, and\\nthat a meridian line drawn from this point should be the western boundary of\\nPennsylvania. This meridian line was run in 1785 and 1786, Andrew Ellicott\\nbeing the chief engineer. The line between Ohio and Pennsylvania was re-run\\nand re-marked by a joint State commission, beginning in 1878. Virginia really\\nfought the battle of Ohio against Pennsylvania, If the zigzag plan had been\\nadopted, or if a meridian boundary had been run five degrees west of the west-\\nernmost point of the Delaware, Ohio would have shown very differently upon\\nthe map from what it does. The survey of parallel forty-one degrees was not\\ncompleted till 1806. The line departs slightly from the true parallel as it runs\\nwestward but the Surveyor-General advised in 1810 that it he not disturbed.\\nSee Chapman The French in the Alleghany Valley, 197 et seq. Report of the\\njoint commission appointed by the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio to ascertain\\nand re-mark the boundary-line between said States. Whittlesey Western Re-\\nserve Historical Society, Tract No. 61. Historical Collections of the Mahoning\\nValley, L, 517 et seq.\\nThe precise quantity of land in the purchase is matter of dispute. Perhaps\\n2,837,109 acres is the best estimate. The same authority makes the whole Re-\\nserve consist of 3,333,699 acres. Whittlesey, 258, 259.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 375\\ncents an acre, they had paid more than forty cents. The ex-\\npenses of the survey were much heavier than the company\\nanticipated. And, finally, a jurisdictional question, having its\\norigin in the charter of 1662, caused them much vexation and\\npecuniary loss, and even threatened to deprive them of the\\nproperty altogether.\\nThe troubles of the Land Company began almost with its\\nexistence. It will be remembered that the State had sold to\\nthe company the juridical and territorial right, as well as the\\nsoil, of the tract. For a State to alienate the jurisdiction of\\none-half its territory to a company of land-speculators that\\nnever rose to the dignity of a body corporate and politic was\\ncertainly a remarkable proceeding. Whether the subject at-\\ntracted much attention at the time, and, if so, what was the\\ncurrent theory of jurisdiction, are questions very difficult to\\nanswer. Colonel Charles Whittlesey, who studied the early\\nhistory of the Western Reserve with great care, and who was\\nhimself a part of that history, remarks, touching this feature\\nof the transaction So little was known at this time of the\\nrespective powers of the State and of the United States, un-\\nder the Constitution of 1787, that many of the parties thought\\nthe Land Company had received political authority, and\\ncould found here a new State. They imagined themselves,\\nlike William Penn, to be proprietors, coupled with the rights\\nof self-government. He says, also, that both parties to the\\ntransaction imagined that the deed of Connecticut conveyed\\npowers of civil government to the company, and that the\\ngrantees might organize a new State but adds that the\\nUnited States objected to this mode of setting up States.\\nWhittlesey also speaks as though the establishment of a new\\nState by the company was, at one time, a settled purpose.\\nNew Connecticut was to be governed from Hartford, as New\\nEngland had been by the Council of Plymouth, in England.\\nEarly History of Cleveland, 167, 168 Early Civil Jurisdiction on the South\\nShore of Lake Erie, 4.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "37^ THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nA new State was certainly in the air in 1796. The second of\\nthe toasts drunk, in several pails of grog, at the Conneaut\\ncelebration of the Fourth of July was The State of New\\nConnecticut. But what part the company expected to play in\\nestablishing the new State is not very clear. If it ever im-\\nagined itself clothed with juridical and territorial powers, it\\nsoon dismissed such a thought.\\nBy 1800 as many as twenty or thirty settlements had been\\nbegun on the Reserve. The census of that year reports a\\npopulation of 1,302 souls. These facts point to a society,\\nyoung and small, indeed, but active and growing, transacting\\nthe business incident to their condition, and accustomed,\\nwithal, to the forms and machinery of legal government.\\nLands were bought and sold contracts relating to personal\\nservices were entered into marriages were solemnized in vari-\\nous places. But there was no government whatever no laws\\nor records, no magistrates or police. The people were thor-\\noughly trained in civil obedience they were orderly and fully\\ncompetent to govern themselves and yet, in those three or\\nfour years, the need of civil institutions began to be severely\\nfelt. The lack of records, in particular, was a source of much\\nembarrassment.\\nIt is impossible to state whether the relation of the Con-\\nnecticut Reserve to the Territory Northwest of the River\\nOhio was considered in 1787 or not; but Governor St. Clair\\nincluded all that part of it lying east of the Cuyahoga River\\nin Washington County, organized July 26, 1788. In 1796 he\\nincluded the whole Reserve in Wayne County, the county\\nseat of which was Detroit. Once more, July 29, 1797, he in-\\ncluded the eastern part in Jefferson County. St. Clair pro-\\nceeded upon the theory that his jurisdiction extended over\\nlands that had not been ceded to the United States, as well\\nas over lands that had been ceded and perhaps this was the\\nnatural view for him to take, since the Ordinance of 1787\\nmade no discrimination. But it was a view that necessarily\\nbrought on a collision with the Reserve settlers. The erec-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. Z /7\\ntion of Jefferson County coincided with the arrival of settlers\\non the soil, and so became the occasion of the collision.\\nGeneral Parsons caused his deed of the Salt-springs Tract\\nto be recorded at Marietta. Some of those who bought parts\\nof the tract from him did the same. A few deeds were also\\nrecorded at Steubenville, the county seat of Jefferson County.\\nBut the people of the Reserve, with practical unanimity, de-\\nnied the Territorial jurisdiction. The Jefferson County au-\\nthorities sent an agent to inquire into the matter of taxation\\nbut the settlers laughed at him, and he returned to Steuben-\\nville no richer and no wiser than he came. The laughter\\nshowered upon the unfortunate tax-gatherer signified much\\nmore than the familiar disposition to avoid the payment of\\ntaxes. No further attempt was made to extend the Territo-\\nrial jurisdiction over the Reserve until some very important\\nlegislation had been enacted in Philadelphia and in Hartford.\\nThe settlers resisted the authority of the Territory, and so\\nof the United States, in the name of the State of Connecticut.\\nOstensibly, they were defending the right and dignity of that\\nancient commonwealth. But the State herself was indiffer-\\nent to the controversy. She even refused to assert her juris-\\ndiction when the Land Company importuned her to do so.\\nHaving divested herself of the territory, she apparently took\\nlittle further interest in the subject.\\nOn January 27, 1797, only a few days after the first\\nparty of surveyors returned from the Reserve, the stock-\\nholders of the company, at a meeting held in Hartford, in-\\nstructed the directors and trustees to make application to\\nthe General Assembly at the next ensuing session for an\\nact erecting the Western Reserve into an entire and distinct\\ncounty, with proper and suitable laws, to regulate the in-\\nternal policy of said territory for a limited term of time, and\\nthe same to be administered at the sole expense of proprie-\\ntors. Presumably, such an application was made, but the\\nThe quotations from the proceedings of the stock-holders are made from\\nThe Book of Drafts, in the records of Trumbull County, Ohio.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "378 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nGeneral Assembly took no such action. It did not care to\\nrepeat, upon a more distant field, the Westmoreland experi-\\nment. This was the first of several distinct calls that the\\nLand Company made upon the State to exercise the juridical\\nand territorial right that she had formally laid aside.\\nIn October, 1797, the stock-holders gave the directors and\\ntrustees full authority to pursue such measures as they\\ndeemed best calculated to procure legal and practical govern-\\nment over the territory belonging to the company. A new-\\ntack was now taken. The Connecticut Assembly passed an\\nact authorizing its Senators in Congress to execute, in the\\nname of the State, a deed releasing to the United States the\\njurisdiction of the Reserve. On January 12, 1798, Mr. Tracy\\nmoved, in the Senate, the appointment of a committee to take\\ninto consideration the acceptance of such a cession. At the\\nnext session of Congress the Senate, after mature deliberation,\\npassed a bill to that effect, but the House of Representatives\\npostponed it, and the measure fell.\\nMeantime the company was calling for help more and\\nmore loudly. On January 22, 1798, the stock-holders voted\\nthat if Congress should agree to accept from the company\\ntheir juridical right to the Western Reserve, then application\\nshould be made to Governor St. Clair to erect all that part of\\nit to which the Indian title had been extinguished into an\\nentire and distinct county in the Northwest Territory. At\\nthe next meeting, held in October, 1798, the stock-holders in-\\nstructed the directors to appoint an agent to proceed on\\nPhiladelphia to facilitate the acceptance of the jurisdiction.\\nThey voted, also, that in case the application to Congress\\nshould fail, then the directors should pursue the petition of\\nthe company now pending before the General Assembly of\\nthe State, at their next session. In May, 1799, the stock-\\nholders spoke again, and more distinctly than ever.\\nVoted, that the trustees and directors be authorized, and\\nthey are hereby requested, to make out and lay before the", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 379\\nGeneral Assembly of the State, now in session, a statement in\\nwriting of the measures taken by the Company before Con-\\ngress at their last session in endeavoring to obtain an accept-\\nance of the cession of the jurisdiction of the Western Reserve.\\nAlso a statement of the sums of money actually expended by\\nthe Company in surveying lands, cutting roads, and erecting\\nmills. Also the probable sums disbursed by individuals in\\nmaking improvements in different parts of the Reserve the last\\nand present years. Also state the difficulty of making any\\nsales of the lands by the proprietors and enforcing a payment\\nof sales already made arising from the want of government in\\nand over the territory.\\nAnd at still another meeting the directors were instructed\\nto represent to the assembly the ill success of the application\\nto Congress, the continued embarrassed situation of the stock-\\nholders property, the difficulty of raising money out of the\\nland, and to pray the assembly to extend government over\\nthe territory until Congress should accept the cession of juris-\\ndiction, or to grant such other relief as they should think\\nproper.\\nNothing could mark the desperation of the Land Com-\\npany s situation more distinctly than these votes. The stock-\\nholders fly from the assembly to Congress, and from Con-\\ngress to the assembly. Men desiring Western lands would\\nhesitate to purchase in a district where there was no govern-\\nment, and particularly where the right to govern was in dis-\\npute. Men owning lands would hesitate to sell so long as\\npayment could not be enforced. But all this time there was\\nan authority standing ready to extend itself, at a moment s\\nnotice, over the Reserve. All that the Land Company and\\nthe settlers had to do was to let their wants be known to\\nGovernor St. Clair. Connecticut did not restrain them in\\nthe least. Perhaps the company and the settlers would have\\napplied to him for relief had it not been for a question that\\nis never for a moment admitted into the minutes of the com-\\npany s proceedings, but that the man attempting to write the", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "380 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ncivil history of the Western Reserve must bring into the fore-\\nground, viz., the insufficiency of the Connecticut title to the\\nsoil and its relation to the jurisdiction.\\nThe history of the Northwestern cessions need not be\\nagain recited at length. But it is important to observe that\\nthe validity of all the Western land-claims had been by many\\ndenied that the lands ceded and the lands reserved by Con-\\nnecticut had all been claimed by New York and Virginia;\\nthat the acceptance of the partial cession made by Connecti-\\ncut in 1786 had been strongly opposed in Congress, on the\\nground that such acceptance would be a guarantee of the reser-\\nvation and that, in consequence, a cloud rested on the title\\nto the Reserve. The situation was perfectly understood at\\nthe time the sale and purchase were made. The State only\\nquit-claimed to the Land Company her own right and title\\nto the territory, and received a consideration from the com-\\npany that was graduated with reference to the title. The\\nchange of owners excited new doubts rather than allayed old\\nones. The survey of the lands, the inflow of population, and\\nthe attempt to embrace the Reserve in the Territorial jurisdic-\\ntion kept the subject before men s minds. Thus, the original\\ndoubt as to the title tended to cast a shadow on every land-\\ntransaction within the district. These facts do not appear in\\nthe minutes of the stock-holders meetings but the question\\nwhether the company could make valid titles caused as much\\ndifficulty in making sales of lands as the want of a govern-\\nment to protect society and to enforce contracts. Further-\\nmore, Connecticut held the soil before 1795 by the same title\\nthat she held the jurisdiction and if the jurisdiction was in\\nthe United States after 1786, then the ownership of the soil\\nwas there too. Accordingly, the extension of the Territorial\\nGovernment over the Reserve was a real, though not an in-\\ntended, menace to the Connecticut title that the company\\nand the settlers alike could do no less than resist. The com-\\npany s situation was, therefore, much more serious than the\\nresolutions quoted above imply. It needed to have the ques-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 38 1\\ntion of ownership settled as much as it needed to have a gov-\\nernment established.\\nWhat the terms of the Senate bill of 1798-99 were is\\nknown only inferentially. The title shows that it authorized\\nthe acceptance by the United States, from the State of Con-\\nnecticut, of a cession of the jurisdiction over the Reserve. It\\nmust also have contained a cession by the United States to\\nthe State of Connecticut of the soil of the Reserve. Without\\nsuch a guarantee, the position of the company as to titles\\nwould have been weakened rather than strengthened, and\\nperhaps subverted altogether.\\nOn February 18, 1800, Mr. Brace, of Connecticut, offered\\nin the House of Representatives a resolution creating a com-\\nmittee to take into consideration the expediency of accepting\\nthe cession of jurisdiction. A few days later such a com-\\nmittee was appointed, with John Marshall, of Virginia, soon\\nafterward made Chief Justice of the United States, as chair-\\nman. Marshall s report covers five of the ample pages of the\\nState Papers. More than three-fourths of this report is a\\nmere transcript of one made to the Senate the year before by\\nMr. Reed but, since it had Marshall s approval and was the\\nbasis of the subsequent action of Congress, it is the most\\nauthoritative paper ever devoted to the discussion of Con-\\nnecticut s title to the lands within her charter-limits west of\\nPennsylvania. It recites the history of the charters from 1606\\nto 1664; considers the controversy between England and\\nFrance, closed by the treaty of 1763 mentions the Quebec\\nAct; recounts the boundary-disputes between Connecticut and\\nNew York, and Connecticut and Pennsylvania relates the\\nhistory of the cessions, followed by the acts of the Connecticut\\nLegislature pertaining to the Reserve, and the sale to the Land\\nCompany. The company have paid $100,000 of interest on\\nthe purchase-money, and expended $80,000 on the survey and\\nvarious improvements. Thirty-five settlements have been\\nPublic Lands, I., 94,", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "382 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmade, containing a population of about a thousand people.\\nThe dilemma of the company is stated in a single sentence\\nAs the purchasers of the land commonly called the Connecti-\\ncut Reserve hold their title under the State of Connecticut,\\nthey cannot submit to the government established by the\\nUnited States in the Northwestern Territory, without endan-\\ngering their titles, and the jurisdiction of Connecticut could\\nnot be extended over them without much inconvenience.\\nThe report closes with the declaration that, in the opinion of\\nthe committee, the offer of the jurisdiction ought to be ac-\\ncepted on the terms and conditions specified in the accom-\\npanying bill. The aim throughout is to establish the validity\\nof the Connecticut title. Connecticut is seized of the juris-\\ndiction she could set up a government on the Reserve if she\\nchose to do so it is far better to merge the jurisdiction in\\nthe Northwest Territory such is the logic of the report.\\nThe bill as passed authorized the President, in the name\\nand in behalf of the United States, to execute and deliver to\\nthe Governor of Connecticut letters patent whereby the right,\\ntitle, interest, and estate of the United States to the territory\\ncommonly called the Western Reserve should be released and\\nconveyed to the said Governor and his successors in office,\\nfor the purpose of quieting the grantees and purchasers under\\nsaid State of Connecticut, and confirming their titles to the\\nsoil of the said tract of land provided, however, that Con-\\nnecticut should, within eight months from the passage of the\\nact, by a legislative act, renounce forever all territorial and\\njurisdictional claims whatever to the soil and jurisdiction of\\nany and all lands lying westward, southwestward, and north-\\nwestward of the eastern line of the State of New York, as\\nascertained by the agreement of 1733 between New York\\nand Connecticut, excepting from such renunciation only the\\nWestern Reserve provided, further, that the State of Con-\\nnecticut should also, within eight months, execute and de-\\nliver to the President a deed expressly releasing to the United\\nStates the jurisdictional claim of the said State of Connecti-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 383\\ncut to the Reserve provided, also, that this act shall not be\\nconstrued to pledge the United States for extinguishment of\\nthe Indian title to the said lands, or further than merely to pass\\nthe title of the United States thereto. Another proviso\\nwas added, on motion of Mr. Gallatin, that the act should\\nnot be construed in any manner to question the conclusive\\nsettlement of the dispute between Pennsylvania and Con-\\nnecticut by the Federal Court at Trenton in 1782.