{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3120", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "-^^^^^i\\nH^ikarji 0f |Jct0-\u00c2\u00aeitglaiTb pistorj)\\nNo. Ill", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "fes^i-\\nCHURCH S PHILIP S WAR\\nPart II", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "MAP OP PLYMOUTH S PATENT OF TERHITORYON THE KENNEBECK.TO ACrnMPANY W DRAKE S ADDITIONS TO BAYLIES S\\nMEMOIR OF HEW PCYMOUTHFROM AN ENGRAVING IISJ.", "height": "3398", "width": "2144", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "v*^\\nOF THE\\nEastern Expeditions\\nOf 1689, 1690, 1692, 1696, and 1704\\nAGAINST THE INDIANS AND FRENCH\\nBy BENJAMIN CHURCH\\nWITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES\\nBy HENRY MARTYN DEXTER\\nid^.\\nQ,\\nVVashine^^\\nJ. K. WIGGIN AND WM. PARSONS LUNT\\nMDCCCLXVII\\nI", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1867, by\\nWIGGIN AND LUNT\\nIn the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts\\nEDITION\\nCfao lijtmlirclr anti JFiflg (Coptfs, Small \u00c2\u00a9uarto\\nCAMBRIDGE: PRESS OF JOHN WILSON AND SON", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "PREFATORY NOTE,\\nT was not anticipated, when the First Part\\nof these Entertaining Passages was\\nissued, in the summer of 1865, that so long\\na period would elapse before the publication\\nof the Second Part, relating to the later Eastern Expedi-\\ntions. But various labors and engagements have neces-\\nsarily delayed the progress and completion of the work,\\nboth of editing and printing, until the present time. It is\\nhoped that the kind welcome accorded to the portion\\nrelating to Philip s War may not be withheld from this\\ncompleting glance at the later Indian warfare, which\\nengaged the prowess, if it did not materially augment\\nthe fame, of the brave man from whose later reminis-\\ncences the story was set down.\\nThe endeavor has been constantly in mind to make this\\na fit companion volume for the First Part, in careful-\\nness and abundance of illustration, in exa6l accuracy of\\nreprint, and in all general features.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "PREFATORY NOTE.\\nThe map is a True Coppy from an Ancient Plan of E.\\nHutchinson Esq. c. c., which was reproduced from an\\nengraving of 1753, to accompany Mr. S. G. Drake s late\\nedition of Baylies s Historical Memoir of the Colony of\\nNew Pl3 ^mouth and has been kindly granted for use\\nby that gentleman, for whose varied courtesies in the\\npreparation of these reprints their editor desires here to\\nexpress his gratitude.\\nIn addition to acknowledgments already tendered, it is\\ndue also that thankful mention should here be made of the\\nkindness of Dr. A. G. Wilbor, of Boston, and Mr. A. E.\\nCutter, of Charlestown, for the loan of copies of the rare\\nfirst edition, to aid the accuracy of the work of revision.\\nn. M. D.\\nHillside, Roxbuky,\\n1 2th April, 1S67.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nHEN the murder of Sassaiiion, in the winter\\nof 1671, led to the breaking-out of Philip s\\nWar, Plymouth had been settled fifty-four\\nyears; Dover, fifty-one; Boston, forty-four;\\nWethersfield, forty; Providence, thirty-eight; and Kitter}^,\\ntwenty-seven. There appear to have been then, within\\nthe boundaries of what is now Maine, thirteen towns and\\nplantations within what is now New Hampshire, f\\nfour within what is now Massachusetts, sixty four J\\nKitteiy; York; Wells; Cape Por-\\npoise Saco Scarborough Falmouth\\nPejepscot; the plantations on the Sag-\\nadahoc and Kennebec; Sheepscot and\\nCapenewagen Damariscotta; Pema-\\nquid Monhegan, with Gorges Islands\\nand the opposite settlements upon the\\nmainland.\\nt Dover, Portsmouth, Exeter, Hamp-\\nton.\\nX Plymouth, Salem, Charlestown,\\nBoston, Dorchester, Roxbury, Water-\\nB\\ntown, Medford, Cambridge, Ipswich,\\nNewbury, Springfield, Concord, Wey-\\nmouth, Dedham, Braintree, Lynn,\\nHingham, Scituate, Duxbury, Barn-\\nstable, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Glouces-\\nter, Rowle} Salisbury, Sudbury, Wo-\\nburn, Reading, Eastham, Taunton,\\nMarshfield, Haverhill, Wenham, An-\\ndover, Hull, Bridgewater, Manchester,\\nRehoboth, Marblehead, Middleborough,\\nMedfield, Topsfield, Maiden, North-\\nampton, Chelmsford, Billerica, Groton,", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nwithin what is now Rhode Island, six;* within what is\\nnow Conne6licut, twenty-three, f Vermont, as yet, was\\nnot. It is probable that the entire population of New\\nEngland at this time, excluding Indians, was not far from\\neighty thousand. J\\nThe best computation suggests, on the same territory,\\nat the same time, not far from 10,500 Indians, distributed\\namong the tribes as follows:\\nPequots 1,200\\nNarragansetts 4,000\\nPokanokets, Nausets, c 7\u00c2\u00b0\u00c2\u00b0\\nMassachusetts 1,200\\nPautuckets 1,000\\nNipmuks 2,400\\n10,500\\nWhen the war broke out, Josias Winslow was Governor\\nof Plymouth Colony where William Bradford had been\\ndead seventeen years; Miles Standish, eighteen; Edward\\nWinslow, nineteen; and William Brewster, thirty; and\\nwhere John Rowland had been dead scarcely one 3 ear.\\nMarlborough, Hadley, Hatfield, Dart- New Haven, Guilford, Sajbrook, Mil-\\nmouth, Swansea, Amesburj, Beverly, ford, Fairfield, Stratford, Greenwich,\\nMilton, Wrentham, Lancaster, Mendon, Stamford, Branford, Farmington, New\\nDeerfield, Brookfield, Sherborn, Edgar- London, Simsbury, Middleton, Nor-\\ntown, and Tisbury. walk, Stonington, Norwich, Killing-\\nProvidence, Newport, Portsmouth, worth, Lyme, Haddam, and Walling-\\nWarwick, Westerly, and Ncav Shore- ford,\\nham (Block Island). J See estimate of 78, 416 in Coll. Am.\\nt Wethersfield, Hartford, Windsor, Statis. Assoc.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nIndeed, of that one-half of the Mayflower s company\\n(fifty) who survived the first year of the settlement, at\\nleast thirteen were still in the land of the living, though\\nnot all still within the limits of the Old Colony. George\\nSoule and John Alden, in a hale old age, resided at Dux-\\nbury; and Susannah White who had enjoyed the singu-\\nlar honor of being first the first mother in the new Colony,\\nand then the first bride was keeping still the house at\\nCareswell, which her second husband, the honored Gov.\\nEdward Winslow, had left to her possession. These three\\nwere already adults when the}^ first saw the New World.\\nAnd, of the children who romped along the Mayflower s\\ndecks, there were still living Resolved White, who seems\\nnow to have been a resident of Salem; Giles and Con-\\nstantia Hopkins, both at Eastham, the latter the widow\\nof Nicholas Snow; Henry Sampson, of Duxbury; Joseph\\nRogers, of Eastham; Samuel Fuller, of Barnstable; Sam-\\nuel Eaton, of Middleborough; (Rev.) John Cooke, of\\nDartmouth; Mary Allerton, who was destined to be the\\nlast survivor of the Mayflower company, dying in 1699,\\nset. 89, who still lived at Plymouth with her venerable\\nand excellent husband. Elder Thomas Cushman, who\\ncame in the Fortune, 1621; and Mary Chilton, now\\nthe recent widow of John Winslow, of Boston. Nathaniel\\nMorton, who, five years before, had published his Neiv-\\nEngland s Alemoriall, was still Secretary of the Colony.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nIn Massachusetts, John Leverett was Governor, and\\nEdward Rawson, Secretary. Here Winthrop and Shep-\\nard had been dead twenty-five years; John Cotton, twen-\\nt3 -two Dudley, twenty-one; Saltonstall, sixteen; John\\nNorton, eleven; Richard Mather, five; John AUin, three;\\nand John Davenport and Charles Chauncy, two; and here\\nThomas Cobbett still lived at the age of sixty-six, John\\nEliot at seventy, and Simon Bradstreet at seventy-seven.\\nWilliam Coddington was Governor, and John Sanford\\nRecorder, of the Providence Plantations, where Roger\\nWilliams was still hale and hearty (and ready to earn a\\nnew title as Captain in this war) at the age of seventy-\\nfive; and William Blaxton was very soon to be carried\\nfrom his dreams among his folios to his rest on the banks\\nof that beautiful river, which bears his name as it ripples\\nby his grave.\\nJohn Winthrop (son of Gov. John of Massachusetts) was\\nGovernor of the now united Colonies of Conne6licut and\\nNew Haven; where Samuel Eaton had been dead thirty-two\\nyears; Thomas Hooker, twenty-seven; Theophilus Eaton,\\nseventeen; Samuel Stone, eleven; and John Warham, four.\\nThe settlements in what is now Maine had at this time\\nbut a single Congregational Church. In what is now New\\nHampshire, there were three.* In what is now Vermont,\\nOne had been gathered at Exeter and no record exists of the formation\\nin 1638, but it became extin(5l in 1641 of another until 169S.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nthere was none. In Massachusetts, there were fifty-seven.\\nIn Rhode Island, there was none. In Connecticut, there\\nwere twenty-one.\\nThese, with their pastors, so far as known, at the\\nbreaking-out of the war, were the following; arranged in\\nthe order of their formation\\nPlymouth (1620)\\nSalem (1629)\\nBoston, First Church\\nWindsor (1630)\\nWatertown (1630)\\nRoxbury (1632)\\nLynn (1632)\\nDuxbury (1632)\\nMarshfield (1632)\\nCharlestown (1632)\\nHartford (1633)\\nIpswich (1634)\\nNewbury (1635)\\nHingham (1635)\\nWeymouth (1635)\\nCambridge (1636)\\nConcord (1636)\\nDorchester (1636)\\nSpringfield (1637)\\nTaunton (1637)\\nSandwich (1638)\\nHampton (163S)\\nDover (163S)\\n(I\\n63\\no)\\nJohn Cotton, Jr.\\nJohn Higginson.\\nJames Allen,\\nNathaniel Chauncey.\\nJohn Sherman.\\n1 John Eliot.\\nSamuel Danforth.\\nSamuel Whiting.\\nJohn Holmes.\\nSamuel Arnold.\\nThomas Shepard.\\nJoseph Haynes.\\nThomas Cobbet.\\nThomas Parker.\\nPeter Hobart.\\nSamuel Torrey.\\nUrian Oakes.\\ni Edward Bulkley.\\nI Joseph Estabrook,\\nJosiah Flint.\\nPelatiah Glover,\\nGeorge Shove.\\nJohn Smith.\\nSeaborn Cotton.\\nJohn Reyner, Jr.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nSalisbury (1638) John Wheelwright.\\nDedham (1638) William Adams.\\nQuincy (1639) Moses Fiske.\\nNew Haven (1639) Nicholas Street.\\nMilford (1639) Roger Newton.\\nBarnstable (1639) Thomas Walley.\\nScituate (1639) Nicholas Baker.\\nRowley (1639) Samuel Phillips.\\nSudbury (1640) Edmund Browne.\\nStratford (1640) No pastor.\\nEdgartown (1641) No pastor.\\nStamford 1 641) Eliphalet[?] Jones.\\nWethersfield (1641) Gershom Bulkley.\\nWoburn (1642) Thomas Carter.\\nGloucester (1642) Jobn Emerson.\\nScituate, Second Church (1642) William Witherell.\\nGuilford (1643) Joseph Eliot.\\nHull (1644) Zechariah Whitman.\\nRehoboth (1644) Noah Newman.\\nHaverhill (1645) John Ward.\\nAndover, North (1645) Francis Dane.\\nReading, South (1645) John Brock.\\ni William Perkins.\\nV ^o.* Jeremiah Hobart.\\nManchester (1645) No pastor.\\nEastham (1646 Samuel Treat.\\nBranford (1647) John Bowers.\\nSaybrook (1646) Thomas Buckingham.\\nMaiden (1649) Michael Wigglesworth.\\nFairfield (1650) Samuel Wakeman.\\nNew London (1650) Simon Bradstreet.\\nBoston, Old North (1650) Increase Mather.\\nMedfield (1651) John Wilson.\\nxiv", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nNonvalk (1652) Thomas Hanford.\\nFarmington (1653) Samuel Hooker.\\nChelmsford (1655) John Fiske.\\nBeverly (1657) John Hale.\\nHadley (1659) John Russell.\\nLancaster (1660) Joseph Rowlandson.\\nNonvich (1660) James Fitch.\\nNorthampton (1661) Solomon Stoddard.\\nBillerica (1663) Samuel Whiting.\\nWenham (1663) No pastor.\\nBridgewater, West (1664) James Keith.\\nGroton (1664) Samuel Willard.\\nNewton, Center (1664) Nehemiah Hobart.\\nMarlborough (1666) William Brimsmead.\\nKillingworth (1667) John Woodbridge.\\nMendon (1667) Joseph Emerson.\\nAmesbury (166S) Thomas Wells.\\nMiddletown (1668) Nathaniel Collins.\\nBoston, Old South (1669) Thomas Thatcher.\\nHartford, Second (1669) Joseph Haynes.\\nWindsor, Second (1669) Benjamin Woodbridge.\\nWoodbury (1670) Zechariah Walker.\\nGreenwich (1670) No pastor.\\nHatfield (1670) Hope Atherton.\\nPortsmouth (1671) Joshua Moody.\\nTisbury (1673) John May hew.\\nYork (1673) Shubael Dummer.\\nBesides these eighty -two regular Congregational\\nchurches, there were six or seven Indian missionary\\nchurches; five Baptist churches one founded at Reho-\\nboth (Swansey) in 1663, one at Boston in 1665, and three\\nin Rhode Island: the First Providence (1639), the First\\nXV", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nNewport (1644), and the Second Newport (1656); a\\nsociety of Friends, which had been formed at Newport\\nin 1656-7; and a church of Seventh-day Baptists, formed\\nat Newport in December, 167 1.\\nWe have seen that the estimated number of Indians on\\nthe territory of New England at this time, was between\\nten and eleven thousand. Of these, about four thousand\\nwere then reckoned as Praying Indians, and seem to\\nhave been won to some comprehension and pra6lice of\\nChristianity. According to Gookin, whose Historical\\nColle6tions of the Indians in New-England bears date\\n7th Dec, 1674,* just before the breaking-out of Philip s\\nWar, these were, in large part, distributed as follows, viz:\\nNonantujn (Natick)\\n\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bbX rt^0(7^(Stoughton)\\nHassa7iamesitt (Grafton)\\nOkommakamesit (Marlborough)\\nWatiiesit (Tewksbury)\\nNashobah (Littleton)\\nMagimkaqiiog (Hopkinton)\\nManckage (Oxford)\\nChabatiakoiigkomun (Dudley)\\nMaancxit (N.E. Woodstock)\\n^iiatitisset (S.E. Woodstock)\\nWabquisset (S.W. Woodstock)\\nPackachoog (Worcester)\\nWaeuntiig (Uxbridge)\\nMeeshaxv7i and Puno)iakanit (Tru\\nro and Wellfleet)\\nPotanumaquut and Nazvseii (East\\nham)\\n145\\n60\\n60\\n50\\n75\\n50\\n55\\n60\\n45\\n100\\n100\\n150\\n100\\n50\\n72\\n44\\nManamoyik (Chatham) 71\\nSawkaifukett (Harwich), Nob-\\nsquassitt, Matfakccs, and l] cc-\\nqiiakut (Yarmouth and Barnsta-\\nble) 122\\nSatuit, PaTL J oesif, Coatuit, Mash-\\npee, and Wakoquet (Mashpee) 95\\nCodtanmiit, Askimuit, Weesquobs\\n(Mashpee and Sandwich) 22\\nPisfogutt, IVazvayantik, and So-\\nkones (Wareham and Falmouth) 36\\nCotuhtiktit, Assooivamsoo (Mid-\\ndleborough) 35\\nKitteauiniit (Sandwich) 40\\nNope (Martha s Vineyard) and\\nChappaquiddick 1 500\\nNantucket 300\\nMass. Hist. Coll. i 141-226.\\nxvi", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nRev. Richard Bourne, missionar}^ among the Indians in\\nthe Pl3anouth Colony, reported, in 1674, that one hundred\\nand forty-two could read their own language, seventy-two\\ncould write it, and nine could read English.*\\nIt will be seen from this enumeration, that the seat of\\nthe successes of the benevolent labor of John Eliot and\\nhis compeers was upon the Elizabeth Islands, upon Cape\\nCod, and in the country neighboring Boston; the great\\ninland and remoter tribes remaining wholly unreached or\\nunaffedled by them.\\nThe general aspect of New England at this time, Dr.\\nPalfrey has admirably sketched in a few words. He\\nsays\\nAlong a line of rugged coast, from the Penobscot to the Hudson,\\nare scattered settlements of Englishmen, at unequal distances from\\neach other, closely grouped together about midway of that line,\\nfarther apart at the extremities. Almost all of them are reached by\\ntide-water a very few have been planted in detached spots in the\\ninterior the most distant of these being about a hundred miles from\\nthe sea, whether measured from the east or from the south. The\\nsurrounding country is not occupied, but roamed over by savages. f\\nMaine was yet rough and primitive, in the extreme, in\\nthe quality of its settlers. Rhode Island was the paradise\\nof schemers and dreamers, and come-outers of all sorts;\\nfrom the high-souled advocate of pure and entire tolera-\\ntion down to those fuss}^ and unendurable champions of\\nI Mi7ss. Hist. Coll. i 197. t Hist. Nevj Englajid, iii 132.\\nc xvii", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nqueer and petty principles, who were such crooked sticks\\nby nature that they could not lie still even there. Plym-\\nouth, badly situated both for commerce and culture, with\\nno good harbor on her coast, and with her thin and sandy\\nsoil, had been able, even with the best efforts of her noble\\nmen, to move but very slowly forward in the path of em-\\npire. While, from the fa6l that her teachers were taken\\nfrom her repeatedly by the superior attra6lions offered by\\nwealthier neighbors, she had been compelled to occupy a\\nlower place in the relative scale, than that to which she\\nwould have been entitled from the purity and worth of her\\nfounders, and her general patient industry. Massachusetts\\nhad advanced more rapidly. Every thing helped her, until\\nshe was strong, not merely relatively as compared with\\nher neighbors, but as looked at from the mother-country\\nacross the sea. Conne6licut, too, was thriving. She had\\nplenty of good land, wise and thrifty oversight, and gen-\\neral prosperity.\\nDr. Palfrey draws the pi6lure of daily life with a skilful\\npencil; thus;\\nIn the three associated Colonies, there is great similarity in the\\nordinary occupations and jDursuits. Most adults of both sexes work\\nhard, and nearly all the children go to school. The greater part of the\\nmen get a living by farm labor they jorovide bread and meat, milk,\\nbutter and cheese, for their own tables, and raise stock to sell in the\\nWest Indies for money with which to buy foreign commodities. But\\nthey are not all farmers. A portion are lumberers, plying the axe", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nthrough the winter in the thick pine forests, and, at the return of spring,\\nfloating down their rafts to a sure and profitable market. Another\\nportion are fishermen, ^.famihar with the haunts of the cod, the mack-\\nerel, and the whale, and with all perils of the sea. In the principal\\ntowns, various classes of artisans pursue a lucrative trade. The country\\nfurnishes some staples for an advantageous foreign commerce and,\\nespecially in Boston, not a few merchants have grown rich.\\nPeace had reigned in these Colonies since the close of\\nthe Pequot war in the spring of 1636, nearly forty years.\\nThe last colonist who had gained experience in savage\\nwarfare in that short but fierce struggle was now dead, or\\ntoo old for service; while the youngest immigrants who\\nhad been trained to arms abroad were now in the same\\ncategory. Slight and temporary misunderstandings and\\nquarrels had taken place now and then; but the wise and\\nscrupulously just policy which the Pilgrims at Plymouth\\nhad first initiated with the good Massasoit, had prevailed,\\nand borne its natural and pleasant fruit. On the whole,\\nthe state of the Indians had been improved by the settling\\nof the English at their side. Though they had parted\\nwith a good deal of the land over which they had been\\naccustomed to roam, they had still enough reserved for\\ntheir present wants. They had bettered their position,\\nin their fight with nature for food and shelter, by many\\nimplements and suggestions from the superior culture of\\ntheir white neighbors. And although their exposure to\\nHist. Neiv England, iii 134.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nthe sedu6live fire-water had wrought them harm, and\\nthey were sometimes imposed u-pon by the cunning greed\\nof crafty and unscrupulous settlers, the Colonial govern-\\nments were always administered in the endeavor to do\\nthem justice and afford them protection; and the proceeds\\nof their hunting, or of their slight farming, now found\\nready and remunerative sale. In the single matter of the\\nto the English undesired, yet gradually accomplished\\nexchange of his bow and flint dagger and stone tomahawk,\\nfor the musket, hatchet, and hunting-knife of the white\\nman, the Indian gained, for the legitimate uses of his own\\nsavage life, more than all which he had lost from the\\nadvent of civilization to these shores.\\nMassasoit died in 1 66 1-2, and was succeeded in the\\nsachemship of the Wampanoags by his eldest son, Alex-\\nander [3Iooanam, Wamsuttd]. His life was short after\\nhis accession. In a few months time, it was rumored\\nthat he was plotting with the Narragansetts, the bug-\\nbear of the Colonies on the west, as the Maqiias were on\\nthe northwest, and the Plymouth government thought\\nthe matter of sufficient consequence to be looked into. It\\nis not improbable that an impression had been for some\\ntime gaining ground, that when the venerable sachem,\\nwho had welcomed Bradford and Winslow and their\\ncompany at Patuxet, and had become their abiding\\nfriend, had passed away, certain tendencies toward dis-", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nturbance, on which he had kept a tight rein, and which\\nothers had repressed through respe6l for him, might find\\ndevelopment. So a message was sent to Alexander to\\ncome to Plymouth, and talk over affairs. He ignored the\\ninvitation. As the Court had broached the subject, they\\nfelt that the general safety required that their summons\\nshould not be disregarded in that way; so they sent an\\narmed party, under Majors Winslow and Bradford, to find\\nand bring him. They found him not far off at Monponset\\n(in Halifax), and then, freely and readily, without the\\nleast hesitancy, he went with them. He told them that\\nhe had intended to come v^hen first invited, but wanted\\nto delay long enough to consult Mr. Willett, in whom he\\nhad confidence. Hubbard s story f is, that when he had\\nbeen dismissed on the promise to send his son as a hos-\\ntage, he was so enraged at the indignities put upon him,\\nthat he fell into a fever, of which he died before he got\\nhalf-way home. And out of this statement has grown\\nthe general representation, that his ill-treatment at the\\nhands of the English was the means of his death, and\\nwas laid up as one prominent cause of the war, twelve\\nyears later. But the letter of Rev. John Cotton to In-\\ncrease Mather, which Judge Davis prints in the appen-\\ndix of the Memorial, and which has every element of\\ntrustworthiness, from the dilation of Major Bradford,\\nDavis s Morton s Memorial, 426. f Narrative, 9.\\nxxi", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\none of the chief a6lors, and a most competent witness,\\ndesiring expressly to corre6l Hubbard, puts an entirely\\ndifferent construction upon the event, and one intrinsi-\\ncally much more in harmony with the probabilities of the\\ncase. Mr. Cotton says,\\nReports being here, that Alexander was plotting or privy to plots\\nagainst the English, authority sent to him to come down. He came\\nnot. Whereupon Maj. Winslow was sent to fetch him. Maj. Bradford\\nwith some others went with him. At Munpouset river (a place not\\nmany miles hence) they found Alexander with about eight men and\\nsundry squaws. He was there about getting canoes. He and his men\\nwere at breakfast under their shelter, their guns being without. They\\nsaw the English coming, but continued eating and Mr. Winslow\\ntelling their business, Alexander, freely and readily, without the least\\nhesitancy, consented to go, giving his reason why he came not to the\\nCourt before viz., because he waited for Captain Willet s return from\\nthe Dutch, being desirous to speak with him first. They brought him\\nto Mr. Collier s, that day, and Governour Prince living remote, at East-\\nham, those few magistrates, who were at hand, issued the matter peace-\\nably, and immediately dismissed Alexander to return home, which he\\ndid, part of the way but in two or three days after, he returned and\\nwent to Maj. Winslow s house, intending thence to travel into the Bay\\nand so home but at the Major s house he was taken very sick, and\\nwas, by water, conveyed to Mr. Bradford s, and thence carried upon\\nthe shoulders of his men to Tetehquet river,* and thence, in canoes,\\nhome, and about two or three days after died.\\nUpon his decease, his brother Philip \\\\Poinetacont\\\\\\nreigned in his stead. One of Philip s first a6ts was to\\nrenew the ancient covenant between his father and the\\nTiticui, or Taunton Great River,\\nxxii", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\ncolonists and five years passed quietly away, when a\\nvague charge was made against him of being willing to\\nplot with the French or Dutch against the English. This\\nhe denounced as a calumny of Ninigret of Niaiitic, and\\nthe matter subsided. After nearly four years more,\\nanother rumor of his treachery gained so much ground as\\nto demand investigation, and awaken solicitude at both\\nPlymouth and Boston. An investigation revealed proofs\\nof bad faith on his part and a bad spirit was clearly\\nmanifested by him, when questioned concerning them.\\nBut this matter was finally issued in his renewed engage-\\nments of fealty. Three years passed again, when the\\nGovernor of Plymouth was informed by Sassamon a\\npraying Indian, who had been schoolmaster at Natick,\\nand who, being able to write as well as read, had some-\\ntimes served Philip with his pen, that there were sus-\\npicious circumstances in Philip s camp, which gave color\\nto the rumor that he was endeavoring to excite other\\nsachems to war. This information was given under a\\ndemanded pledge of secrecy, as Sassamon said that\\nPhilip s Indians would kill him if they suspe6led him as\\nits source. It somehow leaked out to Philip s ear, that\\nthe Governor of Plymouth had heard something to his\\ndisadvantage, and would send for him to come to the next\\nCourt to explain it. He therefore resolved to anticipate\\nthe matter by going without summons. He went to Ply-", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nmouth, accordingly, and saw the Assistants, the Court\\nnot j ^et being in session, and protested his innocence.\\nThey were not satisfied but hoped that he would be led\\nto desist by his knowledge of their discovery of his plans,\\nand so dismissed him in a friendly manner, with a warn-\\ning, that, should further evidence come up, they should be\\nobliged to demand his arms for safe keeping.\\nPhilip went back to Mount Hope and, a few days\\nafter, Sassamon was missing. On search, his hat and\\ngun were found on the ice of Assawompset Pond, in Mid-\\ndleborough, and his body under the ice. It was dragged\\nout, and buried and afterwards exhumed and examined,\\nwhen marks of violence indicating murder, and not acci-\\ndental drowning, became manifest. Three Indians were\\nsoon arrested on suspicion, and tried by a jury, to which\\nsix grave friend Indians were added, to insure fairness in\\nthe verdict. An Indian came forward and testified, that,\\nby accident, from the top of a hill, he had witnessed the\\nscene, and that Sassamon had been murdered by these\\nprisoners. One of the prisoners subsequently confessed\\nthat he had stood by while the others did the deed. The\\njury convi6ted and sentenced the murderers, the Indians\\nconcurring; whereupon two were hanged, and the third,\\nafter a respite of two or three weeks, was shot.\\nThis seems immediately to have promoted the out-\\nbreak, which took place with very little delay; the first", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nEnglish blood being shed on or about the 24th June,\\n1675.^\\nIt has been usual to picture Philip as a great king, a\\nsagacious warrior, and a far-sighted patriot; and to repre-\\nsent him as having been for years engaged in planning\\nand perfe6ting a comprehensive conspiracy among all the\\nIndian tribes on the New-England territory and even\\nupon that of New York for the purpose of sweeping\\naway, by one concerted blow, the hated white usurper,\\nand of recovering to their own savage uses the whole of\\ntheir ancient hunting-grounds. It has been usual to apolo-\\ngize for the ill success of the a6lual strife, by asserting\\nthat it was so hurried up by the death of Sassamon, that\\nthe first blow was struck before due preparations to follow\\nit up could be completed.\\nDr. Palfrey has shown, one would think to the general\\nconviction, that there is a very small foundation of truth\\nindeed on which to build this majestic, one might almost\\nsay magnificent, superstru6lure. He has shown that the\\nEnglish had used Philip habitually well that he had no\\nreal grounds of complaint against them that his frequent\\nsales of land to them implies no unwillingness that they\\nshould have his hunting-grounds if they would pay for\\nthem, as they did that he gave no indications of great-\\nness, whether in council or confli6l that there is no proof\\nSee Part I. p. i8.\\nD XXV", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nthat he dire6led or approved those hostilities about Mount\\nHope with which the war began that his movements im-\\nmediately after indicated a much keener anxiety for his\\nown personal safety than for the extinction of the colonists;\\ntljat there is nothing to show that he directed the out-\\nbreaks which followed, and no evidence that he was per-\\nsonally present and a6live in any particular fight that\\nthere was no manifestation of savage wisdom on the part\\nof anybody in the management of the war; that attacks\\nupon particular, much exposed localities were delayed\\nfor weeks and months, which, if any such general conspi-\\nracy existed as has been claimed, it is incredible should\\nnot have been simultaneous, or nearly so, when they would\\nhave been overwhelming; that, instead of hastening to\\njoin his waning fortunes with the Eastern Indians, when\\nmisfortune pressed him in his ancient haunts, as he could\\nhave done in two days easy march, Philip retreated to\\nthe den whence he had originally gone forth, and there\\nwas shot ingloriously, while, unattended, he was attempting\\nto run away; and that the war was waged at the Eastward,\\nafter his death, with more vigor than during his life, for\\nnearly two whole years. In short. Dr. Palfre}^ makes it\\nout, and, as it would seem, on the best evidence, that,\\ninstead of being a far-reaching, well-organized campaign,\\nwhat we commonly call Philip s War was merely a\\nsuccession of unconsidered and indiscriminate murders", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nand pillages, taken up by one body of savages after\\nanother, as the intelligence of the attra6tive example of\\nothers reached them; and rightfully conne6led with his\\nname mainly as having been led off by those bands who\\ncentred around Sowams, and over whom he had partial\\ncontrol.*\\nThe cotemporaneous records do certainly bear out this\\ngeneral judgment. There is a tradition mentioned by\\nCallender, f as derived both from the white settlers in the\\nvicinity of Mount Hope and from those Indians who\\nsurvived the struggle, that Philip and his elder chiefs were\\nutterly averse to the war. Increase Mather never seems to\\nhave heard of the all-embracing conspiracy, or of Philip s\\ngreat statesmanship. Even Cotton Mather much as one\\nwould think he would have enjoyed it never mentions\\neither. Hubbard is the only early writer who says any\\nthing on which the popular judgment could be based. He\\ndoes say that Philip had been plotting with all the In-\\ndians round about, c. but he gives only vague rumor\\nfrom some prisoners, as his authority, and does not seem\\nhimself to have attributed to his own words the impor-\\ntance even which they might naturally convey.\\nEaston it is difficult to decide how much of accuracy\\nand weight is to be attributed to the testimony lately pub-\\nlished in his name gives the following account of an\\nHist. Neiv England, iii 223-229. f R.-I. Hist. Coll. iv 126.\\nxxvii", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\ninterview which he asserts to have been held between\\nPhilip and some Rhode-Islanders just before the outbreak.\\nHe says:*\\n[PhiliiD] came himfelf unarmed, and about 40 of his Men armed.\\nThen 5 of us went over [Trip s Ferry], 3 wear Magiftrates. We\\nfate veri friendly together. We told him our bifnes was to indever\\nthat they might not refeue or do Rong, They faid that was well they\\nhad dun no Rong, the Englifh ronged them. We faid we knew the\\nEnglifh faid the Indians ronged them, and the Indians faid the Englifh\\nronged them, but our Desier was the Quarrell might rightly be defided,\\nin the befl Way, and not as Dogs defided their Qiiarrells. The\\nIndians owned y* fighting was the worft Way then they propounded\\nhow Right might take Place, We faid by Arbitration. They faid\\nthat all Englifh agreed againft them, and so by Arbitration they had\\nhad much Rong mani Miles fquare of Land fo taken from them, for\\nEnglifla would have Englifh Arbitrators and once they were perfuaded\\nto give in their Arms y! thereby Jealoufy might be removed, and the\\nEnglifh having their Arms wold not deliver them as they had promifed,\\nuntill they confented to pay a 100^, and now they had not fo much fum\\nor muny y! thay wear as good be kiled as leave all ther Liueflyhode.\\nWe faid they might chufe a Indian King, and the Englifh might\\nchufe the Governor of New Yorke, y! nether had cafe to fay either\\nwear Parties in the Diferance. They faid they had not heard of y*\\nWay, and faid we oneflly fpoke, fo we wear perfwaided if y! Way had\\nbine tendered they would have acsepted. We did end eavor not to hear\\ntheir Complaints, faid it was not convenient for us now to confider of,\\nbut to indever to prevent War faid to them when in War againft Eng-\\nlifh, Blood was fpilt, y! ingaged all Englishmen, for we wear to be all\\nunder one King we knew what their Complaints wold be, and in our\\nColony had removed some of them in fending for Indian Rulers in\\nwhat the Crime concerned Indians Lives, which they veri lovingly\\nA Relation of the Indjan Warr, by Mr. Easton, c., pp. 7-16.\\nxxviii", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nacsepted, and agreed with us to their Execution, and faid fo they were\\nabell to fatiffie their Subjedls when they knew an Indian fufered duly,\\nbut faid in what was only between their Indians and not in Townefhipes,\\ny* we had purchafed, they wold not have us profecute, and y they had\\na great Fear to have ani of ther Indians fliuld be caled or forced to be\\nChriflian Indians. Thay faid y! fuch wer in everi thing more mif-\\nchievous, only Diflemblers, and then the Englifh made them not fub-\\nje6l to ther Kings, and by their lying to rong ther Kings. We knew it\\nto be true, and we promiling them y! however in Government to Indians\\nall flaould be alike, and y we knew it was our King s will it fhould be so,\\ny! altho we wear weaker than other Colonies, they having fubmitted to\\nour King to prote6t them, others dared not otherwife to molefl them\\nexpreifed thay took that to be well, that we had littell Cafe to doute,\\nbut that to us under the King thay would have yielded to our Deter-\\nminations in what ani fhould have complained to us againft them.\\nBut Philip charged it to be difoneflly in us to put of the Hering to\\niufl Complaints, therefore we confented to hear them. They faid thay\\nhad bine the firft in doing Good to the Englifh, and the Englifh the\\nfirft in doing Rong faid when the Englifh firft came, the King s Father\\nwas as a great Man, and the Englifh as a littell Child he conflrained\\nother Indians from ronging the Englifh, and gave them Corn and\\nshewed them how to plant, and was free to do them ani Good, and had\\nlet them have a loo Times more Land than now the King had for his\\nown Peopell. But ther Kings Brother, when he was King, came mifer-\\nably to dy by being forced to Court, as they iudge poyfoned. And\\nanother Greavance was if 20 of there onefl Indians teflified that a\\nEnglifhman had dun them Rong, it was as nothing and if but one of\\ntheir worfl Indians teftified againfl any Indian or ther King, when it\\npleefed the Englifh it was fufitiant. Another Grievance was, when\\ntheir King fold Land, the Englifli wold fay, it was more than they\\nagreed to, and a Writing mufl be prove againfl all them, and fum of\\ntheir Kings had dun Rong to fell fo much. He left his Peopell none,\\nand fum being given to Drunknes the Englifh made them drunk and", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nthen cheated them in Bargains, but now ther kings wear forwarned not\\nfor to part with Land, for nothing in Cumparifon to the Vakie thereof.