\\nThis bill was vehemently opposed in both Houses of Con-\\ngress, Mr. Cooper, of New York, first moved to postpone it\\nuntil the next session, and then to amend it in such a way as\\nto make it obnoxious to the Pennsylvania members. Mr.\\nElmendorf, of the same State, also moved an amendment in\\nthe spirit of obstruction. Mr. Marshall made a lengthy speech\\nin favor of the bill and against the Elmendorf amendment.\\nMr. Randolph and Mr. Nicholas, both of Virginia, made long\\nspeeches against the principle of the bill. Elmendorf ar-\\ngued at great length against the validity of Connecticut s\\nclaim to the lands, and Mr. Bird, of New York, and Mr. Ran-\\ndolph followed on the same side. The bill passed the House\\nayes, 54 nays, 36. In the Senate an amendment to make\\nthe execution and delivery of the letters patent contingent\\nupon a decision by the Supreme Court of the United States\\naflfirming the validity of the Connecticut claim, was lost ayes,\\n10; nays, 15. The bill passed the Senate ayes, 15; nays,\\n10. President Adams s approval, given April 28, 1800, made\\nthe bill a law.\\nThe questions arise Why such a determined opposition\\nto this measure What objection could be urged against\\na bill that seems so reasonable and so necessary? Not a\\nscrap of the speeches made on either side has been preserved,\\nand the entries in the Journals and the Annals are al-\\nways brief, and often obscure. At the same time, there is no\\ndifficulty in reading between the lines the general grounds\\nof objection.\\nThere was no reason why the surrender and acceptance", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "384 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nof the jurisdiction should provoke opposition nor did it. It\\nwas the release and conveyance to Connecticut of the right,\\ntitle, interest, and estate of the United States that made all\\nthe trouble. Marshall s report was written to establish the\\nvalidity of Connecticut s claim, and the bill proposed, virt-\\nually, to guarantee that claim. It could be argued, in oppo-\\nsition, that the lands in question belonged to the United\\nStates: (i) Because the British Crown had ceded them in\\n1783 or (2) because New York had ceded them in 1781 or\\n(3) because Virginia had ceded them in 1784. A certain\\ntemptation to deny the Connecticut title, and to hold that the\\nlands were a part of the national domain, arose from their\\ncommercial value. Then an objector might argue that, since\\nthe cession and the reservation of 1786 were final, and since\\nboth the soil and the jurisdiction belonged to Connecticut,\\nCongress had nothing to do with the matter and that the\\nState, the Land Company, and the settlers must get out of\\ntheir troubles the best way they could. It could also be ob-\\njected that the passing of a title from the Nation to the State\\nwas unnecessary, because if Connecticut owned the jurisdic-\\ntion she also owned the soil. Marshall s report and the ac-\\ncompanying bill were not logically consistent. The more\\ncogently Marshall reasoned to show the validity of the Con-\\nnecticut title, the more conclusively did he prove that it was\\nunnecessary for Congress to release the soil. If the United\\nStates owned the soil she also owned the jurisdiction, and\\nif Connecticut owned the jurisdiction she, or those to whom\\nshe had released it, also owned the soil. The Land Com-\\npany s resolutions speak of surrendering the jurisdiction and\\nof the establishment of government the quieting act pro-\\nposes to surrender the title of the United States to the soil\\non certain terms and conditions, one of which is the sur-\\nrender of jurisdiction. Moreover, Congress, by releasing its\\nright and title to Connecticut, would, by implication, deny\\nthat either New York or Virginia had ceded the Reserve, and\\nso deny that either of them had any right or title to it pre-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 3^5\\nvious to Its cession. Furthermore, since New York s title was\\nlater than Connecticut s, this, in effect, would be holding that\\nNew York s whole Western claim, from the Lakes to the\\nCumberland Mountains, had been baseless. New York and\\nVirginia had now no more pecuniary interest in the question\\nat issue than any other States, but they would naturally re-\\nsent any action on the part of Congress that threatened to\\ninvalidate their historical position. A denial of New York s\\nclaim to the Western Reserve would be a denial of her claim\\nto all the Western lands whatsoever. Moreover, such denial\\nwould really extend as far east as the Delaware River, for\\nthat river was the eastern boundary of the original Western\\nclaims of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Such denials could\\nindeed no longer have any practical bearing, since these points\\nof controversy had been adjusted, but it would still be a re-\\nflection upon New York s original title that her representa-\\ntives would be apt to repel. Then the guarantee of the Re-\\nserve to Connecticut would be very galling to Virginia; for\\nthe Old Congress had stubbornly refused to guarantee her\\nclaims southeast of the Ohio River. And, finally, the bill was\\nbased on a new principle; hitherto Congress had never, in a\\nsingle instance, strengthened the Western title of a State\\ngrowing out of the old charters.\\nWithin the compass of the foregoing remarks, no doubt,\\nthe objections to the quieting act of 1800 lay.\\nThe quieting act had been anticipated. On the day that Congress accepted\\nthe Connecticut cession, Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, made a motion, that was\\nlost, declaring that Congress could not accept it, since to do so would be a ratifi-\\ncation of the part not ceded but reserved, and closing with this resolution, which\\nonce more stirs the embers of old controversies\\nResolved, that when the State of Connecticut shall cede and re-\\nlease to the United States, and to the States of New York and Pennsylvania,\\nrespectively, all the claim of the said State of Connecticut to jurisdiction and\\nproperty of territory westward of the eastern boundary of the State of New York,\\nthe United States in Congress assembled will thereupon grant, release and con-\\nfirm to the State of Connecticut, the property, but not the jurisdiction of the ter-\\nritory and tract or land described as follows [then describing the reservation].\\n25", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "386 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe geographical distribution of the opposition to this\\nact throws light upon its animus. The attacks upon the bill\\nin the House of Representatives were made by Bird, Cooper,\\nand Elmendorf, of New York and by John Nicholas and\\nJohn Randolph, of Virginia. Of New York s ten votes eight\\nwere thrown against the bill, and none for it. Of the twelve\\nVirginia votes the bill received but three. Pennsylvania gave\\nten of her twelve votes for the bill, and none against it. But\\nPennsylvania had never been a claimant State, and had no\\nState dignity to uphold. It might, perhaps, be expected that\\nMassachusetts would be disinclined to see the seal of con-\\ngressional approval set on the Connecticut claim, but she had\\nnever claimed the Reserve, or any part of it, as both the\\nother States had done. Many of her people were seeking\\nhomes on the Reserve, some members of the Land Company\\nwere Massachusetts men, and she would naturally be in-\\nfluenced more or less by good neighborhood. Massachusetts\\ngave fourteen votes for the bill. In the Senate, not a vote\\nfor the measure came from either New York or Virginia.\\nFinally, it is not impossible that there was a partisan\\nanimus in the opposition Connecticut was strongly Federalist\\nin politics, while most of the opposition belonged to the Jef-\\nfersonian school.\\nThe General Assembly of Connecticut promptly complied\\nwith the conditions of the quieting act. It passed an act re-\\nnouncing the State s claims to all lands lying west of the\\nboundary-line between Connecticut and New York as agreed\\nupon in 1733, except the Reserve, both soil and jurisdiction,\\nand authorizing and directing the Governor of the State to\\nexecute and deliver to the President of the United States a\\ndeed conveying to the United States the jurisdiction of the\\nReserve. On May 30, 1800, Governor Trumbull performed\\nthis duty, and soon after President Adams executed and de-\\nlivered letters patent releasing all the right, claim, and inter-\\nest of the United States to the soil. The renunciation of\\nthe State s claim to all lands west of the line of 1733, except", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 387\\nthe Reserve, was a surrender of the Gore to New York,\\nand it brought to a sudden end the suits that holders of the\\nWard and Halsey titles had brought in the Circuit Court of\\nthe United States to eject the occupants with New York\\ntitles. Such was the solution of the last puzzle growing out\\nof the from-sea-to-sea charters.\\nThe longer one looks into the situation of the Connecti-\\ncut Land Company from 1797 to 1800 the more trying he\\nsees it to have been. The interest was running on their obli-\\ngations, but they could not effect sales, or could effect but\\nfew. Then, when the subject was finally brought forward in\\nCongress, there was abundant opportunity for constitutional\\nmetaphysics and legal hair-splitting. Logically inconsistent\\nas were the two principles of the quieting act, and reversing\\nas that act did the policy of the Old Congress, it gave the\\nState of Connecticut, the Land Company, and the people of\\nthe Reserve, a happy escape from difficulties that were already\\nserious, and that threatened grave disaster. The act is a good\\nexample of the Anglo-Saxon habit of disregarding logical re-\\nfinements and legal technicalities and of pursuing the direct\\ncommon-sense road to a just end. It could have been suc-\\ncessfully defended on broad grounds of public policy. The\\nforemost champion of the act was John Marshall and when\\nwe recall that he was a Virginian, and that he had great in-\\nfluence in the House of Representatives, particularly on legal\\nquestions, it does not seem too much to say that the Western\\nReserve is indebted to him for the institution of civil govern-\\nment and for a perfect system of land-titles. At all events,\\nMarshall s name is connected with its history in an interest-\\ning way.\\nOn July ro, 1800, Governor St. Clair issued a proclama-\\ntion constituting the whole Reserve a county, with the name\\nof Trumbull. Rather, he bounded the county on the north\\nby the parallel 42\u00c2\u00b0 2 north latitude, which was carr ing it\\nsome distance beyond the international boundary-line and in-\\nvading the British dominions. Next, the Governor appointed", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "388 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\na probate judge and justices of the quorum for the new coun-\\nty. The first Court of Quarter Sessions sat at Warren, the\\ncounty seat, on the fourth Monday of August, iSoo, at which\\ntime the county was organized. The first election was held\\nat the same place on the second Tuesday of October, when\\nthe electors of the county, by thirty-eight votes out of forty-\\ntwo, chose a representative in the Territorial Legislature.\\nCivil government on the Western Reserve was at last estab-\\nlished. The first act in the long series leading to its estab-\\nlishment was performed at Whitehall, in 1662, by the third\\nStuart the last act, at Warren, O., in 1800, by the forty-two\\nbackwoods electors.\\nThe development of the Western Reserve has been as\\ngratifying as its beginning was discouraging. Its area is\\nabout five thousand square miles, its population about six\\nhundred thousand souls. It is a trifle larger than Connecti-\\ncut, but has a somewhat smaller population. No other five\\nthousand square miles of territory in the United States, lying\\nin a body outside of New England, ever had, to begin with,\\nso pure a New England population. No similar territory\\nwest of the Alleghany Mountains has so impressed the brain\\nand conscience of the country. No other district gives so fine\\nan opportunity to study the development of the New Eng-\\nland character under Western conditions. In externals, the\\ncolonists, a majority of whom came from Connecticut, repro-\\nduced New England in Northeastern Ohio, It has long been\\nremarked that, in some respects, the Western Reserve is\\nmore New England than New England herself. Mr. John\\nFiske found the illustration that he wanted of an early feat-\\nure of English life in Euclid Avenue, Cleveland. There is\\nalso an undeniable continuity of intellectual and moral life.\\nBut the southern shore of Lake Erie is not the northern\\nThe population of the Reserve in 1880 was 536,832 of Connecticut, 622,700.\\nAmerican Political Ideas, 22.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 389\\nshore of Long Island Sound New Connecticut is not a re-\\nproduction of Old Connecticut.\\nThe position of Connecticut in history is a most honor-\\nable one, quite disproportionate to her territorial area, or to the\\nnumbers of her population. Far should it be from a man of\\nConnecticut descent to speak slightingly of the commonwealth\\nof his fathers. But the Connecticut of 1796 was dominated\\nby class influences and ideas a heavy mass of political and\\nreligious dogma rested upon society an inveterate conserva-\\ntism fettered both the actions and the thoughts of men. The\\nchurch and the town were but different sides of the same\\nthing. The town was a close corporation and the man who\\ndid not belong to it, either by birth or formal naturalization,\\ncould be a resident of it only on sufferance. The yearly in-\\nauguration of the governor is said to have been an occasion\\nof solemn import and unusual magnificence. Connecticut\\nFederalism was the most ironclad variety anywhere to be\\nfound, unless in Delaware. In 1804 the General Court im-\\npeached several justices of the peace who had the temerity to\\nattend a Jeffersonian convention in New Haven. Mechanics\\nwere accounted vulgar farming was the respectable\\ncalling; leading men had an extraordinary influence and\\nold families were the pride and the weakness of their re-\\nspective localities. The militia captain and the deacon were\\nlocal magnates. Congregationalism was an established re-\\nligion and how restive the Episcopalians, the Baptists, the\\nSandemanians, the Methodists, and other dissenting churches,\\nand men of no church, were, under its reign, a glance through\\na file of old Connecticut newspapers will show. For years\\nthe General Assembly refused to charter Episcopalian and\\nMethodist colleges. President Quincy paints this picture of\\na Sabbath morning in Andover, Mass.\\nThe whole space before the meeting house was filled with\\na waiting, respectful, and expecting multitude. At the mo-\\nment of service, the pastor issued from his mansion, with Bible", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "390 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nand manuscript sermon under his arm, with his wife leaning\\non one arm, flanked by his negro man on his side, as his wife\\nwas by her negro woman, the little negroes being distributed,\\naccording to their sex, by the side of their respective parents.\\nThen followed every other member of the family according to\\nage and rank, making often, with family visitants, somewhat\\nof a formidable procession. As soon as it appeared, the con-\\ngregation, as if led by one spirit, began to move towards the\\ndoor of the church, and before the procession reached it all\\nwere in their places. As soon as the pastor entered, the whole\\ncongregation rose and stood until he was in the pulpit and his\\nfamily were seated. At the close of the service the congrega-\\ntion stood until he and his family had left the church. Fore-\\nnoon and afternoon the same course of proceeding was had.\\nOf course, such magnificence as this w^as unusual but the\\npassage well marks the awful consequence with which the\\nNew England mind, in that period, invested the parson. All\\nthe conservatism of Connecticut rallied around the venerable\\ncharter of 1662, holding it as sacred as the Trojans ever held\\nthe Palladium and the party which broke down the charter\\nand set up the constitution of 18 18 were called The Tolera-\\ntionists.\\nIt is plain that at the close of the last century Connecti-\\ncut had shelled over. While a desire to break through this\\nshell was the motive that sent many a man and family to the\\nWest, the whole emigration still brought much of the old\\nconservatism and dogma to Ohio. But these people had not\\nbeen long in their new home before they began to feel the\\nthrobbings of a new life, and they soon began to do things\\nthat in their old home they would never have dreamed of\\ndoing. As early as 1832, President Storrs and his assistants\\nin the faculty of Western Reserve College were preaching\\nand lecturing against slavery, at Hudson. Those sermons\\nand lectures were the real beginning of anti-slavery propa-\\nNorth American Review, No. CCL,, 13, 14.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "THE CONNECTICUT WESTERN RESERVE. 391\\ngandism in Northern Ohio. How much the anti-slavery\\nmen of the East counted upon Storrs s co-operation is shown\\nby Whittier s pathetic elegy written on Storrs s too early death.\\nEarly in its history, the name of Oberlin became synonymous\\nwith Abolitionism throughout the country. Giddings upheld\\nanti-slavery principles in Congress when there was none but\\nJohn Quincy Adams to support him. Full fifty years ago\\nthe Reserve had a more definite anti-slavery character than\\nany other equal extent of territory in the United States. A\\nliberalizing tendency may also be traced in religion. The\\nCalvinistic rigidity of the churches was softened. The new\\ntheology sounded out from Oberlin, while that seat of learn-\\ning was still hidden in the woods, was even more hateful to\\nNew England orthodoxy than the new theology sounded out\\nfrom Andover is to-day. Dissenting bodies, as they would\\nhave been in Connecticut Baptists, Methodists, and Disciples\\ngained a foothold and multiplied in numbers. And the\\nsame in education. Men on whom the awful shadow of Yale\\nand Harvard had fallen, begun at Oberlin the first collegiate\\nco-education experiment tried in the world. Both at Oberlin\\nand at Hudson the finality of the old educational rubrics was\\ndenied, and new studies were introduced into the curricula.\\nThe common school, the academy, the college, the church,\\nthe newspaper, the debating society, and the platform stimu-\\nlated the mental and moral life of the people to the utmost.\\nThe Reserve came to have a character all its own. Men\\nwith new ideas hastened to it as to a seed-bed. Men with\\nreforms and causes to advocate found a willing audi-\\nence. Later years have brought new elements; but to-day\\nthe mail clerks on the Lake Shore Railroad are compelled to\\nquicken their motions the moment they enter its borders from\\neither east or west. Adapting the language that General J.\\nD. Cox once used, there are in Northeastern Ohio the straits\\nin a great moral Gulf Stream. Between Lake Erie and the\\nOhio, from Pittsburg to Chicago, has been compressed a hu-\\nman tide fed by the overflow of New England, the Middle", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "392 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nStates, and Europe. Beyond Lake Michigan this stream\\nwidens out, fan-like, northwest and southwest, from Mani-\\ntoba to the Arkansas River and breaks over the ridges of\\nthe Rocky Mountains in streams that reach the Pacific Coast.\\nWherever it has gone this stream has carried the thought-\\nseeds gathered from the banks of the straits through which\\nit rushes. But the Reserve has been conservative as well\\nas radical. Since Elisha Whittlesey took his seat, in 1828,\\nthe Nineteenth Ohio Congressional District has been repre-\\nsented in Congress by but five men. In 1872 the greatest of\\nthese five men, in addressing the convention that had just\\nnominated him for the sixth time, said for more than half a\\ncentury the people of the district had held and expressed\\nbold and independent opinions on all public questions, yet\\nthey had never asked their representative to be the mere echo\\nof the party voice. They supported and defended their rep-\\nresentative in maintaining an independent position in the\\nNational Legislature, and whenever he acted with honest and\\nintelligent courage in the interests of truth, they generously\\nsustained him even when he differed from them in minor\\nmatters of opinion and policy. The old charge of isms\\nand extravagance cannot be wholly denied but, on the\\nwhole, the plain people, while throwing much of the New\\nEngland ballast overboard, and crowding their canvas, have\\nheld the rudder so true as to avoid dangerous extremes. The\\nhistorian finds small occasion to defend them on the ground\\nthat somewhat of folly and fanaticism always attend a peo-\\nple s emancipation.\\nThe Oberlin Jubilee, 290, 291.\\nGarfield Works, II., 30, 31.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "XX.\\nA CENTURY OF PROGRESS.\\nCharles Sumner once gathered, in a celebrated article,\\nsome of the happier prophecies concerning America. He\\nmight have made a similar collection of the less happy ones,\\nthat would have been quite as instructive and more curious.\\nHad he done so, he might have come upon some of the fol-\\nlowing about the Great West.\\nFew of Dr. Franklin s contemporaries had his grasp of the\\nWestern question. But even Franklin s prescience was not\\nequal to his subject. He saw that east of the Mississippi\\nand south of the Lake and the St. Lawrence there was room\\nenough for a hundred millions of people; but this must\\ntake some centuries to fulfil. When the question of fixing\\na permanent seat of government was under discussion in\\nCongress, in 1789, much was said of the centre of population.\\nMr. Goodhue, of Massachusetts, said he believed this centre\\nwould not vary considerably for ages yet to come, because\\nhe supposed it would constantly increase more toward the\\nEastern and manufacturing States than toward the Southern\\nand agricultural ones, not taking the West into account at\\nall. At that time the centre of population was twenty-five\\nmiles east of Baltimore and little did the men who took\\npart in that debate dream that it would move steadily west-\\nward along the thirty-ninth parallel at the nearly uniform\\nrate of five miles a year, and that, in a century, it would be\\nmuch nearer the Mississippi River than the Alleghany Moun-\\ntains. Fisher Ames said, in the same debate, that when the\\nProphetic Voices about America, the Atlantic Monthly, XX., 275.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "394 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nalmost immeasurable wilderness of the Ohio would be set-\\ntled, or how it could possibly be governed, was past calcu-\\nlation that it was romantic to make the decision of the\\ncapital question turn upon that circumstance and that it\\nwould be near a century before the people of that region\\nwould be considerable. In 1825 Mr. Dickerson, of New Jer-\\nsey, discussing in the Senate the occupation of Oregon, said\\nthe territory could never be a State in the Union, and went\\ninto an elaborate calculation to prove the physical impossi-\\nbility of a man s representing the Valley of the Columbia in\\nCongress, since he would be the whole year, travelling at the\\nrate of thirty miles a day, making the overland journey to\\nWashington and back and affirmed that it would be more\\nexpeditious to double Cape Horn or to pass through the\\nArctic Ocean. It is true, he added, this passage is not yet\\ndiscovered, except upon our maps, but it will be as soon as\\nOregon shall be a State. If any man had a large conception\\nof the West, it was Henry Clay, yet Mr. Clay said, in 1832\\nWe may anticipate that long, if not centuries, after the\\npresent day, the representatives of our children s children\\nmay be deliberating in the halls of Congress on laws relating\\nto the public lands. Even men who have lived in an age\\nof wonders often think that wonders will cease with them.\\nDefending the Treaty of Washington, in 1846, Daniel Webster\\nsaid We have heard a vast deal lately of the commercial\\nvalue of the River Columbia and its occupation but I will un-\\ndertake to say that for all purposes of human use the St. Johns\\nis worth a hundred times as much as the Columbia is, or ever\\nwill be. We wonder at such feeble prophecies but, although\\nwe have seen the progress that so far outran the highest antic-\\nipations of our fathers a progress each decade of which has\\nbeen a new morn risen on high noon our own visions of the\\nnext century may fall as far short of the reality. The possibil-\\nities of the United States, and particularly of the Great West,\\nunder a free and stable government, in an age of stupendous ma-\\nterial development, defied the forecast of the wisest statesmen.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS.\\n395\\nTable Showing the Population ok the Northwestern States, the Per\\nCent, of Increase, their Rank among the States of the Union,\\nANP THE Number of People to a Square Mile, for the Census\\nYears i 800- 1880.\\n1800.\\nPopulation\\nPer cent, of increase\\nRank\\nNumber per square mile.\\n1810.\\nPopulation\\nPer cent of increase\\nRank\\nNumber per square mile\\n1820.\\nPopulation\\nPer cent, of increase\\nRank\\nNumber per square mile.\\n1830.\\nPopulation\\nPer cent, of increase\\nRank\\nNumber per square mile\\n1840.\\nPopulation\\nPer cent, of increase\\nRank\\nNumber per square mile\\n1850.\\nPopulation\\nPer cent, of increase\\nRank\\nNumber per square mile.\\ni860.\\nPopulation\\nPer cent, of increase\\nRank\\nNumber per square mile.\\n1870.\\nPopulation\\nPer cent, of increase\\nRank\\nNumber per square mile.\\nOhio.\\nPopulation\\nPer cent, of increase\\nRank\\nNumber per square mile.\\nPopulation\\n1887.\\n42,161\\n18\\n230,760\\n408.6\\n5-7\\n581,295\\n151.9\\nS\\n14-3\\n937.903\\n61.3\\n1,519.467\\n62\\n3\\n37-3\\n80,329\\n30.3\\n3\\n48.6\\n3\\n57-4\\n2,665,260\\n13.9\\n3\\n65-3\\n3,198,062\\n19.9\\n3\\n78.5\\n3,600,000\\nIndi-\\nana,\\n34.520\\n339-6\\n197,178\\n502.2\\n18\\n4.1\\n343.031\\n133\\n13\\n9.6\\n685,866\\n99.9\\n988,416\\n44.1\\n7\\n27-5\\n1,350,428\\n36.6\\n6\\n37.6\\n1,680,637\\n24.4\\n1,978,301\\n17-7\\n6\\n55- 1\\n2,300,000\\nIllinois.\\n12,282\\n55.162\\n349-1\\n157.44s\\n185.4\\n476,183\\n202.4\\n14\\n8.5\\n851,470\\n78.8\\n1,711.951\\nlOI\\nMichi-\\ngan.\\n30.6\\n2,539,891\\n48.3\\n4\\n45-3\\n3.077,871\\n2t.I\\n4\\n55\\n4,762\\n25\\n8,765\\n84\\n27\\n3\u00c2\u00bb.639\\n260.9\\n212,267\\n570.9\\n23\\n3-7\\n397.654\\n87.3\\n20\\n6.9\\n1,184,059\\n58\\n1,636.937\\n38.2\\n9\\n28.5\\nWiscon- Total of\\nsin. five States.\\n842,400\\n1,470,018\\n2,924,728\\n305,391\\n886.8\\n24\\n5.6\\n775,881\\n154\\n15\\n14.2\\n1,054,670\\n35-9\\n15\\n19.3\\n1,315.497\\n34.7\\n16\\n1,650,000\\n4,523,260\\n6,926,884\\nTotal,\\nUnited\\nStates.\\n5,308,483\\n7,289,884\\n9.633.822\\n12,866,020\\n17,069,453\\n23,191,867\\n9,124,517 38,588,371\\n11,206,668 150,155,783\\n12,800,000\\n60,602,000\\nFisher The Essentials of Geography for the School Year 1887-88.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "39^ THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nNorth America is the marvel of human progress the old\\nNorthwest the marvel of North America. No other region\\nof equal size ever made such progress in one hundred years.\\nThe theme requires a volume nothing more can here be done\\nthan to state the results that have been reached in some prin-\\ncipal lines of development. Population comes first.\\nOne of the interesting features of this table is the great\\nstrides with which Ohio made her way to the third rank\\namong the States in the Union.\\nThe population of the five States in 1880 consisted of\\n5,758,244 males, and 5,453,464 females. Ohio had the largest\\nproportion of females, 98,152 to 100,000 males; and Michigan\\nthe smallest, 89,821 the ratio in the whole country being\\n96,544 to 100,000. The native population was 9,290,038; the\\nforeign-born, 1,916,630. The foreign-born to 100,000 natives\\nwere, in Ohio, 14,089 Indiana, 7,860; Illinois, 23,396 Mich-\\nigan, 31,119; Wisconsin, 44,584. The ratio in the United\\nStates was 15,368 foreign-born to 100,000 natives. In Mich-\\nigan the greater number of the foreign-born were British\\nAmericans, of whom this State had a larger proportion than\\nany other in the Union. The large foreign element in Illinois\\nand Wisconsin is principally due to the attraction of their ag-\\nricultural advantages for German and Scandinavian emigrants.\\nThe census-maps showing in five degrees of density the dis-\\ntribution of the population of the United States at the census-\\nyears, illustrates in a striking manner what has been said in\\nprevious chapters concerning Western emigration and develop-\\nment, and particularly concerning the early superior advan-\\ntages of the Ohio Valley as compared with the Lake region.\\nIn 1790 the island of color lying in Southwestern Pennsylva-\\nnia extends its edge across the Ohio River below Pittsburg.\\nPin-points of color appear at the mouth of the Muskingum,\\non the Wabash, and in the Illinois. In 1800 the patches of\\ncolor on the white surface have increased in size, and some\\nof them have deepened. Chillicothe, Cincinnati, Conneaut,\\nCleveland, and Detroit appear. In 18 10 two-thirds of Ohio is", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF TROGRESS. 39/\\ncolored, some of the color representing a population of from\\neighteen to forty-five and some from six to eighteen, but the\\nlarger part from two to six to the square mile. The Vin-\\ncennes settlements extend to the Ohio River, and a belt of\\npopulation appears along the eastern line of Indiana, one-\\nhalf the length of the State. The Illinois population has ex-\\ntended over a larger area, both up and down the river and\\nback from it. A stroke of color extends along the western\\nside of the Detroit River, and specks appear at Mackinaw, at\\nthe Saut, at Green Bay, and at the mouth of the Wisconsin.\\nIn 1S20 all of Ohio but the northwestern quarter, the southern\\nthird of Indiana, the southern fourth of Illinois are settled\\nmore or less densely. A line of light color curves around the\\nhead of Lake Erie from the mouth of the Cuyahoga to the\\nhead of Lake St. Clair. In 1830 a white patch, of consider-\\nable size, appears in Northwestern Ohio. The northern third\\nof Indiana is white, with a colored island at Fort Wayne. In\\nIllinois tjie settlements have extended north from the Ohio\\nand east from the Mississippi, covering about one-half the\\nState. A red spot appears in the Northwest, in the region of\\nthe lead mines, and crosses the boundary into Wisconsin. The\\nDetroit settlements have grown in every direction, and a con-\\nsiderable population has appeared in the southwestern part of\\nMichigan, extending into Northern Indiana. In 1840 not a\\nwhite spot is left in Ohio. Nearly all Indiana and Illinois\\nare colored. Michigan and Wisconsin are crossed by varying\\nbands of color as high as the latitude of Port Huron and\\nMadison. Beginnings have been made at the head of Lake\\nSuperior, and in the Valley of the St. Croix. From 1840 to\\n1850 the northern frontier of these two States is slightly\\ncrowded back the density of the old population increases\\nand beginnings are made in the great lumber and mining re-\\ngions of the North, particularly on the southern shore of Lake\\nSuperior. A similar description will apply to i860 and to 1870.\\nThe map of 1880 shows the whole of the Northwest inhabited,\\nexcept a small interior island in the northern part of the lower", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "398\\nTHE OLD NORTHWEST.\\npeninsula of Michigan, about one-half of the upper peninsula,\\nand a large tract in Northern Wisconsin. To each of these\\ntwo States is assigned an unsettled area of 10,200 square miles.\\nThe census of 1880 reported an urban population of\\n2,689,081, and a rural population of 8,516,880 souls; the first\\nfound in 158 centres of 4,000 people and upward. The per\\ncents, of the urban to the total population ranged from seven-\\nteen in Indiana to twenty-eight in Ohio. Eighteen of the\\none hundred principal cities of the Union were within the\\nfive States, and ten more upon their immediate borders.\\nIn i860 Mr. Seward called Chicago the last and most\\nwonderful of all the marvellous creations of civilization in\\nNorth America. What would he say of Chicago in 1887\\nTable Showing the Number of People Employed in the Different\\nGainful Occupations.\\nAgriculture.\\nProfessional\\nand Personal\\nServices.\\nTrade and\\nTransporta-\\ntion.\\nManufactures\\nand Mechani-\\ncal and Mining\\nIndustries.\\nTotal.\\nOhio\\n397.493\\n331.240\\n436,371\\n240,319\\n195.901\\n=50.371\\n137,281\\n229,467\\n143-249\\n97,494\\n104,315\\n56,432\\n128,372\\n54.723\\n37,550\\n242,294\\n110,127\\n205,570\\n130,913\\n86,510\\n994,475\\n635,080\\n999,780\\n569,204\\n417,455\\nTotal\\n1,601,326\\n857,862\\n381,392\\n775,414\\n3,615,994\\nAgriculture leads the column of the Northwestern in-\\ndustries. The following table will show the total number of\\nfarms in the five States, their aggregate size, their value, the\\nvalue of farm-products, the value of live stock, the value of\\nfarms per acre, and the per cent, of the States area in farms\\nNumber\\nof\\nFarms.\\nTotal Acre-\\nage in\\nFarms.\\nPer\\nCent, of\\nArea in\\nFarms.\\nValue of\\nFarms.\\nValue\\nper\\nAcre.\\nValue of\\nProducts.\\nValue of Live\\nStock.\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nMichigan\\nWisconsin..\\n247,189\\n194,013\\n255-741\\n154,008\\n134-322\\n24,529,226\\n20,420,983\\n31,673,645\\n13,807,240\\n15,353.118\\n94\\n88.9\\n88.4\\n37.6\\n44.1\\n$1,127,497,353\\n635,236,111\\n1,009,594,580\\n499,103,181\\n357,709,507\\n$46.37\\n31. TI\\n31-56\\n36.15\\n23-30\\n$156,777,152\\n114,707,082\\n203,980,137\\n91,159,858\\n72,779,496\\n$103,707,730\\n71,068,785\\n132,437,763\\n55.720,113\\n46,508,643\\nTotal\\n985,273\\n105,784,212\\n$3,629,140,732\\n$639,403,725\\n$409,443,033", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS.\\n399\\nNo other States in the Union have so large per cents, of\\narea in farms as Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Ohio surpasses\\nall the other States in the amount of capital mvested m\\nfarms, and Illinois all others in farm-products and m live\\nSl OCrC\\nThis table will show the capital invested in manufactures,\\nthe value of manufactured products, the aggregate wealth of\\nthe States, the wealth per capita, and the taxation for State\\npurposes, all for the year 1880\\nCapital in-\\nvested in\\nManufact-\\nures\\nOhio\\nIndiana.\\nIllinois\\nMichigan.\\nWisconsin\\n$188,939,614\\n65.742,962\\n140,652,066\\n92,930,959\\n73,821,802\\nTotal $562,087,403\\nValue of Pro-\\nducts.\\n$436,298,390\\n148,006,411\\n414,864,673\\niSo,7i5.\u00c2\u00b025\\n128,225,480\\n51,278,109,79\\nTotal Wealth.\\n$3,301,000,000\\n1,499,000,000\\n3,092,000,000\\n1,370,000,000\\n969,000,000\\n$10,231,000,000\\nWealth per\\nCapita.\\n$1,032 19\\n752 72\\n1,004 59\\n836 93\\n636 60\\nTaxation.\\n$25,756,658\\n12,343,630\\n24,586,018\\n8,627,949\\n7,588,325\\n$78,962,580\\nOn no line of progress has the human race made greater\\nstrides than in means of travel and transportation and the\\nwhole sweep of this progress, from the most primitive to the\\nmost improved methods, can be studied in the history of the\\nold Northwest.\\nThe men who f^rst entered it from the East followed the\\npaths that the deer and the buffalo had made, called by the\\nhunters streets or buffalo-roads. Next the white man\\nfollowed the Indians trail, which, marked and widened by\\nthe axe, became the trace. The trader who followed the\\nwaters borrowed of the Indian his canoe, or of the Frenchman\\nhis bateau; the trader who kept to the land introduced the\\npack-saddle and the train of pack-horses. When the day\\ncame to move passengers in numbers and freight in quantities,\\nthe keel-boat and the ark appeared. The movement\\nof passengers and freight was mostly westward, owing as\\nwell to the current of the streams as to the necessities of\\nemicrration. Boatmen who descended to New Orleans com-", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "40O\\nTHE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmonly broke up their craft and sold them for lumber; those\\nwho came from the Upper Ohio returning by sea to Baltimore\\nor Alexandria and thence over the mountains; those who came\\nfrom below the Muskingum marching homeward through the\\nwilderness by Natchez and Nashville in companies of fifteen\\nor twenty. Then came steam-boats, the first of which on the\\nOhio appeared in 1811, and on the Northern Lakes in 1818.