\\nNow home the Englifli had owned for King or Qiieen, they wold dif-\\ninheret and make another King that wold give or fell them thefc Lands\\nthat now, the}^ had no Hopes left to kepe ani Land. Another Grievance,\\nthe English Catell and Horfes (till incrafed that when thay removed\\n30 Mile from where Englifh had ani thing to do, thay could not kepe\\nther Corn from being fpoyled, thay never being iufed to fence, and\\nthoft when the Englifh boft Land of them thay wold have kept their\\nCatell upon ther owne Land. Another Grievance, the Englilli were\\nfo eager to fell the Indians Lickers, yl moft of the Indians fpent all in\\nDi ynknes, and then raueved upon the fober Indians, and thay did\\nbelieve often did hurt the Englifh Catell, and ther King could not pre-\\nvent it.\\nWe knew before, thefe were their grand Complaints, but then we\\nonly indevered to perfuaid y* all Complaints might be righted without\\nWar, but could have no other Anfwer but that thay had not heard of\\nthat Way for the Governor of Yorke and an Indian King to have the\\nHearing of it. We had Cafe to think in y! had bine tendered it wold\\nhave bine accepted. We indevered y! however thay fhould lay downe\\nthe War, for the Englifh wear to Strong for them thay faid, then the\\nEnglifh Ihould do to them as they did when thay wear to ftrong for\\nthe Englifh.\\nSo we departed without ani Difcurtioufnefs, and fudingly had Let-\\nter from Plimoth Governor thay intended in Arms to conforem Philip,\\nbut no Information what y* was thay requii-ed, or w? Termes he refufed\\nto have their Qiiarrell defided and in a Weke s Time after we had\\nbine with the Indians the War thus begun.\\nIf this is authentic, it is interesting, and indicates the\\nutmost that from his side of the question a wily sav-\\nage could then suggest in extenuation of the proposed\\noutbreak. The insinuated poisoning of Alexander may", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nhave been the utterance of an honest suspicion on the part\\nof Philip and his friends: it sounds more like an advantage\\ntaken of the impossibility of contrary proof, to urge a con-\\nscious and mischievous slander. Nor is there any thing\\nin what Easton says to give color to the notion of a gen-\\neral conspiracy among all the tribes to crush out the\\nwhites.\\nThe results of the war were heavy to the Colonies.\\nTen or twelve towns were utterly destroyed, and two-\\nscore of others more or less damaged and depopulated.\\nFrom five to six hundred men fell in the various fights,\\nwere murdered in stealthy assaults, or were carried away\\ncaptive, never to return. More than i\u00c2\u00a3 100,000 were ex-\\npended in the struggle; and, at its close, it is estimated\\nthat the Old Colony was left under a debt which exceeded\\nthe value of the entire personal property of its people!\\nAs a natural consequence, the Plymouth Colonists were\\nnearly discouraged. But, from her thin soil and her vari-\\nous industries, she gradually pushed on to square herself\\nwith the world, until she had paid the last dollar of prin-\\ncipal and interest!\\nThe causes which aroused those later hostilities, which\\ncalled out the several Eastern Expeditions recounted in\\nthis Second Part, were not different essentially from those\\nwhich lay at the root of Philip s War, except as the\\nintermeddling of the French may have had to do with", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.\\nexciting, exasperating, and sustaining them. The Indians\\ngrew more and more dissatisfied as the}^ saw the Colonists\\nadvancing in wealth and power, and every 3 ear fixing\\nthemselves with a firmer hold upon the soil. It was this\\ninherent hostility between a savage race and that civilized\\none which it sees to be too strong for it, and to be mena-\\ncing its fijture, added to the Indian s natural love for\\nblood and pillage, which stimulated attacks which were\\nsought to be excused by pretences that this treaty had not\\nbeen faithfully kept, or that promise had not been honestly\\nperformed.\\nIt may be doubted, however, whether even the fierce\\nsavage of the eastern wilds would not have chosen to re-\\ntreat from the coasts toward the Five Nations without\\nrisking the chances of conflict, if he had not been urged\\non and aided and abetted even in his brutalest work, by\\nthe deadly hatred then borne by the French settler to his\\nEnglish competitor; in which the old hostility of race was\\nsupplemented and intensified by the ferocity of Jesuit-\\nfanned fanaticism.\\nWhen the echoes of the last hearty war-whoop died\\naway among the New-England hills, a new leaf was\\nturned in her history. Even her strong men breathed\\nfreer as they wrought along her frontiers; and her women\\nslept sweeter, w-ith their little ones around them, ever}--\\nwhere under the deep shadows of her ancestral woods.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "f\u00c2\u00bb~^^o\u00c2\u00ab^^H^^^o.^S\\nHISTORY\\nEASTERN EXPEDITIOJ^S.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "[55]\\nA further Account of the A6lions\\nin the more later Wars againft the Common\\nEnemy and Indian Rebels in the Eaftern\\nParts, under the Command of the aforefaid\\nCapt. Benj, Church^\\nIN the time of Sir Edmund Androfs\\\\ Government,\\nbegan that bloudy War in the Eaftern Parts of\\nNew-England\\\\ fo that immediately Sir Edmund\\nfent an Exprefs for Capt. Church\\\\ who then being\\nat Little Compton^ received it on a Lords Day in\\n1 See Introdudlion, for fome account\\nof the caufes which led to thefe more\\nlater wars.\\n2 Sir Edmtatd Andros was born in\\nGuernfey in 1632 went into the army,\\nwhere, through favor of the Duke of\\nYork, he received promotion in 1664\\nwas appointed Governor of the Duke s\\nterritories in America arrived at New\\nYork 31 0(5l., 1674; foon began to fu-\\npervife the moral and religious, as well\\nas the civil affairs of the people in\\n1675, attempted in vain to extend his\\nauthority over Connedlicut. In Feb.,\\n1685, the Duke of York, fucceeding to\\nthe throne as James II., appointed An-\\ndros Governor of all the New-England\\nColonies except Connedlicut. He ar-\\nrived atBofl:on2oDec., 16S6, and began\\nto remove old officers, overturn ex-\\nifting inftitutions, and enter upon a\\nprad:ical defpotifm. 12 Jan., 16S7, he\\naflumed the Government of Rhode If-\\nland and, 13 June, that of Connedlicut,\\nwhich he claimed by fupplementary in-\\nftrucflions. After the news of the land-\\ning of the Prince of Orange reached\\nBofton, an infurrecSiion took place there\\n18 April, 1689, and Andros was im-\\nprifoned. In Feb., 1690, he was fent\\nhome to England, by command of Wil-\\nliam III., who, in 1692, appointed him\\nGovernor of Virginia, where he for the\\nfirft time had a popular adminiftration,\\nbut returned to England in 1699 was\\nGovernor of Guernfey from 1704 to\\n1706; and died in London, Feb., 1714,\\nat the age of 82. {^Governors of Mafs.\\nBay, 403-422.]\\n3 Capt. Church mull: have been at\\nSaconet on a tranfient vifit, as he was\\nat this time a relident of Briftol. [See\\nIntroductory Memoir., Part I., of this\\nwork, p. xxviii.]\\nThe date of this occurrence would\\nfeem to be approximately fixed by the", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "[55]\\nthe afternoon Meeting; going home after Meeting, took\\nhis Horfe and fet out for Bojlon^ as ordered; and by Sun\\nrife next Morning got to Brantry^ where he met with\\nCol. Page^ on Horfe-back, going to Weymouth and Hing-\\nham to raife Forces to go Eafb who faid he was glad to\\nfee him, and that his Excellency would be as glad to fee\\nhim in Bojlon fo early: fo parting, he foon got to Bojlon^\\nprobability that it muft have been be-\\ntween the 20 0(5l., 1688, when Andros\\nilTued his proclamation feeking to fe-\\ncure peace among the Eaftern Indians,\\nand that time in the following Novem-\\nber (Hutchinfon {_HiJl. Mafs. i 331]\\nfays in the beginning of November\\nWillis Portland (ed. 1S65), 274]\\nfays early in November VVilliam-\\nfon {^Hijl. Maine, i 589] fays late in\\nNovember when he ftarted, with his\\nforce of 700 or Soo men, for the Eaftern\\ncountry.\\nWhat was then known as Braintree\\nis now known as Quincy; the prefent\\nBraintree being at that time called Mo-\\nnatiquot. [Addrefs at the oJ)ent?tff of\\nthe nevj Town Hall in Braintree, July\\n29, 1858, by Hon. C. F. Adams, 67;\\nVinton Memorial, 463].\\nNicholas Paige was in Bofton in\\n1665 married Ann, daughter of Ed-\\nward Keayne, and widow of Edward\\nLane (which Ann was tried for adul-\\ntery 23 May, 1666, and made confeffion\\nof much wickednes ferved in Phil-\\nip s War, and was witnefs to articles\\nof peace with the Narraganfetts 15 July,\\n1675 was Captain of one of the com-\\npanies raifed in Bofton on the over-\\nthrow of Andros was Captain of the\\nAncient and Honorable Artillery Com-\\npany in 1695. He is called Lt. Coll.\\nin 16SS. He died, probably, late in\\n1717. In the repairs made, in 1863,\\nupon the Univerfity Library building\\nin Leyden, Holland, there were found\\nunder the floor of that room which for\\nmany years was ufed as a chapel by the\\nScotch Prefbyterian Church, fix memo-\\nrial ftones, and parts of twelve bodies.\\nOne of the ftones bore the following\\ninfcription\\nHere lieth buried Edward Paige,\\nonely fon of Nicolas and Anna Paige,\\nborn at Bofton in New England,\\nFeb. 20, 1622, died in Leyden, Nov. i,\\n1680, N.S.\\nThe firft date ftiould, of courfe, be\\n1662, and this is clearly the Edward Lane\\nof whom Savage fpeaks [Ge\u00c2\u00ab. DiS.\\niii 50] as the fon, of that birth-date, of\\nhis mother while ftill the wife of Ed-\\nward Lane whofe name, for fome\\nwife reafon, was changed to that of his\\nmother s fecond hufband, after her fec-\\nond marriage. [Savage s Geti. Di(5i. iii\\n332. Mafs. Col. Rec. iv (pt. 2) .-309;\\nDrake s Hifl. Bofl. i: 482. Leyden\\nMSS.I", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "[55]\\nand waited upon his Excellency; who informed him of an\\nunhappy War broke out in the Eaftern Parts; and faid\\nhe was going himfelf in Perfon, and that he wanted his\\nCompany with him: But Capt. Church not finding in him-\\nfelf the fame Spirit he us d to have,^ faid, he hop d his Ex-\\ncellency would give him time to confider of it. He told him\\nhe mio-ht: and alfo faid that he muft come and Dine with\\nhim. Capt. Church having many acquaintance in Bq/lon,\\nwho made it their bulinefs fome to incourage, and others\\nto difcourage him from going with his Excellency.^ So\\nafter Dinner his Excellency took him into his room and\\ndifcours d freely; faying that he having knowledge of his\\nformer A6lions and Succefles; and that he muft go with\\nhim, and be his Second, with other incouragements. But\\nin fhort, the faid Capt. Church did not accept, fo was dif-\\nmift, and went home.\\nSoon after this was the Revolution, and the other Gov-\\nernment Re-alfumed;^ and then Governour Broadjlreet^^\\nThis can fcarcely refer to any feel- ton and, two days after, Gov. Brad-\\ning incident to advancing age, for Capt. ftreet and the Magiftrates who had been\\nChurch was not yet 50. chofen in 16S6, refumed the direction of\\nAndros was at this time fo unpopu- affairs. [Hutchinfon s Hi/i. Alafs. i\\nlar, that very few perfons in Bofton 333-344-]\\nwould then be apt to advife a friend Simon Bradftreet was born the\\nto aid him, or undertake any thing un- fon of a Non-Conformift minifter at\\nder him. Horbling, in Lincolnlhire, in March,\\n9 The fmothered flame broke out into 1603 took A.B. 1620 and A.M. 1624,\\nthe arreft of the Governor, a portion of at Emanuel College, Cambridge was\\nhis Council, and other obnoxious per- fteward of the Earl of Lincoln, and\\nfons about 50 in all on Thurfday, then of the Countefs of Warwick;\\n18 April, 16S9. On the 22 May, the came with Winthrop in the Arbella,\\nreprefentatives of 54 towns met in Bof- 1630; fettled in Newtown (Cambridge),", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "[55]\\nfent for Capt. Church to come to Bojlon^ as foon as his\\nbufinefs would permit: Where-upon he went to Bojlon, and\\nwaited upon his Honour; who told him he was requefted\\nby the Council to fend for him, to fee if he could be pre-\\nvail d with to Raife Volunteers both EngliJJi and Indians\\nto go Eaft; for the Ealtward Indians had done great fpoil\\nupon the EngliJJt in thofe Parts giving him an account\\nof the Miferies and Sufferings of the People there: Capt.\\nChurches Spirits being afte6ted, faid, If he could do any\\nService for his Honour, the Country, and their relief, he\\nwas ready and willing: His advice was asked, How he\\nwould aft, he faid. He would take with him as many of\\nhis old Souldiers as he could get, both EngliJJi and In-\\nlived afterward at Ipfwich, Ando-\\nver, Bofton, and Salem. He was the\\nfirft Secretary of the Mafs. Colony;\\nCommiffioner of the United Colonies;\\nDeputy Governor 1672-9; afterward\\nGovernor until 1686 was the head of\\nthe moderate party, but oppofed An-\\ndros s arbitrary a6ls, and relumed his\\nplace at the head of affairs when An-\\ndros was depofed, where he continued\\nuntil Sir William Phipps came, in 1693,\\nwith the new Charter. He died 27\\nMarch, 1697, aged 94. He married (i)\\nAnn, daughter of Gov. Thomas Dud-\\nley, by whom he had Samuel, Dorothy,\\nSarah, Simon, Hannah, Mercy, Dudley,\\nand John (2) Ann, widow of Capt.\\nJofeph Gardner, and daughter of Eman-\\nuel Downing. [Savage s Gen. Di6l. i\\n236; N. E. Hijl. Gen. Reg. i 75.]\\nThe date of this is approximately\\nfixed by cotemporary documents. Gov.\\nBradftreet wrote to Gov. Hinckley, 17\\nJuly, 1689, We have written to Capt.\\nChurch and 2 Aug., 16S9, Capt.\\nChurch having alfo been written to\\nfrom hence thereabouts, who is now\\nhere with the Council treating about\\nthat affair, c. [Hinckley Papers, 4\\nMafs. HiJl. Coll. V 204-5.]\\n1 In April, 1689, the Indians renewed\\nhoftilities at Saco; and 27 June, Coche-\\nco (now Dover, N.H.) was furprifed,\\nand Maj. Waldron and- 23 others were\\nkilled, and 29 were taken captive, and\\nfold to the French in Canada. 2 Aug.,\\nPemaquid was deftroyed, and the in-\\nhabitants Eaft of Falmouth (Portland,\\nMe.) withdrew in terror to that town, or\\nremoved to other places of fuppofed\\nfecurity. [Mather s Magnalia (orig.\\ned.). Book vii 64-5; Williamfon s\\nHijl. Maine, i: 6io; Willis s Hijl.\\nPorlland, 275.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "[56]\\ndzans, c. The Gentlemen of Bojlon requefted him to go\\n[56] to Rhode- IJland Government to ask their affiftance:\\nSo giving him their Letter, and about 40 s. in Money, he\\ntook leave and went home to Briftol on a Saturday; and\\nthe next Monday Morning he went over to Rhode-IJland^\\nand waited upon their Governour,^^ delivering the Letter,\\nas ordered; pray d his Honour for a fpeedy anfwer: who\\nfaid, they could not give an anfwer prefently; fo he waited\\nupon them till he had their anfwer; and when he had ob-\\ntain it, he carryed it to the B0JI071 Gentlemen; who defired\\nhim to Raife what Volunteers he could in Plymouth Col-\\nony,^^ and Rhode-IJland Government, what was wanting\\nthey would make up out of their s that was already out in\\nthe Eaftern Parts. The Summer being far fpent Capt.\\n1^ Walter Clark, eldeft fon of Jere-\\nmiah of Newport, was born about 1639\\nwas a Quaker; was freeman in 1665;\\n6 Nov., 1672, was member of a com-\\nmittee to audit the accounts between\\nthe Colony and its creditors in 1673\\nand 1674 was on the committee to fee\\nthat the eledtion was conduced in an\\norderly manner; 2 May, 1676, was\\nchofen Governor for many years after-\\nward was Deputy Governor, and then\\nGovernor again in 1686, and once\\nmore in 1696; died 23 May, 1714, aged\\n74. He married (i) Content\\nwho died March, 1666; (2) Hannah,\\ndaughter of Richard Scott, who died\\n24july, 1681; (3) Freeborn, daughter\\nof Roger Williams, and widow of\\nThomas Hart, who died 10 Dec, 1709;\\n(4) Sarah, daughter of Matthew Prior,\\nand widow of John Gould. [Savage s\\nGe?i. Did. i: 403; Col. Rec. ii\\n147, 481, 483, 517, 541; iii: 30, 186,\\n312.]\\n1* When the Revolution oufted An-\\ndros, the old Charter Government was\\nrefumed in Rhode Ifland, but the\\nwary Clark who had been Gov-\\nernor when Andros arrived and feized\\nthe State hefitated to accept his\\nformer poft and for ten months Rhode\\nIfland was without an acknowledged\\nGovernor. [Arnold s Hiji. R.-I. i\\n512.] It was during thefe ten months\\nthat Church waited upon him\\nwhence the difficulty of giving an\\nanfwer prefently finds ready explana-\\ntion.\\n1^ Plymouth Court met 14 Aug., 1689,\\nand voted their concurrence accord-", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "[56]\\nChurch made what difpatch he could, and raifed about 250\\nMen Vohinteers, and receiving his CommifTion from Go-\\nvernour Hinkley^^ which is as followeth, viz.\\nThe Council of War of their Majeflies Colony of\\nNew-Plymouth i^i New-England. To Major\\nBenjamin Church, Commander in Chief.\\nT T Tllereas the Kennebeck Eaflern Indians with their\\nConfederates, have openly made War upon their\\nMajefties Subje6ls of the Provinces oi Maine, New- Hamp-\\ning to their weak capacity, in the\\nmeafures propofed by MafTachufetts to\\nfubdue the Eaftern favages. They in-\\nftrudled their Commiffioners (i) to be\\nfatisfied as to the grounds of the War\\n(2) to take care not to be overcharged\\nfor its carrying on (3) to endeavor\\nnot to be involved in charges formerly\\ncontracted (4) to fecure due allowance\\nto volunteers, and due bounty to the\\nwounded (5) to arrange for difburfe-\\nments to be repaid in time convenient;\\n(6) to ftipulate that what fhall be due\\nto Plymouth foldiers fhall be paid here,\\nto prevent charge of tranfportation and\\nother lofs (7) that it be endeavored to\\nengage the Mohawks as allies. It was\\nalfo ordered that the millitary officers\\nof each town forthwith ufe their en-\\ndeavour to encourage Englifh Indians\\nto a volluntary going out in this pref-\\nent expedition under com and of Capt.\\nChurch, c. and that if a competent\\nnumber fhould not volunteer then\\nfuch a number fhall be prefTed as fhall\\nbe by the Councill of war agreed upon\\nin the feverall towns where vollunteers\\nenough do not appear.\\nIt was further ordered, and I infert\\nthe order as curioufly intimating the\\nproportionate ftrength of the towns of\\nPlymouth Colony at this date, that\\nthe proportion for men and armes\\nfor each towne for this prefent expedi-\\ntion fhall be as followeth each man\\nto be provided with a well fixt gun,\\nfword, or hatchet, a home or cartouch\\nbox, fuitable am unition and a fnap-\\nfack. viz\\nM\\nen. Ar\\nlies.\\nMen\\nAmies.\\nPlymouth,\\n4\\n3\\nRochefter,\\n1 I\\nScituate,\\n6\\nS\\nMonamoy,\\nI I\\nMarflifield,\\n3\\n3\\nSucconeffett,\\nI I\\nDuxborough,\\n2\\n2\\nBriftoll,\\n3 2\\nBridgevvater,\\n3\\n2\\nTaunton,\\n4 4\\nMiddleborough\\nI\\nI\\nRehoboth,\\n4 3\\nBarnftable,\\n4\\n3\\nDartmouth,\\n3 2\\nEaftham,\\n4\\n3\\nSvvanfey,\\n3 2\\nSandwich,\\n3\\n3\\nFreetown,\\nI I\\nYarmouth,\\n3\\n3\\nLittle Compton,\\n2 2\\n{^Plym. Col. Rec. vi 212-216.]\\nThomas Hinckley was born in 1618,\\nin Tenterden, Kent, being fon of Samuel,\\nwho came to this country in the Hercules,", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "[56]\\nJliire^ and of the Majfachufetts Colony, having committed\\nmany barbarous Murders, Spoils Rapines upon their\\nPerfons Eftates. And whereas there are fome\\nForces of Souldiers EngliJJi and Indians now raifed\\ndetached out of the feveral Regiments Places within\\nthis Colony oi New-PlymoMth, to go forth to the affiftance\\nof our Neighbours Friends of the aforefaid Provinces\\nand Colony of the MaJfacJmfctts^ Subje6ls of one and the\\nfame Crown; and to joyn with their Forces for the re-\\npelling and deftru6lion of the common Enemy. And\\nwhereas you Benjamin Church are appointed to be Ma-\\njor Commander in Chief of all the Forces EngliJJt and\\nIndians detached within this Colony, for the Service of\\ntheir Majefties as aforefaid. ffi^i)CS0 are in their Majefties\\nName to Authorize Require you to take into your care\\nconduct all the faid Forces Engli/Ii and Indians^ and\\ndiligently to intend that Service, by leading and exercif-\\ning of your Inferiour Officers and Souldiers, commanding\\nthem to obey you as their Chief Commander; and to\\npurfue, fight, take, kill or deftroy the faid Enemies, their\\nin 1635. He was Deputy from Barn- Experience Majhew, and another Sam-\\nftable as early as 1645, and Afliftant in uel Prince. [Otis s Hiji. Bartijiable,\\n1658; Deputy Governor in 1680; and 1:308-313.]\\nGovernor in 16S1, holding the office, i Mr. Drake \\\\^Book of the Indians,\\nexcept when it was ufurped hy Andros, 270] ftates, on the authority of a MS.\\nuntil the abforption of the Colony, letter of Capt. Baffett of this Expedi-\\nwhen he was made Councillor of Mafs. tion, that there was an Indian Com-\\nHe died at Barnftable, 25 April, 1705, 072?. pany commanded by Capt. ^wo5, and\\n87. He married (i) Mary Richards; another by Capt. Z a;\u00c2\u00abc/; while Church\\n(2) Mary Glover, daughter of Lawrence feems to imply that the Saconet In-\\nSmith, and widow of Nathaniel Glo- dians who were with him were under\\nver. One of his daughters married Capt. Numpas.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "[57]\\nAiders and Abetters, by all the wayes and means you\\ncan, as you fhall have opportunity. And you to obferve\\nobey all fuch Orders and Inftru6lions as from time to\\ntime you fhall receive from the Commiflioners of the\\nColonies, the Council of War of this Colony, or the Go-\\nvernour and Council of the Maffachufetts Colony. In\\nTeftimony whereof the Publick Seal of the faid Colony\\nof New-Plymouth is here-unto affixed. Dated in Ply-\\nmouth the Sixth day of September, A^mo Dom. 1689.\\nAnnoque Regni Regis et Regince Willielmi et Marise\\nAnglicB, c. Priino.\\nThomas Hinkley, Prcjident. [57]\\nAnd now Marching them all down to Bojion, then re-\\nceived his further Orders and Inftru6tions which are as\\nfolloweth,\\nBojlon, Septem. 16th. 1689.\\nTo all Sheriff s, MarJJialls, Conjlables, and other Officers\\nMilitary and Civil, iji their Majejlies Province\\nof Maine.\\nX 7 Hereas purfuant to an agreement of the Commif-\\nlioners of the United Colonies, Major Benjamin\\nChurch is Commiffionated Commander in Chief over\\nthat part of their Majelties Forces (levyed for the pref-\\nent Expedition againft the Common Enemy) whofe\\nhead quarters are appointed to be at Falmouth in Cafco\\nBay. In their Majeflies Names, You, and every of you", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "[57]\\nare required to be aiding and affifting to the faid Maj.\\nChurchy in his purfute of the Enemy, as any Emergency\\nfhall require and to Imprefs Boats, or other VefTels, Carts,\\nCarriages, Horfes, Oxen, Provilion and Ammunition, and\\nMen for guides as 3 ou fhall receive Warrants from the\\nfaid Chief Commander, or his Lieutenant fo to do You\\nmay not fail to do the fame fpeedily and effe6tually, as\\nyou will anfwer 3 our negleft and contempt of their\\nMajefties Authorit} and Service at your uttermoft Peril.\\nGiven under my Hand and Seal the Day and Year above\\nWritten. Annoque Regi Regis et Regince Willielmi\\nMariee Primo.\\nBy Thomas Danforth,^^ Prejident of the\\nProvince of Maine.\\nBy the Govcrnoiir and Council of the Maffachufetts Colo?iy.\\nTo Major Benjamin Church.\\nT T THereas j ^ou are appointed and commiffioned by the\\nCouncil of War of the Colony of New-Plymotith,\\nCommander in Chief of the Forces raifed w^ithin the faid\\nColony, againft the Common Indian Enemy, now ordered\\ninto the Eaftern Parts, to joyn with fome of the Forces\\nof this Colony; for the profecution, repelling and fubdu-\\n18 Thomas Dan forth, of Cambridge, Andros in i6So was appointed Prefi-\\nwas eldeft fon of Nicolas; was born dent for Maine, and, in 1692, Judge of\\nin England; was freeman loMay, 1643; the Supreme Court; died 5 Nov., 1699.\\nDeputy 1657-8; Affiftant 1659-78; Dep- He married Marj Withington, of Dor-\\nutj Governor 1679-86, and again after chefter. [Savage s Gen. Di(^. ii 8.]\\n2 9", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "[57]\\ning of the faid Enemy. It is therefore Ordered that\\nCaptain Simon Willard,^^ and Capt. Nathanael Hall^^\\nwith the two Companies of Souldiers under their feveral\\nCommand belonging to this Colony, now in or about\\nCafco Bay, be and are hereby put under you, as their\\nCommander in Chief for this prefent Expedition. And\\nin purfuance of the Commiffions feverally given to either\\nof them, they are Ordered to Obferve and Obey your\\norders and dire6lions, as their Commander in Chief until\\nfurther Order from the Gov\u00e2\u0082\u00acrnour Council; Or the\\nCommiffioners of the Colonies. Dated in Bojlon the\\n17th day of September, A^ino Do7n. 1689. Annoque\\ni SimoJi Willard was third fon of\\nMaj. Simon; born 23 Nov., 1649; free-\\nman 16S0; Captain in this war; was\\nDeacon; died 21 June, 1731. He mar-\\nried (i) about 1679, Martha, daughter of\\nRichard Jacob, of Ipfwich (2) 30 April,\\n1702, Elizabeth, widow of John Wal-\\nley, and daughter of the fecond John\\nAlden (3) July, 1722, Prifcilla But-\\ntolph. [Savage s Gen. Did. iv 555.]\\nI cannot identify this Captain, ex-\\ncept by the fuppofition that he was the\\nfame Capt. Nathaniel Hall who\\njoined the Ancient and Honorable Ar-\\ntillery Company in 1692, and who is\\nbarely mentioned by name, by Whit-\\nman. \\\\_HiJi. And. Hon. Art. 228.]\\nIt feems to me that Mr. Savage is mif-\\ntaken in faying that he was that fon of\\nthe firft John of Yarmouth, who married\\nAnne Thornton, jiracftifed as a phj fi-\\ncian. kept tavern, c., c. It is hardly\\nprobable that there were two cotempo-\\nrary Nathaniel Halls of Yarmouth, both\\nof whom fought the Indians. But that\\nNathaniel Hall who received grants\\nfrom the Plymouth Colony in July,\\n1681, and July, 1683, and who was li-\\ncenfed to keep an ordinary, in addition\\nto a grant of \u00c2\u00a35 per annum, 5 June,\\n1684, to which \u00c2\u00a330 more, with the\\npromife of \u00c2\u00a36 per annum, were added\\nin June, 1685, all on account of his\\ncontenewed lamenefs as a de-\\ncriped fouldier, whoe became foe by a\\nwound received in the late Indian\\nwarr, was of Yarmouth. And as he\\nwas thus an untitled penfioner up to\\n1685, it feems unlikely that he could\\nhave been the Capt. Nathaniel who\\nmarched under Church in 1689. ^I^-\\nOtis, however, thinks he w^as the fame.\\n[Savage s Gen. Did. ii 336 Plym.\\nCol. Rec. vi 65, 112, 130, 132, 169;\\nFreeman s Hiji. Cape Cod, ii 203.\\nOtis s HiJi. Barnjlable, i: 241.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "[S8]\\nRcgni Regis et Rcgince Guilielmi d Mariae Anglice, c.\\nPrima.\\nPajl in Council, S. Bradftreet, GOV.\\nAtteji Ifaac Addington, Sccrr^ [58]\\nBy the CommiJJioners of the Colonies of the Maffachufetts,\\nPlymouth and Connecticut, for managing the prefent\\nWar againfl the Common Enemy.\\n^lllSttUCtiOUgi for Major Benjamin Church Commander\\nin Chief of the Plymouth Forces, with others of the\\nMaffacJmfetts put under his Command.\\nTN Purfuance of the Commiffion given you for their\\nA Majefty s Service in the prefent Expedition againfl the\\nCommon Indian Enemy, their Aidors and Abettors re-\\npofmg confidence in your Wifdom, Prudence and Fi-\\ndcHty in the truft committed to you, for the honour of\\nGod, good of His People, and the fecurity of the Intereft\\nof Chrift in His Churches, expe6ting and praying that in\\nyour dependance upon Him, you may be helped\\naffifled with all that Grace and Wifdom which is requi-\\nlite for carrying you on with Succefs in this difficult Ser-\\nvice and tho much is and mufl be left to your difcretion\\nas Providence and opportunity may prefent from time to\\ntime in places of attendence: Yet the following Inflruc-\\ntions are commended unto your obfervation, and to be\\n21 Ifaac Addington, only Ton of Ifaac, Council, and Secretary, in which office\\nofBofton, born 22 Jan., 1645; was bred he continued many years. He was\\nfor a furgeon, but was chofen Deputy afterward Judge. He died 19 Mar.,\\n1685, and next year Affiftant. Under 1715, (Et. 70. [Allen s Biog. Did.\\nthe new Charter, he was one of the 14.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "[58]\\nattended fo far as the State of matters with you in fuch a\\ntranfaftion will admit. You are with all poffible fpeed\\nto take care that the Plymouth Forces both EngliJJi and\\nIndians under your Command be fixed and ready, and\\nthe firft opportunity of Wind Weather, to go on\\nboard fuch Veflels as are provided to tranfport you and\\nthem to Ca/co, where if it fhall pleafe God you arrive,\\nyou are to take under your care command the Com-\\npanics of Capt. Nathanael Hall^ and Capt. Simon Wil-\\nlard, who are ordered to attend your Command, whom\\ntogether with the Plymouth Forces, and fuch as from time\\nto time may be added unto you; you are to improve in\\nfuch way as you fhall fee meet, for the difcovering,\\npurfuing, fubduing and deftroying the faid Common En-\\nemy, by all opportunities you are capable of; alwayes\\nintending the preferving any of the near Towns from\\nincurfions, and deftru6lion of the Enemy, yet chiefly\\nimproving your men for the finding and following the\\nfaid Enemy abroad, and if pofllble to find out attach\\ntheir head quarters and principal Randezvouz, if you find\\nyou are in a rational capacity of fo doing; the better to\\ninable you thereto, We have ordered two men of War\\nSloops, and other fmall VefTels for tranfportation, to attend\\nyou, for fome confiderable time. You are to fee that\\nyoxxr Souldiers Arms be always fixt, and that they be\\nfurniflied with Ammunition, Provifions and other necef-\\nfaries, that fo they may be in a readinefs to repel and\\nattach the Enemy. In your purfute you are to take", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "[59]\\nfpecial care to avoid danger by Ambufhments, or being\\ndrawn under any difadvantage by the Enemy in your\\nMarches, Keeping out Scouts and a forlorn before your\\nmain Body, and by all poffible means endeavouring to\\nSurprize fome of the Enemy, that fo you may gain intelli-\\ngence. You are to Supprefs all Mutinies and Diforders\\namong your Souldiers, as much as in you lies, and to\\npunifli fuch as dilbbey your Officers, according to the\\nrules of War herewith given you. [59]\\nYou are according to your opportunity, or any occa-\\nfion more than ordinary occurring to hold correfpondence\\nwith Major Swaine^^ and to yield Mutual affiftance when\\nand as you are capable of it, and you may have reafon to\\njudge it will be of moll Publick Service; and it will be\\nmeet you and he fhould agree of fome Signal whereby\\nyour India^is may be known from the Enemy. You are\\nto incourage your Souldiers to be induftrious, vigorous,\\nand venturous in their Service, to fearch out and deftroy\\nthe Enemy, acquainting them. It is agreed by the feveral\\nColonies, That they ftiall have the benefit of the Captives,\\nand all lawful Plunder, and the Reward of Eight Pounds\\nper head, for every fighting India7i man flain by them,\\nover and above their Stated wages the fame being made\\nappear to the Commander in Chief, or fuch as fhall be\\nappointed to take care therein. If your Commiffion Offi-\\n22 This appears to have been Jeremiah previous to this war, and was at the\\nSwain, of Reading, who was Deputy head of a regiment in 1691. [Savage s\\n1686 and 1689, and Affiftant the latter Gcji. Dta. iv 235; Mafs. Col. Rec.\\nyear. He was Captain for many years v: 476, 514.]\\n13", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "59\\ncers or any of them fhould be flain, or otherwife uncapa-\\nble of Service, and for fuch reafon difmift, you are to\\nappoint others in their room, who fhall have the Hke\\nwages, and a Commiffion fent upon notice given, you to\\ngive them Commiffions in the mean time. You are\\nto take effectual care that the Worfhip of God be kept up\\nin the Army, Morning and Evening Prayer attended as\\nfar as may be, and as the Emergencies of your affairs\\nwill admit, to fee that the holy Sabbath be duely San6li-\\nfied. You are to take care as much as may he to prevent\\nor punifh Drunkennefs, Swearing, Curling, or fuch other\\nSins, as do provoke the anger of God. You are to ad-\\nvife with your Chief Officers in any matters of. Moment,\\nas you fliall have opportunit}^ You are from time to\\ntime to give intelligence and advice to the Governour\\nCouncil of the MaJfacJmfetts^ or Commiffioners of the\\nColonies of 3-our proceedings and occurrence that ma}^\\nhappen, and how it lliall pleafe the Lord to deal with you\\nin this prefent Expedition.\\nIf you find the Veffels are not likely to be Serviceable\\nto you, difmifs them as foon as you may.\\nCapt. Silvanus Davis^ is a prudent Man, and well\\n2^ Sylvanus Davis was at Sheepfcot time, being licenfed, in 16S7, to retail\\n1659; fwore allegiance to the King liquors out of doors in the town of Fal-\\n1665; was wounded bj the Indians at mouth became unpopular in the days\\nArrowfick when Captain Lake was of Andros; commanded the fort; was\\nkilled removed to Falmouth (Port- captured by the French and Indians in\\nland) 16S0; became a large land-owner ISIaj 1690; was exchanged for a French-\\nthere, and had the moft extenfive ware- man 15 061., 1690; was put into the\\nhoufe in the Eaftern country at that Council by the Charter of William and\\n14", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "[59]\\nacquainted with the affairs of thofe parts, and is writt\\nunto to advife and inform you all he can.\\nSuch further Inftru6lions as we fhall fee reafon to fend\\nunto you, you are carefully to attend and obferve, and in\\n*the abfence of the Commiffioners, you fhall obferve the\\norders and inftru6tions dire6ted unto you from the Gov-\\nernour and Council of the Majjfachufetts.\\nGiven U7ider our hands in Bofton, Sept. i8. 1689.\\nTJio. Hinkley Thomas Danforth, Prefident.\\n^ohn PVa//ey^ EliJJta Cooke\\nSamuel Ma/on\\nWilliam PitkinF\\nMary 1691 lived in his latter days at\\nHull, Mafs. died 1704, leaving a wife,\\nbut no children. He wrote an account\\nof his capture, c., c., which is on\\nfile in the Mafs. State Paper Office,\\nand was printed in 3 Alajs. Hijl. Coll.\\ni 101-112. [Willis s HiJl. Port. 21, 131,\\n208, 226, 231, 234, 258, 263, 2S4, 293;\\nSavage s Ge7t. Di ii 21.]\\n2* John Wallcy was fon of Rev.\\nThomas, of Barnftable was born in\\n1643 was admitted to the Ancient and\\nHonorable Artillery 1671 freeman\\n1673; Captain 1679; was interefted in\\nthe fettlement of Briftol was one of\\nAndros s Council 16S6; was chief mili-\\ntary officer of the expedition to Qiie-\\nbec 1690; was Judge of the Superior\\nCom-t 1700-H died in Bofton 11 Jan.,\\n1712, cet. 68. He publillied a Journal\\nof the Qixebec Expedition, which is\\ncontained in the appendix to the firft\\nvolume of Hutchinfon s Hiftory of Maf-\\nfachufetts. He had a Angular contro-\\nverfy with John Saffin, in which\\nJudge Byfield became alfo involved.\\n[Savage s Gen. Did. iv 400; HiJl.\\nAnd. Hon. Art. 185 Freeman s\\nHiJl. Cape Cod, i 323 Walhburn s\\nJudic. HiJl. MaJ s. 270.]\\n25 EliJIia Cooke, fon of Richard, of Deputy 1681-3 Affiftant 1684-6; of\\nBofton, was a phyfician freeman 1673; the Council of Safety 1689; agent\\n2S Samuel Ma/on was eldeft fon of July, 1664; Lieut. 1670; freeman 1673;\\nMaj. John; born at Windfor, Conn., on the court-marllial for New London\\nWilliam Pitkin was of Hartford, Deputy 1675 Treafurer 1676 was Af-\\nConn., fon of Roger; freeman 1662; fiftant many years; Commiffioner for\\n15", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "[6o]\\n[60] The Firfl Expedition, Eajt.\\nBEing ready,^^ Major CJmrch imbarkVl with his Forces\\non board the Veffels provided to tranfport them fOr\\nCa/co,^^ having a brave Gale at S. W and on Fryday about\\n3 a clock they got in fight of Cafco Harbour; and difcour-\\nfing tv^o or three fmall Ships there, not knowing before\\nwhether they were friends or enemies; whereupon the\\nfaid Commander Maj Church gave orders that every man\\nthat was able fhould make ready, and all ly clofe, giving\\norders how they fhould a6l in cafe they were Enemies:\\nHe going in the Mary Sloop, together with the Refolution\\nwent in firft, being both well fitted with Guns Men;\\ncoming to the firft, hail d them, who faid they were friends;\\nfor Mafs. in England, with Oakes and beth, daughter of Gov. Leverett. [Sav-\\nMather, 1690-1 Judge of Probate 1701 age s Ge7i. Di6i. i: 445; Bradford s\\ndied 31 0(5l., 1715. He married Eliza- New Etig. Biog. iii.]\\nCo., 1676; Deputy from Stonington, He married (i) 1 (2) Eliz. Peck.\\n1678-82; Affiftant 1683-89; Captain [Co/. 7?t c. C(7;/\u00c2\u00ab. ii 132, 201, 4S4; iii:\\n1685; afterward Major and Commif- 3, 17, 36, 66, 75, 106, 114, 170, c. N.\\nlioner for Conn.; died 30 Mar., 1705. E. Hijl. Gen. Reg.y.^: 117, 118.]\\nthe United Colonies 1678 and to treat He married Hannah, only daughter of\\nwith Gov. Dungan 1683; CommilTioner Ozias Goodwin. [Savage s G\\nagain later; died 15 Dec. 1694, 58. iii 441 Col. Rec. Conn, iii 2, 17, c.]\\n28 Major Church arrived at Fal- Portland, Me.,) notwithftanding the\\nmouth in the latter part of September. -town had received from Maffachufetts\\n[Williamfon s HiJl. Maine, i 616.]\\n29 The old Indian name Cafco con-\\ntinued to be ufed all the firft centui-y\\nafter the fettlement (for what is now\\nthe corporate name Falmouth, as early\\nas 1658. The familiar aboriginal titles\\nhad then much vitality. [Willis s Hijl.\\nPortland, 49.]\\n16", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "[6o]\\nprefently Man d their Boat, brought too, and fo came along\\nthe fide of them; who gave the faid Church an account,\\nThat yefterday there was a very great Army of Indians,\\nFre7ich with them upon the Ifland,^*^ at the going out of\\nthe Harbour, and that they were come on purpofe to take\\nCafco Fort^^ and Town, likewife inform d him that they\\nhad got a Captive Woman aboard (Maj. Waldens daugh-\\nter oi Pifcataqua that could give him a full account of\\nJofeph Prout wrote from Falmouth\\n17 Sept., 1689, that 200 Indians were\\nthen on Palmer s Ifland. [Willis s\\nHiji. Port. 277.] Palmer s was what\\nis now Peak s liland, perhaps 500 rods\\nE. of the mouth of Cafco River.\\n^1 Fort Loyall had been eredled on\\nCleeves s Neck, on the point, at the foot\\nof what was afterward King Street (now\\nIndia Street), in 1680, and garrifoned by\\n13 men, part of whom were fupported\\nby Maffachufetts. 24 May, 1682, an\\nagreement was made with Lieut. An-\\nthony Brackett to keep the fort for one\\nyear, by 6 men in the fummer and 4\\nmen in the winter, by continual watch\\nand ward to keep it as a fort ought to\\nbe kept. The next j^ear, Walter Gen-\\ndall was authorized to take charge of\\nthe fort if Brackett declined. [Willis s\\nHiJl. Port. 226, 249, 254.]\\nRichard Waldrnn (more properly\\nWalderne) was born in Alcefter, War-\\nwickfhire, Eng., where he was baptized\\n6 Jan., 1615; came to America in 1635,\\nwith Mr. Hilton or Mr. Wiggin, to fee\\nthe country; ftaid about two years, and\\nreturned to England and married a\\ngentlewoman of good famil_v came\\n3\\nback, and fettled at Cocheco Lower\\nFalls. He was, at different periods.\\nSelectman, Deputy, Affiftant, Major,\\nChief-Juftice of New Hampfhire, and\\nadling Prefident. He was killed by the\\nIndians (fee note 12) 28 June, 1689.\\nHe married (i) the Englifh lady above\\nreferred to (2) Anne Scamirton, lifter\\nof Richard, Ibe died 7 Feb., 1685. By\\nthefe wives he had (i) Paul, d. 1669;\\n(2) Timothy; (3) Richard, b. 1650; (4)\\nAnna; (5) Elnathan, b. 6 ]u\\\\y, 1659,\\nd. ID Dec, 1659; (6) Efther, b. i Dec,\\n1660; (7) Mary, b. 14 Sept. 1663, d.\\nyoung; (8) Eleazer, b. i May, 1665;\\n(9) Elizabeth, b. 18 OA., 1666; (10)\\nMarah, b. 17 July, 166S. Efther mar-\\nried (i) Henry, fon of Henry Elkins,\\nof Hampton; (2) Abram Lee, Chy-\\nmift, who was killed with Major W. by\\nthe Indians; (3) Richard, fon of Rich-\\nard Jofe, of Portfmouth (4)\\nand died in the lOand of Jerfey. She,\\nof courfe, was the perfon here referred\\nto by Church, having been captured by\\nthe Indians at the time of the murder\\nof her father and hufband, three months\\nbefore, and refcued by a Dutch priva-\\nteer. [iV. E. HiJl. Gen. Reg. ix 55\\n17", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "[6o]\\ntheir number intentions; He bid cm give his Service to\\ntheir Captain, and tell him, He would w^ait upon him after\\nhe had been on Ihore and gave fome orders and dire(5tions\\nbeing come pretty near he ordered all the Men ftill to keep\\ndole, giving an account of the News he had received, and\\nthen went a-fhore, where were feveral of the chief Men of\\nthe Town who met him, being glad that he came fo hap-\\npily to their relief; told him the News Mrs. Z^-^ had given\\nthem, being the Woman aforefaid. He going to Capt.\\nDavis s to get fome refrefhment, having not eat a Morfel\\nfince he came by Bojioii Caftle; and now having inquired\\ninto the State of the Town, found them in a poor condition\\nfor to defend themfelves againft fuch a number of Enemies\\nHe gave them an account of his Orders and Inftru6lions,\\nand told them what Forces he had brought, and that when\\nit was dark they fhould all Land, and not before, left the\\nEnemy fhould difcover them. And then he went on board\\nthe Privateer, who were Dutch Men; but as he went call d\\naboard every Veffel and ordered the Officers to take care\\nthat their Men might be all fitted and provided to fight, for\\nthe People of the Town expe6ted the Enemy to fall upon\\nthem every Minute, but withal charging them to keep un-\\ndifcovered; and coming on board the faid Privateer, was\\nkindly treated; difcours d Mrs. Lce^ who inform d him\\nBelknap s Hiji. Nevj Hamf. i: 199; bay a little E. of the foot of the\\nWilliamfon s HiJi. Me. i 616.] prefent India Street; his lot there hav-\\nCapt. Davis s [fee note 23, a7tte\\\\ ing a front on the tidewater of 147 ft.,\\nhoufe, to which Church now repaired and a depth of 630 ft., to the burjing-\\nfor rcfrelhment, ftood on the great ground.\\n18", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "[6i]\\nthat the company fhe came with had fourfcore Canoo s:\\nthat there was more of them, whom fhe had not feen,\\nwhich came from other Places, and that they told her when\\nthey came all together, fhoiild make up 700 Men. He\\nask d her, Whether Cafteen^^ was with them? She an-\\nfwered. That there was feveral French Men with them,\\nbut fhe did not know whether [61] Cajleen was there or\\nnot. He then having got what intelligence fhe could give\\nhim, went afhore and viewed the Fort and Town, difcour-\\nling with the Gentlemen there according to his Inftru6lions\\nand when it began to grow dark, he ordered the Veffels to\\ncome as near the Fort as might be, and Land the Soul-\\ndiers, with as little noife as pofTible; ordering them as they\\nLanded to go into the Fort and Houfes that Hood near,\\nthat fo they might be ready upon occafion; having ordered\\nProvifions for them, went to every Company and ordering\\nBaron Vincent de St. Cajlin was could be annually realized at Penobfcot\\nborn near the Pyrenees, and became a from the beaver trade. He married\\nman of wealth and eminence, and an the daughter of Madockatvando, chief\\nofficer in the body-guard of the King of the Tarratines; and, being a zealous\\nof France. He arrived at Quebec Catholic, gave the Englilh great trouble\\nabout 1665 and, the regiment which from his inftigation of, and aid to, the\\nhe commanded having been difbanded, enemy in Indian wars. The Englifli,\\nhe fele(5led the pine-clad peninfula of on the other hand, at different times,\\nBiguatus, in Acadie, as his refidence, ufed him very hardly. He went to\\nwhere he eredted a fortified habitation, France in 1701, and probably never re-\\nand for over a quarter of a century turned. His fon, by his Indian wife,\\ncarried on an extenfive and profitable continued to refide at Penobfcot, and to\\ntrade, fhipping merchandife from be influential among the savages. The\\nFrance, and exchanging it with the prefent town of Caftine marks the\\nIndians for furs. La Hontan eftimated fpot. \\\\^La Hontan, i 471 Tibierge s\\nhis profits at 200,000 to 300,000 crowns. Mem. Acadie, i 0(5t., 1695; Mc. Hijl.\\nHe himfelf teflificd that 80,000 livres C vi 110-113.]\\n19", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "[6i]\\nthem to get every thing ready; they that had no Powder-\\nhorns nor Shot-bags, fliould immediately make them; or-\\ndering the Officers to take fpecial care that the}- were\\nready to March into the Woods an horn* before day: and\\nalfo dire6ling the Watch to call him two hours before\\nday; fo he haftned to bed to get fome Reft. At the time\\nprefix d he was call d,^^ and prefently ordering the Com-\\npan3 s to make ready, and about half an hour before day\\nthey mov d; feveral of the Town People went with them\\ninto a thick place of brufh, about half a Mile from the\\nTown;^*^ now ordering them to fend out their Scouts, as\\nthey us d to do, and feeing them all fettled at their work, he\\nwent into Town by Sun rife again, and defired the Inhabi-\\ntants to take care of themfelves, till his men had fitted\\nthemfelves with fome neceffaries: for his Indians moft of\\nthem wanted both bags and horns; fo he ordered them to\\nmake bags like Wallets to put Powder in one end and\\nfliot in the other: So moft of them were ready for a6lion\\n{yiz^ the Seconet Indians,^ but the Cape Indians were\\nThis was the morning of Satur- The Indians on Cape Cod had\\nday, 21 Sept., 1689. been friendly with individual excep-\\nts A portion of the central part tions through Philip s war, and they\\n[of the neck whereon the city of now furnilhed foldiers freely to aid the\\nPortland now ftands] was fwampy and Englifli. As late as the Revolutionary\\ncovered with bullies and trees, and fur- war a fingle Continental regiment had\\nrowed with gullies. [Willis s Journals 26 Ma/Jipee Indians; and it was stated,\\nof Smith d- Dcane, 430.] in 1783, by Rev. Mr. Hawley, that moft\\n3f See Part I. xxii. Probably all the of the MaJJipce women loft their huf-\\nSaconet Indians who ferved in this bands in the fervice, at one time there\\nexpedition were under the command of being 70 widows there. [Freeman s\\nCapt. Numpas. Hijl. Ccpe Cod, i 692.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "[6i]\\nvery bare, lying fo long at Bojlon before they imbark d,\\nthat they had Sold every thing they could make a Peny\\nof; fome tying Shot Powder in the corners of their\\nBlankets. He being in Town, juft going to Breakfaft,\\nthere w^as an Alarm, fo he ordered all the Souldiers in the\\nTown to Move away as faft as they could, where the firing\\nwas; and he with what Men more were with him of his\\nSouldiers, Mov d immediately, and meeting with Capt.\\nBrackits Sons, who told him their Father was taken, and\\nthat they faw a great Army of Indians in their Fathers\\nOrchard, c. By this time our Indians that wanted\\nbags and horns were fitted, but w^anted more Ammunition:\\nprefently came a MefTenger to him from the Town in-\\nform d him. That they had knock d out the heads of fev-\\nAnthony Brackett, perhaps fon of\\nAnthony, who was at Portlmouth, 1640,\\nwas at Falmouth as witneis to a deliv-\\nen of poffcffion 1662 married (i) Ann,\\neldeft daughter of Michael Mitton, and\\nfettled on the 100 acres granted her at\\nBack Cove by George Cleeves. He\\nfubfequently enlarged his farm to 400\\nacres. He was conftable 1664; juror\\n1666 commifRoner 1668 was taken\\ncaptive, with his wife, five children,\\nand a negro fervant, by the Indians 11\\nAug., 1676, but efcaped by the bold\\nlife of an old, dilapidated birch canoe\\nhis wife Ann died foon after, and, 30\\nSept., 1679, married (2) Sufanna,\\neldeft: daughter of Abraham Drake,\\nsen., of Hampton; was Lieut. 1682;\\nCapt. 1689 ^lot by the Indians in\\nthis engagement at his houfe on Back\\nCove. He had by the fir ft wife (i)\\nAnthony, (2) Seth, (3) Mary, (4) Ke-\\nzia, (5) Elinor; by the fecond, (6)\\nJane, (7) Zipporah, (8) Zachariah, (9)\\nAnn, (10) Sufanna. [Willis s Hijl.\\nPort. loi, 106, III, 138, 141, 156, 159,\\n169, 172, 176, 181, 187, 202, 20S, 214,\\n219, 225, 251, 268, 280, 290; Drake s\\nHubbard, ii 139.]\\nBrackett s farm lay on the W.\\nfliore of Back Cove, above the creek, on\\nthe ground now occupied by the man-\\nfion of James Deering, and the orchard\\nextended toward the point. [Willis s\\nHiJl. Port. 27S.] The Indians had gone\\nround, under cover of the darknefs of\\nthe night, with their canoes from Peak s\\nIlland up Cafco River or Back Cove;\\nfrom either of which Brackett s farm\\nwas acceffible.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "[62]\\neral Casks of Bullets and they were all too big, being\\nMusket Bullets, and would not fit their Guns, and that if\\nhe did not go back himfelf a great part of the Arm}^ would\\nbe kept back from Service for want of fuitable Bullets He\\nrun back and ordered every VeiTel to fend a-fhore all their\\nCasks of Bullets; being brought, knock d out their heads,\\nand turned them all out upon the green by the Fort, and fet\\nall the People in the Town that were able to make flugs;\\nbeing moft of them too large for their ufe, which had like\\nto have been the over-throw of their whole Army: He\\nfinding fome fmall Bullets and what flugs were made, and\\nthree Snapfacks of Powder, went immediately to the\\nArmy, who were very hotly in[62]gag d; but coming to\\nthe River,^^ the Tide was up; he calPd to his men that\\nwere ingag d, incouraging them, and told them he had\\nbrought more Ammunition for them. An Lidian call d\\nCapt. Lightfoot^ laid down his Gun, and came over the\\nRiver, taking the Powder upon his head and a Kittle of\\nBullets in each hand, and got fafe to his Fellow Souldiers:\\nHe perceiving great firing upon that fide he was of, went\\nto fee who they were, and found them to be two of Maj.\\nCJmrch^ Companies, one of EngliJIi the other of In-\\ndians^ being in all about Fourfcore Men, that had not got\\nover the River, but lay firing over our Mens heads at the\\nEnemy; he prefently ordered them to Rally and come all\\n*i This river was the prolongation See Part I. note 238.\\ninto the neck, of the S. W. extremity He that is Church, not Light-\\nof Back Cove. foot.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "[62]\\ntogether; and gave the word for a Cafco Man: So one\\nSwarton a Jerfey man appearing, who he could hardly\\niinderftand; he ask d him, How far it was to the head of\\nthe River? or whether there was any place they could\\nget over? He faid, there was a Bridge about three quar-\\nters of a Mile up where they might get over: So he call-\\ning to his Souldiers ingag d on the other fide, that he would\\nfoon be with them over the Bridge, and come upon the\\nbacks of the Enemy; which put new courage into them;\\nfo they immediately Mov d up towards the Bridge, March-\\ning very thin, being willing to make what lliow they\\ncould, fhouting as they March d: they faw the Enemy\\nrunning from the River-fide, where they had made Stands\\nwith Wood to prevent any body from coming over the\\nRiver; and coming to the Bridge, they faw on the other\\nfide that the Enemy had laid logs and fluck birch brufli\\nalono^ to hide themfelves from our view. He ordered the\\nMather \\\\_Mag ialia, Book VI. pp. and Johana Swarton, York while\\n10-14] gives a narrative of the captiv- Marj Swarton, girl, Dover, is named\\nitj of Hannah Stvarion, who was as remaining ftill in captivity. [iV. E.\\ntaken by the Indians when Cafco Fort Hi/i. d- Ge/i. Reg. vi 87.]\\nwas taken, in 1690, with four children It may, perhaps, be reafonable to\\nher hufband being then flain. In No- fuppofe that John Swarton was huf-\\nvember, 1695, Ihe reached Bofton, leav- band of Hannah, father of thefe chil-\\ning two of her children behind her in dren, and the informant of Church on\\nCanada. She fays fhe lived in Beverly, this occafion.\\nMafs., before going to Cafco; while That is, an emigrant from the Ifle\\nSavage \\\\^Gen. Di iv 237] gives the of Jerfey, in Englilli pofleffion, but in\\nname of John Swarton as of Beverly, French neighborhood. Its native in-\\nin 1672. In a lift of Englifh captives habitants fpeak moftly a French ^w/ow.\\nranfomed from Quebec by Matthew In the fame place, probably,\\nCarey, in October, 1695, occurs the where one now ftands, on Grove Sti-eet.\\nname of Jolh. Swarton, boy, Cafcow, [Willis s Hijl. Port. 278.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "[62]\\nCompany to come all together, ordering them all to run\\nafter him, who would go firft, and that as foon as they got\\nover the Bridge to fcatter, that fo they might not be all\\nfhot down together, expe6ting the Enemy to be at their\\nStands; fo running up to the Stands, found none there,\\nbut were juft gone, the ground being much tumbled with\\nthem behind the faid Stands: He orderd the Captain with\\nhis Company oi EnglifJi to March down to our Men in-\\ngag d, and that they fhould keep along upon the edge of\\nthe Marfh, and himfelf with his Indian Souldiers would\\nINIarch down thro the brufh: and coming to a parcel of\\nlow ground which had been formerly burnt, the old brufh\\nbeing fallen down lay very thick, and 3 Oung brufh being\\ngrown up made it bad travelling; but coming near the\\nback of the Enemy, one of his Men call d unto him their\\nCommander, and faid, That the Enemy run Wejliuard\\nto get between us and the Bridge, and he looking that way\\nfaw men running, and making a fmall flop, heard no fir-\\ning, but a great chopping with Hatchets; fo concluding\\nthe fight was over, made the befh of their way to the\\nBridge again, left the Enemy fhould go over the Bridge\\ninto the Town. The men being moft of them out (our\\nAmmunition lay expos d) coming to the Bridge where he\\nhad left Six Indians for an Ambofcade on the other fide of\\nthe River, that if any Enemy offer d to come over they\\nChurch s plan feems to have been dians, he moved acrofs lots due\\nto fend his Englilh Ibldiers along the north, so as, if pofTible, to flrike the\\ncurve of the edge of the marlh toward enemy in the rear.\\nthe battle-ground, while, with his In- By running weftward, the enemy\\n24", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "[63]\\nfhould fire at them, which would give him Notice, [_6;^ lb\\nwould come to their affiftance; (but in the way having\\nheard no firing nor fhouting, concluded the Enem}^ were\\ndrawn off) he asked the Ambofcade, whether they faw\\nany Indiafis? They faid, Yes, abundance. He ask d\\nthem. Where? They anfwered. That they ran over the\\nhead of the River by the Cedar Swamp,^ and were run-\\nning into the Neck towards the Town: There being but\\none Englijli man with him, he bid his Indian Souldiers\\nfcatter, run very thin to preferve themfelves, and the bet-\\nter able to make a difcovery of the Enemy: foon com-\\ning to Lieut. Clarks^^ field on the South-fide of the Neck,\\nand feeing the Cattel feeding quietly, and perceiving no\\nTrack, concluded the Ambofcade had told them a falfe-\\nwould be able to pafs round Church s\\nleft flank, and get to the bridge, and\\ninto the town, in fpite of, and before\\nhim.\\nChurch s Indians evidently fup-\\npofed that the hoftile party were run-\\nning far enough weft to flank the Ihort\\nriver, and go around its fwampy fource\\ninto the neck and toward the town, in-\\nftead of attempting to crofs the de-\\nfended bridge.\\n5 Thaddeus Clark is faid by Rev.\\nTimothy Alden (who gives no author-\\nity) to have been born in Ireland\\n[Alden s American Epitafhs, ii 98.]\\nwas at Falmouth, 1663, with his wife\\nElizabeth, then 18 years old, fecond\\ndaughter of Michael Mitton lived on\\nthe bank of the Cafco, juft above the\\npoint which ftill bears his name was\\n4 25\\nLieut, of a company of town foldiers\\nand, in an imprudent expofure of him-\\nfelf and his men, was killed, with thir-\\nteen of his company, by the Indians,\\nwhen they attacked Falmouth in 1690,\\nand buried 4 July. His widow died in\\nBofton, in 1736, cet. 91. His eldeft\\ndaughter, Elizabeth, married Capt.\\nEdward Tyng; another married a Har-\\nvey, and was a widow in Bofton 17 19.\\nHis fon Ifaac fettled in Framingham,\\nMafs. married Sarah Stow, of Marl-\\nborough had feven children; com-\\nmanded a company of troopers and\\ndied 26 May, 1768, cBt. 102, having\\nlived 70 years with the wife of his\\nyouth. [Willis s Hiji. Port. 139, 141,\\n232, 283, 292 Barry s HiJi. Fram. 208\\nSavage s Gen. Didi. i 400. Me. HiJi.\\nColl. i 203-214.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "63\\nhood; they haftily return d back to the laid Bridge,\\nperceiving there was no noife of the Enem}^ He\\nhearing feveral great Guns fire at the Town, concluded\\nthat they were either affaulted, or that they had difcover d\\nthe Enemy: He having ordered that in cafe fuch fhould\\nbe, that they fhould fire fome of their great Guns to give\\nhim notice; he being a Stranger to the Country, concluded\\nthe Enemy had by fome other way got to the Town:\\nwhereupon he fent his Men to the Town, and himfelf\\ngoing to the River, near where the fight had been; ask d\\nthem^ how they did? and what was become of the\\nEnemy? who inform d him that the Enemy drew off in\\nlefs than an hour after he left them, and had not fired a\\nGun at them fince. He told them he had been within\\nlittle more than a Gun fhot of the back of the Enemy, and\\nhad been upon them had it not been for the thick brufhy\\np-round, c. Now fome of his Men returning from the\\nTown gave him the account, that they went while they\\nfaw the Colours ftanding Men walking about as not\\nmolefled. He prefently ordered that all his Army fhould\\npurfue the Enemy But they told him that moft of them had\\nfpent their Ammunition, and that if the Enemy had en-\\ngaged them a little longer they might have come knock d\\nthem on the head; and that fome of their Bullets were fb\\nunfizeable that fome of them were forc d to make flugs\\n^1 That is, having fent the Indians troops, whom he liad left near the origi-\\nwho had been with him to the town, nal battle-field,\\nhe went back and hailed his Englilli While until. [Bailey.]\\n26", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "[6,i]\\nwhile they were ingag d. He then orderVl them to get\\nover all the wounded and dead men, and to leave none\\nbehind: which was done by fome Canoo s they had got.\\nCapt. Hall and his men being iirft ingaged did great Ser-\\nvice, and fuffered the greateft lofs in his Men. But Capt.\\nSouthworth with his Company, Capt. NumpoJJi with\\nthe Seconit Indians, and the moft of the men belonging to\\nthe Town all coming fuddenly to his relief, prevented him\\nand his whole Company from being cut off, By this\\ntime the day was far fpent, and Marching into Town\\nabout Sun-fet, carrying in all their wounded and dead\\nmen; being all fenfible of Gods goodnefs to them, in\\n53 William SoutJnvorth, (probably\\nyoungeft) Ion of Conftant, was born\\n1659 fettled in Little Compton was\\nfele6tman 1683-5 commiffioned\\nLieut, for Little Compton, 1689; was\\nallowed (as Lieut., though Church\\nforgot and called him Captain then)\\n255. per week for his fervice in this ex-\\npedition; married (i) Rebecca\\nand had Benjamin, Jofeph, Edward,\\nElizabeth, Alice, Samuel, Nathaniel,\\nThomas, and Stephen; (2) and\\nhad Gideon and Andrew. \\\\Ply7n. Col.\\nRec. vi 108, 129, 168, 223, 229; Sav-\\nage s Gen. Di iv 143.]\\n5* See Part I. note 173.\\nChurch enclofed in his letter to\\nthe home authorities, the following\\nlifte of the men that was flain in a\\nfite at Falmouth, and alfo how many\\nwas wounded in faid fite, under date\\nof 21 Sept., 1689; which is ftill pre-\\nferved in the Mafs. State Paper Office,\\nas follows\\nof Capt. Hall s foldiers, 6 flain,\\nThomas Burton,\\nEdward Ebens,\\nThomas Thaxter,\\nThomas Berry,\\nJohn Mafon,\\nDavid Homes,\\nof Capt. Davis s Company, 2 flain,\\nGiles Row,\\nAndrew Alger (belonging to the fort of the\\ntown).\\nalfo, 3 flain,\\nAn Indian.\\nA negro of Col. Tyngs,\\nCapt. Brackett (carried away or flain).\\nMaking n in all killed.\\nWounded, 6 friend Indians, and of Capt Davis s\\nCompany James Freeze, Mr. Bramhall, Thomas\\nBrowne, Mr. Palmer, inhabitants.\\nTotal. 21 flain and wounded.\\nWillis adds that Freeze, Bramhall,\\nand one friend Indian, died of their\\nwounds. Port. 280.]\\nIn relation to the enemy s lofs, Church", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "[64]\\ngiving them the Vi6tory, and caufing the Enemy to fly\\nwith fhame, who never gave one fhout at their drawing\\noff. The poor Inhabitants wonderfully rejoyced that the\\nAlmighty had favoured them fo much: faying, That if\\nMaj. Church with his Forces had not come at that junc-\\nture of time, they had been all cut off; and faid fur- [64]\\nther, That it was the firft time that ever the Eajiward In-\\ndia7is had been put to flight, and the faid Church with his\\nVolunteers were wonderfully preferved, having never a\\ninan kill d out right, and but one l7idian mortally wounded,\\nwho dy d,^^ feveral more being badly wounded, but re-\\ncovered.\\nAfter this ingagement Maj. Church with his Forces\\nranging all the Country thereabout, in purfuit of the En-\\nemy; and vilitingall the Garrifons, at Black Pozjit, ^^Spur-\\nwrote, 27 Sept., faying, We know not\\nvet what damage we did to the enemy\\nin our laft engagement, but feveral\\nthings that they left behind them on\\ntheir flight we found yefterday, which\\nwas guncafes and ftockings and other\\nthings of fome value, together with\\nother figns that make us think that\\nwe did them confiderable damage.\\n[3 Mafs. Hijl. Coll. i 92.]\\nMr. Drake \\\\_Book of Ind. 270.]\\nftates, on the authority of the MS. let-\\nter of Capt. Baffett, that the Indian\\nwho was killed was named Sam Mojes.\\n[See the letter. Drake s Baylics s Plym-\\nouth, p. 77.]\\nBlack Point lies in the town of\\nScarborough, on the fhore E. of the\\nmouth of the Oxvajkoag River, and be-\\ntween it and the Spur-vink. Origi-\\nnally all the country between Saco and\\nSpurwink was called Black Point,\\n[il/e. Hiji. Coll. iii: 17.] In 16S1 a\\nftrong fort was built upon the plains\\nbetween Moor s Brook and the South-\\neaft end of the great pond, at the in-\\nftance of Capt. Jolliua Scottow, the\\ngarrifon of which, at this time, was\\nunder command of his fon Thomas.\\nllbid. 132, 133.]\\nSpur-vi\u00c2\u00bbk fettlement lay between\\nthe mouth of Spurwink River and Cape\\nElizabeth, in the foutherly angle of the\\ntown of Cape Elizabeth. The garrifon\\nfeems to have been at the houfe of Do-\\nminicus, fon of Rev. Robert Jordan.\\n\\\\_Me. HiJl. Coll. iii: 137; Williamfon s\\nHiJl. Me. i 29.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "[64]\\nwink, and Blew Point and went up Kennebeck River,\\nbut to little effe6l. And now Winter drawing near, he\\nreceived orders from the Government of the Maffaclmfetts-\\nBay, to fettle all the Garrifons, and put in fuitable Officers\\naccording to his bell difcretion, and to fend home all his\\nSouldiers the Volunteers and tranfports; which orders he\\nprefently attended.^^ Being oblig d to buy him a Horfe to\\n59 Blue Point was in the S.-W. part\\nof the town of Scarborough, on Saco\\nline, not far W. of Black Point. The\\ngarrifon appears to have been at Philip\\nFoxwell s (fon of Richard) houfe, near-\\nly oppofite to where Mill Creek flows\\ninto the Oivajhoag.\\nThe mouth of the Ketuiebec is\\nfcarcely more than 30 miles N. E. from\\nFalmouth. Williamfon fays Church\\nafcended the river feveral leagues.\\n{Hiji. Me. i 617.]\\n^1 The following document among\\nthe valuable additions recently made to\\nBaylies s Memoir of Plymouth Colofiy,\\nby Mr. S. G. Drake demands a place\\nhere, defcribing, as it does, Church s\\nadlion not merely, but dilclofing, alfo,\\nthe names of fo many of his com-\\npanions, and the proportions in which\\nthey were diftributed among the vari-\\nous garrifons\\nProvince of Maine\\nScarborough the nth\\nNouember, 16S9.\\nAtt a Council! of warr held at the\\npoint Garrifon Prefent Major Benjemen\\nChurch, Capt Sylvanus Dauis, Capt.\\nWilliam Baffitt, Capt Simon Willard,\\nwith the reft of the Comiffion Offecers\\nof Saco, Felmouth and Scarborough.\\nItt is Ordered that one hundred\\ntheire Majefties Horfes now in this pref-\\nent Exspedition againft the Coinan\\nEnimie, be detached out of the feu-\\nerall Companyes, which Ihould number\\nfor the fecurity of the Garrifons there\\nRelident, and in Cafe any of the Ene-\\nmie be difcovered or Any tracks of\\nthem be made in this winter Seafon,\\nuntill further force be fent that may\\nAdvance to theire head Quarters.\\nSouldiers Quartered in the towne\\nShip of Saco twenty men in theire\\ntwo Garrifons. In the townfhip of\\nScarboi-ough twenty men in theire\\nGarrifons viz three Sperwink In-\\ncluded.\\nFelmouth the 13 Nouember: Att\\na Councill of Warr held in perfuance\\nof what is above written, by Major\\nBenjamen Church, and the officers\\nabovefaid. Added Capt Nathaniel\\nHall, Leiut Thaddeus Clark, Leiut\\nEliflia Andrews, Mr. Eliflia Gallilbn,\\nLeiut George Ingerfoll, Leiut Ambrous\\nDavis, Mr. Robert Lawrance, Mr. John\\nPalmer and others c.\\nItt is ordered that fixty fouldjers be\\nQiiartered in Felmouth, befides the\\nInhabitents, and the Souldjers that\\nfliall Belonge to the ftbart, which iTiall\\n29", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "[64]\\ngo home by land, that lb he might the better eomply with\\nhis orders. The poor People the Inhabitants of Cafco and\\nPlaces Adjacent, when they faw he was going away from\\nthem, lamented fadly, beg d earneftly that he would fuf-\\nfer them to come away in the Tranfports; faying if he left\\nthem there, that in the Spring of the Year the Enemy\\nwould come and deftroy em and their Families, c. So\\nby their earnefl requeft the faid Maj. Church promifed\\nthem, that if the Governments that had now fent him,\\nwould fend him the next Spring, he would certainly come\\nwith his Volunteers and Indians to their relief: And that\\nbe ffifteen Souldjers befides the Com-\\nander and Gufier, and the Remayner\\nto be fent to Bofton, to be Ready to\\nReturne Accordinge to Order.\\nItt is Oi-dered that there be A Suf-\\nficiant Garrifon Ere6ted about Mr Gal-\\nlifons houle for a ma3 ne Court of\\nGuard, Together with Mr Robert Law-\\nrance, his Garrifon, which two Gar-\\nrifons are to be fupplyed with the Sixty\\nSouldjers left for to guard the faid\\ntowne.\\nItt is Ordered that Capt Nathaniel\\nHall is to take Charge as Coiuander in\\nCheife of thole fforces that are lefft for\\nthe defence of the Above faid three\\nTownes, Thofe Souldjers that belong\\nto Foart Loj all only to be under the\\nComander of faid Foart.\\nOrdered that Leiut Richard Huni-\\nwell, is to Take the Charge and Con-\\ndudl of the twenty Souldjers quartered\\nat Blew-point Black point and Spur-\\nwinck Garrifons, as he the faid Leiiil.\\nMunivvell lliall Recaive orders from\\ntime to time from the faid Coiiiander\\nin Cheife.\\nItt is Ordered that Enligne John\\nHill is to take the Care and Conduct of\\nthofe twenty Souldjers Quartered at\\nSaco Garrifon as the faid Enfigne Hill\\nIhall Recaive orders from time to time,\\nfrom his faid Comander in Cheife.\\nItt is Ordered that the fforty Sould-\\njers ported att Saco, Scarborough and\\nSpurwinke are to be obedient unto the\\nCoinanders of the feverall Garrifons\\nwhere they fhall be ported whilrt in\\nGarrifon, but to Atend the Coiiiands of\\nLeiut. Huniwell and Enfigne John Hill\\nrefpedtively as they are Concerned upon\\ntheire fcoutinge or marchinge out\\nGiven under my hand this 14th of\\nNouember 1689\\nBy Concent of faid Councill\\np mee\\nBENJAMIN CHURCH\\nCoiiiander in Cheilc.\\n[Drake s Baylies s Hijl. Mem. Plym.\\nCol. Part 5. p. 84.]\\n3", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "65]\\nas foon as he had been at home, and taken a little care of\\nhis own bulinefs, he would certainly wait upon the Gentle-\\nmen oi Bojlon, and inform them of the Promife he had\\nmade to them; and if they did not fee caufe to fend em\\nrelief, to intreat their Honours feafonably to draw them\\noff, that they might not be a prey to the barbarous Enemy.\\nTaking his leave of thofe poor Inhabitants fome* of the\\nchief men there waited upon him to Black Pointy to Capt.\\nScottaways Garrifon coming there they prevailed with the\\nfaid Capt. Scottaway to go with him to Bojlon^ which he\\nreadily comply d with, provided the faid Church would\\nput another in to Command the Garrifon; which being\\ndone and taking their leaves one of another, they fet out\\nand travelled thro all the Country home to Bofto7i\\\\ (hav-\\ning imploy d himfelf to the utmoft to fulfill his Infhruftions\\nlalt received from Bojlon Gentlemen, which coft him\\nabout a Months Service more and above what he had pay\\nfrom Plymouth Gentlemen) and in his travel homeward\\nfeveral Gentlemen waited upon the faid Maj Church who\\nwas oblig d to bare their Expences. When he came to\\nBojlon Gentlemen, he inform d them of the miferies thofe\\npoor People were in by having their Provifions taken from\\nThomas Scoitotv (Scof/azvay) was of the garrifon his father had built;\\nfon of Jofhua, of Bofton and Scarbor-- fubfeqiiently to the war, and his father s\\nough; was born 30 June, 1659; gradu- death, difgufted with the favage hoftili-\\nated at Harvard College, 1677; was at ties incident to refidence there, he fold\\nBlack Point, 1679; fwore allegiance, his Scarborough property to Timothy\\n1681 was appointed Regifter of Pro- Prout, and left the place. [Savage s\\nbate and County Commiflioner under Ge\u00c2\u00bb. Did. iv 40; Williamfon s Hiji.\\nAndros in :6S8: in 1689 had command Mc. i 692: Willis s Po;-//a\u00c2\u00ab(f, 220.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "[65 J\\nthem by order of the Prefident, ^c.^^ Then went home;\\nftaid not long there before he return d to Bojlon^ where\\nCapt. Scottaway waited for his coming, that he might have\\nthe determination of the Government of Bojlon to carry\\nhome with him; and it being the time of the Small Pox^^\\nthere (and Maj Church not having had it) taking up his\\nLodging near the Com t-houfe,^*^ took the firfl opportunity\\n[65] to inform thofe Gentlemen of the Court his bufmefs;\\nwho faid they were very bufy in fending home Sir Ed-\\nmund^ the Ship being ready to Sail.*^^ The faid Maj.\\n63 Prefident Danforth, bj requiring\\nof them provifions for a fupply of the\\nmilitary, had brought them into great\\ndiftrefs. [Williamfon s Hijl. Me. i\\n618.]\\n6* As, on the 6th Feb., he had been\\nwaiting in Bofton three weeks, the date\\nof his returning to that city, here\\nmentioned, muft have been about Wed-\\nnefday, 16 Jan., i6|-|.\\n65 The fmall-pox raged in Bofton\\nduring the fpring and fummer of 1690;\\nand this teftimony of Church s fhows\\nthat its ravages had commenced as\\nearly as January, i6||. Samuel\\nGreen, jr., the printer, died, after an\\nillnefs of three days with it, in July,\\n1690; and his wife followed him a few\\ndays after. In Auguft, 1690, a fon of\\nRev. John Cotton wrote to his father,\\nThe fmall-pox is as bad as ever.