\\nOn land regular roads and wheeled vehicles succeeded the\\ntrace and the pack-saddle, and indue time came canals\\nand railroads. In 1788 Dr. Manasseh Cutler did twenty-\\nnine days of hard travelling in reaching Marietta from Ham-\\nilton, Mass. We read that on January 11, 1794, a line\\nof two keel-boats, with bullet-proof covers and port-holes,\\nand provided with cannon and small arms, was established\\nbetween Cincinnati and Pittsburg, each making a trip once in\\nfour weeks. Mr. Carnegie tells us that in 1884 the trade of\\nthe same river was valued at $800,000,000, and that trans-\\nportation upon it is the cheapest in the world coal, coke, and\\nother bulky articles being transported at the rate of one-\\ntwentieth of a cent per ton per mile. The colossal propor-\\ntions to which land travel and transportation have grown are\\nshown by the following statistics of railroads in 1886\\nMiles of railroad\\nEngines and cars\\nCapital stock\\nCost\\nBonded debt\\nPassengers car-\\nried\\nTons of freight\\nmoved\\nGross earnings..\\nOhio.\\n\u00c2\u00bb703\\nI338,\\n9,246\\n99,087\\n,440,877\\n,011,783\\n010,901\\n,592.145\\n,196,610\\nIndiana.\\n5.641\\n39,908\\nfi47,6s2,448\\n^278,883,884\\n^167,045,609\\n7,446,993\\n20,521,625\\n$33,547,289\\nIllinois.\\n14,708\\n89,169\\n$332,725,395\\n$638,501,557\\n$330,737,889\\n30,564,801\\n40,939,396\\n$97,685,889\\nMichigan.\\n5,201\\n26,480\\n95,916,518\\n03,826,163\\n95,300,654\\n8,116,614\\n873.494\\n,114,912\\nWisconsin.\\n7.084\\n28,416\\n162,661\\n142,885\\n500,000\\n6,i6o,6oi\\n141,461\\n174,270\\nTotal.\\nPi,o54,\\n^2,063,\\nM,o78,\\n41,880\\n283,060\\n897,889\\n,866,292\\n655,062\\n76,408,158\\n144,\\n$257.\\n,068,125\\n1718,913\\nThe canal around the Saut Rapids, at the foot of which\\nSt. Lusson stood in 1671 when he took possession of the\\nNorthwestern lakes and rivers, islands and countries, in the\\nTriumphant Democracy, 309.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 401\\nname of the Redoubtable Monarch Louis XIV., of France,\\nhas become one of the great commercial thoroughfares of the\\nworld. In 1886, 7,428 passages of vessels of all descriptions\\nwere made through this canal, conveying 4,527,759 tons of\\nfreight. In the table of this commerce we find such items as\\nthese: 1,009,999 tons of coal; 1,759,365 barrels of flour;\\n18,991,485 bushels of wheat 38,627 tons of copper 2,087,809\\ntons of iron ore 138,688,000 feet of lumber. This tonnage,\\nwhich already surpasses that of the Suez Canal for the num-\\nber of days per year that the two are open to navigation, in\\nconnection with the undeveloped capabilities of the country\\nbeyond Lake Superior, stretching to the Pacific Ocean, mocks\\none s power to predict the extent and value of the future\\ncommerce of this artificial water-way. Nor is this all. When\\nthe Cascade Mountains have been tunnelled, New York, by\\nthis Northwestern route, will be brought within ten thousand\\nfive hundred miles of Canton, China, which is only one-half\\nthe distance, by the Isthmus of Suez or the Cape of Good\\nHope while the English and Dutch commercial cities are\\ndistant not less than eighteen thousand miles.\\nThe Ordinance of 1787 declared Religion, morality, and\\nknowledge being necessary to good government and the\\nhappiness of mankind, schools and the means of education\\nshall forever be encouraged. The moral significance of\\nstatistics is commonly lost nevertheless, some figures will\\nhelp us to understand how Congress and the Northwest have\\nkept this educational compact.\\nThe Land Ordinance of 1785 provided that, wherever it\\noperated, there shall be reserved from sale the lot No. 16 of\\nevery township for the maintenance of common schools within\\nthe said township. From that day the policy of setting\\napart for this purpose one thirty-sixth part of the land in\\nevery new State has been uniformly followed. Besides,\\nother large grants have been made, from time to time, for ed-\\nucational purposes. These educational land-grants would be\\na very prominent feature of any adequate history of education\\n26", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "402 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nin the Northwest. Here attention can be drawn to only two\\nor three points.\\nThe total amount of the grants under the Ordinance of\\n1785 is 4,865,917, of which 4,293,989 acres were sold previous\\nto 1884. In addition to these grants, one-half of the five per\\ncent, of the sales of public lands in Illinois, that the State was\\nentitled to in accordance with the policy inaugurated in 1802\\nof giving the State five per cent, of such sales for some pur-\\npose, was devoted to schools, and in Wisconsin the whole of\\nit was so devoted. In 1884 the aggregate school funds of the\\nfive States arising from these two sources, principal and capi-\\ntalized interest, was $16,418,477, which yielded a yearly in-\\ncome of $1,406,801.\\nThe five States received from the Agricultural and Me-\\nchanical College grant of 1863, 1,980,000 acres of land and\\nland-scrip. In 1884 the present funds, resulting from the sale\\nof 1,800,862 acres of these lands, was $1,864,514, which pro-\\nduced a yearly income of $108,172.\\nPrevious to the same year, the National Government had\\npatented to the five States, under the legislation of Congress,\\n11,461,000 acres of swamp lands, of which Ohio, Indiana, and\\nIllinois appropriated the whole, and Michigan and Wisconsin\\nfifty per cent, to education. The appropriations have pro-\\nduced educational funds amounting to $2,541,1 15.\\nNinety-three thousand three hundred and thirty-six acres\\nof saline lands dedicated to education have produced $327,986.\\nThe University lands, amounting to 345,716 acres, yielding\\na total fund of $1,136,245 and an annual income of $78,801,\\ncloses the list of educational land-grants in the old Northwest.\\nHere are educational endowments amounting to more\\nthan twenty million acres of lands. The practical manage-\\nment of these enormous endowments by the States has been\\nmarked by short-sightedness and wastefulness fully propor-\\nThese statistics are given on the authority of Prof. George W. Knight His-\\ntory and Management of Land Grants for Education in the Northwest Territory,\\n170-172,", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS.\\n403\\ntional to the liberality of Congress in making them. The an-\\nnual funds arising from these endowments are but a small per\\ncent, of the vast sums that the Northwestern people raise by\\ntaxation for educational purposes but they have still served\\na noble educational purpose in the past, and will be of consid-\\nerable value in years to come.\\nThe following table exhibits the more important public-\\nschool statistics for the school-year 1884-85\\nNumber of schooUyouth.\\nNumber enrolled in schools\\nPublic-school houses\\nNumber of teachers\\nExpenditures for Public\\nSchools\\nValue of public school\\nproperty\\nSchool Fund\\nOhio.\\n1,095,469\\n774,660\\n12,674\\n24,628\\n$10,094,000\\n\u00c2\u00a727,970,000\\nS3.534.000\\nIndiana.\\n722,851\\n501,142\\n9,664\\n13.3\\nIllinois.\\n077,30*\\n738.787\\n12,076\\n20,619\\n$4,660,000 10, 199,000\\n$13,619,0001 $22,\\n$9.339.oo\u00c2\u00b0l \u00c2\u00a79,\\n340,000\\n450,000\\nMichigan.\\n595,687\\n4\u00c2\u00bbi,954\\n7.164\\n15,358\\n$4,729,000\\n$11,267,000\\n$3,839,000\\nWiscon n.\\nU\\n544.976\\n321,718\\n6,033\\n10,866\\n5,300,000\\n5,132,000\\n,646,000\\nTotal.\\n4,036,28s\\n3,748,261\\n47,6ji\\n84,783\\n$32,982,000\\n$81,328,000\\n$30,808,000\\nFrom the report of the National Commissioner of Educa-\\ntion for the same year these items concerning superior instruc-\\ntion have been gathered\\nColleges and universities reporting\\nInstructors in them\\nStudents\\nValue of buildings, grounds, and apparatus.\\nProductive funds\\nValue of college-property reported.\\n90\\n889\\n8,594\\nJ9, 588,000\\n8,091,000\\n$17,679,000\\nThe number of newspapers and periodicals published in\\nthe f^ve States the year of the last census, with the aggregate\\ncirculation per issue, was as follows\\nOhio\\nIndiana....\\nIllinois\\nMichigan\\nWisconsin\\nTotal\\nNewspapers and\\nPeriodicals.\\nCirculation.\\n774\\n467\\n1,017\\n464\\n340\\n3.093,931\\n661,111\\n2,421,27s\\n620,974\\n436,576\\n3,062\\n7.233^867", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "404 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe school-master has been abroad in the Northwest since\\n1788; but that he still has plenty of work to do is shown by\\nthis exhibit of the number of persons in 1880, ten years of age\\nor more, unable to write\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nMichigan\\nWisconsin.\\nTotal\\n131.847\\n110,761\\n145.397\\n63.723\\n55,558\\n507,286\\nThe educational influence and results of opening the ter-\\nritory northwest of the Ohio River to civilization may be\\ntreated in a narrower and in a broader way. The narrow-\\ner treatment would embrace school-lands, school-laws, and\\nschool-systems, -with all that these imply the broader treat-\\nment would deal with the general forces and conditions that\\nhave wrought out the peculiar character of the Northwestern\\npeople, and, through them, have acted upon the national life.\\nBut no better example of the broadening and liberalizing in-\\nfluence of the Northwest can be given than that furnished by\\nthe histor} of education in the specific sense. Here, as else-\\nwhere, it has much crudeness and shallowness to answer for.\\nThe fresh-water college and the American university\\nhave had a rank growth. Perhaps, too, the Northwest has\\nnot always looked with sufficient reverence upon the old ed-\\nucational rubrics. But if she had not been free from an undue\\nconservatism, she would never have done what she has for\\neducation, either directly at home or by reaction upon the\\nEast. The best contributions of the five States to educational\\nprogress are these The flexibility of their educational sys-\\ntems, and their adaptation to existing conditions the extent\\nto which they have carried the public-school superintendency\\nthe prominence that they have accorded to the State Univer-\\nsity the range and scope that they have given to the prin-\\nciple of election in higher education the measurable adjust-\\nment of the high school to the college the readiness with", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 405\\nwhich the coeducation of the sexes has been taken up and de-\\nveloped and the faith, energy, and enthusiasm of teachers.\\nWe have heard a great deal about what the East has done for\\nthe West, as respects education and other matters the time\\nhas come for drawing attention to what the West has done for\\nthe East. Particular attention may be drawn to the coeduca-\\ntion of the sexes. In the five States are 95 institutions that\\nrank as colleges 6S of these admit women to their halls. Of\\nthe 27 non-coeducational colleges, 21 are Protestant and 6\\nRoman Catholic. In this respect the new Northwest follows\\nthe example of the old Northwest. Forty-one coeducation\\nand 17 non-coeducation colleges are found in the States of Min-\\nnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, California, and\\nOregon. Besides, the largest, the most flourishing, and the\\nmost influential colleges throw open their doors to men and\\nto women on equal terms.\\nThe influence of the country beyond the Alleghany Moun-\\ntains on the population that occupies it, its reaction on the\\nAtlantic Plairtj^and its effect on the national life, character, and\\ngovernment are themes demanding fuller investigation than\\nthey have ever received. Here originated many of the crude\\ntheories and vicious arts that blot our history and disfigure\\nour civilization. The West perfected, if she did not invent,\\nwild-cat banking she crowned the spoils system king\\nof politics she brought forth manifest destiny she fur-\\nnished the forces and the conditions that have produced Mor-\\nmonism. Mr. Levermore says a full revelation of the con-\\nnection between the growth of a State banking system in the\\nWest and sundry prevalent financial doctrines about the pow-\\ners of Congress is essential to a satisfactory constitutional\\nhistory of the United States and Professor W. G. Sumner\\npoints out with great clearness the vast influence on national\\npolitics of certain Western financial views in the old day of\\nthe United States Bank.^ What a change had taken place\\nThe Republic of New Haven, Introduction.\\nAndrew Jackson, in Statesmen Series 119 et seq.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "406 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nin the country when General Jackson, the first Western Presi-\\ndent, ascended the President s chair in 1829. That the Amer-\\nican system was not shattered to pieces by the admission to\\nit of the West, before 1840, is proof of its elasticity and power\\nsecond only to the Civil War. But the West has also con-\\ntributed incomparably valuable elements to American civili-\\nzation. Mention may be made of her all-abounding vitality,\\nher inexhaustible spirits, her unconquerable courage, her\\nlargeness of views, her freedom from tradition, her power of\\ninitiative, her unfailing faith in the Republic, and her confi-\\ndence in her own destiny. As a group, these topics cannot\\nbe here considered but this work may fitly close with a\\nrapid view of the trend of political thought in the old North-\\nwest.\\nThere are two colonial periods in the history of the United\\nStates. The first saw the English colonies established on the\\nAtlantic slope between the Kennebec and Savannah Rivers\\nthe second saw the American colonies in the Mississippi Val-\\nley. The first planting was mainly the work of the seven-\\nteenth century the second began before the Revolutionary\\nWar, but its success was not assured until at Paris, in 1782,\\nthe American Commissioners thwarted the purpose of the\\nthree powers to shut us up between the Appalachian Mountains\\nand the Atlantic Ocean, and secured the Mississippi River as\\nour western boundary. It is no exaggeration to say that the\\nimmediate effect of the first planting on the Englishman was\\nsmall, compared with the immediate effect of the second on\\nthe American. For example, in the period that lies before\\nthe Revolution constitutional monarchy was developed into\\nconservative republicanism, while in the period since the\\nRevolution conservative republicanism has been developed\\ninto democracy. How thoroughly English the fathers of the\\nRevolution were, in political ideas and temper, is conclusively\\nshown by all their constructive political work, including the\\nOrdinance of 1787.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 4\u00c2\u00a9/\\nIn some respects this is the most interesting document\\nthat the Revolutionary era produced. All the constitutions of\\nthat era, and particularly the National Constitution, were\\nlargely the result of compromise but the framers of the Ordi-\\nnance legislated for the wilderness, and so were not compelled\\nto consult facts accomplished; they were free to put into their\\nwork their best ideas of what a charter of free government\\nshould be. And no man can read the Ordinance without see-\\ning that the men who drafted it shrank from conclusions that\\nare commonly accepted now witness, for example, the provi-\\nsions relating to the qualifications of the governor, the repre-\\nsentative, and especially the elector. But these rules express\\nthe average republicanism of 1787, Similar rules are found in\\nmany of the State constitutions, and they stand as landmarks\\nfrom which we may measure how far the American people have\\nmarched on the democratic road in a century. In fact, the in-\\nterval between the constitutional monarchy of 1690 and the\\nfederal republicanism of 1790 is less than the interval between\\nthe federal republicanism of 1787 and the democracy of 1887.\\nThe progress of democratic ideas is well illustrated by the\\nstudy of constitutional provisions relating to the suffrage, to\\nthe powers assigned to the legislative and executive branches\\nof government, to the appointment and tenure of the judges,\\nand to the length of official terms.\\nIn 1787 most of the States conditioned the elective fran-\\nchise upon a property qualification. Notwithstanding the\\nsore experience of the colonies with the veto power, as\\nwielded by the colonial governors and the Crown, the States\\nstill left that important power in the hands of their governors.\\nIn twelve of the States the judges held office during good be-\\nhavior, and in all of them they were appointed in one by\\nthe governor alone, in one by the council alone, in five by the\\nlegislature, and in the others by the governor by and with the\\nconsent of a confirming body. These are the facts commonly\\nHitchcock American State Constitutions, 48.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "4o8 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nreferred to by the Jeffersonian politicians when, a few years\\nlater, they denounce the monarchical ideas and tendencies\\nof the Federalists.\\nThe Constitutions of Kentucky, 1792, and Tennessee, 1796,\\nmark a distinct advance of democratical opinions. The first\\none gave the suffrage to all free male citizens twenty-one years\\nof age having a two years residence in the State the second,\\nto every freeman of the same age having a six months resi-\\ndence. The first imposed no property qualification upon of-\\nfice-holders the second required that members of the as-\\nsembly should own freeholds of two hundred acres each, and\\nthe governor a freehold of five hundred acres. The Ken-\\ntucky judges were appointed by the governor, to hold office\\nduring good behavior; the Tennessee judges, by the legislat-\\nure, for seven years. In Kentucky members of the House\\nof Representatives were chosen annually by the qualified\\nelectors the senators and governor every four years, by\\nelectors chosen by the people the senators to be men of\\nthe most wisdom, experience, and virtue above twenty-seven\\nyears of age. In Tennessee the same ofificers were chosen\\nevery two years at the popular elections. The Governor of\\nKentucky was clothed with the veto power, but the Gov-\\nernor of Tennessee was not so clothed. Neither of these\\nconstitutions was submitted to the people for their approval.\\nMr. Jefferson pronounced the Constitution of Tennessee\\nthe most republican yet framed in America. He must\\nhave been equally well satisfied with that of Ohio. This\\nconstitution permitted all white male inhabitants, twenty-one\\nyears of age, who had resided in the State one year preced-\\ning, and who also paid or were charged with a State or\\ncounty tax, to vote at all elections. No property qualification\\nwas required of ofificers. The judges were chosen by the leg-\\nislature on joint ballot of the two houses, to hold their ofifices\\nfor the term of seven years if so long they behaved well.