\\n[Thomas s HiJl. Printing., i 282.]\\n66 The firft Bofton Court Houfe, or\\nTown Houfe, was begun to be built\\nabout 1657. It ftood where the old\\nState Houfe now ftands, in the head\\nof State Street, and was burned in the\\ngreat fire of 171 1, being built of wood.\\n[Drake s Hiji. Boji. i 350.]\\nThe exaift date of the fhipping of\\nAndros for England feems to have been\\nfingularly unnoted in the records of\\nthe time and is, perhaps, more nearly\\ndetermined by what Church fays here\\nthan in any other way. Hutchinfon\\nfays \\\\_HiJl. Mafs. i: 349], The firft\\nopportunity (the beginning of Febru-\\nary) after the arrival of the King s\\norder, he, with Mr. Dudley and feveral\\nothers, embarked for England. Mr.\\nDrake \\\\_HiJl. BoJi. i 486] fays, Some\\ntime in the winter following [that of\\ni6|^], an order was received from\\ntheir Majefties to fend the prifoners\\nover thence and they were accord-\\ningly fent in the firft Ibip bound to that\\ncountry. The author of the Life of\\nAndros {^Governors of Mafs. Bay,\\n419] fays, In February, 1690, they\\nwere fent home to England. Elliott\\n{_Nexv-Eng. Hifi. i: 380] fays, In\\nFebruary, 1689, with Dudley and fome\\n32", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "^5 I\\nCktirck ftill waiting upon them, and at every opportunitv\\nintreating thole Gentlemen in the behalf of the poor\\nPeople of Ca/co, informing them the necellity of taking-\\ncare of them either by fending them relief early in the\\nSpring, or futfer them to draw off, otherwife they would\\ncertainly be deflroj^ed, c. There anfwer was, They\\ncould do nothing till Sir Ed7nund was gone. Waiting\\nthere three weeks upon great expences, he concluded to\\ndraw up fome of the circumftances of Cafco and Places\\nAdjacent, and to leave it upon the Council-Board, before\\nthe Governour Council; having got it done, obtained\\nliberty to go up where the Governour and Council was\\nfitting, he inform d their Honours, that he had waited till\\nhis Patience was wore out; fo had drawn up the matter to\\nleave upon the Board before them: which is as follows.\\nTo the Honoured Governour and Council of the\\nMaffachufetts.\\nGentlemen,\\nWHereas by verttie of Yours with Plymouths defires\\nand Commands, I went Eaftward in the lafl Expe-\\ndition againfi the Common Indian Enemy, where Providence\\nothers, he was fent awaj to England. make it clear, that, fo far as he was in-\\nBarry {_H{Jl. Mafs. i 508] fajs, By formed, as late as the 6th Feb., i6||\\nthe firft opportunity the prifoners were there was no immediate probability\\nfent to England in the fliip Mehitabel, that the Ihip would fail; as, had he\\nGilbert Baut, mafter, and places in feen fuch a probability, having waited\\nthe margin the date of Feb. 9, i6fa. three weeks, he would have been likely\\nThe date of Church s communication to have waited at leaft a very few davs\\nto the Governor and Council feems to longer in hope to fecm-e his end.\\n5 Zl", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a255 1\\nfo ordered tJiat ive Attacked their greatejl body of Forces,\\ncoming then for the Deflru6lio7i of Falmouth, which zve\\nknow Marched off RepuVfl with confiderable Damage, leav-\\ning the ground, and never fine e feen there, or in any Place\\nAdjacent the time of the Year being then too late to profe-\\ncute any further defign, and other Accidents falling contrary\\nto my expeftatio7i, Impeeding the defired Succefs. Upon my\\nthen Removal from the Province of Maine, the Inhabitants\\nwere very Solicitous that this Enemy might be further\\nProf edited, willing to venture their Lives and Fortunes in\\nfaid Enterprise, wherein they might ferve God, their King\\nand Country, and injoy Quiet Peaceable Habitations\\nUpon which I promifed to fignifie the fame to J ^02ir Selves,\\nand willing to ventue that little which Providence hath be-\\ntrufled me with on the faid account. The Seafon of the\\nYear being fuch if fome fpeedy Aflio7i be not perforined in\\nAttacking them, they zvill certainly be upon us in our Otit\\nTowns {Cjod knaivs where^ and the Inhabitants there being\\nnot able to Defend themfelves, without doubt many Souls may\\nbe cut off, as our lafi Years Experience wofully hath declared\\nThe Inhabitants there trufi toyour ProteSlion, having under-\\ntaken Government and your Propriety, If nothing be per-\\nformed on the faid account The befl way under Corre^ion\\nis to Demoliffi the Garrifon, and draw off the Inhabitants,\\nthat they may not be left to a Mercilefs Enemy and that the\\nArms and Ammunition may not be there left for the\\nC8 Propriety property. [^Ba/ley. judgment, holding myfelf liable to cor-\\nt*^ That is the beft way, in my region by _\\\\ our luperior wifdoin.\\n34", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "[66 J\\nJirengiJnihig of the Encfny, who without doubt have need\\nenougJi^ having exhaitjlcd their greateji Store in this Winter\\nSeafon have performed my Promife to them, and ac-\\nquitted my felf in Specifying the fame to your felves Not\\nthat I defire to be in any A^ion {althd williftg to ferve my\\nKing Country^ and 7nay pafs under the cenfure of\\nScandalotis Tongues in the lafl Expedition, which I hope\\nthey ivill amend on the firfl opporttmity of Service. I leave\\nto the Mature Confideration, the lofs of Trade and\\nFi/hery, the War brought to the Doors what a Triimtph\\nwill it be to the Enemy, derifion to our Neighbours, befidcs\\ndifJionour to God and oicr Nation, and grounds of froiuns\\nfro7n our Prince, the fruflration of thofe whofe eyes are upon\\nyou for help, who might have otherwife apply ed themf elves to\\ntheir King. Gentlemen, this I thought humbly to propofe\\nunto you, that I might dif charge tny felf in my tru/l from\\nyour Selves, and Promife to the Inhabitants of the Province,\\nbut efpecially m.y Duty to God, His Majefly and my Nation,\\nPraying for Your Honours Profperity, Subfcribe,\\nA true Copy given in at Boflon, Your Servant,\\nthis 6th of February 1689. Benj. Church.\\nAt the Council Board. Attefl T. S.\\nMaj. Church faid moreover that in thus doing he had\\ncomply d with his Promife to thofe poor People of Cafco,\\nand fhould be quit from the guilt of their bloud the Gov-\\nernour was pleafed to Thank him for his care pains\\ntaken. Then taking his leave of them went home, and\\n35", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "[66]\\nleft Capt. Scottaway in a very forrowful condition, who re-\\nturn d home fometime after with only a Copy of what was\\nleft on the Board by the faid Church. Maj. Church not\\nhearing any thing till May following and then was in-\\nform d, That thofe poor People of Cafco were cut off by\\nthe barbarous Enemy: and that altho they made their\\nterms with Monfieur Cajieen, who was Commander of\\nthofe Enemies, yet he fuffered thofe Mercilefs Salvages, to\\nMaffacre Deftroy the moll of them. To conclude this\\nfirfl Expedition, Ea/l I fhall juft give you a hint how\\nMaj. Church was treated (altho he was Commander in\\nChief of all the Forces out of Plymouth and Bojion Gov-\\nernment) after he came home, for Plymouth Gentlemen\\npaid him but Forty two Pounds telling him, He muft go\\nto BoJlon Gentlemen for the reft, who were his imployers\\nas well as they. Of whom he never had one Peny for all\\nTravel and Expences in Railing Volunteers, and Services\\ndone; except Forty Shillings or there about, for going\\nfrom BoJlon to Rhode- IJl and on their bufinefs, and back to\\nFro7itetuic fent a body of French i Plymouth Colony voted, 25 Dec,\\nand Indians with a large company of 1689, to pay Major Church \u00c2\u00a310. (be-\\nTarratines under Ca^in, early in May, fides what he hath received from the\\nagainft Falmouth. They made their Bay) more than his wages by the weeke,\\nattack 16 May, and 20 May. Cajliti and that his weekly wages as Major in\\nhaving lifted his hand and fworn by ye late expedition be 40 a-. and that\\nthe great and everliving God to keep Major Church Ihall have \u00c2\u00a35. cafli,\\nthe articles of furrender, the garrifon and Capt. Baflltt \u00c2\u00a33. cafh, part of\\nof Fort Loyall furrendered to find what is due to them from the Colony\\nevery article violated, with infult. abufe. paid to them by the Conftables of Pli-\\nand the mod fiendilh atrocities. [3 mouth out of the lalt rate. \\\\_Plyiii.\\nMafs. Hiji. Coll. i 101-112. J Col. Rec. vi 2.-9.]\\n36", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "67\\nBq/lon again: Alio for lending a Man to Provide7ice for\\nCapt. Edmunds (who raif d a Company in thofe Parts)\\nand went Eajl with them.\\nThe Second Expedition, Eaft.\\nTN the Year 1690. was the Expedition to Canada^ and\\nMaj. Walley often requefted Maj Church that if he\\nwould not go himfelf in that expedition, that he would not\\nhinder others: He anfwered the faid Walley^ That he\\nfhould hinder none but his old Souldiers, that us d to go\\nalong with him, c. And the faid Church going down to\\nCharlejlown to take his leave of fome of his Relations, and\\nFriends, who were going in that Expedition, promifed his\\nWife and Family not to go into Bojlon, the Small Pox\\nbeing very brief there. Coming to Charlejlown, feveral\\nof his Friends in Bojlon came over to fee him; and the\\nnext day after the faid Chtcrch came there, Maj. Walley\\n[67] came to him, and inform d him. That the Governour\\nSee Part I, note ii6. manders. [Hinckley Papers, 4 Mafs.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^3 John Walley wrote, 21 Apr., 1690, Hiji. Coll. v: 247.] This Lieut,\\nto Gov. Hinckley, The Indians of Southward was doubtless Church s\\nDartmouth and Seaconnet which are brother-in-law, William Southworth\\nabout 100 men, 50 or more armed [see note 53, \u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00ab/c] and, if he went\\nhave had a meeting: chofe Lieut. to the war, he was probably one of the\\nSouthard for their Captain or Com- relations here referred to. Mr. Drake\\nmander, and one Daniel Eaton un- thinks he was (by his nickname Bill)\\nder whom they are willing to ferve the B. Southworth of Part I. page 35.\\nthe Englifh, if we Ihould be affaulted. An evident mifprint for rife\\nThey have chofe Captain Numpas and which Dr. Stiles corredted.\\nanother Indian for their Indian Com- See note 6s, ante.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "67\\nand Council wanted to I peak with him: lie anlwered him,\\nThat he had promis d his Wife and Family not to go into\\nBojion faying, If they had any bufinefs, they could Write\\nto him, and that he would fend them his anfwer. Soon\\nafter came over two other Gentlemen with a Meilage,\\nthat the Governour Council wanted to have fome dif-\\ncourfe w^ith him: The anfwer return d was, That he in-\\ntended to lodge that Night at the Gray-hound in Roxbury^\\nand that in the Morning would come to Pollards at the\\nSouth End of BoJlon which accordingly he did foon\\nafter he came thither received a letter from the Honour-\\nable Capt. Sewall to requefl him to come to the Council;\\nWill/am Pollard was fon of Wil-\\nliam and Ann (who was wont to boaft\\nthat l he went over in the firft boat that\\ncrolTed Charles River, in 1630, and was\\nfirft to jump albore at what is now Bol-\\nton), b. 20 Mar., 1653; m. Margaret\\nhad William, b. 21 Dec, 1687\\nWilliam again, 2 Apr., 1690, and Jona-\\nthan. Joined the Ancient and Honor-\\nable Artillery Co., 1679. He kept an\\nordinary, as I learn from the record,\\n(through J. Wingate Thornton, Efq.,\\nfrom the kindnefs of W. I. Bowditch,\\nEfq.,) a little over 100 ft. juft fouth\\nof Eliot St., on Walhington St. [Sav-\\nage s Gen. Did. iii 449; Whitman s\\nHiji. And. Hon. Art. Co. 211.]\\n17 Samuel Sewall, fon of Henry, was\\nborn atHorton, near Bafingftoke, Eng.,\\n28 March, 1652 came to New England\\nwith his mother 1661 graduated at\\nHarvard Coll. 1671 was Captain of\\nmilitia in Bollon, and Major of the\\nregiment 1675-6; admitted freeman\\n1678 joined the Ancient and Honor-\\nable Artillery Co., 1679; Captain\\nof it 1701 Superintendent of the prefs\\n1681 Affiftant 1684-6, and again 16S9-\\n92 Judge of Superior Court 1692, and\\none of fpecial Commiflion to try the\\nwitches; Judge of Probate for 1715;\\nChief-juftice 1718-1728; died in Bofton,\\n30 Jan., 1730, cut. 78. He was a book-\\nfeller at one time, and printed an\\nedition of the catechifm with his\\nown hand. He is now chiefly re-\\nmembered for his copious notes of\\nthe fa 5ls of the time, in journals, alma-\\nnacs, c., c. He married (i) 28\\nFeb., 1676, Hannah, only furviving\\nchild of John Hull, mint-mafter, by\\nwhom he had John, Samuel, Hannah,\\nElizabeth, Hull, Henry, Stephen, Jo-\\nfeph, Judith, Mary, Sarah, Judith\\n(again), and another; (2) 29 0(5t.,\\n1719, Abigail, daughter of Jacob Mel-\\n3S", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "[67]\\nthe anfwer he return d by the bearer was, That he thought\\nthere was no need of his hazarding himfelf fo much as to\\ncome fpeak with them; not that he was afraid of his\\nLife, but becaufe he had no mind to be concern d any\\nfurther, by reafon they would not hearken to him about\\nthe poor People of Cafco. But immediately came Mr.\\nMaxfield^^ to him, faying, That the Council bid him tell\\nthe faid Church, That if he would take his Horfe and ride\\nalong the middle of the Street there might be no danger,\\nthey were then fitting in Council: He bid him go and tell\\nhis Mafters, Not to trouble themfelves, whether he came\\nupon his head or feet, he was coming: however thinking\\nthe return was fomething rude, call d him back to drink a\\nGlafs of Wine, and then he would go with him. So com-\\ning to the Council, They were very thankful to him for his\\ncoming; and told him that the occalion of their fending for\\nhim was, That there was a Captive come in who gave them\\nan account, That the Indians were come down and had ta-\\nken poffeffion of the Stone Fort at Pejepfcot^^ fo that they\\nwanted his advice thoughts about the matter; whither\\nven, and widow of William Tilley and Savage admits that the name may be\\nJames Woodmanfey (3) 29 Mar., 1722, the fame as Maxfield. He was a mem-\\nMary, daughter of Henry Shrimpton, ber ofthe Scot s Charitable Society,\\nand widow of Robert Gibbs. [Savage s in Bofton, in 1684. [Savage s Gen.\\nGen. Dia. iv 55 Hijl. And. Hon. Dia. iii 183 Drake s Hijl. Boji. i\\nArt. 208; Wafliburn s yiidic. Hijl. 455.]\\nMafs. 258-263.] Pejeffcot fort was fituated on the\\nJames Maxzvell was doorkeeper for weftern fide of what are now known as\\nthe Governor and Council and Court Pejcpfcot Lower Falls, or Brunfwick\\nin 1693, and was probably the man falls, on the Androfcoggiyi. [William-\\nChurch here had in mind. Indeed, fon s Hift. Mc. i 46, 590. 624.]\\n9", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "[67 J\\nthey would tarry and keep in that Fort or not? and\\nwhither it was not expedient to fend fome Forces to do\\nIbme fpoil upon them; and further to know whither he\\ncould not be prevaiTd with to Raife fome Volunteers and\\ngo, to do fome fpoil upon them? He anfwer d them, he\\nwas unwilling to be concern d any more; it being very\\ndifficult and chargeable to Raife Volunteers, as he found\\nby experience in the laft Expedition. But they uling many\\narguments prevail d fo far with him, That if the Govern-\\nment of Plymouth faw caufe to fend him (he would go)\\nthinking the Expedition would be fhort. Took his leave\\nof them went home. And in a fhort time after there\\ncame an Exprefs from Governour Hinkley^ to requeft Maj\\nChurch to come down to Barnjiable to him: he having\\nreceived a Letter from the Government of Bojloji to raife\\nfome Forces to go Eajl whereupon the faid Maj. Chu7^ch\\nwent the next day to Barnjiable^ as ordered; finding the\\nGovernour and fome of the Council of War there,^\u00c2\u00b0 dif-\\nThe Council of War at this time, John Thacher, (Yarmouth,)\\nby law of 1671, was COmpofed of the John Walley, (Bamftable,)\\nr- A \\\\rr(x t n John Culhing, (Scituate.)\\nGovernor and Amilants as annually\\nchofen, and a like number of other To thele were added, in 1689, to make\\ntrufty and able men chofen alfo by the P ^he Council of War, the following.\\nGeneral Court, and from year to year\\nfilled up, if by death removed, or Nathaniel Byfield, (Briftol,)\\notherwife any of them be wanting, or P J^^^t^an Sparrow, (Eaftham,)\\nLieut. Ifaac Little, (Marflifield.)\\nincapacitated to perform their truft.\\nThe Governor and Affiftants this year Who, of the number formerly ap-\\n^ygj-g pointed, held over to complete the\\nnumber, we are not informed. [Brig-\\nham s Laws of Col. of Ne-w Ply\\nJohn Freeman, (Eaftham,) 285; Plvtn. Col. Rec. vi 205, 212.]\\nThomas Hinckley, Gov., (Bamftable,) j- j- -kt r^r\\nWilliam Bradford, Dep. Gov., (Plymouth,) ^am S Laws of Col. of New Ply,\\n40", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "[68]\\ncous d him, concluding that he fhould take his Indian\\nSouldiers, and two EnglifJi Captains with what Volunteers\\nas could be railed and that one Capt. fhould go out of\\nPlymouth and Barnjlable County, and the other out\\nof BriJIol County,^^ with [68] what Forces he could raife,\\nconcluding to have but few Officers, to fare Charge; the\\nfaid Chtirch was at great Charge Expence in raifing of\\nForces. Governour Hinkley promifed that he would take\\ncare to provide Veflels to tranfport the faid Army with\\nAmmunition Provifions, by the time prefixt by him-\\nfelf, for the Government of Bojlofi had oblig d themfelves\\nb}^ their Letter, to provide any thing that was wanting; fo\\nat the time prefixt Major Church March d down all his\\nSouldiers out of Brijlol Count} to Plymouth^ as ordered\\nand being come, found it not as he expe6led, for there was\\nneither Provifions, Ammunition nor Tranfports; lb he im-\\nmediately fent an Exprefs to the Governour who was at\\nBarnjlable^ to give him an account that he with the Men\\nwere come to Plymouth^ and found nothing ready; in his\\nreturn to the faid Churchy gave him an account of his dif-\\nappointments and fent John Lathrop of Barnjlable in a\\n81 The Plymouth Records fhow that 82 That is, Gov. Hinckley, in his re-\\nthe Court, which met 5 June, 1690, took ply to Church s meffage, gave him\\nadtion in regard to co-operating with an account, .ic.\\nthe Mafs. Colony in the propofed expe- 83 John Lothrop was youngeft fon of\\ndition to Canada, and appointed Capt. Rev.John, of Barnftable married 3 Jan.,\\nJofeph Silvefter (of Scituate) and Mr. 1672, at Plymouth, Mary Cole had\\nJohn Gorham (of Barnftable) to be Cap- John, Mary, Martha, Elizabeth, James,\\ntains, with Jabez Snow (of Eaftham) Hannah, Jonathan, Barnabas, Abigail,\\nand Samuel Gallop (of Bofton. Lieu- and Experience died 17 Sept., 1727, c^A\\ntenants. ^Plym. Col. Rec. v w 2^0. 85. [Savage s Ge\u00c2\u00ab. Z /t?. iii 120.]\\n6 41", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "68\\nVeiVcl with Ibme Ammunition and Provilion on board, to\\nhim at Plymonth\\\\ alfo lent him word that there was more\\non board o^ Samtiel Alling^ oi Barnjlable^ who w^as to go\\nfor a Tranfport, and that he himfelf would be at Ply-\\ninouth the next day: but Ailing never came near him, but\\nwent to Billings-gate at Cape-cod^^ as he was inform d.\\nThe Governour being come, faid to Maj. Clmrch that he\\nmuft take Ibme of the open Sloops, and make Spar-Decks\\nto them, and lay Platforms for the Souldiers to lye upon\\nwhich delays were very Expenfive to the faid Chtirch\\\\ his\\nSouldiers being all Volunteers, daily expe6ted to be treated\\nby him, and the Indians alwa3 s begging for Money to get\\ndrink: but he ufing his utmoft diligence, made what dif-\\npatch he could to be gone. Being ready to Imbark, re-\\nceived his Commiliion and Inftru6lions from Governour\\nHinkley, which are as followeth, viz.\\nThe Council of War of their Majcfly s Colony of New-\\nPlymouth in New-England. To Major Benjamin\\nChurch Commander in Chief c.\\nWHereas the Kenebeck and Eaftward Indians^ with the\\nFrench their Confederates have openly made War\\n84 Samuel Allym of Barnftable, eldeft 85 Billinglgate Point is on the weft\\nfon of Thomas of the same, born lo fide of the town [Eaftham], about 6\\nFeb., i6ff; was Lieut., and Town miles from the main land, with which\\nClerk; was Deputy 1682-4; married it was formerly conne6led but for\\nHannah, daughter of Rev. Thomas many years it has been an ifland, the\\nWalley; had Thomas, Samuel, Jofeph, fea having broken over and wallied it\\nHannah, and Elizabeth; died 25 Nov., away in two places, where is fufficient\\n1726, at. 82. [Freeman s Hijl. Cape water for fmall vefTels to pafs through.\\nCod, ii 274.] [Pratt s Hifi. Eajiham, 2.)\\n42", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "[68 J\\nupon their Majejly s SubjeHs of the Provinces of Maine,\\nNew-Hamplhire and of the Maffachufetts Colony^ having\\ncommitted many Barbarous Murders^ Spoils and Rapines\\nupon their Perfons and Efiates. And whereas there are\\nfome Forces of Soiddiers Englifh Indians now raifed and\\ndetached out of the fever al Regi^nents and Places within this\\nColony of New-Plymouth,^^ to go forth to the Affiflance of\\nour Neighbours and Friends of the aforefaid Provinces\\nColony of the Maffachufetts, Subjects of one and the fame\\nCrown. And whereas you Benjamin Church are appointed\\nto be Major and Commander in Chief of all the Forces\\nEnglifh Indians detached within this Colony., together with\\nfuch other of their Majefly ^s Subjects as elfe where fhall Lift\\nthemf elves, or fhall be orderly put under your Command for\\nthe Service of their Majeflies as aforefaid. Thefe are in\\ntheir Majeflies Name to A2ithorize and Require You to take\\ninto your Care Condu6l all the faid Forces Englifh\\nIndians, and diligently to Inte^id that Service, by Leading\\n86 The proportion fixed bj the Plym-\\nouth Court, on which thefe foldiers\\nwere to be raifed and armed, was as\\nfollows\\nPlimouth,\\nDuxbury, 7\\nMarllifield, 7\\nScituate, 16\\nBridgewater, 8\\nMiddleborough, 3\\nBamftable, 1 2\\nSandwich, 10\\nYarmouth, 10\\nEaftham, 10\\nMen. Armes.\\n13 4\\nMen. Armes.\\nFalmouth, 2\\nMonamoy, 2\\nRochefter, 2\\nBrirtol, 6\\nSwaiifey, 7\\nLittle Comptoti, 4\\nDartmouth, 8\\nTaunton, 14\\nRehoboth, 10\\nb rcetown, 2\\nIt was ordered, alfo, that there be\\nraifed 50 Indians, 22 in the county of\\nBarnftable, 22 in the county of Briltol,\\nand 6 in that of Plymouth. Alfo,\\nPlymouth County was to provide\\narmes and other neceffaries for 18\\nmen, Barnftable County for 15, and\\nBriftol County for 17. {^Plym. Col.\\nRec. vi 249.] The debt incurred by\\nthe Plymouth Colony for its fhare of\\nthe expenfes of this campaign amount-\\ned to \u00c2\u00a31,350. The entire ratable eltate\\nof that Colony, then, was \u00c2\u00a335,900.\\n43", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "[69]\\nExercijirig of yoitr Inferiour Officers and Souldiers, Com-\\nmanding thein to Obey [69] yoit as their Chief Commander.\\nAnd to purfue, fght, take, kill or deflroy the faid Enemies\\ntheir Aiders and Abettors by all the ways and means yon\\ncan, as youfJiall have opportunity, to accept to Mercy or\\ngrant Quarter Favour to fuch or fo many of faid En-\\nemies as you Jliall find needfil for promoting the defign\\naforefaid. And you to obferve and obey all fuch Orders and\\nInfiruHions, as from time to time you fitall receive from the\\nCom7niffioners of the Colonies, or the Council of War of the\\nfaid Colony of New-Pl3^mouth, or from the Goveritour and\\nCou7icil of the Maffachufetts. In Tefiimony lu hereof is af-\\nfixed the Publick Seal of this Colony. Dated in Plymouth\\nthe Second day of September, A?i7io Do7ni. 1690. An7to-\\nque Reg7ti Regis et Regi7tcs Willielmi et Marice ^c. Se-\\ncu7tdo. Tho. Hinkley Prefidc7it.\\ni!n0tniCnOnS/ ?r Major Benjamin Church Co7n7na7ider\\nin Chief of the Plymouth Forces, with other of the\\nMafTachufetts put under his Command.\\nTN purfuance of the Commiffion given you for their\\nINIajefty s Service in the prefent Expedition againft\\nthe Common Enemy, I7idia7i French their Aiders and\\nAbettors, on the requeft of our Brethren and Friends of\\nthe Maffachufetts Colony, Subje6ls of one and the fame\\nCyoww oi Engla7td for our Affillance of them therein.\\nRepoling confidence in your Wifdom, Prudence, Pronefs\\n44", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "[69]\\nand Faithfulnefs in the truft under God committed to you\\nfor the Honour of His Name, the Interell of Chrift in\\nthefe Churches, and the good of the whole People; Pray-\\ning and Expecting that in your dependance on Him, you\\nmay be helped and Aflifled with all that Grace, Wifdom\\nand Courage neceffary for the carrying of you on with\\nSuccefs in this difficult Service; and tho much is and\\nmuft be left to your difcretion, with 3 our Council of Offi-\\ncers, as Providence Opportunity may prefent from time\\nto time in Places of a6tion. Yet the following Inflruc-\\ntions are commended to you to be obferved attended\\nby you, fo far as the State and Circumftances of that affair\\nwill admit.\\nYou are with all poffible fpeed to take care that the\\nPlymouth Forces both EngliJJt \u00c2\u00abfe Indians under your\\nCommand be fixed ready on the firft opportunity of\\nWind Weather, to go on board fuch Veflels, as are\\nprovided to tranfport 3^ou to Pifcataqna\\\\^ and there take\\nunder your care command fuch Companies of the\\nMajfachufetts Colony, as fhall by them be Qrdered and\\nadded to you there, or elfe where from time to time; all\\nwhich you are to improve in fuch way, and from place to\\nplace, as with the advice of your Council, confifting of the\\nCommiffion Officers of the Majfachufetts Colony, and\\nPlymouth under your conduft, fhall feem meet, for the\\nfinding out, purfuing, taking or deflroying of faid com-\\nmon Enemy, on all opportunities, according to Commif-\\n8T Portfmouth, N.H.\\n45", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "7o]\\nlion, and luch further Orders Inftruftions as you have\\nor may receive from the Governour Council of the\\nMaffachufetts^ the Commiffioners for the United Colonies?\\nor the Governour Council oi Ply month fo far as you\\nmay be capable, Intending what you can the preferving\\nof the near Towns from the Incurfions and [70] deftruc-\\ntion of the Enemy: But chiefly to intend the finding out,\\npurfuing, taking and deftroying the Enemy abroad, and if\\npoflible to attack them in their head quarters and principal\\nRandezvouz, if you are in a rational capacity of fo doing;\\nand for the better enabling you thereunto, We have ap-\\npointed the VelTels that tranfport you, and the Proviiions,\\nto attend your motion order, until you fhall fee\\ncaufe to difmifs them, or any one of them, which is\\ndelired to be done the firft opportunity that the Ser-\\nvice will admit. You are to fee that your Souldiers\\nArmes be always fixt, and they provided with Ammu-\\nnition, and other necelTaries, that they may be always\\nready to repel and attack the Enemy. You are to take\\nfpecial care to avoid danger in the purfuit of the Enemy s\\nby keeping out Scouts, and a forlorn,^^ to prevent the\\nAmbufhments of the Enemy on your main body in their\\nMarches. And by all poilible means to furprize fome of\\nthe Enemy, that fo you may gain better Intelligence.\\nYou are to take eflfedtual care that the worfhip of God\\n88 \u00e2\u0096\u00a0Forlorn men detached from or to begin the attack of a befieged\\nfeveral regiments, or otherwife ap- place. [^ff/7ej.] Forlorn-hope comes\\npointed to give the firft onlet in battle, from it, as implying fpecial danger.\\n46", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "[70]\\nbe kept up in the Army, that Morning and Evening Prayer\\nbe attended, and the holy Sabbath duly Sanftified, as the\\nEmergency of 3 our affairs will admit.\\nYou are to take ftri6l care to prevent or punifh Drunk-\\nennefs, Curling, Swearing and all other Vice; leaft the\\nanger of God be thereby provoked to fight againll; you.\\nYou are from time to time to give Intelligence and advice\\nto the Governour of the Maffachufetts^ and to us of your\\nproceeding and occurances that may attend you. And in\\ncafe of a failure of any Commiflion Officers, you are to\\nappoint others in their ftead. And when with the advice\\nof your Council aforefaid, you fliall after fome tryal fee\\nyour Service not like to be advantageous to the accom-\\nplilTiment of the Publick end aforefaid: That then you\\nreturn home with the Forces; efpecially if you fhall\\nreceive any orders or directions fo to do from the Majfa-\\nch^ifetts^ or from us Given under my hmid at Plymouth,\\nthe 2d day of September, Anno Domi 1690.\\nTho. Hinckley GOV. Prefident.\\nNow having a fair Wind Maj Church foon got to Pifcat-\\naqua^^ who was to apply himfelf to Maj. Pike a worthy\\n8** If Church failed from Plymouth 9 days. He probably reached Pifcata-\\nimmediately on receipt of his commif- qua on Wednefday, 3 Sept., and re-\\nfion and inftrudlions, he probably got ceived the Major s inftrudtions two or\\noff on Tuefday, 2 Sept., 1690. On three days before he was ready to move\\nthe following Tuefday he received his upon Pejepfcot.\\ninftrudlions at Portfmouth from Major 3 Robert Pike, of Salifbury, fon of\\nPike, and fpeaks of being delayed about John, of Newbury was freeman 17\\n47", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "[7\\nGentleman, who laid, He had advice of his coming from\\nBojlon Gentlemen; alfo he had received directions that\\nwhat Men the faid Church fhould want muft be raifed out\\nof Hampjliire out of their feveral Towns and Garrifons\\nMaj. Pike ask d him. How many Men he fhould want?\\nHe faid enough to make up his Forces that he brought\\nwith him, 300 at leaft, and not more than 350. And fo in\\nabout Nine days time he was fupply d with two Companies\\nof Souldiers. He having been at about Twenty Shillings\\na day charge in expences while there. Now he received\\nMaj. Pike s Inftru6lions which are as followeth.\\nPort/mouth in New-HampJJtire^ Sept. 9, 1690.\\nTo Maj. Benjamin Church Commander in Chief of their\\nMajefty s Forces now defigned upon the prefent Expedi-\\ntion Eafiward^ now Refident at Portfmouth. [71]\\nTHe Governour and Council of the MalTachufetts Colony\\nrep ofing great trufl and confidence in your Loyalty\\nValour from experience of your former Anions, and of Gods\\nprefence with you in the fame. In pu^fiant of an Order\\nreceived from them,., Commanding it. Thefe are in their\\nMajefiy^s Names to Impower and Require you as Command-\\ner in Chief., to take into your care and conduB thefe Forces\\nMay, 1637; Reprefentative from S., Sarah Sanders, and had Sarah, Mary,\\n1648, and Ibme following years Affift- Dorothy, Mary (again), Elizabeth, John,\\nant 1682 and 1691 Councillor 1689 and Robert, and Mofes died 12 Dec, 1706,\\n1691; was Major in one of the EfTex cBt.()\\\\. He was early a church member,\\nregiments. He married, 3 April, 1641, [Savage s Gen Di iii 436.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "[7-]\\nnow here prefent at their Randezvonz at Portfmouth; and\\nthey are alike required to obey you and with them to Sail\\nEajlward by the firft opportunity to Calco, or Places Adja-\\ncent^ that may be mojl commodious for Landing with fafety\\nand fecrefy and to vijit the Enemy French Indians at\\ntheir head quarters at Ameras-cogen,^^ Pejepfcot, or any\\nother Plat, accordi7tg as you may have hope or intelligence of\\nthe Refide7it of the Enemy tfing always your titmofl in-\\ndeavour for the prefervation of your own Men, and the kill-\\ning, deflroying and utterly rooting out the Enemy wherefoever\\nthey may be found as alfo as much as may pofjibly be done\\nfor the redeeming or recovering of our Captives in any\\nPlaces.\\nYou being then arrived, ttndeifla^tding your way, to\\ntake your Journey back again either by Land or Water,\\nas you fJiall judge mofl convenient for the accomplifJiing of\\nthe end intended; and to give intelligence always of your\\nm-otions whenfoever you can with fafety and convenience.\\nLaflly, in all to confult your Council the Commanders or\\n91 Androfcoggin. On a rude pen- map is clearly contemporaneous, and\\ndrawn map [in the Connedlicut Ar- may have been traced by Church to\\nchives, War. Vol. III. Doc. 86 (for affift their deliberations, this is writ-\\na copy of vi^hich I am indebted to ten in two words, thus, Ambrofs Cogan,\\nthe kindnefs of the Hon. J. Hammond and is ftated to be about 8o myle from\\nTrumbull)], bearing notes in the hand- the fea. It was fituated upon a terri-\\nwriting of Hon. William Pitkin, who tory which ufed to be called by the\\nwas one of the two Connedlicut Com- Indians Roccamecco, and was the head-\\nmiffioners at the meeting in Bofton, quarters of the /r(?/co^^v\u00c2\u00ab tribe, and\\nwhich declared war with the Eaftern feems to have been near the great Pen-\\nIndians, and appointed Church com- ?iacook falls on the Androfcoggin river,\\nmander (fee note 27, ante)., which in Rumford. [il/c. Co//, iii 323.]\\n7 49", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "[71]\\nCommiJ/ion Officers of your feveral Companies, when it may\\nbe obtained, the greater part of zvhom to determine, and fo\\nthe Lord of Hofl the God of Armies go along zvith you, and\\nbe your Conduct. Given under my hand the day and year\\nabovefaid. Per Robert Pike.\\nBeing ready they took the firft opportunity and made\\nthe beft of their way to Pejepfcot Fort,\u00c2\u00ae^ where they found\\nnothing. From thence they March d to Ameras-cogen,^^\\n9^ Church s letter to Gov. Hinckley,\\nof date 30 Sept., 1690, narrating the\\nevents of this expedition lately printed\\nby Mr. S. G. Drake in his additions to\\nBaylies s Plymouth [pp. 90-97] fays,\\nWe fett faile from Pifcataqua upon\\nthe io inftant, at 2 in the afternoon,\\nand came the ii in the night amongft\\nthe Iflands in Cafco Bay. He proceeds\\nas follows\\nLaid the veflells clofe out of fight\\nwent on fhore at breake of day, upon\\nan Ifland that had been inhabited by\\nthe Englilb, called Capoag-[C/iebeagiic,\\nor Chebacco, now known as Great Ge-\\nbeag, and called Shcab on the An-\\ncient Plan. We ranged about, found\\nwhere the enemie had lately been, but\\nwere drawn off. This was the twelfth\\nday. In the evening we wayed and\\ncame down to Macquait \\\\_Maquoit^ or\\nMarquoit, the N. E. termination of\\nMagocook bay, in Freeport, Me.], and\\nthe 13th day about 2 of the clocke in\\nthe morning we landed our men filently\\nupon the Maine and leaveing fouldiers\\non board to keep the veffells, we marched\\nin the night up to Pochipfcutt [^Pejep-\\nfcot\\\\ fort, diuided the army into: 3:\\ncompanies, furrounded the fort, and\\nwhen daylight appeared we found that\\nthe enemie were removed not long be-\\nfore we came there alfo the fouldiers\\nfound fome little plunder, and a barn\\nof corn.\\n93 Williamfon IHiJi. Me. i 624]\\nmakes the carelefs miflake of repre-\\nfenting the flight of Doney, the releafe\\nof the captives, c., which really took\\nplace on the next day (Sabbath, 14\\nSept., 1690) at the upper falls, as\\ntaking place here at Brunfwick Lower\\nFalls.\\n9^ Church fays in his letter [fee note\\n92, a7ite\\\\ that he went up on the S.\\nW. fide of the river altho the way was\\nextream difficult yet it was a more\\nobfcure way the enemie ufeing to\\nmarch on the N. E. fide. He further\\nfays [p. 91] that they marched on the\\nfame day (Saturday) on which they\\nreached Pejepfcot, above the middle\\nfalls, about 20 miles, when it rained\\nhard, and they there encamped. This\\nwas at Lewifton Falls, called by the In-\\ndians Amity onpontook. They marched\\n50", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "[71]\\nand when they came near the Fort Maj. Church made a\\nhalt, ordering the Captains to draw out of their feveral\\nCompanies 60 of their meaneft men, to be a guard to the\\nDoctor Snapfacks;^^ being not a Mile from faid Fort;\\nand then Moving towards the Fort, they faw young Doney\\nand his Wife, with two EngliJJi Captives the faid Doney\\nmade his efcape to the Fort, his Wife was fhot down, and\\nfo the two poor Captives releas d out of their bondage.