\\nThe secretary of state, the auditor, and treasurer, as well as\\nthe superior militia ofificers, were also appointed by the as-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 409\\nsembly. The governor had no veto, but he might tempora-\\nrily fill vacancies in the offices, regularly filled by the legislat-\\nure, occurring in the recesses of that body. Members of the\\nlegislature and the governor were elected for two years by\\nthe people. The common explanation of the extreme limita-\\ntion of the executive power and of the unusual powers given\\nto the General Assembly is found in the frequent collisions\\nthat occurred between Governor St. Clair and the Territorial\\nLegislature. This was no doubt one cause of the limitation\\nbut it is probable that the Jeffersonian theory of government\\nwas a more potent cause. The Chief Magistrate of Ohio has\\nalways been an officer of dignity rather than of power.\\nThe Constitution of Ohio was not submitted to the peo-\\nple. A resolution making provision for such submission was\\nlost by a decided vote\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ayes, 7 nays, 27. Sometimes this\\nrefusal has been ascribed to the supposed fear of the leaders\\nof the convention that the people would not approve the con-\\nstitution that had been framed, and sometimes to an undue\\nanxiety to get the new government in motion. At that time,\\nhowever, the practice of submitting constitutions to the peo-\\nple for their approval had not become thoroughly established.\\nThe Federalists of the State thought the failure to submit a\\nserious grievance and it is certainly true that the State was\\nbrought into the Union in a manner little in accord with\\nthose democratical principles which the State party so loudly\\nproclaimed.\\nThe Constitutions of Indiana, 1816; of Michigan, 1837;\\nand of Wisconsin, 1848, conferred the suffrage upon white\\nThis is Mr. J. C Hamilton s explanation. Commenting upon the great\\npolitical change that occurred in 1800, he says: The Constitution of Ohio\\nshows the democratical opinions prevalent on the Western frontier. It reduced\\nthe executive power almost to a nonentity, elevating and enlarging that of the leg-\\nislature, giving to it the election of the judges to hold office for a short term of\\nyears, thus destroying their independence, and that of all the other officers, with\\nthe exception of sheriffs and coroners, who, with the governor, were to be chosen\\nby the suffrages of all the people, residents for a year, and who had been charged\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with a tax, Life of Alexander Hamilton, VIL, 602.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "410 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nmale citizens, twenty-one years of age, having a short residence\\nin the State; that of Illinois, 1818, upon all white male in-\\nhabitants similarly qualified. No property-qualification was\\nimposed upon ofifice-holders in any one of them. Michigan\\nand Wisconsin gave their governors the veto Indiana and\\nIllinois did not Indiana and Michigan made the judges ten-\\nure seven years Illinois and Wisconsin made it good behav-\\nior. In Indiana the superior judges were appointed by the\\ngovernor, with the Senate s approval, the inferior ones by the\\nlegislature; in Michigan, the superior judges were appointed\\nas in Indiana, but the inferior ones were elected by the peo-\\nple. In Illinois all judges were appointed by the governor,\\nwith the consent of the Senate, By 1848 the tide in favor\\nof an elective judiciary had attained its full volume, and we\\nare not surprised to find, therefore, the Constitution of Wis-\\nconsin providing that all judges should be chosen by the\\nqualified electors of their several circuits or counties. In\\nIndiana the governor s term was made three years in Illinois,\\nfour; in Michigan and Wisconsin, two. The Constitutions of\\nthe first two States were not submitted to the people those\\nof the last two were submitted.\\nAnother gauge of the trend of political opinion in the\\nNorthwest is furnished by the history of political parties.\\nThe overthrow of the Federal party and the admission of\\nOhio to the Union came practically at the same time. But\\neven if the Federalists could have maintained themselves in\\nthe old States, there is not the smallest probability that they\\ncould have imposed their ideas upon a single one of the\\nNorthwestern States. Three things that run into one an-\\nother, and are yet separable, are contemporaneous with the\\ncolonization of the Northwest The establishment of the\\nAmerican Republic, the increased energy of the democratiz-\\ning movement considered as a tone of thought or stream of\\ntendency, and the organization of the Democratic-Republican\\nparty. These causes, together with the powerful democratical\\nstimulus of backwoods life, were more than sufificient to es-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 4U\\ntablish the party of Jefferson in the States of Ohio, Indiana,\\nand Illinois. The people of these States favored the acquisi-\\ntion of Louisiana and the War of 1812, and were opposed to\\na national bank. Ohio was so strongly Democratic, and the\\nlegislature was so all-powerful, that in 18 10 some of the judges\\nwho had declared State laws unconstitutional were impeached,\\nand in 1820 an attempt was made to nullify the law charter-\\ning the United States Bank. Ohio voted for all the Demo-\\ncratic-Republican Presidents Jefferson, Madison, and Mon-\\nroe. Clay received the electoral vote in 1824, but Adams\\nreceived the State s vote in the House of Representatives.\\nFrom this time on Mr. Clay had a numerous and ardent fol-\\nlowing in the State. This was due partly to growing inter-\\nest in a protective tariff and in internal improvements, partly\\nto Mr. Clay s political history and personal character, and\\npartly to the fact that he was a Western man. General Jack-\\nson carried the State in 1828 and in 1832 Harrison, in 1836\\nand 1840; Clay, in 1844; Cass, in 1848; and Pierce, in 1852.\\nFrom 1828 to 1856 the governors were about equally divided\\nbetween the two parties. In Indiana the Democratic- Repub-\\nlican and Democratic parties elected the presidential electors\\nfrom i8i6to i860, save in 1836 and 1840, when the Whigs car-\\nried the State. Illinois gave her electoral votes to the same\\nparties down to i860, but her vote in the House of Repre-\\nsentatives was cast for Adams in 1824. Michigan s electoral\\nvote was cast for Van Buren in 1836, but was not counted;\\nfor Harrison in 1840, and for the Democratic candidates in\\n1844, in 1848, and in 1852.\\nIn 1848 the five States all voted for General Cass, giving\\nhim an aggregate plurality over Taylor of 37,707; in 1852\\nthey all voted for General Pierce, giving him an aggregate\\nplurality over Scott of 66,216. The Democratic pluralities\\nhad much more than kept pace with the growth of popula-\\ntion. The national Democratic party felt proud and confi-\\ndent in the strength of its position in 1852; but political in-\\nsight could then discern, what history soon proved to be the", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "412 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nfact, that only an occasion was wanting to effect a combina-\\ntion of elements that would drive that party from power. A\\nlarge majority of Northern Whigs were at heart opposed to\\nthe further extension of slavery. The Democratic party in\\nthe North also contained a large anti-slavery element. Then\\nthere was the Liberty party, or Free-soilers, who gave Birney\\n62,300 votes in 1844; Van Buren, 291,263 in 1848 and Hale,\\n155,825 in 1852. In the Northwest Birney s vote was 17,358\\nVan Buren s, 80,035 J and Hale s, 64,619. Nor did the falling\\noff in the Free-soil vote from 1848 to 1852 indicate a decline\\nof the party strength a large part of Van Buren s vote rep-\\nresented Democratic disaffection rather than anti-slavery prin-\\nciple. Obviously, here were the elements of a formidable\\nnew political party, if they could be united.\\nTheir overwhelming defeat in 1852 convinced Northern\\nWhigs that the usefulness of the Whig organization was a\\nthing of the past. Their great victory of the same year made\\nthe Democrats more blind and confident than ever; and two\\nyears later they repealed the Missouri Compromise, thereby\\nreopening the question of slavery north of 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 beyond\\nthe State of Missouri. This act brought the anti-slavery ele-\\nments of the North together in a new political organization\\nwith a rapidity and success unexampled in the history of the\\ncountry.\\nAn anti-Nebraska convention held in Michigan in June,\\n1854, baptized the new party Republican. In Wisconsin the\\nnew party was organized with equal promptness. Since that\\ntime neither one of these States has ever failed to elect Re-\\npublican presidential electors. Michigan gave Fremont 71,762\\nvotes; Buchanan, 52,136; Wisconsin gave them 66,090 and\\n52,843, respectively. However, the great change of the vote\\nfrom 1852 in both of these States was not wholly due to change\\nof opinion, but partly to emigration. The Republicans of\\nOhio elected Mr. Chase governor in 1855, and since that year\\nthey have never failed to return a Republican electoral college.\\nFr6mont received 187,497 votes; Buchanan, 170,874. In", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 413\\nIndiana and Illinois the elements that coalesced in the Re-\\npublican party were weaker than in the other Northwestern\\nStates. The old national pike has been aptly called a sort\\nof Mason and Dixon s line, since it formerly separated the\\nRepublican counties of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois from the\\nDemocratic counties. South of this line the two States were\\nfully settled in 1850; north of it there were still unsettled\\ntracts of territory. Population was also more dense South\\nthan North. Besides, the Southern-born population of Indi-\\nana was twenty per cent, of the whole population; the South-\\nern-born population of Illinois sixteen per cent, of the whole.\\nThe two States, respectively, gave Buchanan 118,670 and\\n105,348 votes, and Fremont 94,375 and 96,189 votes. In\\nthe years following 1856 the Republican party increased in\\nstrength throughout the country. In the two States, besides\\nchanges of opinion, emigration told powerfully on the Repub-\\nlican side. By 1870 the Southern-born population of Indiana\\nhad fallen to ten per cent., of Illinois to nine per cent., of the\\nwhole. In i860 both States gave Lincoln large majorities\\nover Douglas and since that year they have uniformly re-\\nturned Republican electors, except that Indiana gave her vote\\nto Mr. Tilden in i876and Mr. Cleveland in 1884. Space will\\nnot be taken to enumerate the Republican leaders that the\\nNorthwest has furnished but it is a noteworthy fact that\\nfour of the party s six presidential candidates, and all the suc-\\ncessful ones, have been Northwestern men. The Northwest\\ndecided the constitutional contest between freedom and sla-\\nvery. Mr. Seward said, at Madison, Wisconsin, in i860 It\\nseems almost as if it was providential that these new States\\nof the Northwest, the State of Michigan, the State of Wis-\\nconsin, the State of Iowa, the State of Ohio, founded on this\\nreservation for freedom that had been made in the year 1787,\\nmatured just in the critical moment to interpose, to rally the\\nfree States of the Atlantic coast, to call them back to their\\nancient principles, to nerve them to sustain them in the con-\\ntest at the Capitol, and to send their noble and true sons and", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "414 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ndaughters to the plains of Kansas, to defend, at the peril of\\ntheir homes, and even their lives, if need were, the precious\\nsoil which had been abandoned by the Government to slavery,\\nfrom the intrusion of that, the greatest evil that has ever be-\\nfallen our land.\\nIn the United States political changes are quite as rapid\\nand extreme as any others. The history of the last thirty\\nyears is full of the profoundest lessons for the statesman and\\nthe moralist. Externally the political situation, after the pres-\\nidential election of 1852, was exceedingly deceptive. No po-\\nlitical party ever felt more confidence in its position than the\\nDemocratic party in 1853. No political party was ever more\\nthoroughly divided and broken than the same party eight\\nyears later. No political party ever accomplished its orig-\\ninal object more quickly and effectually than the Republican\\nparty after 1861. So completely was that object secured,\\nand everything logically involved in it so entirely have its\\noriginal aspirations become matters of history; so different\\nare the specific party- doctrines in 1887 from what they were\\nin 1857, that it is not superfluous to state that the original\\nRepublican platform contained but one plank on which\\nall the members of the party stood. This was the declaration\\nof the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in the\\nterritories. It was the sixth compact of 1787 become a po-\\nlitical creed. This creed the Northwest embraced with the\\nmore alacrity because her own history and daily life were evi-\\ndence of its truth and value.\\nThe Northwest opposed secession with much more una-\\nnimity than she opposed the spread of slavery. In all the\\nNorthwestern States there was more or less opposition or in-\\ndifference to the Union cause in those that extended to the\\nOhio River, and particularly in Indiana and Illinois, by rea-\\nson of their large Southern-born population, there was some\\nactual disloyalty and overt treason but no other part of the\\nWorks, IV., 325.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS.\\n415\\nUnion has greater reason for thinking of the part it played\\nin the great contest with satisfaction and pride. The Presi-\\ndent, the great finance and war ministers, the foremost gen-\\nerals, were Northwestern men while she furnished one-third\\nof the total physical force that suppressed the Rebellion.\\nThe Northwest has shared to the full Western faith in the\\nWest. What this is is best shown on a background of Eastern\\nnarrowness and jealousy. That the annexation of Louisiana\\nin 1803 was in the line of providence will hardly be denied\\nto-day by any man who believes in providence at all but it\\nwas vigorously opposed at the time, on the ground that it\\nwould subtract from the weight and influence of the old\\nStates, particularly New England. Josiah Quincy avowed\\nthe sentiment of great numbers of Eastern people when in\\n181 1 he declared, on the floor of the House of Representa-\\ntives, that the admission of the Territory of Orleans as a\\nState to the Union would be its dissolution that it would\\nfree the States from their moral obligations to each other\\nand that it would, in that event, be the duty of some States,\\nas it would be the right of all, definitely to prepare for a sep-\\naration, amicably if they could, violently if they must. Dan-\\niel Webster was a man too large to share the small views of\\nhis Eastern neighbors but Daniel Webster did say in the\\nTable Showing Number of Men called for by the President of the\\nUnited States, and Furnished by the Northwestern States, dur-\\ning THE War of the Rebellion. (This table is compiled from Phisterer\\nStatistical Record of the Armies of the United States, 10.)\\nQuota.\\nTotal Fur-\\nnished.\\nNumber re-\\nduced to\\nThree Years\\nStandard.\\nOhio\\n306,323\\n199,788\\n244,496\\n95.007\\n109,080\\n313,180\\n196,363\\n259,092\\n87,364\\n91,327\\n240,514\\n153.576\\n214.133\\n80, 1 n\\nIllinois\\nM ichigan\\n79,260\\nTotal\\n954,693\\n2,763,670\\n947,326\\n2,859,132\\n767.594\\n2,320,27a\\nTotal for the United States", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "4l6 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nSenate, in 1846, that the St. Johns was worth a hundred times\\nas much as the Columbia was or ever would be. The speech\\nof the Revolution was continental there was the Continen-\\ntal Congress, the Continental Money, the Continental\\nArmy but the ideas of the Revolution were not continen-\\ntal. It is one of the achievements of the West to have taught\\nthe East the continental lesson.\\nHer geographical position and relations have always caused\\nthe Northwest to take a deep interest in the territorial ex-\\npansion and integrity of the Union, and particularly in the\\nuse and ownership of the Mississippi River. First and last,\\nthat river has presented five distinct questions to the Ameri-\\ncan people.\\nThe question of 1782 was Shall the United States ex-\\ntend to the Mississippi, or shall the country beyond the\\nmountains be left to England or Spain, or to the two powers\\ntogether? The answer given to this question was the\\nboundaries of 1783.\\nThe second question was Shall the United States, and\\nparticularly the West, be allowed that use and benefit of the\\nriver to which their position fairly entitles them, or shall\\nSpain be suffered to exclude them from its waters This\\nquestion first arose when Mr. Jay was sent to the Spanish\\nCourt to negotiate a treaty of alliance. Nothing was con-\\ncluded at Madrid or at Paris touching this question so far\\nfrom it, the concession by England of the independence of the\\nStates, with their rightful boundaries, led at once to new\\ncomplications. As these were a sequel to the discussions at\\nMadrid and Paris, they will be traced somewhat at length.\\nThe treaty of 1763 made a line running along the middle\\nof the Mississippi from its source to the River Iberville, and\\nthence along the middle of the Iberville, and Lakes Maurepas\\nand Pontchartrain, the boundary between the possessions of\\nEngland and Spain. England immediately divided Florida\\ninto two provinces, separated by the Appalachicola River.\\nOn the north their boundaries were, at first, the thirty-first", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 417\\nparallel of north latitude from the Mississippi to the Appa-\\nlachicola, thence down that river to its junction with the Flint,\\nthence by a straight line to the head of the St. Marys River,\\nand thence by the St. Marys to the ocean. But the next\\nyear, she carried West Florida one hundred and ten miles\\nfarther north, making the northern boundary of that province\\na due east and west line extending from the mouth of the\\nYazoo to the Appalachicola. The northern boundary of\\nFlorida, as established in 1763, became the southern boundary\\nof the United States in 1783. But by a treaty signed the\\nsame day as the American treaty of 1783, England ceded the\\nFloridas to Spain, mentioning no boundaries whatever. An\\nimmediate conflict between the United States and Spain was\\nthe result. The United States claimed down to the thirty-\\nfirst parallel Spain claimed the Floridas, with the boundaries\\nthat they had when England ceded them. In other words,\\nthe block of land lying north of parallel 31\u00c2\u00b0 and south of an\\neast and west line running through the mouth of the Yazoo,\\nbetween the Mississippi and the Appalachicola, was in dispute.\\nThe United States certainly had a good title, and Spain could\\nsay much in defence of hers. Moreover, it must be remem-\\nbered that Spain had captured the British posts in West\\nFlorida, and was in possession of them at the close of the war.\\nInstead of surrendering the territory that she held falling\\nwithin the limits of the United States, Spain began to\\nstrengthen herself in West Florida, building new forts and re-\\nenforcing old ones. She controlled the river as far as the\\nmouth of the Ohio on both sides, and beyond that point on\\nthe west side. She made treaties with the Indians residing\\nin the district, they recognizing the Spanish title and agreeing\\nto defend it. For the time, the Republic was no more able to\\ndrive the Spanish garrisons from the Southwest than she was\\nto drive the British garrisons from the Northwest. So the\\nissue was left to diplomacy and the logic of events. And,\\nhowever it might be with diplomacy, the logic of events\\nworked more and more on the American side.\\n27", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "41 8 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nThe preliminary treaty of 1782 between the United States\\nand His Britannic Majesty contained a secret article to the\\neffect that in case Great Britain, at the conclusion of the\\npresent war, shall recover or be put in possession of West\\nFlorida, the line of north boundary between the said province\\nand the United States shall be a line drawn from the mouth\\nof the River Yazoo, where it unites with the Mississippi, due\\neast to the River Appalachicola. As Great Britain did not\\nrecover, and was not put in possession of West Florida,\\nthis article fell but its existence soon became known to His\\nCatholic Majesty and gave him mortal offence. Again the\\ntreaty of 1783, by an article which was not secret, declared\\nthat the navigation of the river Mississippi, from its source\\nto the ocean, shall forever remain free and open to the subjects\\nof Great Britain and the citizens of the United States. This\\nprovision seems strange, to say the least. Great Britain, ac-\\ncording to the terms of the two treaties, no longer touched the\\nMississippi at a single point, although the sources of that river\\nwere supposed to be within her territories; moreover, from\\nthe thirty-first parallel to the Gulf the river lay wholly within\\nthe Spanish possessions. How, then, since it is a rule of\\npublic law that the owner of the mouth of a river controls it,\\ngranting ingress and egress as he sees fit, could the two powers\\nagree to such a stipulation No answer to this question is\\napparent, except this, that the treaty merely ceded the right\\nof navigation so far as the United States were concerned.\\nFinally, His Catholic Majesty saw very clearly that an Amer-\\nican republic, in the free use of the Mississippi River, fore-\\nboded disaster to the Floridas, to Louisiana, and to Mexico.\\nAll in all, it was most natural that he should be offended at\\nthe American treaty, that he should discover every day a new\\nreason why the States should have been confined to the Atlan-\\ntic shore, and that he should stoutly maintain his right to the\\nterritory lying below the Yazoo. From 1784 onward the\\nMississippi River was a burning question in our politics.\\nNo man can do justice to it who does not encompass the social.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 419\\nindustrial, and political life of the nascent society then form-\\ning in the valleys of the streams flowing into the Mississippi\\non its eastern side.\\nAll through the Revolution, and still more afterward,\\npopulation west of the mountains was increasing. Scattered\\nthrough the valleys of the Ohio and of the streams falling\\ninto it cut off from the east by the high mountain-wall that\\nhad so long been a barrier to emigration bound to the old\\nStates by feeble ties having no means but the Mississippi\\nof reaching the markets of the world with their constantly\\nincreasing products bold, hardy, adventurous, with plenty of\\nlawless and reckless characters it is not strange that this\\npopulation chafed and grew restive under the restraints which\\nthe King of Spain imposed upon the great river. The na-\\ntional authority was too weak either to expel the Spaniard\\nfrom the disputed district or to compel, at New Orleans,\\ncommercial concessions. This, however, the West could but\\npoorly understand. Again, those States that did not run\\nover the mountains evinced an almost total inability to un-\\nderstand this nascent society, its commercial necessities, and\\nthe drift of its political tendencies. In fact, large numbers of\\npeople in these States looked askance upon the growing\\nWest, and cared little or nothing whether it had any outlet\\nto the world or not. The hesitation of Congress to admit\\nKentucky to the Union, and the breakdown of the State of\\nFranklin, added to the growing irritation. It was a time of\\nupheavals in both worlds Revolution was in the air, and the\\npeculiar conditions of Western life invited reckless and des-\\nperate schemers. Minister Genet fomented Western hatred\\nof the Spaniard George Rogers Clark organized a formi-\\ndable expedition to descend the river, and seize its mouth\\nand Senator Blount, of Tennessee, was expelled from the\\nUnited States Senate because he tried to induce England to\\nsend an army from Canada, by Lake Michigan and the Missis-\\nsippi, to Louisiana and the Floridas. Boatloads of Kentucky\\nproducts were confiscated and the boats broken up but, gen-", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "420 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nerally, a trade more or less open, more or less clandestine, was\\ncarried on. The times were rife with intrigue, rascality, and\\ncorruption. James Wilkinson, who moved to Kentucky in\\n1784, found there a home that gave full scope to his remark-\\nable talents for speculation and intrigue. Spanish agents\\nconstantly travelled on various errands through the Valley of\\nthe Ohio. American speculators and informers as constantly\\nvisited New Orleans. At one time there seemed a probabil-\\nity that the Western people would detach themselves from\\nthe States and form a union with the Spaniards, and at an-\\nother there was a probability that they would secede from the\\nUnion, swallow up the Spaniards in the Southwest, and\\ncreate a Mississippi Valley nation. Indian wars in the West-\\nern country, a discontented and almost rebellious popula-\\ntion in the valley, the whiskey-insurrection in Pennsylvania,\\nEngland refusing to carry out her treaty-stipulations, France\\nfomenting domestic troubles and trying to commit the United\\nStates to a foreign war, and England and Spain trying to de-\\ntach the West, first from the Confederacy and afterward from\\nthe Union surely the Republic was sorely vexed. Then it\\nwas that the first disunion scheme was broached, antedating\\nAaron Burr s plans as well as nullification and secession\\nnamely, a scheme to divide the country by a north and south\\nline drawn along the Alleghany Mountains. How imminent\\nseparation was, at least an attempt at separation, was not ap-\\npreciated at the time; nor has history yet done full justice to\\n1 I need not remark to you, Sir, that the flanks and rear of the United States\\nare possessed by other powers, and formidable ones too nor how necessary it is\\nto apply the ament of interest to bind all parts of the Union together by indissoluble\\nbonds, especially that part of it which lies immediately west of us, with the Mid-\\ndle States. For what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people How\\nentirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not ap-\\nprehend, if the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their left, instead\\nof throwing stumbling-blocks in their way, as they now do, should hold out lines\\nfor their trade and alliance What, when they get strength, which will be sooner\\nthan most people conceive (from the emigration of foreigners, who will have no\\nparticular predilection towards us, as well as from the removal of our own citi-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 421\\nthe subject. It is pertinent to remark that, had the New\\nEngland Federalists, who had small sympathy with the West,\\nhad their way, it is not improbable that the West would have\\nbeen lost not, indeed, through formal excision, but through\\nfailure to strengthen its connections with the Union. Cer-\\ntain it is that the Virginia statesmen of the Republican school,\\nwho understood the Western problem much better than the\\nNew Englanders, on account of their closer connection with\\nthe Western people, then rendered the cause of American\\nunion and nationality an invaluable service.\\nAlmost always the history of the Mississippi question has\\nbeen written from what may be called a Kentucky stand-\\npoint. Great stress has been laid on the unreasonable and\\narbitrary course taken by the Spaniard small allowance has\\nbeen made for his fears, rights, and jealousies. Spain was\\nweak, torpid, almost effete but the Mississippi controversy\\ntouched her, as Mr. McMaster has well stated, on the one\\npoint which still remained exquisitely sensitive. Whoever\\ntouched her there, touched her to the quick. Her treasury\\nmight be empty, her finances might be in frightful disorder,\\nher army a rabble, her ships lie rotting at the docks. A\\nhorde of pirates might exact from her a yearly tribute, com-\\npetition might drive her merchants from the sea, and she\\nmight in European politics exert far less influence than the\\nsingle city of Amsterdam, or the little State of Denmark.\\nAll this could be borne. But the slightest encroachment on\\nher American domains had more than once proved sufficient\\nto rouse her from her lethargy and to strengthen her feeble\\nnerves. Hence the alarm with which she viewed the\\nzens), will be the consequence of their having formed close connections with both\\nor either of those powers, in a commercial way It needs not, in my opinion,\\nthe gift of prophecy to foretell. The Western States (I speak now from my own\\nobservation) stand, as it were, upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn\\nthem any way. Washington to Governor Harrison of Va., in 1784. Writings,\\nIX., 62, 63.\\nHistory of the People of the United States, I., 372.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "422 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\ngrowth of the Western settlements; her attempt, in 1782, to\\nconfine the States to the Atlantic shore her determination\\nto hold the territory between the mouth of the Yazoo and\\nthe thirty-first parallel and the feeble-forcible policy that\\nshe pursued to the very last in reference to the Mississippi,\\nsometimes threatening and sometimes wheedling her terrible\\nneighbors to the north. It must be remembered, too, that\\nthe people of New Orleans were French, and that the Span-\\nish Governor ruled over foreigners. Mr. Cable has told the\\nstory from the stand-point of New Orleans. How the Span-\\nish occupation never became more than a conquest how,\\nin 1793, when Spain and France were at war, the governor\\nfound he was only holding a town of the enemy how the\\nCreole sang The Marseillaise in the theatre how the city\\nwas fortified against its own inhabitants, as well as an outside\\nfoe how, again, the enemy looked for from without was\\nthe pioneers of Kentucky and Georgia how Spain in-\\ntrigued, Congress menaced, and oppressions, concessions, de-\\nceptions and corruptions lengthened out the years how\\nthere came to the governor commissioners from the State of\\nGeorgia demanding liberty to extend her boundary to the\\nMississippi, as granted in the Treaty of Paris how Or-\\nleens, as the Westerners called it, was to Spain the key to\\nher possessions, to the West the only possible breathing-\\nhole of its commerce how, by 1786, the flatboat fleets that\\ncame floating out of the Ohio and Cumberland, seeking on\\nthe lower Mississippi a market and port for their hay and\\nbacon and flour and corn, began to be challenged from the\\nbanks, halted, seized and confiscated how the exasperated\\nKentuckians openly threatened and even planned to descend\\nin flatboats full of long rifles instead of bread stuffs, and make\\nan end of controversy by the capture of New Orleans how\\nthe security of the city was thought essential to the security\\nof all Louisiana, the Floridas, and even Mexico and how the\\nauthorities sometimes received the pioneers who swarmed\\ndown to their border, not as invaders but as emigrants, yield-", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 423\\ning allegiance to Spain, and sometimes did their utmost to\\nfoment a revolt against Congress and the secession of the\\nWest\u00e2\u0080\u0094 all this, and much more, has Mr. Cable told in his\\nown admirable manner.\\nSometimes the port of New Orleans was open, sometimes\\nclosed; and sometimes, as Mr. Cable says, neither closed nor\\nopen, by which he means that it was legally closed but\\npractically open, at least to preferred traders who were in col-\\nlusion with the Spanish authorities. In 1785-86 Mr. Jay,\\nSecretary of State for Foreign Affairs, conducted a long and\\ntedious negotiation with Gardoqui, the Spanish minister,\\ntouching the issues between the two countries. But the ne-\\ngotiation came to nothing beyond alarming and angering the\\nWest, since Mr. Jay, as well as several States voting in Con-\\ngress, had declared a willingness, for the sake of peace and\\namity, to yield the claim to the free use of the Mississippi for\\na term of years. In 1793, when the Creole was singing The\\nMarseillaise, Spain conceded to the United States open com-\\nmerce with her colonies, and then, as soon as the song ceased,\\nshe withdrew the concession. Governor Carondolet wrote\\nSince my taking possession of the government, this province\\nhas not ceased to be threatened by the ambitious designs of\\nthe Americans. Evidently, fear of the gaunt Kentuckian was\\nagain in the ascendant. But, finally, the two powers con-\\ncluded at Madrid, in October, 1795, a treaty intended to com-\\npose all their difficulties.\\nArticle 2 of this treaty confirmed the boundary given to\\nthe United States by England in 1783. The same article\\nprovided for the withdrawal of any troops, garrisons, or settle-\\nments that either party might have within the territory of the\\nother party, said withdrawal to be made within six months\\nafter the ratification of the treaty, and sooner, if possible.\\nArticle 3 made provision for a commission to survey and mark\\nthe boundary from the Mississippi to the sea. Article 4 de-\\nThe Creoles of Louisiana, XVL, XVIL", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "424 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\nGlared the middle of the channel of the Mississippi the west-\\nern boundary of the States, from their northern boundary to\\nthe thirty-first parallel of north latitude. Article 4 also de-\\nclared And His Catholic Majesty has likewise agreed that\\nthe navigation of the said river, in its whole breadth from its\\nsource to the ocean, shall be free only to his subjects and the\\ncitizens of the United States, unless he should extend this\\nprivilege to the subjects of other powers by special conven-\\ntion. Article 22 permitted the citizens of the United States,\\nfor three years, to deposit their merchandise in the port of\\nNew Orleans, and reship the same without other duty or\\ncharge than a fair price for storage, and declared that His Cath-\\nolic Majesty would either extend this right of deposit beyond\\nthe three years or would assign the Americans some other\\nplace of deposit on the bank of the river.\\nPerhaps the United States fondly expected that the Treaty\\nof Madrid would end all troubles. Far from it. The con-\\ncessions that it contained were extorted from Spain by fears\\ngrowing out of the state of Continental affairs, and there is\\nonly too much reason to think that she regarded them only\\nas diplomatic manoeuvres, to serve a temporary purpose.\\nCertain it is that Spanish procrastination and intrigue delayed\\ncarrying into effect the promise in regard to withdrawing\\ntroops and garrisons; and it was not until March, 1798, that\\nthe Spanish Governor stealthily abandoned rather than for-\\nmally surrendered the territory above the thirty-first parallel.\\nThen, on the expiration of the three years, the Spanish In-\\ntendant at New Orleans denied the longer right of deposit at\\nthat port, and failed to designate, as the Treaty of Madrid pro-\\nvided, an equivalent establishment. This act set the West\\nall in a ferment again, and war between the two nations\\nseemed imminent. Alarmed at the prospect of war, Spain\\nreopened the port, but only to close it again in 1802, just as\\nLouisiana was slipping from the hand of His Catholic Majesty\\ninto the hand of First Consul Bonaparte.\\nSuch was the answer to the second Mississippi question.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 425\\nThe third question was Shall the United States or\\nFrance own and control the mouth of the river It really\\ninvolved the ownership of the Western half of the great valley.