\\nThe faid Maj. Church and Capt. Walton made no Hop,\\nmaking the beft of their way to the Fort with fome of\\nthe Army, in hopes of getting to the Fort before young\\nthe next daj at dawn, and came within\\nfight of the fort about 2 P. M. [i\u00c2\u00bb/e.\\nHijl. Coll. iii 322.]\\n95 In fliort time came to the westerly\\nbranch of the Great River, and there\\nleft our baggage and thofe men that\\nwere tired, and made them up to forty\\nmen to guard tlie Dodlor. Church s\\nLetter [Drake s Baylies., Pt. v 91.]\\nIn his Book of the Indians [p. 307],\\nMr. Drake gives it as his opinion tliat\\nthis Doney, or Dony, family were French\\nrefidents among the Indians, like Cas-\\ntiti, and that this fon was a half-breed.\\nWilliamfon [i 624] fays he was one of\\nthe Sokokis (or Sock/iiffones), who were\\nthe aborigines of the Saco valley. Sul-\\nlivan iHifi. Difi. Me. 180] calls old\\nDoney a favage. Mather [^Maffnalia,\\nB. vii 86, 87] enumerates Robin Doney\\namong the Sagamores who figned the\\nfubmiffion at Pemmaquid in 1693,\\nand fays he was feized at Saco within a\\nyear after. He is thought to have been\\nthe Old Doney mentioned in a letter\\nwritten by Church, and the father of\\nthis fugitive. Williamfon refers to him\\n[i. 642] with Bomafecn.\\n97 Shadrach Walton, of Great Ifland\\n(now Newcaftle, N.H.), was fecond fon\\nof George and Alice, was b. 1658, was\\nCaptain in 1690; Major in the attack on\\nPort Royal in 1707; Colonel of New-\\nHampfhire troops in 1710; Colonel of\\nthe Rangers in a6tive fervice the next\\nwinter; was made a Royal Counfellor\\nin 1716; quieted the Eaftern Indians in\\n1720; was fenior member and Prefident\\nof the Council Board in 1733 was Judge\\nC. C. P. 1695-169S; Judge S. C. 1698,\\n1699; and again Judge C. C. P. 1716-\\n1737. He died 3 Oc5t., 1741, aged 83.\\nHe was father of George; Benjamin\\n(H. U. 1729, a minifter) Elizabeth\\n(m. Keefe) Abigail (m. Long) Sarah\\n(m. Sheafe) Mary (m. Randall, and\\nbecame g. g. m. of the founder of the\\nFree-\\\\VillBaptift Connexion. [Rev.\\nA. H. Quint, D.D., in N. E. Hifi.\\nGen. Reg. ix 57.]\\nSI", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "[72]\\nDo7tey\\\\^^ but the River thro which they rnuft pafs being as\\ndeep as their Arm-pits however Maj. CJmrch as foon as he\\nwas got over ftrip d to his Shirt and Jacket, leaving his\\nBreeches behind, ran dire6lly to the Fort, having an eye to\\nfee if young Doney,v^h.o ran on the other lide of the River\\nfliould get there before him: the Wind now blowing very\\nhard in their Faces as they ran was fome help to them;\\nfor feveral of our Men fired Guns, which they in the Fort\\ndid not hear; fo that we had taken all in the Fort had it\\nnot been for young Doney^ who got to the Fort juft before\\nwe did, who ran into the South Gate, and out at the [72]\\nNorth, all the Men following him except one, who all ran\\ndire6tly down to the great River and Falls. The faid\\nChurch and his Forces being come pretty near, he ordered\\nthe faid Walton to run dire6lly with fome Forces into the\\nFort, and himfelf with the reft ran down to the River after\\nthe Enemy, who ran fome of them into the River, and the\\nreft under the great Falls; thofe who ran into the River\\n98 The account which Church gives thej were well entred the reft would\\nin his letter is this be come up alfo I gave order for 2\\nAnd looking over the brow of a hill companies to fpread between the woods\\nby the river, efpied two Englifli captiues and the fort to preuent the efcape of the\\nand an Indian, moving towards the fort enemie that way all which was at-\\nran after them, and foon took the Eng- tended. We were very wett running\\nlifh but the Indian got cleare. Then I throw the riuer, but got up undifcovered\\nfeared he would informe the fort gave to the fort till within fhott few In-\\norder, that all with one confent fhould dians we found there, but two men and\\nrun throw the river and not mind any a lad of about: i8: with fome women\\nother forme but he that could gett and children 5 ran into the riuer, 3 or\\nfirft to the fort, if thej had opportunity, 4 of which were killed. We killed 6\\nto ofter them peace. If they would not or 7, and took eleven. [Drake s Bay-\\naccept it to fall on, and by that time lies, Pt. v: 91, 92.]\\n52", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "[7^]\\nwere kill d, for he faw but one man get over, and he only\\ncrept up the bank, and there lay in open fight and thofe\\nthat ran under the Falls they made no difcovery of, not-\\nwithftandlng feveral of his men went in under the faid Falls,\\nand was gone fome conliderable time; could not find them;\\nfo leaving a Watch there, return d up to the Fort, where\\nhe found but one Man taken feveral Women Children,\\namongft which was Capt. Hakins Wife Worumbos s\\nWife, the Sachem of that Fort, with their Children; the\\nfaid Hakins was the Sachem of Pennacook, who defhroyed\\nMaj Walden and his Family, fome time before, c. The\\nfaid two Women, viz. Hakins and Worumbos s Wives, re-\\nquefled the faid Church that he would fpare them and their\\nChildren s lives, promifing upon that condition, he fhould\\nhave all the Captives that were taken, and in the Indians\\nhands: He ask d them. How many.^ they faid about four-\\nfcore: So upon that condition he promis d them their lives,\\nc. And in the faid Fort there was feveral EngliJJi Cap-\\ntives, who were in a miferable condition; amongft whom\\n99 KanJtamagus (alias Joint Hogkiyis, here taken captive, and his fifter was\\nHaivkins, or Haktjis) was a Pennacook among the flain. {^Book of the Indians,\\nSachem. About 16S5 he wrote feveral 297-300; Drake s 7/\u00c2\u00a3 5, Pt. v: 97.]\\nletters to Gov. Cranfield, of New Hamp- i Woroml^o {JVo -oml os)-wa.s a Tar-\\nfhire, difclofing his fear of the Mohawks ratine^ and Sachem oi Androfcoggin\\nand his defire for Englilh protection. \\\\^Ainos Coggen, Church fpells it, in\\nHe fubfequently fled to the eaftward, his letter, much as Pitkin wrote it (see\\nand joined the Androfcoggins, where note 91, ante)^ He had two children\\nhe became hoftile to the fettlers, and in captured here. [Vid. Church s Letter,\\n1689 headed the maffacre of Maj. Wal- 97.]\\ndron. His wife and four children were ^^^i See notes 12 and 32, ante.\\n53", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "[72]\\nwas C2iY t. Htickmgs ^s Wi^e oi Oyjler-River}^^ Maj. Church\\nproceeded to examine the Man taken, who gave him an\\naccount that moft of their fighting men were gone to Win-\\nter-harbour^ to provide Provifions for the Bay of Fondy\\nIndians^ who were to come and joyn with them to fight the\\nEngli/Ji}^ The Souldiers being very rude would hardly\\nfpare the Indians life, while in examination, intending\\nwhen he had done that he fhould be Executed: but Capt.\\nHuckings Wife and another Woman down on their knees\\nbeg d for him, faying. He had been a means to fave their\\nLives and a great many more; and had helped feveral to\\nopportunities to run away make their efcape; and that\\n102 We found a prety deal of corn in\\nbarnes under ground, and deftrojed it;\\nalfo we found guns and amunition a\\nprety deal, with beauer, and we took\\n5 Englilh captives, viz. Lieut. Robert\\nHookins his widow of Oyfter River;\\nBenjamin Barnards wife of Salmon\\nFalls Ann Heard of Cochecho one\\nWillifes daughter of Oyfter Riuer, and\\na boy of Exeter. \\\\^Ibid. 92.] Oyjler\\nRiver was originally a part of Dover,\\nN.H., now Durham. James Huckins\\nwas ion of Robert, Conftable 1683 had\\neldeft fon Robert; was killed in the\\nonflaught of the Indians in Auguft, 1689.\\n[Farmer s Belkitap s New Hamp. 131\\nSavage s Gen. Di^. ii 487.]\\n1 Didlating to his fon Thomas a\\nquarter of a century afterwards, it is\\nnot ftrange that fome particulars fhould\\nhave faded from the memory of Capt.\\nChurch. He here reprefents his hafte\\nto make the beft of his way back to\\nWinter-Harbor to be for the purpofe\\nof intercepting and capturing thefe In-\\ndians, who were gone thither for pro-\\nvifions. But in his letter, written at\\nthe time, he informs Gov. Hinckley\\nthat\\nBoth Indians and Englilb informed\\nus that the enemy had lately had a con-\\nfultation. Many of them were for peace\\nand many againft it, and had hired and\\nprocured about 300, and intended for\\nWells with a flagg of truce and offer\\nthem peace. If they could not agree\\nthen to fall on. If they could not take\\nWells, then they refolved to attack Pif-\\ncaitaqua. [p. 92].\\nHe adds [p. 93] We made all hafte\\n\\\\m?ig\\\\na.h\\\\e, for fear Jojne of our toivns\\nfJiould be attacked before -we came\\n/loine.\\nThis would feem to be the true expla-\\nnation of his hurried march back; that\\nhe feared a maflacre in his abfence.\\n54", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "[73]\\nnever fince he came amongft them had fought againft the\\nEngliJJi^ but being related to Hakins^\\\\i kept at the Fort\\nwith them, he having been there two Years but his liv-\\ning was to the weftward of Bojlon. So upon their requeft\\nhis life was fpared, c. Next day the faid Church ordered\\nthat all their Corn fhould be deflroy d, being a great\\nquantity, faving a little for the two old Squaws which he\\ndefign d to leave at the Fort to give an account who he\\nwas, and from whence he came the reft being knock d\\non the head, except what afore-mentioned, for an example,\\nordering them to be all buried/\u00c2\u00b0^ Having enquired where\\nall their beft Bever was/ They faid, it was carried away\\nto make a prefent to the Bay of Fondy Indians., who were\\ncoming to their Affiftance. Now being ready to draw off\\nfrom thence, he call d the two old Squaws to him, and\\ngave each of them a Kittle and fome Biskets, biding them\\nto tell the Indians when they came home, [73] that he\\nwas known by the Name of Capt. Church., and liv d in\\nthe Wefterly part of Plymouth Government; and that\\n104 There is a tinge of barbarity in aim was to fecure the like to ours\\nthe narrative here, which is abfent from We left two old fquaws that were\\nthe letter, and which leads us to im- not able to march gave them vidluals\\nagine that the doughty old warrior, enough for one week of their own corn\\nroughly telling his talc fo long after, boiled, and a litle of our prouifions, and\\nwas fcarcely juft to himfelf in fome of buried their dead, and left them clothes\\nthe motives which he intimates. The enough to keep them warme, and left\\nletter thus narrates it [p. 93], faying the wigwams for them to lye in,\\nnothing about knocking on the head gave them orders to tell theire friends\\nfor example, which would have been how kind we were to them, bidding\\na moft unlikely procedure where the them doe the like to ours.\\n55", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "73\\nthole Indians that came with him were formerly King\\nPhilips Men, and that he had met with them in Philips\\nWar, and drew them off from him, to fight for the Eztgli/Ji\\nagainfl the faid Philip and his Affociates, who then prom-\\nifed him to fight for the EngliJJi as long as they had one\\nEnemy left* and faid, that they did not queftion but be-\\nfore Indian Corn was ripe to have Philips head, notwith-\\nftanding he had twice as many men as was in their Country;\\nand that they had kill d and taken one thoufand three hun-\\ndred and odd of Philips Men, Women Children, and\\nPhilip himfelf, with feveral other Sachems, c. and that\\nthey fhould tell Hakins Worttmbo, That if they had a\\nmind to fee their Wives Children they fhould come to\\nWells Garrifon, and that there they might hear of them,\\nc}^ Maj. Church having done, Mov d with all his\\nForces down to Meqtwyl^^^ where the tranfports were\\n(but in the way fome of his Souldiers threatned the In-\\ndian man Prifoner, very much, fo that in a thick Swamp\\nhe gave them the flip and got away) and when they all\\ngot on board the tranfport; the Wind being fair made\\nthe befl; of their way for Winler Harboitr^^ and the next\\nl 5 The letter fays [p. 93] known Englifh name for the Pool\\nAlfo, if thej were for peace to come at Saco, Me., near the mouth of the\\nto goodman Smalls att Barwick Saco River, above Wood Illand, and\\nwithin 14 dayes, who would attend to the fettlement which grew up near it.\\ndifcourfe them. Williamlbn IHiJl. Me. i: 26] fays it\\n106 Returned in that day, and one was fo called after an ancient inhabi-\\nmore, to our veffells at Macquait tant there by the name of Winter.\\n\\\\_Ibid. But John Winter lived at Richman s\\n107 Winter-Harbor was the earlieft Ifland, or at the mouth of the 6jZ)7 r7t iV;/4\\n56", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "73\\nMorning before day, and as foon as the day appear d they\\ndifcovered Ibme Smokes riling towards Skamans Garri-\\nfon:^\u00c2\u00b0^ He immediately fent away a Scout of 60 Men, and\\nfollowed prefently with the whole body the Scout coming\\nnear a River difcovered the Enemy to be on the other fide\\nof the River But three of the Enemy was come over\\nthe River to the fame fide of the River which the Scout\\nwas of; ran haftily down to their Canoo, two of which\\nlay at each end of the Canoo, and the third ftood up to\\npaddle over: The Scout fired at them, and he that pad-\\ndled fell down upon the Canoo and broke it to pieces, fo\\nthat all three perifhed; the firing put the Enemy to the\\n[Willis s Portland, i6.] A better I ug-\\ngeftion of the origin of the name is\\nthat of Folfom \\\\_HiJi. Saco, 24] We\\nhave the tradition of the inhabitants of\\nthat part of Biddeford, that an EnglilTi\\nveffel wintered in the Pool before the\\nfettlement of the country, and that\\nthe fhelter thus afforded gave rife to\\nthe name of Winter Harbor.\\n108 This would appear to have been\\nWedne/day, 17 SeJ t. The fort was\\ntaken on Sunday; Monday and one\\nmore brought them to Maquoit, and\\nthe wind being fair, they feem to\\nhave failed immediately, and reached\\ntheir deftination the next morning.\\n1 Scammon s Garrifon was on the\\neaft fide of the Saco, 3 miles below\\nthe falls. William/on, i 625.] Hum-\\nphrey Scammon (^Scaininan, Scamtnond)\\nwas born 1640; m. Elizabeth, dau. of\\nDominicus Jordan, of Sj)urzvi/ik lived\\nat Kittery Point and Cape Porpoifc\\nS 57\\n(Kennebunk-port) before he went to\\nSaco; where he received a town grant,\\nin 1679, fame year purchafed of\\nHenry Waddock s widow his 200 acres,\\nextending from the lower part of the\\nriver acrofs to Goofe-fair brook, and lb\\ndown to the fea. He died i Jan., 1727.\\nHad Humphrey, (b. 10 May, 1677);\\nElizabeth (m. 1697, Andrew Haley, of\\nKittery) Mary (m. Puddington) Re-\\nbecca (m. Billings) Samuel, (b. 16S9.)\\n[Savage s Gen. Did. iv 34 Folfom s\\nHijl. Saco, 1S8.]\\nli\u00c2\u00ab I fent out a fcout of 60 men to\\nSalco Falls to make difcouery the reft\\nin arms ready on ftiore intending at\\ntheir returne to march by land to Wells.\\nILetter, p. 93.]\\nm The fcout met with a fmall pty.\\nupon the riuer, making filb and other\\nprouifions, viz. old Dony and his crup,\\nabout 40, in all. \\\\^Ibid. p. 94.]\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a21- In the letter, Capt. Church repre-", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "[73]\\nrun, who left their Canoo s and Provifions to ours;^^ and\\nold Doney^^^ and one Thomas Baker an EngliJJi Man who\\nwas a Prilbner amongft them, were up at the Falls and heard\\nthe Guns fire, expe6led the other Indians were come to\\ntheir Affiltance, fo came down the River in a Canoo, but\\nwhen they perceived that there was EnglifJi as well as\\nIndians^ old Doney run the Canoo a fhore, and ran over\\nBakers head and followed the reft, and then Baker came\\nto ours; and gave an account of the Bever hid at Pejepfcot\\nplain: and coming to the place where the plunder was, the\\nMajor fent a Scout to Pejepfcot Fort, to fee if they could\\nmake any difcovery of the Enemies Tracks, or could dif-\\ncover any coming up the River; who return d and faid\\nthey law nothing but our old Tracks at faid Fort, c}^^\\nfents the enemy as being all upon the\\nother fide. He fays\\nThe enemie being on the other fide\\nthe riuer, ours could not come at them\\nthey made Ihot at them killed one\\nDicks, a baco [Mr. Drake ruggefi:s Abaco\\n(the largeft of the Bahamas) but is\\nSebago (a nearer and fo likelier word)\\nimpoffible i man, and got him on fiiore\\n2 more men fank in the riuer fome of\\nours fwam ouer the riuer, took their\\ncannoos and plunder. \\\\^Ibid.\\n113 The letter fi:ates that at this fcir-\\nmifli Lt. Hunniwell was Ihot thorrow\\nthe thigh. {^IbidJ^ This was Richard\\nHunniwell, concerning whofe famous\\nadventures as an Indian killer, fee Ale.\\nHiji. Coll. iii 144-148.\\n114 There we took a pretty deale of\\npowder, Ihot and lead, and other plun-\\nder, and 8 or 9 cannoos. [Ib/d.\\n115 Thomas Baker, Folfom fays (on\\nthe authority of the Scarborough rec-\\nords), was an inhabitant of Scarbo-\\nrough, in 1681. ^Hijl. Saco, 194.]\\nWillis [_HiJi. Portland, 286] enumerates\\namong thofe taken prifoners by the In-\\ndians, at the fall of Falmouth, 20 May,\\n1690, Thomas Baker (a boy).\\nIll) The man we took from them at\\nSalco, told us that the enemie from\\nCape Sables and all quarters were\\nlooked for by that time to rendevouze\\natt Pechepfcutt alfo that he knew that\\nthe enemie had brought beauer and\\nother goods to Pechepfcutt Plaine, and\\nhid them he fuppofed it was a gratuity\\nfor the eaftward Indians alfo, that he\\n58", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "L74]\\nNow having got fome Plunder, One of the Captains\\nfaid it was time to go home, and feveral others were\\nof the fame mind; and the Major being much difturb d\\nat the Motion of theirs, expecting the Enemy would\\ncome in a very Ihort time where they might have a\\ngreat advantage of them, c. Notwithftanding all he\\ncould fay or do, he was oblig d to call a Council, accord-\\ning to his [74] Inftruftions, wherein he was out-voted.\\nThe faid Commander feeing he was put by of his inten-\\ntions profer d if 60 Men would ftay with him he would\\nnot imbark as yet; but all that he could fay or do could not\\nprevail then they Mov d to the Veffels and Imbark d,\\nand as they were going in the Veffels on the back fide of\\nMayr-point they difcovered 8 or 9 Canoo s, who turn d\\nftiort about, and went up the River; being the fame In-\\ndians that the Major expe6led, and would have waited for;\\nand the aforefaid Captain being much difturb d at what\\nthe Major had faid to him, drew off from the Fleet, and\\nin the Night run aground in the Morning Anthony\\nhimfelfe knew within half a mile where der of which a pretty deale of powder\\nit was hid. This made us alter our and fliot Letter \\\\_Ibid.\\nformer intention and took ftiip and ^l^ The only paragraph in Church s\\nfailed to a place more eaftward then letter which can be conftrued into any\\nMacquait (called Mare Point [the reference to this conflidl between him\\nfouth extremity of Brunfwick, Me.]) and his fubordinates is this Many\\nLanded our men by daylight, about crofs things falling out to fruftrate the\\n250: marched round in the woods: defigne, too long here to relate: but\\nfome upon the eaftward of Pechef- from Major Pike your honors will hear\\nfcutt Letter {^Ibid. p. 94.] more at large. \\\\^Ibid. p. 97.]\\n117 When we got upon the Plaine i^^ The letter fays\\nwe parted into 3 companies found none As god would have it one of our\\nof the enemie but we found the plun- veflells run aground, which we did not\\n59", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "[74]\\nBrakit^ having been advis d and dire6ted by the Indian\\nthat made his efcape from our Forces, came down near\\nwhere the aforefaid Veffel lay a-ground, and got aboard;\\nw^ho has proved a good Pilot and Captain for his Country.\\nThe next day it being very calm and mifty, fo that they were\\nall day getting down from Maquait to Perpodack and the\\nMafters of the Veffels thinking it not fafe putting out in\\nthe Night, fo late in the Year,^~^ Anchored there at Per-\\npodack the Veffels being much crouded, the Major or-\\ndered three Companies fhould go on fliore, and no more,\\nhimfelf with Capt. Co7ivcrfe ~~yN^vA.w\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ them to order their\\nlodging, and finding juft Houling convenient for them,\\nviz. Two Barns and one Houfe; fo feeing them all fettled\\nand their Watches out, the Major and Capt. Co7iverfe re-\\nturned to go aboard, and coming near where the Boat was,\\nunderftand (being in the night) and land] in the evening, being the 20\\nhaueing left her we foon mift her, Capt. inftant. [Letter, p. 94.]\\nAlden conchiding fhe had run aground. i James Converfe was Ion of James\\nAnd before fhe came clear, there efcaped of Woburn, who was fon of Edward,\\none Anthony Brackett of Cafco, who who, with wife Sarah, came in the fleet\\nwas informed by the lad that efcaped with Winthrop, 1630; he was of Woburn,\\nfrom Amofcoggin aforefaid, of our freeman, 1671, rep. 1679, 16S4-6, 16S9,\\narmy he [Bracket] made his efcape, 1692, and Speaker in 1699, 1702-3. He\\ngot into our track, and came to Mac- married i Jan., 1669, Hannah Carter;\\nquait, hollowed to the veffell, that heard had James, John, Elizabeth, Robert,\\nhim, and gladly took him on board. Hannah, Jofiah, Jofiah, Patience, and\\n[Ibid. p. 93.] Ebenezei-. He was diftinguilhed as a\\n120 Anthony Brackett, ]v. (eldefl: fon of Captain and Major in the Indian wars,\\nAnthony, note 39, ante), was afterwards and was mixed up with an ecclefiaftical\\nferviceable as Lieut, and Capt. He difficulty juft before his death. [Sav-\\nfinally fettled in Bofton. [Willis s////?. age s Gen. Did. i 444; Mather s Mag--\\nPortland, 2C)0. nalia,y\\\\i: Appendix, 16 Hutchinfon s\\n121 Came there [to Cafco, or Pur- Hijl. Mafs. ii 67, 72; Hiji. and Gen.\\npoodiick, oppofite to what is now Port- Peg: xiii 31.]\\n60", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "[74]\\nit was pretty dark, they difcovered fome Men, but did not\\nknow what or who they were; the Major ordered thofe\\nthat were with him all to clap down and cock their Guns,\\nand he call d and ask d them. Who they were and they\\nfaid, Indians he ask d them, Whofe Men they were\\nthey faid Capt. Souikwort/i s: he ask d them where they\\nintended to lodge? They faid in thofe little Hutts that the\\nEnemy had made when they took that Garrifon. The\\nMajor told them the}^ muft not make any fires; for if they\\ndid the Enemy would be upon them before day. They\\nlaugh d, and faid. Our Major was afraid. Having given\\nthem their directions, he with Capt. Converfe went on\\nboard the Mary Sloop defigning to Write home, and\\nfend away in the Morning the two Sloops which had the\\nSmall Pox on board, But before day our Indians\\nbegan to make fires and to Sing and Dance fo the Major\\ncall d to Capt. Southworth to go a-fhore look after his\\nMen, for the Enemy would be upon them by nd by. He\\norder d the Boat to be hall d up to carry him a-fhore, and\\ncall d Capt. Converfe to go with him, and jufl as the day\\nbegan to appear, as the Major was getting into the Boat to\\ngo a-fhore, the Enemy fired upon our Men the Indians,\\nnotwithftanding that one Philip an Indian of ours, who\\nwas out upon the Watch, heard a man cough, and the\\nfticks crack; who gave the reft an account, that he faw\\nIndians which they would not believe; but faid to him\\nYou are afraid his anfwer was, that they might fee them\\n6i", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "75\\ncome creepping: they laugh d and faid, they were Hogs:\\nAy, (faid he) and they [75] will bite you by nd by. So\\nprefently they did fire upon our Men; but the Morning\\nbeing mift}^ their Guns did not go off quick, fo that our\\nMen had all time to fall down before their Guns went off,\\nand faved themfelves from that Volley, except one man,\\nwho was kill d. This fudden firing upon our Indian Soul-\\ndiers furprized them that they left their Arms, but foon\\nrecover d them again, and got down the bank which was\\nbut low: the Major with all the Forces on board landed\\nas faft as they could; the Enemy firing fmartly at them;\\nhowever all got fafe a-fhore. The Enemy had a great\\nadvantage of our Forces, who were between the Sun rif-\\ning the Enemy, fo that if a man put up his head or hand\\nthey could fee it, and would fire at it: However fome\\nwith the Major got up the bank behind ftumps and rocks,\\nto have the advantage of firing at the Enemy; but when\\nthe Sun was rifen the Major flip d down the bank again\\nwhere all the Forces were order d to obferve his Motion,\\nviz. That he would give three fhouts and then all of them\\nfhould run with him up the bank: fo when he had given\\nthe third fhout, ran up the bank, and Capt. Converfe with\\nhim, but when the faid Converfe perceived that the Forces\\ndid not follow as commanded, call d to the Major and told\\nhim the Forces did not follow; who notwithftanding the\\nEnemy fired fmartly at, yet got fafe down the bank again,\\nand Rallying the Forces up the bank, foon put the Enemy\\n62", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "[75]\\nto flight; and following them fo clofe, that they took 13\\nCanoo s, and one Lufty Man, who had Jofcph Ram/dle s^\\nScalp by his fide, who was taken by two of our Indians^\\nand having his deferts was himfelf Scalp d. This being a\\nfliort and fmart fight, fome of our Men were kill d, and\\nfeveral wounded. Some time after an EngliJJi Man who\\n1-3 Church s account in his letter\\nvaries a little\\nI landed the moft part of the men\\nand went on fhore and ordered them\\nwhere they Ihould lodge but the In-\\ndians in particular I ordered to fuch a\\nhoufe, or elfe to goe on board again;\\nbut they, contrary to my order, took up\\ntheir lodge on the riuer by Papooducke\\nfide, where the enemie had lately ran-\\ndeuouzed. All the reft of the comandes\\nand companies were where I ordered\\nthem to be. The enemie difcovered the\\nIndians fires, came in the night and\\ndifcouered where the Companies lay,\\nand ambulhed thein at day-light made\\na Ihot upon our Indians it being the\\n2ist inftant, and the Sabbath day. Our\\nEnglilh arofe to the fuccour of the In-\\ndians, friends; being all ready at break\\nof day, pr. my order, and drawing up\\ntowards them, many were wounded and\\nflain the enemie haveing great advan-\\ntage of ours for the light of the day,\\nand ftares refle(5ling upon the waters\\ngave them advantage to fee us, when as\\nwe could not fee them att all, againft\\nthe dark woods efpecially we could not\\nfe to distinguilh between our Indians\\nand theirs. Whereupon I ordered to lie\\nftill under the fea bancks till daj-light\\nI coming on Ihore the fecond boat, and\\nfee the difficulty but the enemie fired\\nhard upon the veflells and boats coming\\non thore and when the day was light\\nenough, I ordered the men to arife from\\nthe banks, and run all upon them at\\nonce the which we did, and foon put\\nthem to the flight, followed them hard\\nthorrow a fwamp, firing brifkly. They\\nknowing where there cannoos were, got\\ntheir wounded men into them before we\\ncame up, and moft of them put off\\nOur men affirmed but two that they\\nfee killed. \\\\Letter, p. 95.]\\n124 We took 2 guns and manj blank-\\nets and gun-cafes, and 4 cannoos.\\n[Ibid. p. 96\\n1-5 A company of foldiers from Lynn\\nwere imprefl ed by orderof the Governor,\\nand fent out againft the Indians in the\\ndepth of winter. One of the foldiers\\nfrom Lynn, Mr. Jofeph Ramfdell, was\\nkilled by them at Cafco Bay, in 1690.\\n[Lewis s /^/y?. Lynn, I jy Newhall s\\nAnnals of Lynn, 289.]\\n1-6 The letter gives a more particular\\nftatement, as follows\\nWe went on board fent away two\\nveflTells with the captiues and fick and\\nwounded men, and buried our dead,\\nwhich was 3 Englilh and 4 Indians.\\nThe wounded were 17 Englifh and 7\\nIndians. Them that were llain were\\n63", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "L7S]\\nM^as Prifoner amongft them, gave an account that our\\nForces had kill d and wounded feveral of the Enemy, for\\nthey kill d feveral Prifoners according to their Cuftom c.\\nAfter this a6lion v\\\\^as over our Forces imbark d iox Pifcata-\\nqua^ and the Major went to Wells^^ and remov d the Cap-\\ntain there, and put in Capt. Andras^^^ who had been with\\nhim and knew the Difcourfe left with the two old Squaws\\nat Amcras-cogen, for Hakins Woritmbo to come there in\\n14 daj S, if they had a mind to hear of their Wives Chil-\\ndren: Who did then or foon after come with a Flag of\\nTruce to faid Wells Garrifon, and had leave to come in,\\nand more appearing came in, to the number of Eight,\\n(without any terms) being all Chief Sachems; and was\\nvery glad to hear of the Women and Children, viz.\\nHakins and Woriimbo s Wives and Children; who all\\nfaid three feveral times that they would never fight\\nchieflej Plimouth. The wounded of before. Then we returned and come\\nCapt. Counjerfe, 6 Capt. Floid, 3 to Portfmouth the 26th inftant, becaufe\\nCapt. South worth, 4; Capt. Waltons, our doctor was gon home with the\\n3; of Capt. Andrews, one, (fince that); wounded men, and our men were feu-\\none Englilhman of Ph mouth is dead of eral of them fick and lame, and wanted\\nhis wounds, and an Indian: alfo an fhoofe and other recruits; or elfe we\\nIndian and Englilliman both of Pli- would have gon furder before we had\\nmouth dead of the fmall-pox. \\\\_Let- com home. \\\\^Ibid. p. 96.]\\nter, p. 96.] 128 EliJJia Andros {^Andrews, An-\\nl^T The letter particularizes droivs\\\\ was fon of James, (who was\\nWe embarked and came to Cape fon of Samuel, and was born probably\\nNeddicke, the 22d day, and marched in Saco, 1635, and who married Sarah,\\nwith about 200 men, (all we had fitt for dau of Michael Mitton, and Margaret\\nfervice,) to Wells Sent a fcout the next and furvived his father, who\\nday to Salco and Winter Harbour, removed to Bofton and died in 1704.\\nabout 24 miles: made no difcoverie of [Savage s Gen. Did. i: 53; Willis s\\nthe enemie later than we were there Hijl. Portland, 289.]\\n64", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "[76]\\nagalnft the Englifli any more, for the French made fools\\nof them, c. They faying as they did, the faid Andras\\nlet them go. Maj Church being come to Pifcataqua^^\\nand two of his tranfports having the Small Pox on board;\\nand feveral of his Men having got great Colds by their\\nhard Service, pretended they were going to have the Small\\nPox, thinking by that means to be lent home fpeedity; the\\nMajor being willing to try them, went to the Gentlemen\\n[76] there and delired them to provide an Houfe, for fome\\nof his Men expe6led they fhould have the Small Pox;\\nwho readily did, and told him, That the People belonging\\nto it was juft recover d of the Small Pox, and had been all\\nat Meeting, c. The Major returning to his Officers\\norder d them to draw out all their men that were going to\\nhave the Small Pox, for he had provided an Hofpital for\\nthem: So they drew out 17 Men, that had as they faid, all\\nthe fymptoms of the Small Pox; he ordered them all to\\nfollow him, and coming to the Houfe, he ask d them, How\\nthey liked it? they faid very well. Then he told them\\nthat the People in faid Houfe have all had the Small Pox,\\nand was recovered; and that if they went in they muft\\nnot come out till they all had it Whereupon they all\\nprefently began to grow better, and to make excufes, ex-\\ncept one Man who defired to ftay out till Night before he\\nwent in, c. The Major going to the Gentlemen, told them.\\n129 The letter fixes the date of ar- 26th inftant. The letter bears date,\\nrival Sept. 30, 1690, which puts the arrival,\\nAnd we returned to Portfmouth the Sept. 26. \\\\^Letter^ p. 97.]\\n9 65", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "[76 J\\nThat one thing more would work a perfe6l cure upon his\\nMen, which was to let them go home: Which did work a\\ncure upon all, except one, and he had not the Small Pox.\\nSo he ordered the Plunder fhould be divided forthwith, and\\nfent away all the Plymouth Forces. But the Gentlemen\\nthere defired him to ftay and they would be affifting to\\nhim in railing new Forces to the number of what was fent\\naway and that they would fend to Bojlon for Provilions\\nwhich they did, and fent Capt. P laijled^ to the Governour\\nand Council at Bojlon, c. And in the mean time the\\nMajor with thofe Gentlemen went into all thofe Parts and\\nraifed a fufficient number of Men, both Officers Soul-\\ndiers; who all met at the bank^^^ on the fame day that Capt.\\nP laijled vQiurVi d from BoJlo7i\\\\ whofe return from Bojlon\\nGentlemen was. That the Canada Expedition had dreen d\\nthem fo that they could do no more: So that Maj. Church\\nnotwithflanding he had been at confiderable Expences\\nin railing faid Forces to Serve his King and Country was\\noblig d to give them a Treat and difmifs them: Taking\\nhis leave of them came home to BoJlo7i in the Mary Sloop\\nyir.Alden^^^ Mafler, and Capt. Cojiverje y^ ith. him, of a Sat-\\n130 Capt. Ichabod Plai/ied, of Kit- moft fuitable for this place, it being the\\ntery, 1674? \\\\,HiJi. Gen. Reg. xv river s mouth, and good as any in this\\n272.] land, and your petit rs fhall humbly\\n131 Stra-wberryBa^ih^i.e.Vortivixov^h. pray. [Petition to General Court for\\nWhereas the name of this plantation change of name. Brewfter s Rainbles\\natt prefent being Straberry Banke, ac- about Poj-tjtnotitk, p. 23.]\\ncidentally foe called, by reafon of a 13- CaJ)t. JoJm Aldeti, eldeft fon of\\nbanke where ftraberries was found in Pilgrim John, was born in 1622 re-\\nthis place, now we humbly defire to moved to Bofton as early as December,\\nhave it called Portfmouth, being a name 1659; known as a naval com-\\n66", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "[77]\\nurday; and waiting upon the Governour, and fome of the\\nGentlemen in Bojlon^ they look d very ftrange upon them,\\nwhich not only troubled them but put them into fome\\nconfternation what the matter fhould be, that after fo much\\ntoyl hard Service could not have fo much as one plea-\\nfant word, nor no Money in their Pockets; for Maj\\nChurch had but Eight Pence left, and Capt. Converfe none,\\nas he laid afterwards. Maj. Chtirch feeing two Gentlemen\\nwhich he knew had Money, ask d them to lend him Forty\\nShillings, telling them his neceffity: Yet they refufed.\\nSo being bare of Money was oblig d to lodge at Mr. Al-\\ndens three Nights; and the next Tuefday Morning Capt.\\nConverfe came to him (not knowing each others circum-\\nftances as yet) and faid he would walk with him out of\\nTown; fo coming near Pollards at the South End, they\\nhad fome Difcourfe that it was very hard that they fhould\\npart with dry lips: Maj. Church told Capt. Converfe that\\nhe had [77] but Eight Pence left, and could not borrow\\nany Money to carry him home. And the faid Converfe\\nfaid, that he had not a Peny left; fo they were oblig d to\\npart without going in to Pollards, c. The faid Capt.\\nmander; was in danger in the witch- upwards of \u00c2\u00a32000. [Drake s Hiji.\\ncraft delufion [Winfor (^Hijl. Duxbury, Bojioti, i 499 Drake s Witchcraft\\n215) wrongly fajs it was his fon John; Delujion in Ne-w England, iii 26;\\nbut the documents call him John Al- Alden s American Epitaphs, iii: 266.]\\ndin, Senior, of Bofton, Marriner, in 1^^ Capt. Alden lived on an alley\\n1692, and was committed to jail, but leading from Cambridge to Sudbury\\nran away, and was ultimately cleared, Streets, from him called Alden s Lane,\\nin 1693, by proclamation, none ap- and, fince 1846, Alden Street; now the\\npearing againft him. He died in headquarters of lefs ufeful perfons.\\nBofton, 14 March, 1702, cet. 82, leaving [Drake s HiJi. Bo/ion, i 500.]\\n67", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "[77]\\nConverfe returned back into Town, and the faid CJmrch\\nwent over to Roxbury\\\\ and at the Tavern he met with\\nStephe7i Braton^^^ of Rkode-IJland, a Drover; who was\\nglad to fee him the faid Churchy and he as glad to fee his\\nNeighbour: whereupon Maj. Church call d for an Eight-\\nPe7iy Tankard of drink, and let the faid Braton know his\\ncircumftances, ask d him whether he would lend him Forty\\nShillings? He anfwered, Yes: Forty Pounds, if he wanted\\nit. So he thank d him, and faid, he would have but Forty\\nShillings which he freely lent him: and prefently after\\nMajor Church was told that his Brother Caleb Church of\\nWatertown was coming with a fpare Horfe for him, hav-\\ning heard the Night before that his Brother was come\\nin; by which means the faid Maj. Church got home.\\nAnd for all his travel expences in railing Souldiers, and\\nService done, never had but 14/. of Plymouth Gentlemen,\\nnot a Pe7zy of Bojlon: notwithftanding he had wore out\\nall his Clothes, and run himfelf in debt, fo that he was\\noblig d to Sell half a-fhare of Land in Tiverton for about\\n134 Stefhen BraytonViZ. s.ion oIYxtlw- tavern from 1686 to 1711 [fee Drake s\\ncis, of Portfmouth, R.-I. freeman, Book of the Indians, p. 263] lived firft\\n167S; on the grand jury, 1687; married, in Dedham, and afterwards in Water-\\n8 March, 1679, Ann, dau. of Peter Tol- town; Reprefentative, 1713; married,\\nman, of Newport, and had Mary, Eliz- 16 Dec, 1667, Joanna, dau. of William\\nabeth, Ann, Preferved, and Stephen. Sprague, of Hingham had eight chil-\\n[Savage s Ge7t. Didl. i: 240; R.-I. Col. dren,viz.: Richard, Ruth, Ljdia, Caleb,\\nRec. iii 4, 233.] Jothua, Ifaac, and Rebecca. The laft\\n135 Caleb Church appears to have been two were twins and, after giving them\\nthe fixth child of Richard being the birth, their mother died, 11 July, 1678.\\nyoungeft fon of at leaft nine children, [Bond s Hijl. Watertown, 158; iV. E.\\nas Benjamin was the oldeft; admitted Hi/l- Gen. Reg. xi 154; Part I. of\\nfreeman 4 March, 1689-1690; kept a this edition, p. xxx.]\\n68", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "[77]\\n6o which is now worth 300 more and above than what\\nhe had.^36\\nHaving not been at home long before he found out the\\nreafon vjhy Bq/lon Gentlemen look d fo difaffe6ted on him;\\nas you may fee by the fequel of two Letters Maj. Church\\nfent to the Gentlemen in the Eaftward parts: which are\\nas followeth.\\nBrijiol^ Noveritb. 27. 1690.\\nWorthy Gentlemen^\\nA Ccording to my promife when with you laft, I waited\\nupon the Governour at Bojion upon the Saturday?\\nCapt. Converfe being with me. The Governour informed\\nus that the Council was to meet on the Monday follow-\\ning in the afternoon, at which time we both there waited\\nupon them, and gave them an account of the State of\\nyour Country, and great neceffities. They informed us,\\nthat their General Court was to Convene on the Wednef-\\nday following; at which time they would debate con-\\nfider of the matter; my felf being bound home, Capt.\\nConverfe was ordered to wait upon them, and bring you\\ntheir refolves. I then took notice of the Council that\\nl^s It is my impreflion, that the good buying \u00c2\u00a3170 worth within a year of\\nCol. Church got a little mixed in his this date fcarcely favors the idea of\\nrecolledtions of thefe events, when, in pecuniary diftrefs. He did fell, how-\\nhis old age, he di(5lated this narrative. ever, in June, 1691, to Nathaniel By-\\nThe County Records contain no trace, field, \u00c2\u00a350 worth of land (43 acres)\\nwhich I have been able to difcover, of on PofpafquaJJi neck, in Brijlol. He\\nany fuch fale of half a fhare of land in owned, at this time, largely in Tiver-\\nTiverton by him at this time, or for ton, and in what is now the city of Fall\\nyears afterward while the fa6l that he River. [See Part I., Introdudory Me-\\nwas almoft conftantly purchafing land moir, pp. xxix., xxx.]\\n69", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "[78]\\nthey look d upon me with an ill afpe6l, not judging me\\nworthy to receive thanks for the Service I had done in\\nyour parts nor as much as ask me whether I wanted\\nMoney to bare my Expence, or a Horfe to carry me\\nhome. But I was forc d for want of Money (being far\\nfrom friends) to go to Roxbury on foot; but meeting there\\nwith a Rhode-IJland Gentleman, acquainted him of my\\nwants, who tendered me Te^i Pounds^^ whereby I was\\naccommodated for my Journey home: And being come\\nhome, I went to the Minifter of our Town,^^\u00c2\u00ae and gave him\\nan account of the tranfa6lions of the great affairs I had\\nbeen imploy d in, and of the great [78] favour God was\\npleafed to fhew me, and my Company, and the benefit I\\nHe doubtlefs refers to Mr. Braj-\\nton [note 134, ante], but he ftates the\\namount of the loan differently from his\\nformer account of it.\\n138 Samuel Lee was born in London,\\n1625; the fon of Samuel, who was a\\nmerchant of large eftate took M. A. at\\nOxford, 1640; had a Wadham fellow-\\nfhip, and, in 1656, was Prodlor, and\\nLedturer at Great St. Helen s, London\\nin 1677 was affociated with Theophilus\\nGale, in Holborn in 1679 was fettled\\nat Bignal, near Bicefter, in Oxfordfhire\\nwas afterwards at Newington Green,\\nnear London in the fummer of 1686,\\nhe landed here went foon to Briftol,\\nR.-I., and became paftor of the church\\nat its organization, 8 Maj, 1687 in\\n1691, moved by the hope of better times\\nunder William and Mary in England\\nthan he had left there, and greatly\\nto the regret of his people and of the\\nminiftry and churches who knew him\\nhere, he failed for England on the Dol-\\nphin was captured by a French priva-\\nteer and carried into St. Malo, Avhere\\nhe died of prifon fever, leaving a wife\\nand daughter, and was buried outfide\\nthe walls as a heretic. Cotton Mather\\nfaid of him, It muft be granted that\\nhardly ever a more univerfally learned\\nperfon trod the American ftrand. He\\nleft a dozen or more volumes of printed\\nworks. While in Briftol, he lived on\\nthe eaft fide of Thames St. (which was\\nthen the fhore of the harbor), a fhort\\ndiflance north of the Old Walley\\nhoufe. His houfe was afterwards the\\nrefidence of Jeremiah Finney, and of\\nhis fon Jofiah. [Sprague s Aiinals, i\\n209 Palmer s Calamy s Nonconformiji s\\nMemorial, i 95 Wood s Ath. Oxo7i. ii\\n882, 883 Shepard s Difcourfes at Brif-\\ntol, R.-I., pp. II, 50.]\\n70", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "[78]\\nhoped would accrue to your felves; and defired him to\\nReturn Publick Thanks: but at the lame interim of time\\na Paper was prefented unto him from a Court of Ply-\\nmouth, which was holded before I came home,^^ to Com-\\nmand a day of Humiliation thro the whole Government,\\nbecaufe of the frowns of God upon thofe Forces fent\\nunder my Command, and the ill fuccefs we had, for want\\nof good condu6t. All which was caufed by thofe falfe\\nReports which were pofted home by thofe ill affe6ted\\nOfficers that were under my Condu6l; efpecially one\\nwhich your felves very well know,^^ who had the advan-\\ntage of being at home a Week before me, being fick of\\nA6lion, and wanting the advantage to be at the Bank,^^^\\nwhich he every day was mindful of more than fighting the\\nEnemy in their own Country. After I came home, being\\ninform d of a General Court at P lymouth^^ and not forget-\\nting my faithful Promife to you, and the duty I lay under,\\nI went thither, where waiting upon them, I gave them an\\naccount of my Eaflward tranfa^fions, and made them\\nfenfible of the falfenefs of thofe reports that were pofted\\nto them by ill hands, and found fome fmall favourable\\nacceptance with them, fo far that I was credited. I pre-\\nfented your Thanks to them for their feafonable fending\\n139 I find no record of this court, or referred to [p. 59] as having faid it\\nof any fuch appointment of a day of was time to go home but I have not\\nhumiliation. A publique day of hu- been able to identify him.\\nmiliation and faft was appointed at Straiuberry Batik.\\nthe December court, to be held on the 1^ Held 4 Nov., 1690. See record of\\nfecond Wednefday of January next. fome things done then on the next page\\nl^o Doubtlefs the Captain before (note 143). {Plym. Col. Rec. 2S2.\\n71", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "[78]\\nthofe Forces to relieve you, with that expence and\\ncharge they had been at; which Thanks they gratefully\\nreceived; and faid a few Lines from your felves would\\nhave been well accepted. I then gave them an account\\nof your great necellities by being imprifoned in your\\nGarrifons, and the great mifchief that would attend the\\nPublick concerns of this Country by the lofs of their\\nMajefty s Intereft, and fo much good Eftate of yours\\nyour Neighbours, as doubtlefs would be on the deferting\\nof your Town. I then moved for a free Contribution for\\nyour relief, which they with great forwardnefs promoted\\nand then ordered a day of Thankfgiving thro the Govern-\\nment upon the 26th. day of this Inftant. Upon which\\nday a Colle6tion was ordered for your relief (and the\\nPlaces near Adjacent) in every refpe6tive Town in this\\nGovernment; and for the good management of it that it\\nmight be fafely convey d unto your hands, they appointed\\na Man in each County for the reception conveyance\\nthereof The perfons nominated and accepted thereof,\\nare For the County of Plymouth, Capt. Nathanael TJwntas\\nof Marjlijield For the County of Barnjiable, Capt.\\nl The record is as follows be kept and obferved as a publick day\\nCap! Nath Thomas apointed in y^ of thankfgiving throughout j* colony.\\ncounty of Plimouth to receive take \\\\_Plyjii. Col. Rec. vi 255.]\\ncare for conveyance of the contribution 144 Nathaniel TJioinasv^as fon of Na-\\npropofed for the relief of y\u00c2\u00ae town of thaniel of Marfliiield was born 1643\\nWells parts adjacent. married, 19 Jan., 1664, Deborah, dau.\\nCap* Jofeph Lothrop, y\u00c2\u00ab like for y\u00c2\u00ae of Nicholas Jacobs, of Hingham; had\\ncounty of Barnftable, Major Benjamin Nathaniel, Jofeph, Deborah, Dorothy,\\nChurch for y^ county of Briftol. William, Elifha, Jofhua, Caleb, Ifaac,\\nThe Court apoint the 36 inftant to and Mary; 3 Nov., 1696, he married\\n72", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "[79]\\nJofiP^^ Lathrop of Barnjlable And for the County of\\nBrijiol, my felf. Which when gathered you will have a\\nparticular account from each perfon, with orders of advice\\nhow it may be difpofed of for your befl advantage, with a\\nCopy of the Courts order. The Gentlemen the effects\\nare to be fent to are your felves that I now Write to, viz.\\nyohn Wheelwright Efq;^ Capt. John Littlefield and\\nLieut, yofeph Story}^^ I defer d writing expe6ling every\\nday to hear from you concerning the Indians coming to\\ntreat about their Prifoners that we [79] had taken. The\\ndifcourfe I made with them at Aineras-cogen^ I knew\\nwould have that Effeft as to bring them to a treaty, which\\nI fhould have thought my felf happy to have been im-\\nproved in, knowing that it would have made much for\\nyour good. But no intelligence coming to me from any\\nElizabeth, widow of Captain William Plym. Col. Rec. vi lo, 67, 85, 106, 128,\\nCondy; he was Reprefentative 1672, 169, 240, 251.]\\nand feven years more, and alfo at Bof- l Jokti Wheel-wright was probably\\nton under the new charter; ferved in fon of Samuel, of Wells; was Colonel\\nPhilip s War died 22 0(5l., 1718. [Sav- and Deputy, and a gentleman of a\\nage s Gen. Di di. iv 281; Thomas s charadler above fufpicion died 1745.\\nMemorials of Mar/hjield, p. 54.] Little feems to be known of him that\\n145 yofeph Lotkrop was third fon of can be accurately ftated. [Savage s\\nRev. John, of Barnftable; born in Eng- Geti. Didi. iv 503; Allen s Biog. Didi.\\nland; married 11 Dec, 1650, Mary p. 846.]\\nAnfell licenfed to keep an ordinary, 1* jFohn Littlefield was fon of Ed-\\n1653 ranked as Lieut., 1670; was mund, of Exeter and Wells; was at\\nDeputy from, and Selectman at, Barn- Wells, 1656 Conftable, 1661 Lieut.,\\nftable for various years, and was of the 1668; had a dau. Mary, vfho married\\nCouncil of War; had Jofeph, Mary, Matthew Auftin. [Savage s Gen. Didi.\\nBenjamin, Elizabeth, John, Samuel, iii 100.]\\nJohn, Barnabas, Hope, Thomds, and i*^ Was he fon of William, of Dover,\\nHannah. [Savage s Gen. Dtdl. iii 120; 1637-1658. {N. E. Hift. dc Gen. Reg.\\nFreeman s Hift. Cape Cod., ii 262, 271 viii 130.]\\n10 73", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "[79]\\nGentlemen in your parts, and hearing nothing but by\\naccident, and that in the latter end of the week by fome\\nof ours coming frovci Bq/lon, informed me that the Indians\\nwere come in to your Town to feek for Peace; and that\\nthere was to be a treaty fpeedily; but the time they\\nknew not. I took my Horfe, and upon the Monday fet out\\nfor Bojlon^ expe6ting the treaty had been at your Town,\\nas rationally it fhould but on Tuefday Night coming to\\nBojlon, there met with Capt. EliJJta Andros,^^^ who in-\\nformed me that the Place of treaty was Sacaty-kock,^^^ and\\nthat Capt Alden was gone from Bojloii four days before I\\ncame there, and had carryed all the Indian Prifoners\\nwith him, and that all the Forces were drawn away out\\nof your parts, except 12 men in your Town, and 12 in\\nPifcataqtia^ which news did fo amufe me, to fee that wif-\\ndom was fo taken from the wife, and fuch imprudence in\\ntheir actions, as to be deluded by Indians and to have a\\ntreaty fo far from any EngliJIi Town, and to draw off the\\nForces upon what pretence foever, to me looks very ill.\\nMy fear is that they Avill deliver thofe we have taken,\\nwhich if kept would have been greatly for your Security,\\nit keeping them in awe, and preventing them from doing\\nany hoftile a6tion or mifchief, I knowing that the EngliJJi\\nbeing a broad are very earneft to go home, and the In-\\ndians are very tedious in their difcourfes, and by that\\nwill have an advantage to have their Captives at a very\\n1*9 See Williamfon s Hift. Me. i 626. i^i Sagadahoc, the fite of Popham s\\n150 See note 128, ante. convia-colony, of 1607.\\n74", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "[79]\\nlow rate to your great damage. Gentlemen, as to Rhode-\\nI/land, I have not concern d my felf as to any relief for\\nyou, having nothing in wanting to fhow to them, yet upon\\ndifcourfe with fome Gentlemen there, they have fignified\\na great forwardnefs to promote fuch a thing. I lying\\nunder great refle6lions from fome of yours in the Eaft-\\nward parts, that I was a very Covetous Perfon, and came\\nthere to enrich my felf, and that I kill d their Cattel and\\nBarrel d them up and fent them to Bojlon, and Sold them\\nfor Plunder, and made Money to put into my own Pocket;\\nand the owners of them being poor People beg d for the\\nHides and Tallow, with tears in their eyes; and that I\\nwas fo cruel as to deny them; which makes me judge\\nmy felf uncapable to Serve you in that matter: yet I do\\naffure you that the People are very charitable at the If-\\nland, and forward in fuch good actions, and therefore advife\\nyou to delire fome good fubftantial Perfon to take the man-\\nagement of it, and write to the Government there, which I\\nknow will not be labour loft.^^^ As for what I am accufed\\nof, you all can witnefs to the contrary, and I fhould take it\\nvery kindly from you to do me that juft right, as to vindi-\\ncate my Reputation for the wife man fays, A good Name\\nis as precious Oyntment. When I hear of the effe6l of the\\n152 Williamfon fajs Church mag- others, encouraging their expeftations\\nnanimoufly collecSled a confiderablecon- of ftill further relief. \\\\_HiJt. Me. i:\\ntribution in Plymouth Colony, which he 626.] If his authority is this letter of\\ntranfmitted to the Eaftern Provinces, Church, and I know of no other on\\naccompanied by an addrefs to Major which he could have relied, he over-\\nFroft, John Wheelwright, Efq., and ftates the fa(5ls.\\n75", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "[8o]\\nTreaty, and have an account [80] of this Contribution, I\\nintend again to Write to you, being very defirous,\\nIhould think my felf very happy, to be favoured with a\\nfew lines from your felves, or any Gentlemen in the Eafl-\\nward parts. Thus leaving you to the protection gui-\\ndance of the Great God of Heaven and Earth, who is able\\nto protect and fupply you in your great difficulties, and to\\ngive you deliverance in His own due time.\\nRemain, Gentlemen,\\nYour moji ajjured Friend to Serve you to my titmoji power,\\nBenjamin Church.\\nPojlfcript.\\nEfq; Wheelwright, Sir, I intreat you, after your perufal\\nof thefe lines, to communicate the fame to Capt. yohn\\nLittlefield, Lieut. Jofeph. Story, and to any other Gentle-\\nmen, as in your judgment you fee fit: With the tenders of\\nmy refpe6ls to you, c. and to Maj. Vaughan^^^ and his\\ngood Lady Family. To Capt. Fryer^^ good Mrs.\\nFryer, with hearty thanks for their kindnefs whilfl in thofe\\nparts, and good Entertainment from them. My kind Re-\\n153 JYiUiam Vatighan was born prob- gail, and Elizabeth. [Savage s Gen.\\nably in Wales lived in Portfmouth Did. iv 368.]\\nfreeman, 1669; 1672 was Lieut, of cav- 1^4 Nathaniel Fryer was of Bofton,\\nairy under Capt. Robert Pike; Coun- where he had, by wife Chriftian, James,\\nfellor of Province of N. H. and Chief- Sarah, and Elizabeth; removed to Portf-\\nJuftice of Sup. Court; died 1719. He mouth; married, as fecond wife, Doro-\\nmarried 8 Dec, 1668, Margaret, dau. thy Woodbridge Deputy, 1666; Cap-\\nof Richard Cutt; had Eleanor, Mary, tain and Counfellor, 1683; died 13 Aug.,\\nCutt, George, Bridget, Margaret, Abi- 1705. \\\\_Ibid. ii 214.]\\n76", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "[8o]\\nfpefts to Maj. Frojl^^^ Capt. Walton,^ Lieut. Honeywel^^\\nand my very good friend little Lieut. P laijied with due\\nrefpefts to all Gentlemen my friends in the Eaftward\\nparts, as if particularly named. Fareivell. B. C.\\nBrijlol^ Novemb. 27. 1690.\\nTo Major Pike.^^\u00c2\u00ae Honoured Sir,\\nI ^Hefe co7ne to wait upon you, to bring the tenders of my\\nhearty Service to your Self Lady, with due ac-\\nknowledgment of thankfulnefs for all the kindnefs and\\nfavour I received from, you in the Eaflward parts, when\\nwith you. Since I came from thofe parts, I am informed\\nby Capt. Andros, that your Self, and mofl of all the Forces\\nare drawn off from the Eajlward parts I admire at it,\\nconfidering that they had fo low Efleem of what was done,\\nthat they can apprehend the Eaflward parts fo fafe before\\nthe Enemy was brought into better Subjection. I was in\\n155 Charles Froft, born in Tiverton, charge of the Blue Point, Black Point,\\nEng., 1632; came over with his father and Spurwink garrifons, in the winter\\nNicholas about 1637; Deputy, 1658-61 of 1689 \\\\S^^ note 61, ante~\\\\ earned the\\nCounfellor, 1693; Captain and Major, yo\u00c2\u00ab^r/f? c/ of the Indian killer and\\ncommanding the Yorkftiire militia was was himfelf murdered by the favages,\\nJudge of the Common Pleas when he with circumftances of great atrocity,\\nwas lliot by the Indians, 14 July, 1697, 6 Oft., 1703 [Savage fays 1703, South-\\ncet.()^. [Savage s Gen. Did. ii 210; gate s Hijl. Scarborough fays 1713].\\nWilliamfon s Hiji. Ale. i: 674; N. E. He married Sarah, dau. of Nathaniel\\nHiji. ti Gen. Reg. iii 249-262.] Adams (fee note ii^,afiie). [Savage s\\n156 See note 97, ante. Gen. Did. ii 499; Folfom s Hiji. Saco,\\n15T Richard Huntiiwell was fon of p. 182 N. E, Hiji. Gen. Reg. iii 25\\nRoger, who lived on Parker s neck. Me. HiJl. Coll. iii 144-48.]\\nnear the entrance to the Pool, Saco 158 Sgg note 130, ante.\\nwas of Black Point, i68i Enfign, 1680; 159 See note 90, a7ite.\\nLieut., 1689; was put by Church in\\n77", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "[8i]\\nhopes when I came from thence^ that thofe that zvere fo\\ndejirous to have my room, would have been very brisk in\\nmy abfence to have got them/elves fome Honour, which they\\nvery mtich gapped after, or elfe they wottld not have fpread\\nfo 7nany falfe reports to defame me. Which had I known\\nbefore, I left the Bank, I would have had fatisfa^lion of\\nthem. Your Honour was pleafed to give m,e fome fmall\\naccount before I left the Bank, of fome things that were ill\\nrefented to you, concerning that Eaflwaj^d Expedition, which\\nbeing rowled home like a Snoiv-ball thro both Colonies, was\\ngot to fuch a bignefs that it over-fJiadow d me from the\\nhifluence of all comfort, or good acceptance amongfi my\\nfriends in my fourncy homeward. But thro Gods good-\\nnefs am come home finding all well, and my felf in good\\nHealth, hoping that thofe Reports will do m,e that favour,\\nto quit me from all other Publick AHion That fo I may\\nthe more peaceably q2iietly wait upon God, and be a com-\\nfort unto my own Family in this dark tijne of trouble, being\\nas on that is hid, till His Indignation is over pafi I\\nfJiall take it as a great favour to hear of your Honours well-\\nfare. Subfcribing my felf as I am., Sir,\\nYour mofi affured Friend and Servant.\\nBenjamin Church. [8i]\\nMajor Church did receive after this, Anfwers to his Let-\\nters, but hath loft them, except it be a Letter from feveral\\nof the Gentlemen in thofe parts in fune following: which\\nis as followeth.\\nSouthwick s edition omits that is.\\n78", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "[8i]\\nPortfmouth June 29 1691.\\nMajor Be7ij. Church. Sir,\\n^T Our former readinefs to expofe your felf in the Service\\nof the Country againfl the Common Enemy and par-\\nticularly the late Obligations^^^ you have laid upon tis in\\nthefe Eafiern parts, leaves us under a deep grateful fenfe\\nof your favour therein Ajid for af much as you were p leafed\\nwheji tail here, to fignifie your ready inclinatio7i to ftirther\\nService of this kind, if occafion fJiould call for it; We there-\\nfore prefuine confidently to promife our felves complyance\\naccordingly, and havefent this Meffenger on purpofe to you,\\nto let you know that notwitJi/landiiig the late overture of\\nPeace the Enemy have approved themfelves as perfidious as\\never, and are almofi daily killing and defiroying upon all\\nour Frontiers The Governour Council of the Maffachu-\\nfetts have been p leafed to Order the Raifing of 1^0 Men to\\nbe forthwith difpatch^d into thefe parts and as we under-\\nfiand have Writ to yotir Governoitr Cotificil of Plymouth\\nfor further Afjifiance, which zve pray you to promote, hoping\\nif you can obtain about 200 Me7i Englifh Indians, to vifit\\nthem at fome of their Head-quarters up Kenebeck River,\\nor elfe-where, which (^for want of neceffaries^ was omitted\\nleft Year, it may be of great advantage to us We offer\\nnothing of advice as to what Methods are mofi proper to be\\ntaken in this affair, your acquaintance with our Circum-\\ni* This perhaps refers to the contri- them, from the committee of which\\nbutions, which had before this reached Church was a member.\\n79", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "[8i]\\nfiances as well as the Enemies^ will dire6l you therein^ We\\nleave the ConduH; thereof to your own difcretion But that\\nthe want of Provifion, c. may be no Remora to your Mo-\\ntion^ you may pleafe to know Mr. Geafford One of our\\nprincipal Inhabitaitts now refiding in Boflon, hath promifed\\nto take care to fupply to the value of two or three hundred\\nPounds^ if occafion require We pray a few lines by the\\nbearer to give tcs a profpeH of what we may expert for our\\nfurther Encouragement^ and re^nain^\\nSir, Your Obliged Friends and Servants,\\nWill. Vaughan Charles Froft William Fernald\\nFrancis Hooke Nathanael Fryer Robert Elliott.\\nRichard Martyn John Wincol\\nA True Copy of the Original Letter) which Letter was\\nprefented to me by Capt. Hatch,^^^ who came Exprefs.\\n162 I find no trace of this man, un- a bricklayer, admitted to inhabit at\\nlefs he were William Gifford, who was Bofton 28 Feb., 1654. [Drake s Hiji.\\n163 Francis Hooke was fon of Hum- Eng. lived at Kittery, Me. was Mag-\\nphrey, Alderman of the city of Briftol, iftrate, 1666 Captain Treafurer of\\n16* Richard Martin (^Martins) was at feer of John Cutt s will, 6 May, 1680\\nPortfmouth, N.H. was made over- had the firft place in the front feat\\n165 yohn Wincol Wincoln, Wincall, of Watertown freeman there 6 May,\\nWinkell, Winkle) was fon of Thomas, 1646; feledtman, 1649, 56,61,62; Depu-\\n166 William Fernald Mv s \\\\dtitionoi fometimes wrote it, Renald), who was\\nReginald (or, as he himfelf, at least, the firft furgeon among the New-Hamp-\\nRobert Eliot {Eliott, Elliot, mouth, 1660; of Cafco, before 1670; of\\nElliott) feems to have been of Portf- Scarborough foon after, where he was\\n168 philij) Hatch, who was freeman, 1652, York, Me., or one of his fons.?\\n[Savage s Gen. Did. ii 375.]\\n80", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "[8i]\\nMaj. Church fent them his Anfwer: the Contents where-\\nof was, That he had gone often enough for nothing; and\\nefpecially to be ill treated with fcandals and falfe Reports,\\nwhen lafl out, which he could not forget. And fignifyed\\nto them. That doubtlefs fome amongfl them thought they\\ncould do without him, c. And to make fhort of it, did\\ngo out, and meeting with the Enemy at Maquait, were\\nmolt fhamefully beaten: as I have been inform d.^^^\\nBojlon, i 334.] There was time enough\\nfor him to grow to be a principal in-\\nProvince of Maine under Pres. Dan-\\nforth, i6So; of the Council, 16S4, and\\nagain, under the new charter, 1693\\ndied lo Jan., 1695, much lamented.\\nbefore the minifter in feating the\\nmeeting-houfe (he being chairman of\\nthe committee to do that work), 3 April,\\n1693. Was he Richard, whofe fon\\nty, 1658 foon moved to Pifcataqua, and\\nthen to Kittery (at Neivicha-wannock,\\nor So. Berwick) came thence Deputy\\nto Bofton, 1675, 7, 8; during 1676-85\\nwas connected with the government as\\nCouncillor and otherwife fought the\\nfhire fettlers. He refided at Kittery;\\nand, in 1688, deeded to his lifter Sarah,\\nthen the wife of Richard Waterhoufe,\\nSeledtman, 1682, and Deputy, 1685;\\nCounfellor, 1688, when he lived at\\nPortfmouth. He died in 1720, leaving\\nhis eftates in Scarborough to his fon-in-\\n169 Cotton Mather makes the follow-\\ning ftatement in regard to this expedi-\\ntion here referred to\\nhabitant by 1690, as many another\\nhad done in lefs time.\\nHe married Mary (Maverick), widow\\nof John Palfgrave, and dau. of Samuel\\nMaverick, of Noddle s Ifland. [Savage s\\nGen. Did. ii 457.]\\nRichard, CofSn fays, was born 8 Jan.,\\n1674. [Brewfter s Rambles about Poj tf-\\nmouik, 36, 63 Coffin s Hiji. Netvbury,\\n309-]\\nIndians bravely at Saco, in 1675; had\\nwife Elizabeth and died, by a fall from\\nhis horfe, 22 061., 1694. [Savage s Gen.\\nDi iv 592 Bond s HiJi. Watertown,\\n654 Williamfon s HiJi. Me. i 349, 524,\\n565, 566.]\\nof Portfmouth, tanner, what is now\\nPierce s Ifland, and One Tree Ifland.\\n[Brewfter s Rambles, i c. 370.]\\nlaw, Col. Geo. Vaughan. [Savage s\\nGen. Did. ii ill Willis s HiJl. Port-\\nland, 139 Brewfter s Rambles, c. 25\\nMe. HiJl. Coll. iii 210.]\\nAbout the latter end of July we fent\\nout a fmall Army under the Command\\nof Captain March, Captain King, Cap-\\nSi", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "[8z]\\n[82] The Third Expedition, Eaft.\\nI ^His was in the Year 1692. In the time of Sir Wil-\\nHam P/iiph^ Gov tYnmtni Major IVa/ky^ being at\\ntain Sherbiirn, and Captain Walteii\\n{Convers lying Sick all Summer had\\nthis to make him jet more Sick that\\nhe could have no part in thele Adlions)\\nwho landing at Macquoit, marched up\\nto Pechypfcot, but not finding any\\nfigns of the enemy, marched dovjn\\nagain. While the Commanders were\\nwaiting A/kore till the Soldiers were got\\naboard, fuch great Numbers oi Indians\\npoured in upon them, that tho the Cotyt-\\nmanders wanted not for Courage or\\nConduct, yet they found themfelves\\nobliged, with much ado, (and not with-\\nout the Death of worthy Captain Sher-\\nbitrn) to retire into the Veffels which\\nthen lay aground. Here they kept pelt-\\ning at one another all Night; but unto\\nlittle other purpofe than this, which was\\nindeed Remarkable, That the Enemy\\nwas at this time going- to take the Ifle\\nof Shoales, and no doubt had ihQv gone\\nthey would have taken it, but having\\nexhaufted all their Ammunition on this\\nOccafion, they defifled from what they\\ndefigned. {^Magnalia, Book VII 77.]\\n11 Sir William Phips {Phipps) was\\nfon of James, gunfmith, from Briftol,\\nEng. was born at what is now Phipf-\\nburg. Me.; became a fhip-carpenter\\nmarried Mary, widow of John Hull (not\\nthe mint-mafter) with her money fet up\\nalhipyard at Sheepfcot, and then in Bof-\\nton when driven in by Indian hoftili-\\nties thence went to fea, 1677 i ^t the\\nBahamas heard of the wreck of a Span-\\nifh treafure-laden galleon, and went to\\nEngland and offered his fervices to the\\nking to recover the gold his projedt\\nwas approved, and he went to the fpot\\nwith two frigates in 1683 failed for\\nwant of proper inftruments returned\\nto England, and perfuaded Monk, Duke\\nof Albemarle, to furnifh him for the\\nwork again went back, fifhed up \u00c2\u00a3300,-\\n000, of which \u00c2\u00a316,000 fell to him, and\\nhe was knighted by James II., 28 June,\\n1687; Andros made him Sheriff of\\nNew England joined Second Church,\\n8 March, 1690; May, 1690, conducted\\nthe attack on Nova Scotia was chofen\\nAffiftant, projecfled the filly expedition,\\nin the Auguft following, againfl: Que-\\nbec; went to London, 1691, was ap-\\npointed Governor on Increafe Mather s\\nrecommendation arrived back 14 May,\\n1692 fan6lioned the witchcraft delu-\\nfion in 1693, flogged Colledlor William\\nBrenton, and, 1694, caned Capt. Short\\nof the Nonfuch Frigate, and, through\\nthe trouble thence arifing, was recalled\\nto London, where he died 18 Feb., 1695,\\nand was buried in St. Mary, Woolnoth,\\nin Lombard St., where John Newton\\nlies. [Savage s Gen. Didl. iii 420;\\nPalfrey s i7//?. N. E. iii: 590; Hutch-\\ninfon s Hijl. Mafs. ii 76; Sparks s\\nAmer. Biog. vii 5-102 Mather s Mag-\\nnalia, Book II: 15-75.]\\nm See note 24, ante.\\n83", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "[82]\\nBq/ion, was requefted by his Excellency to treat with Maj.\\nChurch about going Eaft with him. Maj. Walley coming\\nhome, did as deiired; and to incourage the faid Maj\\nChurch, told him, That now was the time to have recom-\\npence for his former great Expences faying alfo. That the\\nCountry could not give him lefs than Two or three hun-\\ndred Pounds. So upon his Excellency s requeft Maj\\nChurch went down to Bojlon, and waited upon him; who\\nfaid he was glad to fee him, c. And after fome difcourfe\\ntold the faid Church, That he was going Eaft himfelf, and\\nthat he fhould be his Second, and in his abfence Command\\nall the Forces: And being requefted by his Excellency to\\nraife what Volunteers of his old Souldiers in the County\\nof Bri/iol, both EiigliJJt Vidians. Receiving his Com-\\nmiffion which is as followeth.\\nSIR William Phips Knight, Captain General and Gov-\\ner7iour in Chief in and over their Majejly Provi^ice\\nof the MafTachufetts-Bay in New-England.\\nTo Benjamin Church Gent. Greeting.\\nT3 Epoling fpecial Truft and Confidence in your Loy-\\nalty, Courage and good Condu6t. I do by thefe\\nprefents Conftitute Appoint You to be Major of the\\nfeveral Companies of Militia, detached for their Majefty s\\nService againft their French and Indian Enemies. You\\nare therefore Authorized and Required in their Majeft3^ s\\nNames, to difcharge the duty of a Major, by Leading\\nOrdering and Exercifing the faid feveral Companies in\\n83", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "[83]\\nArms, both Inferiour Officers Souldiers, keeping them\\nin good Order Difcipline, Commanding them to Obey\\nyou as their Major: And diHgently to intend the faid\\nService, for the profecuting, purfuing, kilHng and deftroy-\\ning of the faid Common Enemy. And your felf to ob-\\nferve and follow fuch Orders Dire6lions as you fhall\\nfrom time to time Receive from my Self, according to\\nthe Rules Difcipline of War, purfuant to the Truft\\nrepofed in you for their Majefty s Service. Given under\\nmy Hand and Seal at Bq/ion, the Twenty-fifth day of\\nyuly 1692. In the Fourth Year of the Reign of our\\nSoveraign Lord Lady William and Mary, by the\\nGrace of GOD King Qiieen of England, Scotland,\\nFrance and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, c.\\nWILLIAM PHIPS,\\nBy his Excellency s Co7nma7id,\\nIfaac Addington, Seer.\\nReturning home to the County aforefaid, he foon raifed\\na fufficient Number of Volunteers both EngliJJi Lidians\\nand Officers fuitable to Command them, March d them\\ndown to Bojlon. But there was one thing I would [83]\\njuft mention; which was. That Maj Church being fhort\\nof Money, was forc d to borrow Six Pounds in Mone}^ of\\nLieut. Woodman in Little Compton, to diftribute by a\\nl ?2 John Woodman, of Little Comp- oldeftfon, Thomas, married Woodman s\\nton, perhaps fon of John, a prominent fecond daughter, Edith. Col.\\ncitizen of Newport; Church bought Rec. 106,150,168,185,231; Parti,\\nland of him, 30 061., 1702; and his of this work, pp. xxxiii. xliv.]\\n84", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "[83]\\nShilling, and a Bit at a time to the Indian Souldiers;\\nwho without fuch Allurements would not have March d to\\nBojlon. This Money Major Church put into the hands of\\nMr. William Fobes^ who was going out their Commiffary\\nin that Service, who was order d to keep a juft accompt of\\nwhat each Indian had that fo it might be fubdu6ted out\\nof their wages at their return home. Coming to Bojlon,\\nhis Excellency having got things in a readinefs, the}^ Eni-\\nbark d on board their tranfports, his Excellency going in\\nPerfon with them, being bound to Pemequid But in\\ntheir way flop d at Ca/co, and buried the bones of the dead\\nPeople there/^^ and took off the great Guns that were there\\nthen went to Pemequid Coming there his Excellency\\nask d Maj. Church to go a-fhore give his judgment\\nabout Ere6ling a Fort there He anfwer d, That his Gen-\\n173 Bid, a piece of filver in Barba- miles eaft oi Damarifcotta. There is a\\ndoes current at feven pence half-pennj. large baj through which we pafs to en-\\n\\\\_Bailey- The name was applied later, ter Peinaquid harbor or river. The\\nefpeciallj at the South, to the nine- baj is full of iflands^ the greater part\\nfence, or one-eighth of a dollar. [Bart- of which are fettled. The fort, called\\nlett s Didionary of Americanifms, TyT,.^ Fort George, was on a point at the\\nMr. Drake fajs it wasy\u00c2\u00a3v/e\u00c2\u00abce. [^C/turch, mouth of the river, and on the eaft fide\\n(ed. 1827,) 209.] of it. The i-emains of the fortrefs are\\n1 See note 242, Part I. there at this day (1795). [Sullivan s\\n175 Pemaquid, like Acadia, appears Hiji. Dijl. Me. 35.]\\nto have been of indefinite extent; but That is the bones of thofe over\\nunder this general name there I eems to 100 perfons who had been deftroyed\\nhave been embraced, at a later date, there by the favages under the Sieur\\nMonhegan, and its companion, the iflet Hertel, 17 May, 1690. [Holmes s An-\\nof Monanis, the clufter of the Damar- nals, i 431 Belknap s Hi/i. N. Hamp.