\\nThe natural boundary of the United States in 1783 was the\\nMississippi they could not safely stop short of that limit\\nthey need not extend beyond it but in 1803 it was as important\\nfor them to control the river absolutely as it had been for them\\ntwenty years before to extend to its middle line. In 1800\\nSpain, having been in possession for thirty-seven years, agreed\\nto retrocede Louisiana to France and this agreement, as soon\\nas known on this side of the ocean, brought the new question\\nimmediately to the front. In April, 1802, President Jefferson\\nwrote to Robert R. Livingston, the American minister at\\nParis There is on the globe one single spot the possessor of\\nwhich is our natural and habitual enemy. It is New Orleans,\\nthrough which the produce of three-eighths of our territory\\nmust pass to market, and from its fertility it will ere long\\nyield more than one-half of our whole produce, and contain\\nmore than half our inhabitants. In February, 1803, he wrote\\nto M. Dupont The suspension of the right of deposit at\\nNew Orleans, ceded to us by our treaty with Spain, threw our\\nwhole country into such a ferment as immediately threatened\\nits peace. This, however, was believed to be the act of the In-\\ntendant unauthorized by his government. But it showed the\\nnecessity of making effectual arrangements to secure the peace\\nof the two countries against the indiscreet acts of subordinate\\nagents. The occlusion of the Mississippi is a state of\\nthings in which we cannot exist. Our circumstances\\nare so imperious as to admit of no delay as to our course, and\\nthe use of the Mississippi so indispensable that we cannot\\nhesitate one moment to hazard our existence for its mainten-\\nance How urgent the case was is apparent from the rapid\\ngrowth of population on what were then called the Western\\nwaters, the boundless capabilities of the country that they\\nWorks, IV., 432. 2 Works, IV., 457.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "426 THE OLD NORTHWEST.\\noccupied, and their absolute dependence upon the Mississippi\\nas a means of reaching the markets of the world. Exclusive\\nof Western Pennsylvania, the over-mountain population was\\n166,641 in 1790, 469,397 in 1800, and 1,162,939 in 1810.\\nWhat was less than five per cent, of the total population of\\nthe Union grew in twenty years to be more than sixteen per\\ncent. The annexation of Louisiana by purchase in 1803 was\\nthe answer that the Republic made to the third Mississippi\\nquestion. It reunited, politically and historically, the great\\nvalley, divided since 1763. Mr. Madison in 1802 said the\\nMississippi was everything to the Western people the Hud-\\nson, the Delaware, the Potomac, and all the navigable streams\\nof the Atlantic States formed into one stream.\\nThe transfer of Louisiana to the United States filled the\\nCourt of Spain with fresh alarm and anger. It confirmed the\\nworst fears that she had entertained in 1782; it removed the\\nscreen heretofore interposed between the United States and\\nMexico and it immediately gave rise to the fourth question\\nShall the United States reap all the advantages naturally\\nflowing from the purchase shall the act of 1803 stand in its\\nfull integrity Practically, it assumed the form What\\nare the extent and boundaries of the purchase The treaty\\nanswered The colony or province of Louisiana with the\\nsame extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, and that\\nit had when France possessed it, and such as it should be\\nafter the treaties subsequently entered into between Spain and\\nother States. History alone could tell what this language\\nmeant, and the two powers could not agree as to her answer.\\nAfter a long controversy that more than once threatened to\\ninvolve them in war, in 18 19 they came to an agreement.\\nFlorida became a possession of the United States by purchase,\\nthus ending the dispute as to the eastern extension of Louisi-\\nana and the Sabine, the Red River, the one-hundredth me-\\nSpain was still in actual possession of the province when the treaty was\\nsigned. She delivered it to France, November 30, 1803, and France to the\\nUnited States a month later.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. 42/\\nridian, the Arkansas, and the forty-second parallel of North\\nlatitude were made the boundary between the United States\\nand Mexico, thus practically excluding the Spaniard from the\\nMississippi Valley.\\nThe fifth and last Mississippi question came with the Civil\\nWar. Shall the Father of Waters flow all the way from his\\nremotest sources to the sea through the territory of the\\nUnited States, or shall he, below latitude 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 roll his\\nfloods through a foreign country This question involved\\nall that had gone before it. The Southern leaders thought\\nthe river so indispensable to the Northwest that, threatened\\nwith its loss, it would rather cleave to the South and\\npart company with the East. These leaders did not mis-\\ncalculate the estimate that the people of the Northwest set\\nupon the river. But they wofuUy miscalculated the terms\\nupon which they were willing to possess it. How thoroughly\\nthe Northwestern people comprehended the issue, and the\\nmeans by which it must be reached, is shown by the heroic\\npart which they sustained in the long and arduous effort to\\nreopen the Mississippi after it had been closed by the Con-\\nfederacy. Still, the Northwestern troops have not the exclu-\\nsive glory of winning back to the Union this great national\\nhighway. President Lincoln thus distributed the honor of\\nthis glorious achievement in August, 1863: The Father of\\nWaters again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great\\nNorthwest for it nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred\\nmiles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jer-\\nsey hewing their way right and left. The sunny South, too,\\nin more colors than one also lent a helping hand. On the\\nspot, their part of the history was jotted down in black and\\nwhite. The job was a great national one, and let none be\\nslighted who bore an honorable part in it. The mainte-\\nnance of the Union was the answer to the last Mississippi\\nquestion.\\nRaymond Life and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln, 442.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "AUTHORITIES CITED.\\nAdams, H. B. Maryland s Influence on Western Land Cessions to the\\nUnited States. Baltimore, 1885.\\nAndrews, E. B. Funeral Discourse on the Death of Hon. Ephraim\\nCutler. Marietta, 1855.\\nAndrews, I. W. Washington County and the Early Settlement of Ohio.\\nCincinnati, 1877. Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly.\\nColumbus, 1887. Magazine of American History, 1887.\\nAnnual Register, The 1763, 1774- London.\\nBaldwin, C. C. The Geographical History of Ohio, and a Centennial\\nLawsuit. Tracts 63 and 35 of the Western Reserve and Northern\\nOhio Historical Society. Cleveland.\\nBancroft, George History of the United States. Boston, 1876, and\\nNew York, 1885.\\nBigelow, John Works of Franklin. New York.\\nBook of Drafts, The Records of Trumbull County, Ohio.\\nBreese, Sidney The Early History of Illinois. Chicago, 1884.\\nBrowne, W. H. Maryland, in the Commonwealth Series. Boston.\\nBurnet, jacob Notes on the Early Settlement of the Northwestern\\nTerritory. New York and Cincinnati, 1847.\\nButterfield, C. W. The Washington-Crawford Letters. Cincinnati,\\n1877. Crawford s Expedition against Sandusky. Cincinnati, 1873.\\nCable, G. W. The Creoles of Louisiana. New York, 1884.\\nCampbell, H. J. The State, etc.\\nCampbell, J. V. Political History of Michigan. Detroit, 1876.\\nCarnegie, Andrew Triumphant Democracy. New York, 1887.\\nChalmers, George A Collection of Treaties between Great Britain and\\nother Powers. London, 1790.\\nChapman, T. J. The French in the Alleghany Valley. Cleveland, 1887.\\nChase, S. P. Statutes of Ohio and of the Northwestern Territory. Cin-\\ncinnati, 1833.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "430 AUTHORITIES CITED.\\nClark s Campaign in the Illinois, in Ohio Valley Historical Series. Cin-\\ncinnati, 1869.\\nCooke, E. H. Virginia, in the Commonwealth Series. Boston.\\nCooley, T. M. Michigan, in the Commonwealth Series. Boston.\\nCox, J. D. On Country between the Ohio River and the Lakes, Ober-\\nlin Jubilee. Oberlin, 1883.\\nCurtis, G. T. History of the Constitution of the United States. New\\nYork, 1865.\\nCutler, Wm. P. and Julia P. Life, Journals, and Correspondence of\\nRev. Manasseh Cutler, LL.D. Cincinnati, 1888.\\nCutler, W. P. Services of the Ohio Company in Defending the United\\nStates Frontier from Invasion, Ohio Archaeological and Historical\\nQuarterly. Columbus, O., 1888.\\nDillon, J. B. History of Indiana to the Year 1816. Indianapolis, 1857.\\nDonaldson, Thomas The Public Domain. Washington, 1884.\\nEdwards, Ninian W. History of Illinois, and Life of Ninian Edwards.\\nSpringfield, III., 1870.\\nEliot, Jonathan Debates, etc. Washington, 1836.\\nFiske, John American Political Ideas. New York, 1885.\\nFitzmaurice, Lord Life of William, Earl of Shelburne. London, 1875,\\n1876.\\nGannett, Henry Boundaries of the United States and of the Several\\nStates and Territories, etc. Washington, 1885.\\nGarfield, J. A. Works of. Boston, 1883.\\nGrattan, P. R. Reports of Cases Decided in the Supreme Court of\\nAppeals and General Court of Virginia. Richmond, 1847.\\nGreen, J. R. History of the English People. New York, 1878, 1880.\\nHamilton, J. C. Life of Alexander Hamilton.\\nHarris, T. M. The Journal of a Tour into the Territory Northwest of\\nthe Alleghany Mountains, made in the Spring of the Year 1803.\\nBoston, 1805.\\nHening s Statutes of Virginia, X.\\nHildreth, Richard History of the United States of America. New\\nYork, 1882.\\nHillsborough, Lord Report of, in Sparks s Works of Franklin.\\nHine, C. D. Connecticut School Fund, The Nation, No. 1076.\\nHistorical Collections of the Mahoning Valley. Youngstown, 1876.\\nHitchcock, Henry American State Constitutions. New York, 1887.\\nHoyt, H. M. Brief of a Title in the Seventeen Townships in the County\\nof Luzerne. Harrisburg, 1879.\\nHubbard, Bela Memorials of a Half Century. New York, 1887.\\nJefferson, Thomas Writings of. New York, 1853.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "AUTHORITIES CITED. 431\\nJohnston, Alexander Connecticut, in the Commonwealth Series, and A\\nCentury of the Constitution, The New Princeton Review, Septem-\\nber, 1887.\\nJournals of the American Congress from 1774 to 1788. Washmgton,\\n1823.\\nJournals, Secret, of the Acts and Proceedings of Congress, etc. Bos-\\nton, 1821.\\nKnapp, H. S. History of the Maumee Valley. Toledo, 1872.\\nKnight, G. W. History and Management of Land Grants for Educa-\\ntion in the Northwest Territory. New York, 1885.\\nLabberton, R. H. New Historical Atlas and General History. New\\nYork, 1886.\\nEarned, Ellen D. History of Windham County, Conn. Worcester,\\nMass., 1874, 1880.\\nLevermore, C. H. The Republic of New Haven. Baltimore, 188\\nLyman, Theodore Diplomacy of the United States. Boston, 1826.\\nMadison, James: Papers of. Washington, 1840.\\nMcMaster, J. B. A History of the People of the United States. New\\nYork, 1883, 1885. c u yr n\\nMonette, J. W. History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley\\nof the Mississippi. New York, 1846.\\nMorse, J. T. John Quincy Adams, in American Statesmen Series.\\nBoston.\\nParkman, Francis The Pioneers of France in the New World The\\nJesuits in North America La Salle and the Discovery of the Great\\nWest Count Frontenac and New France The Old Regime m\\nCanada Montcalm and Wolfe. Boston.\\nPhisterer, Frederick Statistical Record of the Armies of the United\\nStates. New York, 1883.\\nPoole, W. F. Dr. Cutler and the Ordinance of 1787, North American\\nReview.\\nPoore, Ben. Perley Charters and Constitutions of the United States,\\netc. Washington, 1878.\\nQuincy, President Josiah On Sabbath in Andover, North American\\nReview.\\nRaymond, H. J. The Life and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln.\\nNew York, 1865.\\nReport of the Joint Commission Appointed by the States of Pennsylvania\\nand Ohio to Ascertain and Re-mark the Boundary Line between\\nsaid States. Columbus, 1883.\\nReynolds, John My Own Times. Chicago, 1879.\\nRice, Harvey Sketches of Western Life. Boston, 1887.", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "432 AUTHORITIES CITED.\\nRoberts, E. H. New York, in the Commonwealth Series. Boston.\\nRobinson, H. M. The Great Fur Land. New York, 1879.\\nScaife, W. B. Boundary Dispute between Maryland and Pennsylvania,\\nThe Pennsylvania Magazine of History, 1885.\\nSeeley, J. R. The Expansion of England. Boston, 1883.\\nSeward, W. H. Works of, Vol. IV. Boston, 1884.\\nShaler, N. S. Kentucky, in the Commonwealth Series. Boston.\\nPhysiography of North America, Narrative and Critical History of\\nAmerica, Vol. IV. Boston.\\nSmith, W. H. The Saint Clair Papers. Cincinnati, 1882.\\nSparks, Dr. Jared The Works of Benjamin Franklin. Chicago, 1882.\\nThe Writings of George Washington. Boston, 1835. Diplomatic\\nCorrespondence of the American Revolution. Boston, 1829.\\nSpeed, Thomas The Wilderness Road, etc. Louisville, 1886.\\nState Papers, The. Washington, 1823.\\nStrong, Moses M. History of the Territory of W isconsin from 1836\\nto 1848. Madison, Wis., 1885.\\nSumner, Charles Prophetic Voices about America, Atlantic Monthly.\\nSumner, W. G. Andrew Jackson as a Public Man, in American States-\\nmen Series. Boston.\\nThwaits, R. G. The Boundaries of Wisconsin, Magazine of Western\\nHistory. 1887.\\nTyler, M. C. Patrick Henry, in American Statesmen Series. Boston.\\nVinton, Samuel F. Argument in Garner s Case, Report of Ohio State\\nFish Commission. Columbus, O., 1877.\\nWaddell, J. A. Annals of Augusta County, Va. Richmond, 1886.\\nWalker, C. I. The Northwest during the Revolution, Michigan Pio-\\nneer Collections, Vol. III. Lansing, 1881.\\nWalker, Francis A. Statistics of the Population of the United States\\nat the Tenth Census. Washington, 1884.\\nWashburne, E. B. Sketch of Edward Coles. Chicago, 1882.\\nWheaton, Henry Reports, etc.. Vol. V. Philadelphia, 1833.\\nWhittlesey, Charles Early History of Cleveland, Ohio. Cleveland,\\n1867. Tracts Published by Western Reserve and Northern Ohio\\nHistorical Society.\\nWinsor, Justin Narrative and Critical History of America. Boston.", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAcadia ceded to England, 66\\nAdams, John, 167\\nAdams, J. Q., opinion on Oliio and\\nMichigan boundary question, 333\\nAdmission of Northwestern States, 317\\nAix-la-Chapelle, terms of treaty of, 57\\nAlbany Congress, 125, 201\\nAlleghany Valley, first occupied by\\nFrench, 47\\nAllen, 107\\nAllen, Ethan, I16\\nAmendments on land questions, 206\\nAnglo-French war, character of, 55\\nAnti-slavery views, in Ohio, 390\\nAranda, Count de, negotiations with Jay,\\n17s\\nArk, The, 303\\nArkansas, influence of, on admission of\\nMichigan, 334\\nArticles of Confederation, 222\\nArthur the First, 310\\nAugusta County, Va., 104\\nAylion, explorer and settler, 6\\nBaltimore, Lord, 78\\nBanks, hostility to, in Wisconsin, 343\\nBerkeley, Lord John, buys New Jersey,\\n95\\nBienville, report on Ohio Valley, 61\\nBird, Captain, 158\\nBlanca, Count Plorida, 172\\nBoone, Daniel, 265\\nBoundary lines, difficulty of defining, 20\\ndisputes between Connecticut and\\nNew York, 94\\nof the United States, 121, 180, 161;,\\n187\\nBrandt, 115\\nBritish, Government, Western land pol-\\nicy of, 120\\noccupation of West after the Revo-\\nlution, 184\\nBrule, Etienne, discovers copper, 25\\nBunch of Grapes, 268\\nBurke, Edmund, on America, 145\\nButler, 115\\n28\\nButler, Captain Zebulon, in Wyoming\\nValley, 112\\nCabot, John, discovers America, X2\\nCabot, Sebastian, visits America, 12\\nCadillac, La Motte, 47\\nCahokia, 293\\nCampus Martius, 286\\nCanada, taken by Cartier, 10\\nceded to England, 66\\nPamphlet, 127\\nFranklin s view concerning, 128\\nproposed cession to U. S., 169\\nrefugees, lands reserved for, 259\\nCape Breton Island ceded to England, 66\\nCarroll, Daniel, 222\\nCarolina grant, 80\\nCarteret, Sir George, 95\\nCartier, James, 9\\nCentre of population, 393\\nCessions, Maryland s influence upon, 216\\nby New York, 229, 237\\nby Virginia, 244\\nby Massachusetts, 246\\nby Connecticut, 247\\ndangers of, to the Republic, 251\\nChamplain, Samuel de, 10, 22, 23\\nCharles I., grant to Lord Baltimore, 78\\nCharles II., grant of Carolina, 80\\ncharters Connecticut Co., 87\\ncharters Rhode Island, 88\\ngrants New England to Duke of\\nYork, 92\\nCharter, to Sir Walter Raleigh, 71\\nto Lord Baltimore, 78\\nto Carolina, 80\\nto Connecticut Company, 87\\nto Rhode Island, 88\\nto Penn, 98\\nChase, Chief Justice, on claims of Unit-\\ned States to Western lands, 250\\nChicago, 398\\nChippewas cede lands, 256\\nChoate, Rufus, on colonial boundaries,\\n90\\nChristian Indians, 259", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "434\\nINDEX.