\\nifcove iflands, and territory fomewhat i: 257-9; Hutchinfon s HiJl. Mafs. i:\\nbeyond the limits of the peninfula of 353-]\\nPemaquid ^roY er. \\\\^Me. HiJl. Coll. This was early in Auguft, 1692.\\n181.] The river of Pemaquid is ten \\\\_Me. HiJl. Coll. v: 282.]\\n85", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "[83]\\nius did not incline that way, for he never had any value for\\nthem, being only Nefts for Deflru6tions His Excellency\\nfaid, He had a fpecial Order from their Majefties King\\nWilliam and Queen Mary to Ereft a Fort there,\\nThen they went a-fhore and fpent fome time in the pro-\\njection thereof Then his Excellency told Maj. Church\\nthat he might take all the Forces with him, except one\\nCompany to flay with him and work about the Fort; the\\nMajor anfwered that if his Excellency pleas d he might\\nkeep two Companies with him, and he would go with the\\nreft to Penod/col, and Places Adjacent. Which his Ex-\\ncellency did, and gave Maj. Church his Orders: which\\nare as followeth.\\nI JS Recall Church s previoufly ex-\\npreffed opinions in regard to the forts at\\nMount Hope and Pocajfet. [pp. 25, 47,\\nPart I.]\\n179 This fort was built of over 2000\\ncartloads of ftone, in a quadrangular\\nfigure, 737 feet in circumference outfide\\nthe outer wall, and 108 feet fquare with-\\nin the inner walls. The fouthern wall,\\nfronting the fea, was 22 feet high, and\\nmore than 6 feet thick at the ports,\\nwhich were 8 feet from the ground.\\nThe great flanker or round tower at\\nthe weft end of the fouthern wall was\\n20 feet high the wall on the eaft line\\n12 feet high; that on the north 10 feet,\\nand on the weft 18. It had 28 ports,\\nand 18 guns mounted, fix of which\\nwere eighteen-pounders. The ftru(5lure\\nftood back 20 rods from high-water\\nmark, and was garrifoned by 60 and\\nfometimes 100 men. {^Magnalia, Book\\nVII: 81; Me. Hijl. Coll. v: 282.]\\nThis fort was not intended to operate\\nagainft Indians merely, but againft\\npiratical rovers who infefted the fea,\\nand againft the French, who intended\\nrepofleffion. That which Maj. Andros\\nhad built in 1677, and which the In-\\ndians took in 1690, was a mere ftock-\\nade; un Fort, qui n etoit a la verite\\nque de pieux, mais aflez regulierement\\nconftruit. [Charlevoix, Nouv. Fratice,\\ni 557-]\\n86", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "[^4]\\nBy his Excellency Sir William Phips Knight, Captain\\nGeneral and Governour in Chief in and over their\\nMajejlies Province of the Maffachufetts-Bay in New-\\nEngland, c. 3n6ttUClioX10 for Major Benjamin\\nChurch.\\n1 11 T Hereas you are Major and fo Chief Officer of a\\nbody of Men detached out of the Militia appointed\\nfor an Expedition againft the Fre^ich Indian Enemy;\\nyou are duely to obferve the following Inftru6lions.\\nImpri. You are to take care that the Worfhip of God\\nbe duely conftantly maintained and kept up amongft\\nyou, and to fuffer no Swearing, Curling, or other pro-\\nphanation of the Holy Name of God; and as much as in\\nyou lyes to deter and hinder all other Vice amongft your\\nSouldiers.\\n2ly. You are to proceed with the Souldiers under your\\nCommand to Penobfcot, and with what privacy undif-\\ncoverable Methods you can, there to Land your men,\\nand take the beft meafures to furprize the Enemy.\\n3/j/- You are by killing, deftroying, and all other means\\npoflible to endeavour the deftru6tion of the Enemy in\\npurfuance whereof, being fatisfyed of your Courage\\nConduct, I leave the fame to your difcretion.\\n/^ly. You are to indeavour the taking what Captives\\nyou can either Men, Women or Children, and the fame\\nfafely to keep and convey them unto, me. [84]\\n^ly. Since it is not poffible to judge how affairs may\\nbe circumftanced with you there, I fhall therefore not\\n87", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "[84]\\nlimit your return, but leave it to your Prudence, only\\nthat you make no longer Itay than you can improve for\\nadvantage againft the Enemy, or may reafonably hope\\nfor the fame.\\n6ly. You are alfo to take care and be very induftruous\\nby all poffible means to find out and deftroy all the Ene-\\nmies Corn, and other Provifions in all Places where you\\ncan come at the fame.\\n^ly. You are at your return from Penobfcot and thofe\\nEaftern Parts, to make all difpatch hence for Kenebeck\\nRiver, and the Places Adjacent, and there profecute all\\nadvantages againft the Enemy as aforefaid.\\n8/k. If any Souldier, Officer or other fhall be difobe-\\ndient to you as their Commander in Chief, or other their\\nSuperiour Officer, or make or caufe any Mutiny, commit\\nother offence or diforders, you fhall call a Council of\\nWar amongft your Officers, and having tr3^ed him or\\nthem fo offending, infli6l fuch punifhment as the merit\\nof the offence requires, Death only excepted, w^hich if\\nany fhall deferve, you are to fecure the perfon, and fig-\\nnify the Crime unto me by the firft opportunity.\\nGiven under my hand this nth day Auguft, 1692.\\nWILLIAM PHIPS.\\nThen the Major and his Forces embark d and made the\\nbeft of their way to Penob/cot] and coming to an Ifland in\\nthofe Parts in the evening, landed his Forces at one end\\n180 Seven Hundred Acre IJlavd. [Williamfon s Hiji. Me. i 71, 636.]\\n88", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "[84]\\nof the faid Ifland: Then the Major took part of his Forces\\nand mov d toward Day to the other end of the faid Ifland,\\nwhere they found two French Men, and their Families in\\ntheir houfes; and that one or both of them had Indian\\nWomen to their Wives, and had Children by them. The\\nMajor prefently examining the French men, Where the\\nIndians were They told him, That there was a great\\ncompany of them upon an Ifland juft by:^^^ and fhowing\\nhim the Ifland, prefently difcover d feveral of them. Maj.\\nChurch and his Forces ftill keeping undifcover d to them,\\nask d the French men where their paffing Place was.^*\\nWhich they readily fhew d him; fo prefently placed an\\nAmbafcade to take any that fhould come over. Then\\nfent orders for all the reft of the Forces to come; fending\\nthem an account what he had feen met withal; ftrickly\\ncharging them to keep themfelves undifcovered by the\\nEnemy. The Ambafcade did not lye long before an In-\\ndian Man and a Woman came over in a Canoo to the\\nPlace for landing, where the Ambafcade was laid: who\\nhaul d up their Canoo, and came right into the hands of\\nour Ambafcade, who fo fuddenly furprized them that they\\ncould not give any notice to the others from whence they\\ncame; the Major ordering that none of his fhould offer to\\nmeddle with the Canoo, left they fhould be difcovered,\\nhoping to take the moft of them if his Forces came as\\norder d, he expe6ling them to come as directed. But the\\nfirft news he had of them was. That they were all coming,\\n181 Long inand. ^Ibid. 636.]\\n12 89", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "[85]\\ntho not privately [85] as ordered; but in the Veffels fair\\nin fight of the Enemy, which foon put them all to flight;\\nand our Forces not having Boats fuitable to purfue them,\\nthey got all away in their Canoo s, (which caufed\\nMaj Church to fay. He would never go out again without\\nfufficient number of Whale-boats) which for want of, was\\nthe ruine of that a6lion. Then Maj. Chtirch according to\\nhis inftru6lions rang d all thofe parts, to find all their Corn,\\nand carried aboard their Veflels what he thought con-\\nvenient, and deftroy d the reft. Alfo finding confiderable\\nquantities of Plunder, viz Bever Moofe skins, c.\\nHaving done what Service they could in thofe parts,^^^ he\\nreturned back to his Excellency at Pemequid\\\\ where\\nbeing come, ftaid not long: they being fhort of Bread, his\\nExcellency intended home for Bojlon, for more Provifions;\\nbut before, going with Maj. Church his Forces to Kene-\\nbeck River, and coming there, gave him his further Or-\\nders; which are as followeth.\\nBy his Excellency the Governour.\\nTo Major Benjamin Church.\\nA T Ou having already received former Inftru6lions, are\\nJ^ now further to proceed with the Souldiers under\\nyour Command for Kenebeck River, and the Places Adja-\\n182 Mather fajs he took five Indians 183 His inftrudlions were to make\\nhere Hutchinfon fays three or four. all defpatch thence for Kenebeck\\nIt is certain that he took but few. River but in doing fo he muft natu-\\n{Magnalia, Book VII 8i Hutchin- rally touch at Pemaquid, which lay be-\\nfon s Hijl. Mafs. ii 69.] tween.\\n90", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "[85]\\ncent, and ufe your utmoft indeavours to kill, deftroy and\\ntake Captive the French Indian Enemy wherelbever\\nyou fhall find any of them; and at your return to Peme-\\nqtiid (which you are to do as foon as you can conveni-\\nently; after your beft indeavour done againft the Enemy,\\nand having deftroyed their Corn and other Provifions)\\nyou are to ftay v^ith all 5 our Souldiers and Officers, and\\nfet them to v^ork on the Fort, and make what difpatch\\nyou can in that bufinefs, flaying there until my further\\norder. WILLIAM PHIPS.\\n184\\nThen his Excellency taking leave went for Bofton\\\\\\nand foon after Maj. Church and his Forces had a fmart\\nfight with the Enemy in Kenebeck- Kxw^r^ Purfued them fo\\nhard that they left their Canoo s ran up into the woods,\\nftill purfued them up to their Fort at Taconock,^^^ which\\n184 The witch trials were in progrefs lieved had fome influence in opening\\nin Bofton during his abfence, and it is the Governor s eyes, and ftaying the\\nnot unlikely that it was while he was delufion with its plague of blood, is not\\ngone on this bufinefs that the incident obvious. [Hutchinfon s H(/i. Mafs. ii\\noccurred, which Hutchinfon mentions, 6i Drake s Witchcraft DeJuJton, c.\\non the authority of a MS. letter; that iii 159; Douglafs s Sutnmary, i: 450.]\\nMrs. Phips, being applied to for inter- 1^5 rerowwc/ falls are on the A e\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abc3ec,\\npofition in the cafe of a lady accufed oppofite the village of Waterville. On\\nof witchcraft, took the refponfibility of the point of land above the confluence\\nfigning a difcharge for her, upon which of the Sebajiicook with the Kentiebec,\\ndocument the jailor took the refponfi- and below thefe falls, fl:ood the old\\nbility of fetting the accufed free, to Teconnet fort of the Indians, here re-\\nhis own harm, it was faid. Whether ferred to, and, in 1754, Fort Halifax of\\nthis had any thing to do with that the Englilb. The fite of the fort itfelf is\\naccufation of the Governor s lady her- in Winflow, and the block-houfe was\\nfelf as a witch, which Calef afferts and lately ftanding. [Williamfon s Hiji.\\nDouglafs hints, and which it was be- Me. i: 50; Minot s Htji. Mafs. i: 186.]\\n9\u00c2\u00bb", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "[86]\\nthe Enem}^ perceiving fet fire to their Houfes in the Fort,\\nand ran away by the Hght of them, and when Maj. Church\\ncame to the faid Fort found about half their Houfes {land-\\ning and the reft burnt; alfo found great quantities of Corn,\\nput up into Indian Cribs, which he and his Forces de-\\nftroyed, as ordered. Having done what Service he could\\nin thofe parts return d to Pemequid, and coming there\\nimploy d his Forces according to his Inftru6tions: being\\nout of Bread, his Excellency not coming, Maj. Church\\nwas oblig d to borrow Bread of the Captain of the Man of\\nWar that was then there, for all the Forces under his\\nCommand, his Excellency not coming as expected. But\\nat length his Excellency came and brought very little\\nBread more than would pay what was borrowed of the\\nMan of War: So that in a fhort time after Maj. Church\\nwith his Forces return d home to Bojlon^ and had their\\nWages for their good Service done. Only one thing\\nby the way I will but juft mention, that is, about the Six\\nPounds Maj. Church borrowed as afore-mention d, and\\nput in-[86]to the hands of Mr. Fobes, who diftributed the\\nfaid Money, all but 30 s. to the Indian Souldiers as di-\\nre6led, which was dedu6ted out of their Wages, and the\\nCountr}^ had Credit for the fame; and the faid Fobes kept\\nthe 30 s to himfelf, which was dedu6ted out of his Wages.\\nWhereupon Maj Walley and the faid Fobes had fome\\nwords. In fliort, Maj. Church was forc d to pay the Six\\nPounds he borrowed out of his own Pocket, befides which\\nIS* In the hateful bufinefs of fort-building.\\n92", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "[86]\\nthe faid Church was oblig d to expend about Six Pounds\\nof his own Money in Marching down the Forces both\\nEnglifJi and Indians to Bojlon, having no drink allow d\\nthem upon the Road, c. So that in flead of Maj\\nChurcJi^s having the allowances afore-mentioned by Maj.\\nWalley, he was out of Pocket about Twelve Pounds more\\nand above what he had;^^^ all which had not been, had\\nnot his Excellency been gone out of the Country.^\u00c2\u00ae^\\nThe Fourth Expedition, Eaft.\\nIN 1696. Maj ChiLvch being at Bojlon, and belonging to\\nthe Houfe of Reprefentatives,^^^ feveral Gentlemen\\nrequefting him to go Eaft again, and the General Court\\nhaving made A6ts of Incouragement, c. He told them,\\nif they would provide Whale Boats, other neceffaries\\nconvenient, he would: Being alfo requefted -by the faid\\nGeneral Court, he proceeded to raife Volunteers, and\\nmade it his whole bufmefs Riding both Eaft and Weft in\\nour Province and Co7inefIicii-t, at great charge and ex-\\npences; and in about a Months time raifed a fufficient\\n187 Walley told him in the outfet (p. I have found no trace of his ap-\\n83), that the country could not give pointment as Deputy this year, on the\\nhim lefs than two or three hundred Briftol Town Records. This would\\npounds fo that, at the lowed calcula- feem, from various confiderations, to\\ntion, Church made a lofs of \u00c2\u00a3188 upon have been just about as he was remov-\\nhis expedlations aforementioned. ing to Fall River. [See Part I. xxxi.]\\nl**8 He means that Gov. Phips s ab- l^ Plymouth and MafTachufetts Colo-\\nfence when this fettlement took place nies had been confolidated into the new\\nwas the caufe of the wrong which he Province of MafTachufetts Bay by\\nfuflfered. the new Charter of 1692.\\n93", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "[86]\\nnumber out of thofe Parts, and March d them down to\\nBoJion\\\\ where he had the promife that ever}^ thing fhould\\nbe ready in three Weeks or a Months time, but was\\noblig d to ftay confiderable longer. Being now at Bojlon\\nhe received his Commiffion and Inftru6tionsj which are as\\nfolloweth.\\nWilliam Stoughton, E/q Lieutenant Governour and\\nCommander in Chief in and over His Majejiies Pro-\\nvince of the Maffachufetts-Bay in New-England. To\\nMajor Benjamin Church, Greeting.\\nWHereas there are feveral Companies raifed, co7tffling\\nof EngliJJt-Men Indians for His Majejiies Service,\\nto go forth upon the E7tcouragement given by the Great and\\nGeneral Court or AJfembly of this His Majejiies Province,\\nconvened at Bofton the 2 jth Day of May 1696. to profecute\\nthe French and Indian Enemy, c. And you having offered\\nyour f elf to take the command and condu^ of the faid feveral\\nCompanies. By vertue therefore of the Power and Azitho-\\nrity in and by His Majejiies Royal Com^nifjion to me\\n191 William Stoughtoti, {on oi\\\\{vSi Charter; and became Chief-Juftice\\nof Dorchefter, graduated at Harvard, died 7 July, 1701. The recall of Sir\\nand then at Oxford, Eng. became a William Phips left him in chief com-\\npreacher; is named by Calamy among mand until Bellamont s arrival in 1699.\\nthofe ejedled came back, and preached He was on the witch bench, and, unlike\\nthe election fermon of 1668 became Sewall, never expreffed penitence for\\nSeledlman, Affiftant, Commiffioner of the part he took. He built Stoughton\\nthe United Colonies went to England Hall at Harvard. [Savage s Gen. Did.\\nin 1677 with Bulkley as agent of the iv 215; Palmer s iVbwcow. il/ew. i 197;\\ncolonies; was one of Andros s Council; Quincy s Hijl. Har. Un. i: 178, 9;\\nwas chofen Lieut. Gov. under the new Eliot s Biog. Didl. 444-]\\n94", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "[87]\\nGranted^ repojing fpecial trujl and confidence in your Loy-\\nalty, Prudence, courage aitd good condnfl. I do by thefe\\nPrefents Confiitute and Appoint you to be Major of the /aid\\nfeveral Companies, both Ejiglifii-Men and Indians, raifed\\nfor His Majefiies Service tipon the Encottragemerit afore-\\nfaid. Vote are therefore carefully and diligently to perform\\nthe duty of your place, by Leading, Ordering, and Exercifing\\nthe faid feveral Companies in Arms, both Inferiour Officers\\nand Soul-\\\\^^~\\\\die7 s, keeping them iji good Order and Dif-\\ncipline, commanding them to obey you as their Major. And\\nyour f elf diligently to intend His Majefiies Service for the\\nprofecuting, purfuing, taking, killing or defiroying the faid\\nEnemy by Sea or Land A^id to obferve all fuch Orders\\nand Infiru5lions as yozc fitall from time to time receive from\\nmy Self or Commander in chief for the time being, accord-\\ning to the Rules and Difcipline of War, pujfiiant to the\\ntrufi repofed in you. Given under my Hand Seal at\\nArms at Bofhon, the Third Day of Auguft, 1696. In the\\nEighth Year of the Reigii of Our Soveraign Lord William\\nthe Third by the Grace of God of England, Scotland,\\nFrance and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, c.\\nWm. STOUGHTON.\\nBy Command of the Lieut. Governour, c.\\nIfaac Addington, Seer.\\nProvince of the Maffachufetts-Bay.\\n95", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "[87]\\nBy the Rt. Honourable the Lieutenant Governour and\\nCommander in Chief.\\njJnSttUCttOnS for MaJ. Benjamin Church, Commander\\nof the Forces raifed for His Majeflies Service againfl\\nthe French and Indian Enemy and Rebels.\\nY^Urfuant to the Commifjion given you, you are to Em-\\nbark the Foj^ces now furnifJied and equipped for His\\nMajeflies Service on the prefent Expedition to the Eaflern\\nparts of this Province, ajtd with them, and fuch others as\\nfliall offer themfelves to go forth on the faid Service to Sail\\nunto Pifcataqua, to joyn thofe lately difpatched thither for\\nthe fame Expeditiojt, to await your coining. And with all\\ncare and diligence to improve the Veffels, Boats and Men\\ntinder your command in fearch for, profecution and purfuit\\nof the faid Enemy at fuch places where you may be informed\\nof their abode or refort, or where you may probably expefl to\\nfnd or meet with them, and take all advantages againfl them\\nwhich Providence ffia II favour you with.\\nYou are not to lift or accept any Souldiers that are already\\nin His Majeffies pay and pofled at any Town or Garrifo?z\\nwit/mt this Province, without fpecial Order from, my f elf\\nYou are to reqidre and give flriH: Orders that the duties\\nof Religion be attended on board the feveral Veffels, and in\\nthe fever al companies under your command, by daily Prayers\\nunto God and reading His Holy Word, and Obfervance of\\nthe Lords Day to the utmofl you can.\\nYou are to fee that your Souldiers have their due allow-\\n96", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "[88]\\nance of Provijions and other necejjaries, that the Sick or\\nWounded be accommodated in the beji manner your circum-\\nJlances will admit. And that good order and command be\\nkept up maintained in the feveral companies^ and all dif-\\norders^ djmnkennejl^ pi^ophane curfing^i /wearing^ difobedience\\nto Officers^ mutinies., omijjions or neglefi of duty, be duly\\np2ini//ted according to the Laws Martial. And you are to\\nrequii^e the Captain or chief Officer of each company with\\nthe Clerk of the fame, to keep an exaSl Journal of all their\\nproceedings fro7n time to tim,e.\\nIn cafe any of the hidian Enemy and Rebels offer to fib-\\nmit themfelves, you are to receive thein only at difcretion.\\nBut if you think fit to improve any of them or any others\\nwhich you may happen to take Prif oners, you may encourage\\nthem to be faithful by the promife of their lives, which fiiall\\nbe granted tipon approbation of their fidelity. [88]\\nYou are carefully to look after the Indians which you\\nhave out of the Prifon^ fa that they may not have oppor-\\ntunity to efcape, but otherwife improve them to what advan-\\ntage you can, and return them, back again to this place.\\nYou are to advife as you can have occafion with Capt.\\nJohn Gorham who accompanies you in this Expedition,\\nand is to take your command in cafe of yotir Death. A\\n^^2 In purfuance of the policy bj fimilar refource. [Drake s Htjl. Bojl. i\\nwhich, in the time of Philip s war, Cor- 402; Part I. note 56.]\\nnelius the Dutch pirate, and others, had 1^3 yohn Gorham {Gorutn, Goram,\\nbeen taken out of Bofton jail, and Gorrum, Goarani) was fon of Capt.\\nallowed to march againft the Indi- John, of Barnftable; wasborn at Marfli-\\nans, the Province feems now to have field, 20 Feb., 165^; was a tanner, like\\nfwelled the ranks of its volunteers by a his father was with his father in\\nJ3 97", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "[88]\\ncopy of tJiefe Injlrtiflions yon are to leave with /mn, and to\\ngive me aii account from time to time of your proceedings.\\nBolton, Auguft \\\\2th. 1696. Wm, STOUGHTON.\\nIn the time Maj. Church lay at Boflon^ the News came\\nof Pemequid Fort being taken, it came by a Shallop\\nthat brought fome Prifoners to Boflon, who gave account\\nalfo that there was a French Ship at Blount- Defart,^^ who\\nPhilip s war; 5 June, 1690, was made\\ncaptain in the Canada Expedition, and\\nwas afterwards Lieut. Col. later was\\nmuch employed as a convejancer died\\n9 Dec, 1716, and lies buried at the N.E.\\ncorner of the Unitarian meeting-houfe\\nin Barnftable. He married, 24 Feb.,\\n167^, Mercy, daughter of John Otis\\nhad John, Temperance, Mary, Steplien,\\nShubael, John, Thankful, Job, Mercy;\\nleft a real eftate of \u00c2\u00a32000, and perfonal\\nof \u00c2\u00a3322. [Otis s Hijl. Barnjlable, i\\n217-222.]\\n19* The French conceived that Fort\\nWilliam Henry, at Pemaquid, had im-\\nportance in controlling the weftern\\nportion of Acadia, and determined to\\nreduce it. Iberville was fent from Qiie-\\nbec with two fhips of war, with arrange-\\nments to co-operate with Villebon and\\n50 Mickmacks, and Caftine with 200 of\\nhis favages on the way, met and cap-\\ntured one of an Englilh fleet, and then\\ninverted and attacked Pemaquid. The\\nfort was at the time in command of Capt.\\nPafcoe Chubb (of Andover), who had\\nfhown his incompetence by treachery\\ntoward fome Indian envoys in the pre-\\nvious February and was bafely furren-\\ndered without any determined effort at\\ndefence, though Charlevoix fuggefts,\\nthrough the cowardice of the garrifon\\ncompelling the captain againft his\\nwill, 15 Jul} 1696. The fort was\\nmoftly demolilhed, after a hiftory of\\nfour vears fully juftifying Church s fcru-\\nples in the beginning. Chubb was\\ncafhiered, and was not forgotten by the\\nIndians, who fucceeded in murdering\\nhim and his wife Hannah (Faulkner)\\nat Andover, 5 March, 1698. [William-\\nfon s Hiji. Mc. i: 642-4; Hutchinfon s\\nHiJl. isiafs. ii: 88; Charlevoix s HiJi.\\nNonv. France, iii 260-2 Abbott s HiJi.\\nAndover, 43.]\\n195 Hutchinlbn fays it was a French\\nfliallop belonging to St. John s, with 23\\nfoldiers under Villeau, their captain.\\nMa/s. ii: 91.]\\n19* Mount Dcfert Ifland lies juft eaft\\nof the debouchure of Union river,\\nfay 25 miles eaft of the centre of Penob-\\nfcot Bay, and is the largefl: ifland in the\\nState, being 15 miles long by about 7\\nin mean width, and containing fome\\n60,000 acres. A third part of this flioots\\nup into 13 high and rugged peaks, vill-\\nble 20 leagues at fea, and giving to it\\nits French name, Alonts Deferts (the\\ndefolate mountains not, as Mr. Drake\\n98", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "[88]\\nhad taken a Ship of ours; fo the difcourfe was that they\\nwould fend the Man of War,^^^ with other Forces to take\\nthe faid French Ship and retake ours. But in the mean\\ntime Maj. Church and his Forces being read}^, imbark d,\\nand on the 15th day of Augiijl fet Sail for Pifcataqua,\\nwhere more Men were to joyn them (but before they left\\nBojlon^ Maj Chu7^ch difcours d with the Captain of the\\nMan of War, who promifed him, if he went to Mount-\\nDefart in purfuit of the faid French Ship, that he would\\ncall for him and his Forces at Pifcataqua^ expecting that\\nthe Fre7ich hidians might not be far from the faid\\nFrench Ship, fo that he might have an opportunity to fight\\nthem while he was ingag d with the French Ship:) Soon\\nafter the Forces arrived at Pifcataqua the Major fent his\\nIndian Souldiers to Col. Gidney at York^^^ to be affift-\\nfuggefts, named by Champlain in honor\\ncf De Mo fits).\\n197 Xhe fhip of ours was the New-\\nport, Capt. Paxton, which was cruifing\\noff the Bay of Fundy (to intercept\\nFrench ftores fuppofed to be on their\\nway from Quebec to Villebon) with the\\nSorlings, Capt. Fames, and tlie Prov-\\nince tender. The two latter efcaped in\\na fog. Iberville refitted the Newport,\\nand took her with him to help reduce\\nPemaquid.\\n19^ The Sorlings.\\n199 Bartholomew Gedney (^Gidney)\\nwas fon of John, of Salem was bap-\\ntized 14 June, 1640; became a pradtif-\\njng phyfician freeman, 1669; 16S0-83,\\nAffiftant and Counfellor; joined Brad-\\nftreet and others when they affumed\\nthe government on Andros s overthrow\\nwas named as Counfellor in the new\\ncharter; 1690, commanded in the French\\nand Indian Expedition; 3 061., 1692,\\nwas made Judge of Probate for Effex\\nCounty fame year was made Judge of\\nCourt of Com. Pleas for the fame Coun-\\nty. He was conftantly engaged in civil\\nand military life until his death, 28\\nFeb., 169I. He married Hannah Clark,\\nand had Jonathan, Bartholomew, Han-\\nnah, Lydia, Bethia, Deborah, Samuel,\\nDeborah and Martha (twins), Prifcilla,\\nand Ann. He was one of the feven\\nwitch judges. [Savage s Gen. Di6l.\\nii 240; Wafhburn s judicial Hiji.\\nMafs. 141, 147.]\\n200 16 Aug., 1696, Col. Gedney\\nmarches with 460 of his regiment for\\n99", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "[88]\\ning for the defence of thofe Places; who gave them a\\ngood Commend for their ready wilHng Services done, in\\nScouting, and the like Lying at Pifcataqtia with the reft\\nof our Forces near a Week, waiting for more Forces who\\nwas to joyn them to make up their complement; in all\\nwhich time heard never a word of the Man of War. On\\nthe 22d oi Augujl they all imbark d from Pifcataqua^ and\\nwhen they came againft York, the Major went a fhore,\\nfending Capt. Gorhain with fome Forces in the two Brig-\\nanteens and a Sloop to Winter Harbottr, ordering him to\\nfend out Scouts to fee if they could make any difcovery of\\nthe Enemy, and to wait there till he came to them: Maj.\\nChurch coming to York, Col. Gidney told him his opinion\\nwas. That the Enemy was drawn oif from thofe parts, for\\nthat the Scouts could not difcover any of them, nor their\\nTracks. So having done his bulinefs there, went with\\nwhat Forces he had there to Winter Harbotir, where he\\nhad the fame account from Capt. Gorhain, That they had\\nnot difcovered any of the Enemy, nor any new Tracks:\\nSo concluding they were gone from thofe Parts towards\\nPenobfcot\\\\ the Major ordered all the Veffels to come to\\nSail and make the beft of their way to Monhegiii^^^ which\\nbeing not far from Penobfcot^^^ where the main body of\\nKittery. He is accompanied by a troop George s Iflands, 5 leagues E. S. E. of\\nunder Capt. John Turner. [Felt s An- Townfend, and 3 leagues W. oi Methiic,\\nnals of Salem, 11:509.] on the coaft of Maine; and contains\\n201 The complement was 500 men. more than 1000 acres of good land,\\n[Hutchinfon s H(/i. Ma/s. ii 91.] with a bold fhore. [Williamfon s Hi/l.\\n2 Monhegan (^Monchiggon, Monhig- Me. i 61.]\\ngoHi Moratiigoti) lies 9 miles S. of Jt Js perhaps 14 miles S. E. from", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "[89]\\nour Enemies living was; being in great hopes to come up\\nwith the Army o{ French Indians, before they had fcat-\\ntered and were gone paft Penobfcot or Mount-Z^^r/,\\nwhich is the chief place of their [89] departure from each\\nother after fuch actions; and having a fair wind made the\\nbeft of our way, and early next Morning they got into\\nMonhegin^ and there lay all day fitting their Boats, and\\nother neccffaries to imbark in the Night at Mujfel neck\\nwith their Boats; lying there all Day to keep undifcovered\\nfrom the Enemy; at Night the Major ordered the Veffels\\nall to come to Sail and carry the Forces over the Bay\\nnear Penobfcot\\\\ but having little Wind,^ he ordered all\\nthe Souldiers to imbark on board the Boats with eight\\ndays Provifion, and fent the Veffels back to Monhegin, that\\nthey might not be difcovered by the Enemy; giving them\\norders when and where they fhould come to him. The\\nForces being all ready in their Boats, rowing very hard,\\ngot a-fhore at a Point near Penobfcot^^^ juft as the day\\nbroke, and hid their Boats, and keeping a good look-out\\nby Sea, and fent Scouts out by Land; but could not dif-\\ncover neither Canoo s nor Indians; what Tracks and fire\\nplaces they faw were judg d to be 7 or 8 days before they\\nPemaguid, and 25 miles S. W. of the thefhips; and fo, finding that the wind\\nentrance of Penobfcot baj was too light to make progrels by fails,\\n20* I am not clear whether the refer- he put his men into the boats, and fent\\nence here is to a point of that name on the ftiips back.\\nMonhegan, or to the Miifcle Ridges, At OwVs Head, in the N. E. cor-\\nwhich is a clufter of about a dozen ner of Thomafton. [Sewall s Anc.\\nifl^nds, not far off. Dom. of Me. 215; Eaton s Hiji. T/iom-\\n20^ The boats, of courfe, were with ajlon, Rockland, and So. Thorn, i 29.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "[89]\\ncame: As foon as Night came that they might go undif-\\ncovered got into their Boats and went by MuJJel-neck, and\\nfo amongft Pcnobfcot Iflands,^ looking very fharp as they\\nwent for fires on the fhore, and for Canoo s, but found\\nneither; getting up to Mathebejliicks hills,^ day coming\\non, landed, and hid their Boats; looking out for the Ene-\\nmy, as the day before, but to little purpofe. Night coming\\non, to their Oars again, working very hard, turn d the\\nNight into Day; made feveral of their new Souldiers\\ngrumble: but telling them they hoped to come up quickly\\nwith the Enemy put new life into them; and by day-light\\nthey got into the Mouth of the River, where landing,\\nfound many Randezvous and fire Places where the Indians\\nhad been; but at the fame fpace of time, as before men-\\ntioned. And no Canoo s paiTed up the River that day.\\nTheir Pilot Jofeph York^ inform d the Major that 50 or\\n60 Miles up that River at the great Falls, the Enemy had\\na great Randezvous,~ and planted a great quantity of\\n207 A large clufter of iflands lie off in ^O^ Williamfon \\\\_HiJi. Me. i 645]\\nthe mouth of Penobfcot bay. Among calls this pilot Joku York, but gives no\\nthem are Long, Seven Hundred Acre, authority for differing from Church. A\\nBilly Job s, Marfhall s, LafTell s, Mark, family of Yorks was among the earli-\\nSaddle, Lime, Enfign, two Moufe, eft fettlers of thefe regions, who were\\nSpruce, and Fox iflands, with fome probably defcendants of Richard, who\\nunnamed. lived in Dover, N.H., 1648. John York\\n208 Thefe are Camden heights as was one of the truftees of No. Yar-\\nthe crow flies, about 10 miles N. W. mouth, 1685 and yames, Thomas, and\\nfrom Owl s Head, in the town of Cam- Samuel purchafed land of the Indians,\\nden. They are five or fix in number, in July, 1670, on the eaft fide of the An-\\nthe higheft being fome 1500 feet above drofcoggin. [Willis s Hi/i. Portland,\\nthe fea level. They can be feen 20 302 Sullivan s Hiji. Me. 146.]\\nleagues at fea. [See Williamfon s HiJi. 210 Suppofed to be the prefent Old-\\nMe. i 95.] town, 12 miles above Bangor.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "[9o]\\nCorn, when he was a Prifoner with them, four Years a\\ngoe, and that he was very well acquainted there; this\\ngave great incouragement to have had fome confiderable\\nadvantage of the Enemy at that Place; fo ufing their ut-\\nrnofl endeavours to get up there undifcovered: and coming\\nthere found no Enemy nor Corn Planted, they having de-\\nferted the Place. And ranging about the Falls on both\\nfides of the River, leaving Men on the Eaft fide of the faid\\nRiver, and the Boats juft below the Falls,^ with a good\\nguard to fecure them, and to take the Enemy if they came\\ndown the River in their Canoo s: The weft fide being the\\nPlace where the Enemy lived and beft to travel on, they\\nrefolved to range as privately as they could, a Mile or two\\nabove the Falls, difcovered a birch Canoo coming down\\nwith two Indians in it, the Major fent word immediately\\nback to thofe at the Falls to lye very clofe, and let them\\npafs down the Falls, and to take them alive, that he might\\nhave Intelligence where the Enemy was (which would\\nhave been a great advantage to them:) but a foolifti [90]\\nSouldier feeing them palling by him, fliot at them, con-\\ntrary to orders given, which prevented them going into\\nthe Ambafcado that was laid for them; whereupon feveral\\nmore of our Men being near, fhot at them; fo that one of\\nthem could not ftand when he got a-fliore, but crept away\\ninto the brufli, the other ftep d out of the Canoo with his\\nPaddle in his hand, and ran about a rod, and then threw\\n211 Williamfon fays they left their boats at the Bend, in what is now Edding-\\nton. {,HiJl. Me. i 645.]\\n103", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "[9o]\\ndown his Paddle and turn d back took up his Gun, and\\nfo efcaped: One of our Indians fwom over the River and\\nfetch d the Canoo, wherein was a confiderable quantity of\\nbloud on the Seats, that the Indians fat on; the Canoo\\nhaving feveral holes fhot in her: They ftopt the holes, and\\nthen Capt. Brackit^^ with an Indian Souldier went over\\nthe River, who Track d them by the bloud about half a\\nMile, found his Gun, took it up, and feeing the bloud no\\nfurther, concluded that he ftopt his bloud, and fo got away.\\nIn the mean time another Canoo with three Men were\\ncoming down the River were fired at by fome of our\\nForces, ran a-fliore and left two of their Guns in the Ca-\\nnoo, which were taken, and alio a Letter from a Prieft to\\nCajieen^^ that gave him an account of the French and\\nIndians returning over the Lake to Mount-Royal,^^^ and\\nof their little Service done upon the Maquas Indians weft-\\nward, only demolifhing one Fort and cutting down fome\\nCorn, c?^^ He deliring to hear of the proceedings of\\n^12 See note 120. ante. le nom de Motitreal donne a I ile ou\\n213 See note 34, 072 fe. cette petite montagne eft affile. [_Hty-\\nThe Oneida or Onondaga lake. toire de la Col. Frani^aife en Canada,\\n[i Nexv York Hiji. Coll. iv 121.] i: 24.]