\\nChurch lands, 276\\nCincinnati, Society of, 288\\nCincinnati, early name of, 288\\nClark, George Rogers, the conquest of\\ncountry west of the Ohio, 153, 183\\ninstructions from Patrick Henry,\\nClarendon, Earl of, sells Plymouth\\ngrant, 82\\nCleaveland, General Moses, 373\\nCoeducation in Northwest, 405\\nColbert represses Canadian political\\nlife, 52\\nColes, Edward, influence on Black Laws\\ncf Illinois, 360, 363\\nColonial periods, 406\\nColonies, French and English, contrast-\\ned, 38, 39\\nextent of the Thirteen in 1776, 164\\nCollege statistics in Northwest, 403\\nColor line in Ohio Constitution, 357\\nColumbia, 288\\nColumbia River, Webster s view of, 394\\nCommittee on Northwestern land claims,\\n224, 226\\nConception River, 31\\nConfederacy, fear of Western and\\nSouthern, governs northern boun-\\ndary of Illinois, 327\\nConfederation, articles of, 207\\nCongress, land policy of, 205, 219\\nConnecticut, how originally constituted,\\n87\\nCompany chartered, 87\\nand New Haven consolidated, 88\\ndisputes with Massachusetts, 89\\ndisputes with New York, 94\\nquarrel with William Penn, 110\\nWestward emigration, 112\\nin Pennsylvania, 114\\nclaim to Western lands, 199\\ncedes her Western lands to Con-\\ngress, 247\\nWestern Reserve, 368\\nSchool Fund of, 370\\nLand Comyjany, 372\\nresigns jurisdiction of Western Re-\\nserve, 378\\ninfluence on Western Reserve, 388\\nConnolly, Dr. John, 106, 152\\nContinental Army at close of Revolu-\\ntion, 267\\nCoronada explores Mississippi Valley, 7\\nCoureurs des bois, i.e., French bush-\\nrangers, character of, 41\\nCourt in early territorial days, 303\\nCulpepper, Lord, 79\\nCurrituck River, 80\\nCutler, Dr. Manasseh, 268, 275, 346\\nCrawford, Colonel William, 198\\nCrawford, W. H. on slavery, 363\\nCroghan, report of, 48, 49\\nCrozat, Anthony, 51\\nDakota construction of Ordinance of\\n1787, 316\\nDelaware, bought by Penn, 99\\nCompany, 112\\nbecomes independent, 103\\nDelawares cede lands, 256\\nDe Narvaez, expedition of, 7\\nDenonville, Governor of Canada in\\n1685, 40\\nDe Soto, 7\\nDe Tret, Fort, 47\\nDetroit, founded, 27\\nStraits occupied by French, 42\\npopulation in 1765, 48\\nin the Revolution, 150\\nimportance of, 156\\nDe Vaca, 7\\nDickerson on State of Oregon, 394\\nDinwiddle, Governor, 104\\nDixon, of Mason and Dixon, 103\\nDongan gains Western land for New\\nYork, 41\\nDuane, 221\\nDu Lhut, 36, 42\\nDunmore, Governor, controversy with\\nPenn, 107\\nignores Quebec Act, 144\\nDuquesne seizes northeast branches of\\nthe Ohio, 61\\nDutch, trading posts in New York, 39\\ndiscoveries, 90\\nclaims ignored by the English, 91\\nEarly representatives of Ohio, 325\\nEducation in Northwest, 402-404\\nEducational features of Ordinance of\\n1787, 401\\nEdwards, Ninian, Governor of Illinois\\nTerritory, 315\\nElectors, qualifications of, in Northwest\\nTerritory, 270\\nElizabeth, Queen, 71\\nElliot, 150\\nEmigration, paths of Western, 329\\nEnabling Act, 319, 321\\nEngland s claim to North America, 12\\nyields Western posts, 1S5\\nEnglish, on the Atlantic plain, 12", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n435\\nEnglish, treaties with Indians, 60\\nEntails, erasure of, 269\\nErie, City founded, 47\\nLake, discovered, 26\\nFairfax, Lord, 79\\nFallen Timbers, victory of, 184\\nFather Marquette, 30\\nFearing, Taul, first lawyer in North-\\nwest, 288 1\\nFederal, character of the United States,\\n165\\ntheory of Government, 251\\nFederalist views on admission of Ohio,\\n308, 309\\nFire Lands, allotment of the, 369\\nFive Nations, 57\\nFive State Plan, 321\\nFlorida, ceded to England, 68\\nEast and West constituted, 121\\nboundary dispute, 417\\npurchased, 426\\nFloyd, 221\\nFort, Crevecceur, 35\\nDuquesne built, 62\\nHarmar built, 285\\nLe Boeuf, 61\\nMcintosh, 256\\nStanwix, 134, 256\\nSt. Louis, 43\\nVenango, 61\\nFranklin, iienjamin, his plan for set-\\ntling Western colonies, 126\\nthe Canada Pamphlet, 127\\nreply to Lord Hillsborough, 135\\narguments for the Grand Company,\\n136\\nCommissioner to Paris in 1779, 169\\ndemands Mississippi for Western\\nlimits of the United States, 174\\noutwits the French minister, 181\\nFranquelin, 51\\nPVench, in Valley of the St. Lawrence, 9\\ndiscoverers in the Northwest, 21\\nsettlements kindly disposed toward\\nAmericans, 159\\nsettlers, their character, 52, 161\\nalliance, 162, 177\\nFrench and Indian War, 62, 65, 66, 68\\nFrontenac, Count, sends Joliel to dis-\\ncover the Mississippi, 30\\npolicy of, 46\\nFulton and Harris lines, 33 1\\nFur Trade, 40\\nGai.issoniere, 161\\nGalin^e, first map of the Lakes, 27\\nGalvez, 173\\nGates, grant from James I., 72\\nGeorgia founded, 81\\nGenesee Valley surrendered to Massa-\\nchusetts, 119\\nGerard, 172\\nGibault, Father Pierre, 155\\nGirly Brothers, 150\\nGist, Christopher, 58\\nGladstone, description of West, 186\\nGore, The, 118\\nGorges, Sir Ferdinando, 85\\nGrand Company, 133\\nGrayson, arguments for Western Re-\\nserve, 248\\nGrifSn, The, 32\\nGrosselliers visits country beyond Lake\\nSuperior, 26\\nGuadaloupe preferred to Canada, 130\\nHabitants, history of, from 1763 to\\nRevolution, 150\\nHakluyt, Richard, lig\\nIlaldman, General, 184\\nllalsey and Ward, 118\\nHamilton, Governor, adopts Indian\\nwarfare, 149\\ncivil and military head of North-\\nwest, 150\\nHanson, John, 222\\nHarris and Fulton lines, 33I\\nHarrison, William Henry, delegate to\\nCongress, 306\\nGovernor of Indiana, 314\\nHeights of Abraham, 69\\nHennepin with La Salle, 34\\nHenry, Patrick, instructions to Clark,\\nviews on Detroit, 158\\nHillsborough, objections to the Walpole\\nCompany, 134\\nHopton s grant, 79\\nHudson Bay restored to England, 56\\nHudson, Henry, 90\\nHull, William, Governor of Michigan\\nTerritory, 314\\nHuron, Lake, discovered, 23, 24\\nHutchins, Thomas, author of United\\nStates plan of survey, 262\\nIllinois, separated from Louisiana, 52\\nCounty, 159\\nKiver seized by Spain, 174\\nCounty claims, 229\\nsettlement of, under Virginia rule,\\n293, 294", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "436\\nINDEX.\\nIllinois as a territory, 314, 315\\nadmitted as a State, 315, 328\\nnorthern State boundary, 327\\ndispute with Wisconsin, 330\\nslaveiy regulations in, 354\\ncharacter of immigrants, 358\\ncensus of 1880, 396\\nIndependence, Port of, 373\\nIndentures of slaves in Indiana and Illi-\\nnois, 354\\nIndian, position in French plan of col-\\nonization, 22\\nland titles, 59\\nallies of the English, 149\\nin War of the Revolution, 184\\ntreaties, 256\\nslaveholders, 348\\nslaves, 349\\nIndiana, claim, 229 settlement of, 293\\nTerritory formed, 307\\nadmitted as a State, 326\\nprohibits slavery, 358\\ncensus of 1880, 396\\nIndustries of Western settlements, 50\\nIngles-Draper settlement, 58\\nIowa Territory, 340\\nIroquois, destroy the Hurons, 24\\ninfluence on our national history,\\nconvey their lands in trust to Eng-\\nland, 39\\ncede Western land to New York, 41\\ncede land formerly of the Hurons\\nto England, 46\\nconquests claimed by England, 65\\ntitle to Ohio lands, 137\\nJackson s position in regard to Ohio\\nboundary, 333\\nJamestown founded, 6, 12\\nJames I., grant to Sir Thomas Gates\\nand Sir George Somers, 72\\nJay, John, envoy to Madrid, 171, 174\\ntreats with Count de Aranda, 175\\nsaves the West to his country, 182\\nhis treaty, 184, 190\\nJefferson, Thomas, views on Virginia\\nland claims, 234\\nplan of government for Western\\nterritories, 266\\nviews on town systems, 300\\nJesuit College at Kaskaskia, 50\\nJohnson, Sir William, negotiations with\\nSix Nations, 132\\nJohnston, Alexander, on provisions for\\nnew States, 223\\nJoliet, explores Lake Erie, 26\\ndiscovers the Mississippi River, 31\\nKalm, 129\\nKaskaskia, population of, 48\\nsurrenders to Americans, 154\\nKentucky, land litigation in, 261\\nKing George s War, 57\\nKing, Rufus, 190\\nKing William s War, 46, 56\\nKnights of the Golden Horseshoe, 17\\nKirk, David, 56\\nLa Clede founds St. Louis, 151\\nLake Erie, how reached in 1796, 282\\nLake of the Woods controversy settled,\\n190, 191\\nLand, cessions, Madison s views upon,\\n231-234\\nlitigation, causes of, 260\\nOrdinance of 1785, 255, 263\\npolicy in Ohio, 301\\nsystem of the Government, 302\\nLanglade, Captain de, 152\\nLansdowne, Marquis of, 182\\nLa Salle, meets Joliet near Grand River,\\n30\\nschemes of, 32, 43\\nexplores Lower Michigan, 34\\nbuilds Fort Crevecoeur, 35\\ntakes possession of mouth of the\\nMississippi, 35\\nestablishes Fort St. Louis, 43\\ndeath of, 43\\nLe Caron, missionary to the Hurons, 23\\nLivingston, Robert R., gains Louisiana,\\n196\\nviews on importance of New Orleans\\nto the United States, 425\\nLondon Company, 72, 77, 190\\nLong Island attached to New York, 93\\nLomax, opinion on Virginia Western\\nclaims, 196\\nLosantiville, now Cincinnati, 288\\nLouisiana, the first geographical, 51\\nreserved by France, 67\\ninvites settlers, 15 1\\nceded to the United States, 190\\nannexation of, 426\\nannexed to Indiana, 314\\nLouisville, 171\\nLucas s, Governor, war, 332\\nLucke Island, 80\\nLudlow s line, 292\\nMcArthur, Duncan, 290", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n437\\nMcComas, opinion on Virginia Western\\nclaims, 195\\nMcDougal, 221\\nMcGee, 150\\nMadison, James, gives rule for terri-\\ntorial limits, 165\\nletter to Pendleton, 231\\nletters on land cessions, 231-234\\non admission of Vermont, 237\\non acceptance of Northwestern ces-\\nsions, 238\\non revenue plan, 238\\non policy of land companies, 243\\nMaine, bought by Massachusetts, 85, 93\\nMarietta, 276, 286\\nMarquette, Father, 30, 31, 32\\nMarshall, John, views on Western land\\ntitles, 252\\ninfluence on government of West-\\nern Reserve, 381, 387\\nMaryland, named, 78\\ndisputes concerning boundaries of,\\n100, 102, 103\\nresistance to Articles of Confedera-\\ntion, 213\\nremonstrates with Virginia, 214\\nratifies Articles of Confederation,\\n220\\nMason and Dixon, 103\\nMason, Captain John, grant in New\\nEngland bounded, 84\\nMass first celebrated in Canada, 23\\nMassachusetts, Bay Colony, 83, 85\\ndisputes with Connecticut, 89\\ndisputes with New York, 94\\nsurrenders Western claims to New\\nYork, 118\\nclaim to Western land, 199\\ncedes her Western land to Con-\\ngress, 246\\nMassie, General Nathaniel, lays out\\nChillicothe, 290\\nMar Douce discovered, 23\\nMiami Purchase, 288, 289\\nMichigan, Lake, discovered, 25\\nTerritory, 314, 315\\ninfluence of habitants on, 328\\nConstitution formed, 330\\nboundary quarrel with Ohio, 330\\ncontroversy over admission of, as a\\nState, 335\\nUpper Peninsular, objections to,\\n336 resources of, 336\\ncensus of 1880, 396\\nMichilimacinac, mission of, 38\\nMinnesota admitted, 343\\nMississippi River, discovered by De\\nSoto, 7\\nby Joliet and Marquette, 31\\ntaken possession of by La Salle, 35\\ncalled St. Louis River, 51\\nnatural western boundary after the\\nRevolution, 169\\ncontrol of the navigation on, 418\\nnavigation fixed by treaty, 423\\nMississippi Valley, why abandoned by\\nSpain, 8\\nFrench occupation planned, 32\\nMissouri River, called St. Philip, 51\\nMohawk Valley, its important part in\\nAmerican history, 4, 15\\nMonroe gains Louisiana, 190\\nMontcalm, principles represented by, 68\\nMorgan, George, memorial for Western\\nland claimants, 212\\nMorgan, Colonel George, 242\\nNantucket, 92\\nNational capital, location of, 393\\nNeutrality belt of Indian Territory pro-\\nposed between United States and\\nCanada, 145\\nNew Albion, 95\\nNew Ceaserea, 95\\nNew Connecticut, 97, 375\\nNew England, 13, 16, 85\\nNew Hampshire Grant, 84\\nannexed to Massachusetts, 85\\nbecomes Royal Colony, 85\\nbecomes independent, 85\\nboundary difficulties, 86\\nGrants, 96\\nNew Haven Colony, 87, 88, iio\\nNew Jersey bounded, 95\\nobjections to Articles of Confeder-\\nation, 207\\nNew Netherlands, its limits, 90, 92\\nNewport, Captain, portable barge of, 14\\nNew Scotland, Lordship and Barony of,\\n82\\nNewspaper statistics in Northwest, 403\\nNew York possibly a part of New Eng-\\nland, 91\\nwestern claims of, 198\\nplan to promote adoptions of Arti-\\ncles of Confederation, 216\\ncession accepted, 229, 237\\nNiagara, Fort, built, 47\\nNicolet, Jean, discovers Lake Michigan,\\n25\\nNorth Bend, 288", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "438\\nINDEX.\\nNorthwest Territory wrested from\\nFrance, 55\\nin Revolution, 147\\nland claims, 192\\nlands the means of defraying war\\nexpenses, 230\\nFirst General Assembly of, 305\\nboundary of Ohio, how fixed, 324\\nNova Scotia ceded to England, 66\\nrefuses lands reserved for, 259\\nOberlin, 391\\nOglethorpe, James, 81\\nOhio, first maps of, 28, 29I\\nCompany formed, 58\\nRiver, difficulty of fortifying, 60\\nCompany of Associates, 267\\nPurchase, 275\\nUniversity, endowment, 276, 292\\nValley, how related to country east\\nand south, 283\\nIndians in, 296\\nadmission as State, 267, 306, 318,\\n322, 324\\nFirst Constitutional Convention,\\n325\\nanti-slavery discussion in, 355\\npopulation in census of 1880, 396\\ntrade of, 400\\nConstitution of, 408\\nOld National Pike, 413\\nOntario, Lake, discovered, 24\\nOrdinance governing western territory,\\nterms of, 269\\nof 1787, 315, 364\\nOswald, British Commissioner, 169, 179\\nOttawa River, 27\\nOttawas cede lands, 256\\nOuabache River, 52\\nPan Handle, 109\\nPani, 348\\nParallel of 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 80\\nParsons, General S. H,, 269, 284, 286,\\n369\\nParties, growth of, in Northwest, 304\\nPemaquid, 93\\nPenn, William, charter, 98\\nbuys Delaware, 99\\nquarrel with Connecticut, no\\nPennamite and Yankee war, 112, 116\\nPennsylvania, disputes concerning boun-\\ndaries, 99, loi, 102, 103, 109,\\n373\\nPerry s victoiy, 185\\nPickawillany, 59\\nPierce, John, 82\\nPitt, William, policy, 63\\nPittsburgh surveyed, 105\\nPlonden, Sir Edmund, 95\\nPlan of Union, 125, 126\\nPlough and the Harrow, 269\\nPlunket, Colonel, 114\\nPlymouth Colony, boundaries of, 83\\nCompany, 72, 75\\nCouncil, 84, 85\\nPolitical parties in Canada, 52\\nparties in Northwest, 406, 410, 414\\nPontiacs conspiracy, 148\\nPopular Sovereignty ignored in Ena-\\nbling Act, 320\\nPopulation, of New France and British\\nColonies in 1754, 69\\nof United States in 1787, 282\\nof Western Territory in 1800, 297\\nof Western Reserve, 395\\nPortages, 46\\nPownall, Governor Thomas, 264\\nPresque Isle, 47\\nProducts of Northwest, 399\\nProvidence Plantation, 88\\nPro-slavery arguments in Illinois, 358,\\n361\\nPublic Domain not a source of revenue,\\n211, 264\\nPublic Land System, 302\\nPublic school, statistics for, 403\\nPurre, Don Eugenio, 173\\nPutnam, General Rufus, leads colony to\\nthe Muskingum, 285\\nQuebec established, 10\\nboundaries of, in 1763, 121\\nAct, 141\\nQueen Anne s War, 56\\nQuincy, Josiah, on secession of Eastern\\nStates, 415\\nRadisson visits Superior country, 26\\nRaleigh, Sir Walter, 71\\nRandolph, John, on slavery in Indiana,\\n352\\nRayneval s conciliatory Ime, 176, 177\\nReport of Committee on Western Boun-\\ndaries, 166\\nRepublican Party, its birth, 412, 414\\nviews on admission of Ohio, 301\\nResolutions of Albany Congress, 1754,\\n122, 201\\nRevenue plans in connection with land\\nclaims, 238\\nRhode Island settlements, 88\\n1", "height": "3253", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n439\\nRiver of the Holy Spirit, 6\\nSt. Louis, 51\\nRoberts s Line, 292\\nRobertson, James, 265\\nRockford Boundary Convention at, 339\\nRoss County, influence on division ot\\nNorthwest Territory, 307\\nRoswell, Sir Henry, 83\\nRoving Patent granted the Pilgrims, 82\\nRutledge Committee, 239, 240\\nRyswick, treaty of, 46, 150\\nSaffory and Woodward, 89\\nSante Claire Lake, origin of name, 33\\nSante Esprite, mission of, 29\\nSalt Springs, 377\\nSaltonstall, no\\nSaydys, administration of, 77\\nSargent, Winthrop, 286\\nSaut, Saint Marie, 26, 29, 3b, 401\\nSchool, provisions in land, 259, 252\\nfund of Connecticut, 370\\nSchuyler, Philip, 217\\nSecession in the Northwest, 414\\nof Eastern States advocated, 415\\nSeven Cities of Cibola, 7\\nSeven Years War, 66\\nSevier, John, 265 r ^-r\\nSeward on political influence of North-\\nwest, 413\\nShaler, Professor, disadvantages ot\\nFrench colonists, 51\\nShelburne, Earl of, 1 78, 182\\nSioux, first discovered, 26\\nSix Nations, first discovered, 26\\naid England, 39\\nIheir territory claimed by Virginia\\nand New York, 198\\ntreaty with, 256\\nSlavery, in ordinance of 1787, 272\\nviews of, at close of Revolution, 345\\nin Northwest, 345, 347. 348, 349.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a25t;i, 352, 355, 365\\nSoldiers furnished by the Northwest,\\n415\\nSomers Grant from James L, 72\\nSouthampton, administration of Lon-\\ndon Company, 77\\nSpain, in the Gulf of Mexico, 6\\nin French and Indian Wars, 68\\nclaims the Mississippi River, 170\\nrefuses to receive Mr. Jay, 172\\nseizes post St. Joseph, 173\\ndisputes Florida boundary, 4^7\\nopposes treaty of 1783, 4f8\\nviews on Louisiana question, 421\\nSpain withdraws from Louisiana, 424\\nexcluded from Mississippi Valley,\\n426\\nSpotswood, Governor, 16, 17\\nStarved Rock, 43\\nSt. Augustine, key to Spanish posses-\\nsions, 9\\nSt Clair, Arthur, 106\\nappointed Governor of Marietta,\\n286\\ntreats with Indians for Ohio, 296\\nwaning popularity, 305\\nindictment against, 311\\nlast years, 313\\nexplains anti-slavery clause ot ordi-\\nnance of 1787, 350\\nconflict with Western Reserve, 376\\nCounty, 299\\nLake, origin of name, 33\\nSt. Croix Valley, 342\\nSteamboats on Ohio and Lakes, 400\\nSteuben, Baron, 1S4\\nStirling, Earl of, grant of New England,\\n82\\nSt. Jerome River, 52\\nSt. Joseph, Fort, 42, 173\\nSt. Lawrence, 9, n\\nSt. Louis, 43, 151\\nSt. Philip s River, 51\\nStrachy assists Oswald, 17\u00c2\u00b0\\nStuart, negotiations with Cherokees,\\nI 132\\nSufferers Lands, 369\\nSuffrage in Northwest, 408\\nSuperior State proposed, 341\\nSurveys, methods, 257, 260\\nSusquehanna an outlet of Lake Erie, 2b\\nCompany, in\\nSymmes, John Clives, 286\\nPurchase, 288\\nTract, 288\\nTecumseh, 185\\nTilghman, 107\\nTitles to Land, 70, 380, 382\\nToledo War, 332\\nCity, 331\\nTonty, 35\\nTownship, size decreed, 258\\nTerritorial claims, 19, 167, 280\\nTerritory of Northwest, 280, 281\\nTransportation in Northwest, 399\\nTreaty of Ghent, 185\\nGreenville, 184\\nParis, 182, 187\\nTrent, William, 213", "height": "3286", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "440\\nINDEX.\\nTrenton Decision, Il6\\nTupper, General Benjamin, 284\\nTurner, George, 286\\nTrumbull County organized, 387\\nTrumbull, Governor of Connecticut, 117\\nUnited States wrests Northwest from\\nEngland, 162\\noriginal boundaries, 186\\njurisdiction on western rivers, 384\\nUtrecht, treaty of, 56\\nVan Buren s election, 333\\nVandalia, 133\\nmemorial, 213\\ngrant, 229\\nVamum, James M., 286\\nVenango, Fort, 61\\nviews on Spain s demands, 176\\nVermont, in War of Independence, 97\\ninfluence on land questions, 235\\nadmission to the Union, 235\\nVerazzano, 9\\nVincennes, 44, 155\\nVincent s Port, 44\\nVinton, Samuel F., on Ohio and Vir-\\nginia boundaries, 193\\nVirginia, early map of, 13\\ntreaty with Iroquois, 59\\nceded to Raleigh, 71\\nceded to Gates and Somers, 72\\nnamed, 72\\nboundaries in 1609, 73\\ngovernors commissioned, 77\\nresists Lord Baltimore s grant, 79\\nreleases Maryland, Pennsylvania,\\nNorth and South Carolina, no,\\n192\\norganizes Illinois County, 158\\nclaims to Ohio, 194\\nwestern counties of, 197\\nprepares to sell western lands, 212\\ndenies jurisdiction of Congress, 215\\ncessions not recommended, 228\\nterms of cession, 243\\nvote on ordinance of 1787, 277\\nmilitary district of, 290\\nWabash County Claims, 229\\nWalker, Dr. Thomas, 58\\nWalpole Colony, 133, 134, 139\\nWar, French and Indian, 62\\nWar Claims settled by land, 258\\nWard and Halsey Titles, 1 18, 387\\nWarren, Ohio, First Court sits at, 388\\nWashington, George, on Western settle-\\nments, 266\\non separation of Western States,\\n420\\nI against the Walpole grant, 140\\nWashington County, Ohio, created, 287,\\n299\\nWater-ways of the continent, 2, 3\\nWayne, General, 184\\nWayne, County, 299, 321\\nWebster, Ashburton Treaty, 191\\non Columbia River, 394\\nWestern Colonial boundaries, 124\\ngovernment decided upon, 269\\nprophecies, 393\\nquestion, three phases of, 148\\nterritory, government of, 266\\nWestern Reserve, mistaken area of, 28.\\ndescription of, 117, 247\\nwhat might have been, 186\\npossibility of falling to England,\\n189\\ngovernment of, 266\\nhow different from Virginia Military\\nDistrict, 290\\nsale of, 371\\nneed of a government, 379\\nland titles, 380, 382\\nmade into Trumbull County, 387\\ncharacter of settlers in, 388\\nWhig Party in Northwest, 412\\nWhitfield, Rev. George, 126\\nWhittlesey, Colonel Charles, on West-\\nern Reserve Land Company, 375\\nWilderness Road, 15\\nWilliams, Roger, 188\\nWindsor planted, 87\\nWisconsin Territory, 315\\ncontends for Upper Peninsula, 338\\nthreatens to form an independent\\nState, 338\\nboundary dispute with Illinois, 339\\nboundaries fixed by Congress, 341\\nadmitted as a State, 343\\npopulation of, 343\\nWoodward and Saffary, 89\\nWolfe, principles represented by, 68\\nWyandots cede land, 256\\nWyoming Valley Massacre, 112, 115\\nWyonoak Creek, 80\\nXavier, St. Francis, mission founded,\\n44\\nYork, Duke of, 82\\nLRpFe?8", "height": "3274", "width": "2022", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3286", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3274", "width": "2022", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3286", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3390", "width": "2191", "jp2-path": "oldnorthwest00hins_0476.jp2"}}