\\n215 Montreal. lis admirtrent la 216 -phe Maquas {Mingos) were the\\nbeaute des alentours, comme auffi le Five Nations of the Englifh, and the\\ncours majeftueux la largeur du grand Iroquois of the French. The expedi-\\nfleuve, qu ils fuivaient des veux au- tion to which reference is here made was\\ntant que leur vue pouvait f etendre that of i^row/cw^c, who added to all his\\nenfin I imp tuofit du faut oli leurs own French regulars as many Indians\\nbarques etaient reftees ce qui fut caufe as he could colledl, and left Lachine,\\nque Cartier, charme des points de vue 7 July, 1696, with light batteaux for\\nqu il de couvrait de la, nomma cette river portage, c., with a powerful force\\nmontagne le Mont-Royal, d ou eft venu to attack the Five Nations. After 12 days\\n104", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "[9o]\\nDeborahuel^^ and the French Man of War; and informed\\nhim that there were feveral Canoo s coming with work-\\nmen from Qiiabcck, to Saint yok7i s,~^^ where fince we con-\\ncluded it was to build a Fort at the Rivers Mouth, where\\nthe great Guns were taken, c. It being juft Night, the\\nOfficers were call d together to advife, their Pilot York\\nmarch, they arrived at Cadaracqui,\\nand fcattered the Onotidaffas, but only\\ncaptured a little corn and a Sachem loo\\nyears old, whom they tortured in away\\nwhich extorted from Charlevoix the\\nremark, that never was a man treated\\nwith more cruelty, nor ever did any\\nman bear torture with greater firmnefs\\nand magnanimity. Frontenac marched\\nback, with no further refults for this\\nexpenfive campaign than the treacher-\\nous capture of 35 confiding Oneidas,\\nwho were taken by the Chevalier Vaii-\\ndrueil. [i New- York Hijl. Coll. ii\\n44; iv 121 Bancroft s Hiji. U. S. iii\\n190 Hildreth s HiJl. U. S. ii 193 Dun-\\nlap s HiJi. Ne-w Tork, i 227 Colden s\\nHiJl. Five Ind. Nations, 18S-194.]\\n211 This is a curious illuftration of\\nthe eafe with which names are changed\\nby paffing from one language into\\nanother. Between Col. Church s way\\nof pronouncing the name of this French\\nadmiral, and his fon Thomas s way of\\nwriting it, the very refpe 5lable D Iber-\\nville was metamorphofed into the\\nabnormal, if not neutral, certainly pe-\\nculiar, Deborahuel.\\nLemoine D^ Iberville was born in Mon-\\ntreal, 1642 was one of feven brothers\\nadlive in Canadian affairs went early\\nto fea; diflinguilhed himfelf for bravery\\nand ability; commanded the expedition\\n14 105\\nwhich recovered Fort Nelfon to the\\nFrench, 16S6; fuccefsfully invaded New-\\nfoundland, and gained vi 5tories in Hud-\\nfon s Bay, 1697 was reputed to be the\\nmoft fkilful naval officer in the French\\nfervice was commiflioned to explore\\nthe mouth of the MifTifTippi, and failed\\nfrom /?(?c^^( r/ for that purpofe, 17 061.,\\n169S entered the river, 2 March, 1670;\\nreturned to France, but was again or-\\ndered to the river; captured Nevis,\\n1706; died at Havana, on board\\nhis fhip, on the eve of an expedition\\nagainft Jamaica, 9 July, 1706. Hutch-\\ninfon is wrong in his note, This was\\nnot the Iberville who laid the foun-\\ndation of the French colony at Mif-\\nfiflippi in 1690. He died in a year or\\ntwo after that. The colony was found-\\ned in 1699, and D Iberville lived feven\\nyears after that date. He was invading\\nNewfoundland the next year after this\\nexpedition of Church, and there is no\\nreafon to doubt that he was the admiral\\nin command of the French fhips which\\ncaptured and razed Pemaquid. [Hutch-\\ninfon s HiJl. MaJ s. ii 88; NevJ Avier.\\nCyc. ix: 430.]\\n218 Saint John still ftands as the\\nprincipal city and feaport of New\\nBrunfwick on a rocky peninfula on\\nthe left bank of the pidturefque river\\nof the name.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "[91]\\ninform d them of a Fort up that River, that it was built\\non a little Ifland in that River and that there was no\\ngetting to it but in Canoo s, or on the Ice in the Winter\\ntime: This with the certain knowledge that we were dif-\\ncovered by the Enemy that efcaped out of the upper Ca-\\nnoo, concluded it not proper at that time to proceed any\\nfurther up, and that there was no getting any further with\\nour Boats; and the Enem}^ being Alarm d would certainly\\nfly from them (and to do as they did four Years ago at\\ntheir Fort at Taconock^ having fought them in Kanebeck\\nRiver, and purfued them about 30 Miles to Taconock\\\\^\\nfor they then fet their Fort on fire, and run away\\nby the Light of it, ours not being able to come up\\nwith them at that Place.) Maj. CJuirch then incour-\\naging his Souldiers, told them, he hop d they fhould\\nmeet with part of the Enemy, in Penobfcot ba} or at\\nMount-/?^r/, where the French Ships were. So not-\\nwithftanding they had been rowing feveral Nights before,\\nwith much toyl, belides were fhort of Provifions, they\\nchearfull}^ embark d on board their Boats, and went down\\nthe River, both with and againft the Tide: and next Morn-\\ning came to their Veflels, where the Major had ordered\\nthem to meet him, who could give him no intelligence of\\nany Enemy. Where being come they refrefli d them-\\nfelves; Meeting then with another difappointment, for\\ntheir Pilot York [91] not being acquainted any further,\\n219 See note 210, ante. 220 gee note 185, a7ite.\\n106", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "L9iJ\\nthey began to lament the lofs of one Robert Cawley^^^ who\\nthey chiefly depended on for all the Service to be done\\nnow Eaftward he having been taken away from them the\\nNight before they fot Sail from Bojlon (and was on board\\nMr. Thorps- Sloop) and put on board the Man of War,\\nunknown to Maj Church\\\\ notwithftanding he had been at\\nthe charge and trouble of procuring him. Then the Major\\nwas oblig d to one Bord,^^ procured by Mr. William\\nAlden^- who being acquainted in thofe parts, to leave his\\nVeflel and go with him in the Boats, which he readily\\ncomplyed with, and fo went to Nasket point; where\\nbeing inform d was a likely place to meet with the Ene-\\nmy; coming there found feveral Houfmg and fmall Fields\\nof Corn, the fires having been out feveral days, and no\\n2-1 Robert Ca-vley {Cattle, Caulie),\\nof Pcinaqtitd, took the oath of fidelity\\nto MafTachufetts, at the Court, 7 Oc5t.,\\n1674; and was undoubtedly the perfon\\nhere referred to. He may have been\\na fon of Thomas, who was freeman,\\nCambridge, 1640; was alowed to\\nkeepe yi(5tualing in his houfe for\\nftrang s 14 Maj 1645, and appears\\nto have been at Marblehead, 1671.\\n{Ma/s. Col. Rec. ii 98; v 18; A^.\\nHijl. and Gen. Reg. iii 187 Savage s\\nGen. Did. i 350.]\\n222 There was a Robert Thorpe at\\nYork, 1660; and one of that name was\\nadmoniflied by the Court not to ad-\\nventure too many into any boate.\\n[Savage s Gen. Did. iv 293 Mafs.\\nCol. Rec. i 249.]\\n223 Henry Boade {Bord,Bode, Boad)\\nfettled at Saco before 1636; was free-\\nman at Wells, Me., 5 July, 1653; was\\nJuftice there 1653 died 1657. This\\nman of whom Church fpeaks, may have\\nbeen his fon. \\\\_N. E. HiJl. and Gen.\\nReg. iii: 193; Folfom s Hijl. Saco,\\n119.]\\n224 Capt. John Alden (see note 133,\\n\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb/e) had a fon William, born 10 Sept.,\\n1669, who would now be 27 years old,\\nand may have followed his father s fea-\\nfaring trade, and been a member of this\\nexpedition, as m after of the Brigan-\\nteen Endeavour. [Savage s Gen. Did.\\ni: 23.]\\n225 Najkeag point is the S. E. ex-\\ntremity of the prefent town of Sedge-\\nwick, Me.\\n107", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "[91]\\nnew Tracks. But upon Penobfcot Ifland they found\\nfeveral Indian Houfes, Corn Turnips, tho the Enemy\\nftill being all gone, as before mentioned. Then they di-\\nvided and fent their Boats fome one way and fome another,\\nthinking that if any ftraggling Indians, or Cajlee7i himfelf\\nfhould be there-about, they might find them, but it prov d\\nall in vain. Himfelf and feveral Boats went to Mount-\\nDe/art, to fee if the French Ships were gone and whither\\nany of the Enemy might be there, but to no purpofe: The\\nShips being gone and the Enemy alfo. They being now\\ngot feveral Leagues to the Weftward of their Veflels; and\\nfeeing that the way was clear for their Veflels to pafs:\\nAnd all their extream rowing and travelling by Land and\\nWater, Night and Day to be all in vain. The Enemy\\nhaving left thofe parts, as they judg d about eight or ten\\ndays before. And then returning to their Veffels, the\\nCommander calling all his Officers together, to confult\\nand refolve what to do, concluding that the Enemy by\\nfome means or other had received fome Intelligence of\\ntheir being come out againfl; them; and that they were in\\nno neceflity to come down to the Sea fide as yet, Moofe\\nand Bever now being fat. They then agreed to go fo far\\nEafl;, and imploy themfelves, that the Enemy belonging to\\nthofe parts might think they were gone home: having\\nfome difcourfe about going over to Saint yokn s but the\\n226 Now called Orphan Ifland, con- port, and owned by defcendants of\\ntaining some 5000 acres, and dividing an orphan, who inherited a part of the\\nthe waters of the Penobfcot into two old Waldo patent. [Williamfon s Hijl.\\nbranches. The ifland is taxed in Buckf- Me. i 69.]\\nloS", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "[91]\\nMafters of the Veflels faid, he had as good carry them to\\nold France, c. which put off that defign, they concluding\\nthat the French Ships were there. Then the Major mov d\\nfor going over the Bay towards La/iane, and toward the\\nGut of Cancer^ where was another conliderable Fort of\\nIndians, who often came to the affiftance of our Enemy,\\nthe barbarous Indians] faying that b}^ the time they fhould\\nreturn again, the Enemy belonging to thefe parts would\\nbe come down again, expecting that we are gone home.\\nBut in fliort, could not prevail with the Mailers of the\\nopen Sloops to venture a-crofs the Bay; who faid it was\\nvery dangerous fo late in the Year, and as much as their\\nLives were worth, c. Then they concluded and refolved\\nto go to Sena^aca,^^^ wherein there was a ready compli-\\nance (but the want of their Pilot Robert Cawley was a\\ngreat damage to them, who knew all thofe parts:) how-\\n2- Milprint for Z-a /r\u00c2\u00abr e, a harbor of that St. John was as full of enemies\\nNova Scotia on its S. E. coaft, at the as Old France, and not to the ocean\\nmouth of the Have, fome 50 miles S. W. diftance as is fhown here bj their re-\\nfrom Halifax. [Haliburton s7//y?. Nov. ludlance even to crofs the Bay.\\nScot. w 141.] -2^ Chiegnedo Bay {Beau Bajzti) is\\n228 The gut of Canjeau is the narrow an inlet between Nova Scotia and New\\nchannel between Nova Scotia and Cape Brunfwick, being the tapering northern\\nBreton, from the Atlantic into North- extremity of the Bay of Fundy. This\\numberland Strait averaging fcarcely is two degrees farther E. than St.\\nmore than 2 miles in width, to a length John s, and a little farther north. The\\nof 17 miles. Almoft the whole length of fort, or fettlement, oi Beau Bajin, which\\nNova Scotia lies between it and St. Church was proceeding to attack, was\\nJohn, making it at leafl: four and a fituated at the extreme N. E. terminus\\nhalf degrees farther E. than that town. of the bay, and jufl: N. of the entrance\\nThe faying above, of the mafters, that of the river La Plancke, on nearly the\\nhe had as good carry them to old fame fpot where P ort Lawrence after-\\nFrance, c., muft refer to their notion ward flood.\\n109", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "9^\\n[92] ever Mr. John Alde^t Mafter of the Briganteen En-\\ndeavour Pilotted them up the Bay to Senafiaca] and com-\\ning to GrinJlo7i-^o\\\\vA.{^^ being not far from Senaflaca\\\\ then\\ncame too with all the Veffels; and early next Morning\\ncame to Sail, and about Sun-rife got into Town; but it\\nbeing fo late before we landed, that the Enemy moft of\\nthem made their efcape, (and as it happen d landed where\\nthe French Indians had fome time before killed Lieut.\\nJohn Paine^ and feveral of Capt. Smithfons Men, that\\n230 I know not how to explain this,\\nexcept it refers to IJle dcs Meules (Ifle\\nof Grindflones, or Millftones), which is\\nlaid down on Charlevoix s Map of Aca-\\ndia, a few miles N. W. of Beau Bnjtn,\\nand juft out of fight from it round Cape\\ndes Marhigouins (Mofquito Point).\\n231 I find no fatisfaftory account of\\nthis Jolm Pahie. Mr. Drake \\\\^ed. of\\nChurch (1843), 228; ed. of Hubbard.\\nii 212] intimates that this may have\\nbeen the John Pain who had trouble\\nwith the government in 1669, in the\\nmatter of Thomas Dickinfon s murder\\nat Pennacook in the previous fum-\\nmer, by an Indian befide himfelf with\\nrum, which Pain had furnifhed to him\\nand others. But the records are per-\\nfedlly explicit on the point that that\\nman s name was Thomas Payne, late\\ntrader among the Indians at Pennicookc\\nupon Merrimack river. This Lieut.\\nJohn may have been his fon. {^Mafs..\\nCol. Bee. iv: Part II. 428; Bouton s\\nHijl. Concord, N.H. 35.]\\n232 I am equally unfortunate with\\nregard to Capt. Smithfon. The name\\nis a very uncommon one in early New-\\nEngland annals. It does not appear in\\nSavage s omnivorous pages nor in the\\ncrowded indexes of the 20 vols, of the\\nN. E. Hifi. and Gen. Regijler, except\\nas the name of a paflenger to Virginia\\nin 1635 nor in thofe of the 43 vols, of\\nthe Collections and Proceedings of the\\nMafs. Hift. Society; nor in that of\\nDrake s Founders of Nezv England\\nnor in the lift of freemen of Mafs. nor\\nin the indexes of the Mafs. Col. Rec-\\nords nor in the lift of the freemen of\\nPlymouth Colony, or the indexes of its\\nrecords ;^nor in thofe of the records of\\nthe Colonies of Rhode Ifland, Con-\\nnedlicut, and New Haven. Under thefe\\ncircumftances I have little doubt that\\nthe name is a miftake for another\\nwhat, I have no ufeful conje6tin-e. Nor\\ncan I fuggeft in what fkirmifii thefe\\nlives had been loft, unlefs it were con-\\nnecfted with Sir William Phips s Expe-\\ndition in 1690, when he feems to have\\nvifited Beau Bajin. Haliburton s\\nHifl. Nov. Scot, i 77 Hutchin-\\nfon s Hifi. Mafs. i 352.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "[92]\\nwas with faid Paine) They feeing our Forces coming\\ntook the opportunity, fired feveral Guns, and fo run all\\ninto the Woods, carryed all or moft part of their goods\\nwith them. One Jarmaji Bridgway came running to-\\nwards our Forces with a Gun in one hand, and his Car-\\ntridg-box in the other, calling to our Forces to flop that\\nhe might fpeak with them; but Maj. Church thinking it\\nwas that they might have fome advantage, ordered them\\nto run on; when the faid ^rz ^ex/^ji/ fa w they would not\\nflop, turn d and run, but the Major call d unto him, and\\nbid him ftop, or he fhould be fhot down; fome of our\\nForces being near to the faid Bridgway^ faid it was the\\nGeneral that call d to him: he hearing that, ftop d and\\nturn d about, laying down his Gun, flood, till the Major\\ncame up to him, his defire was that the Commander would\\nmake hafte with him to his houfe, left the Salvages\\nfhould kill his Father and Mother, who were upward of\\nfourfcore Years of Age, and could not go. The Major\\nask d the faid Bridgway whither there was any Indians\\namongft them and where they liv d he fhak d his head,\\nand faid, he durft not tell, for if he did they would take an\\nopportunity and kill him and his: fo all that could be got\\nout of him was, that they were run into the Woods with\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0233 The Englifti purfued, and foon refpe(5lable Acadians. {,HiJl. Nov.\\nmet Bourgeois (Church calls him Scot, i 77.]\\nBridgwrtw) a principal inhabitant, com- 234 That is, Church s Indians,\\ning to aflc quarter for himlelf and fam- among whom probably were ftill fome\\nily. [Hutchinfon s il/f{/s. ii 92.] of thofe faithful old Saconets\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\o had\\nHaliburton calls him one of the moft followed him on fo many war-paths.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "93\\nthe reft. Then orders were given to purfue the Enemy,\\nand to kill what Indians they could find, and take the\\nFrench alive, and give them quarter, if they ask d it. Our\\nForces foon took three French Men, who upon examina-\\ntion faid. That the Indians were all run into the woods.\\nThe French firing feveral Guns at our Forces, and ours at\\nthem; but they being better acquainted with the woods\\nthan ours, got away. The Major took the above faid\\nyarman Bridgzvay for a Pilot, and with fome of his Forces\\nwent over a River,^^ to feveral of their houfes, but the\\nPeople were gone and carryed their goods with them: In\\nranging the woods found feveral Indian-houfes, their fires\\nbeing juft out, but no Indians. Spending that day in\\nranging to fro, found confiderable of their goods, and\\nbut few People; at Night the Major writ a Letter, and\\nfent out two French Prifoners, wherein was fignifyed.\\nThat if they would come in, they fhould have good quar-\\nters. The next day feveral come in, which did belong to\\nthat part of the Town where our Forces firft landed, who\\nhad encouragements given them by our Commander, That\\nif they would affift him in taking thofe Indians which be-\\nlong d to thofe parts, they ftiould have their goods return d\\nto them again, and their Eftates fhould not be damnify d;^^\\nwhich they refufed. Then the Major and his [93] Forces\\npurfued their defign and went further ranging their Coun-\\n235 Probably the MiffaqttaJJt and the 236 Damnified to do damage to.\\nhoufes were, moll likely, where was Bailey. That the Commonwealth\\nafterwards Fort Cumberland. of learning be not dam7jijied. Milton.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "L93J\\ntry, found feveral more houfes, but the People fled, and\\ncarried what they had away; but in a Crick found a\\nprize Bark that was brought in there by a French Priva-\\nteer: in ranging the woods took fome Prifoners, who upon\\nexamination gave our Commander an account that there\\nwas fome Indians upon a Neck of Land towards Menes;^^\\nfo a party of Men was fent into thofe woods, and in their\\nranging about the faid Neck found fome Plunder, and a\\nconliderable quantity o{ Hurtleburies, both green and dry,\\nwhich were gathered by the Indians, and had like to have\\ntaken two hidians, who by the help of a birch Canoo got\\nover the River and made their efcape. Alfo they found\\ntwo Barrels of Powder, and near half a bufliel of Bullets\\nthe French denying it to be theirs, faid they were the Sal-\\nvages but fure it might be a fupply for our Enemies Alfo\\nthey took from barman Bridgway feveral Barrels of Pow-\\nder, with Bullets, Shot, Spears and Knives, and other fup-\\nplies to relieve our Enemies; he owning that he had been\\na Trading with thofe Indians along Cape Sable Shore, with\\nPeter Affnow, c. in a Sloop our Forces took from him;\\nand that there he met with the French Ships, and went\\nalong with them to St. JohfCs, and helped them to unload\\nthe faid Ships and carryed up the River Provifions, Am-\\n23 The mouth of Tatitatnar river, Beau Bafin and the neck was that\\nor the Metnramcook which terminated in Cape Chiegnedo,\\n238 Les Mines was the name of the now known as Cumberland,\\nfirft bay running into the interior of 239 Riviere aux Pommcs now Apple\\nAcadia, from the Bay of Fundy W. of River?\\nIS 3", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "L93]\\nmunition, and other goods to Vilboons Fort. The Major\\nhaving ranged all Places as was thought proper, return d\\nback to the place where they firft Landed, and finding\\nfeveral Prifoners come in, who were much troubled to fee\\ntheir Cattel, Sheep, Hogs Dogs lying dead about their\\nhoufes, chop d and hack d with Hatches, (which was done\\nwithout order fi-om the Major however he told them.\\nIt was nothing to what our poor EngliJJi in our Frontier\\nTowns were forc d to look upon, for Men, Women and\\nChildren were chop d and hack d fo, and left half dead,\\nwith all their Scalps taken of, and that they and their In-\\ndians ferved ours fo; and our Salvages would be glad to\\nferve them fo too, if he would permit them; which caufed\\nthem to be mighty fubmiffive, and beg d the Major that he\\nwould not let the Salvages ferve them fo. Our Indians\\nbeing fome what fenfible of the difcourfe, defired to have\\nfome of them to Roft, and fo make a dance; and dancing\\n240 The Chevalier Villebon \\\\f2iS fent 23 others, and fent to Bofton. [Charle-\\nover from France to take the govern- voix s Hi/i. Nouv. France; Halibur-\\nment of Nova Scotia, fucceeding M. ton s Hijl. Nov. Scot, i 77.]\\nPerot. He made his fort at the mouth 241 Charlevoix fajs that our foldiers\\nof the St. John the rallying point of plundered the Acadians until Burgeois\\nFrench and Indians for their defcents produced a proclamation which had\\nupon the Englilh colonies. He partici- been given by Sir Wm. Phips, alTuring\\npated vv^ith D Iberville in the capture of them of protection fo long as they re-\\ni ewa^zw i/, and was novsr back at his fort. mained faithful to King William and\\nCharlevoix makes the miftake of con- that Church, being made acquainted\\nfounding him with Villeau (fee note with it, refpedled it, and ordered his\\n194, ante and fo reprefents him as foldiers to do the fame, who however,\\nhaving been captured and releafed by he adds, ftill condudled themfelves\\nthe Englilh. Haliburton copies the as if they had been in a conquered\\nblunder, faying he was captured with country. \\\\^HiJl. Nouv. France.\\n114", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "[94]\\nin a hideous manner to terrify them, faid, That they could\\neat any fort of flefh, and that fome of theirs would make\\ntheir hearts ftrong: fkepping up to fome of the Prifoners,\\nfaid, They mult have their Scalps, which much terrifyed\\nthe poor Prifoners, who beg d for their lives. The Major\\ntold them he did not defign the Salvages fhould hurt\\nthem; but it w^as to let them fee a little what the poor\\nEngli/Ji felt, faying, it was not their Scalps he wanted, but\\nthe Salvages, for that he fhould get nothing by them; and\\ntold them, That their Fathers the Fryers and Govern-\\nours incouraged their Salvages, and gave them Money to\\nScalp our EnglifJt^ notwithftanding they were with them;\\nwhich feveral of our EngliJJi there prefent did teftify to\\ntheir Faces, that their Fathers and Mothers were [94]\\nferved fo in their fight. But the Major bid them tell their\\nFathers the Fryers and the Governours, That if they ftill\\nperfifted and let their wretched Salvages kill deflroy the\\npoor Engli/Ji at that rate, he would come with fome hun-\\ndreds of Salvages, and let them loofe among them, who\\nwould Kill, Scalp and carry away every French perfon in\\nall thofe parts, for they were the root from whence all the\\nbranches came that hurt us; for the hidians could not do\\nus any harm, if they did not relieve and fupply them.\\nThe French being fenfible of the Majors kindnefs to them,\\nkifs d his hand, was very thankful to him for his favour\\nto them in faving their lives owned that their Priefts was\\nat the taking of Pemaquid Fort, and were now gone to\\n242 The Acadians were bigoted Romanifts.\\n5", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "[94]\\nLaykone^^^ with fome of the Indians, to meet the French\\nShips, but for what they would not tell. The Commander\\nwith his Forces having done all the Service they could in\\nthofe parts, concluded to go to St. yo/mh River to do\\nfurther Service for their King and Country, Embark d all\\non board their Tranfports,~^^ and having a fair wind foon\\ngot to Monoge?te/l,^^^ which lyes a little diftance from the\\nMouth of St. yo/mh River. Next Morning early the Ma-\\njor with his Forces landed to fee what difcovery they\\ncould make, Travel d a crofs the woods, to the old Fort\\nor Falls at the Mouth of St. yo/iii s River, keeping them-\\nfelves undifcovered from the Enemy; finding that there\\nwere feveral Men at work, and having inform d themfelves\\nas much as they could, (the Enemy being on the other\\nfide of the River, could not come at them) Returned\\nback, but Night coming on and dark wet Weather, with\\nbad Travelling, was oblig d to flop in the woods till to-\\nwards day next Morning, and then went on board; foon\\nafter the Major ordered all the Veflels to come to Sail,\\nand go into the Mouth of the River; being done, it was\\nnot long before the Major and his Forces landed on the\\nLa Have (fee note 227, ante. 245 Hutchinlbnfaj S they left ^e\u00c2\u00abz^^a-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0i The fcruples of thofe who thought Jtti, 20 Sept., 1696. \\\\_HiJl. Mafs. ii 94.]\\nhe had as good carry them to old 246 jjj^ Menagoniche (given on\\nFrance as to St. John, when they were Haliburton s Map as AIeoge7ies) lies off\\nat ewoiiyco/, were probably removed by the fhore, a little W. of the entrance\\nfinding that they would now be going of the river St. John, and of the fite of\\nnear 150 miles toward home by repairing an old fort. The new fort, which Ville-\\nthither. It feems to have made a great bon was building, was on the other (E.)\\ndifference in the valor of fome of the par- fide of the river, juft above the Ijle aiix\\nty, whether they were heading E. or W. Perdraux (now Partridge I.)\\n116", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "[94]\\nEaft fide of the River, the French firing briskly at them,\\nbut did them no harm; and running fiercely upon the Ene-\\nmy, they foon fled into the Woods. The Major ordered a\\nbrisk party to run a crofs a Neck^^^ to cut them off from\\ntheir Canoo s, which the day before they had made a dif-\\ncovery of; fo the Commander with the reft ran dire6lly\\ntowards the New Fort they were a building, not knowing\\nbut they had fome Ordnance mounted. The Enemy run-\\nning dire6lly to their Canoo s was met by our Forces, who\\nfired at them and kill d one and wounded Corporal Can-\\nton^ who was taken, the reft threw down what they had\\nand ran into the woods; the faid Prifoner Canton being\\nbrought to the Major, told him, if he would let his Sur-\\ngeon drefs his wound and cure him, he would be Service-\\nable to him as long as he liv d: fo being drefs d, he was\\nExamin d: who gave the Major an account of the Twelve\\ngreat Guns which were hid in the beach below high wa-\\nter Mark (the Carriges, Shot and Wheelbarrows, fome\\nFlower Pork, all hid in the Woods:) And the next\\nMorning the Officers being all ordered to meet together,\\nto confult about going up the River to Vilboons Fort,^^^\\n2* The neck, apparently, between the at the Gemfec. Haliburton gives the\\nSt. John and the Riviere de Cant- following paper, which defcribes mi-\\nbechis (Haliburton gives it Kennebeck- nutely its condition in 1670 and which\\najts)^ the firft Eaftern confluent of the may be worth the fpace it will occupy as\\nformer above its mouth. hinting the falhion of thefe Indian forts,\\nIt would be a hopelefs tafk to con- and their fittings in the earlier days\\njedlure what French name lies perdu Inventory. i. At the entering in\\nunder this cognomen. of faid Fort, on the left hand we found\\nThe fort which was the headquar- a court of guard about 15 paces long,\\nters of Villebon was up the St. John and 10 broad, having, upon the right\\n117", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "[95]\\nand none amongft them being acquainted [95] but the\\nAldens, who faid the Water in the River was very low;\\nfo that they could not get up to the Fort, and the Prifoner\\nCanton told the Commander, That what the Aldens faid\\nwas true. So not being willing to make a Canada Expe-\\ndition,^^ concluded it was not pra6licable to proceed.\\nThen ordered fome of the Forces to get the great Guns on\\nboard the open Sloops, and the reft to rang the woods for\\nthe Enemy, who took one Prifoner, and brought in; who\\nin their ranging found there a Shallop haul d into a Crick,\\nand a day or two after there came in a Young Souldier to\\nour Forces, who upon examination gave an account of\\nhand a houle of the like length and\\nbreadth, built with hewn ftone and cov-\\nered with fhingles, and above them\\nthere is a chapel of about 6 paces long\\nand 4 paces broad covered with fhin-\\ngles and built with terras, upon which\\nthere is a fmall turret, wherein there is\\na little bell, weighing about i8 lbs.\\n2. Upon the left hand as we entered\\ninto the Court, there is a magazine, hav-\\ning 2 ftories built with ftone, and cov-\\nered with fhingles, being in length\\nabout 36 paces long, and 10 in breadth\\nwhich magazine is very old and wanted\\nmuch repair; under which is a little\\ncellar, in which there is a well; and\\nupon the other fide of faid court, being\\non the right hand, there is a houfe of\\nthe fame length and breadth the maga-\\nzine is, being half covered with fhin-\\ngles, and the reft uncovered and\\nwanting much repair; upon the ram-\\nparts of the faid fort are 12 iron guns,\\nweighing in all 21,122 lbs.\\n3. We do find in the faid fort 6\\nmurtherers, without Chambers, weigh-\\ning 1200 lbs.\\n4. 200 iron bullets, from 3 to 8 lbs.\\n5. About 30 or 40 paces from the\\nfaid fort, there is a fmall outhoufe,\\nbeing about 20 paces in length, and 8 in\\nbreadth built with planks and half\\ncovered with ihingles, which do not\\nferve for any ufe but to houfe cattle.\\n6. About 50 paces from faid out-\\nhoufe there is a fquare garden, enclofed\\nwith rails, in which garden there are\\n50 or 60 trees bearing fruit.\\nSigned,\\nLe Chevalier de Grand Fontaine.\\nJean Maillard.\\nRichard Walker.\\nIsaac Garner.\\nMarshall, Sec y.\\n[Haliburton s Hijl. Nov. Scot, i 66.]\\n250 sjj- William Phips s attack upon\\nCanada had inglorioufly failed in 1690,\\npartly becaufe of the latenefs of the\\nfeafon at which it was undertaken, and\\niiS", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "[95]\\ntwo more which he left in the woods at fome diftance fo\\nimmediately the Major with fome of his Forces went in\\npurfuit of them, taking the faid Prifoner with them, who\\nconvey d them to the place where he left them, but they\\n^were gone. Then ask d the Prifoner, Whither there were\\nany Indians in thofe parts Said, No, it was as hard for\\nVilboon their Governour to get an Indian down to the\\nwater lide, as it was for him to carry one of thofe great\\nGuns upon his back to his Fort: for they having had In-\\ntelligence by a Prifoner out of Bojlon Goal,^^^ that gave\\nthem an account of Maj. Chtirch and his Forces coming\\nout againfb them. Now having with a great deal of pains\\nand trouble got all the Guns, Shot and other Stores aboard,\\nintended on our defign which we came out firft for, but\\nthe Wind not ferving, the Commander fent out his Scouts\\ninto the woods to feek for the Enemy, and four of our In-\\ndians come upon three Fre7ich Men undifcovered, who\\nconcluded that if the French fhould difcover them would\\nfire at them and might kill one or more of them, which to\\nprevent fired at the Frejtck, kill d one and took the other\\ntwo Prifoners; and it happen d that he who was kill d was\\nShanelere^ the Chief Man there The fame Day they\\nmended their Whale-boats, and the Shallop which they\\ntook, fitting her to Row with Eight Oars, that fhe might\\nbe helpful to their Profecuting their intended defign againft\\nthe Enemy in their returning homewards. Then the\\npartly becaufe of its inherent weaknefs. be one of Villeau s men (fee note 195,\\n[Hutchinfon s Hijl. Mafs. i 352-6.] ante).\\n251 There was hardly time for this to 252 See note 248, ante.\\n119", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "[96]\\nCommander ordering all the Officers to come together,\\nInform d them of his intentions and ordered that no Veffels\\nfhould depart from the Fleet, but to attend the Motions of\\ntheir Commadore, as formerly, except they were parted\\nby Storms or thick Fogs, and if fo it fhould happen that\\nany did part, when they come to Pajfamequady^^^ fhould\\nftop there a while, for there they intended to Hop, and do\\nbufinefs with the help of their Boats againft the Enemy,\\nand if they mift that to ftop at Machias\\\\ which was the\\nnext place he intended to flop at, having an account by the\\nPrifoners taken. That Mr. LaterW^^ was there a trading\\nwith the Indians in that River: Incouraging them, faid.\\nHe did not doubt but to have a good booty there; and if\\nthey fhould pafs thofe two places, be fure not to go paft\\nNaskege- i^omt^^^ but to ftop there, till he came, and not to\\ndepart thence in a Fortnight without his orders, having\\ngreat Service to do in and about Penobfcot^ c. Then the\\nMajor difcourfed with Capt. Brackit^^ Capt. Htmewell^^^\\nand Capt. Larking^^^ [96] (with their Lieutenants) Com-\\nmanders of the Forces belonging to the Eaftward parts,\\nwho were to difcourfe their Souldiers about their proceed-\\ning, when they came to Penobfcot\\\\ and the Major himfelf\\n253 The bay into which empties the fifth expedition, with his family, fome\\nSt. Croix, the boundary between the of whom were reported to be drowned.\\nUnited States and the Britilh Provinces. 256 See note 225, ante.\\n23-* The next port weftward. 257 See note 120, ante.\\n255 Probably the Frenchman who is 258 See note 157, attte.\\ntwice referred to fubfequently (on p. 259 There was a Samuel Larkin\\n109 of the original paging) as old among the early inhabitants of Portf-\\nLotriel and as being captured in the mouth, N.H.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "[96]\\nwas to difcourfe his /ndtan-Sould iers, and their Captains;\\nwho with all the reft readily compl37 d. The proje6lion\\nbeing fuch, That when they came to Pefiobfcot the Com-\\nmander defign d to take what Provilions could be fpared\\nout of all the Sloops, and put on board the two Brigan-\\nteens, and to fend all the Sloops home with fome of the\\nOfficers and Men that wanted to be at home and then\\nwith thofe Forces afore-mentioned {to wit^ the Eaftward\\nMen, and all the India7is and to take what Provilions and\\nAmmunition was needful, and to March with himfelf up\\ninto the Penobfcot Country, in fearch for the Enemy, and if\\npoffible to take that Fort in Penobfcot River. Capt. Brackit\\ninforming the Major, That when the water was low they\\ncould waid over (which was at that time) the loweft that\\nhad been known in a long time. And being there to rang\\nthro that Country down to Pemequid, where he intended\\nthe two Briganteens fhould meet them; and from thence\\ntaking more Provilions {viz^ Bread, Salt Ammunition\\nfuitable (to fend thofe two Veffels home alfo) to travel\\nthro the Country to Nerigiwock^^^ and from thence to\\nAmeras cogen-Fort, and fo down where the Enemy us d to\\nPlant, not doubting but that in all this Travel to meet\\nwith many of the Enemy before they fhould get to Pifca-\\ntaqua. All which intentions were very acceptable to the\\n260 Brigaiitijie, afmall, flat, open, point in the bend of the Kennebec op-\\nlight veffel, going both with fails and pofite to the mouth of Sandy river,\\noars, either for fighting or for giving where was the ancient feat of the Cani-\\nchafe. Bailey. bus Indians. [Williamfon s Htjl. Me. i\\n261 Norridgevjock (^Narantfotia{) is a 467; Father Druillettes s Journal, 2i^o.~\\\\\\n16 121", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "[96]\\nForces that were to undertake it, who rejoycing, faid,\\nThey had rather go home by Land than by Water, pro-\\nvided their Commander went with them: (who to try their\\nfideHty) faid, He was grown Ancient, and might fail them;\\nThey all faid they would not leave him, and when he\\ncould not Travel any further, they would carry him.\\nHaving done what Service they could at and about the\\nMouth of St. Johns s, River, Refolved on their intended\\ndelign; and the next Morning having but little Wind,\\ncame all to Sail, the Wind coming againft them they put\\ninto Mu/JiquaJJt Cove,^*^^ and the next day the Wind ftill\\nbeing againft them, the Major with part of his Forces\\nLanded, and imployed themfelves in ranging the Country\\nfor the Enemy, but to no purpofe; and in the Night the\\nwind came pretty fair, and at 12 a Clock they came to\\nSail, and had not been out long before they fpy d three\\nSail of Veflels; Expe6ling them to be French, fitted to\\ndefend themfelves, fo coming near, hail d them who\\nfound them to be a Man of War, the Province Galley,\\nand old Mr. Alden^^^ in a Sloop, with more Forces, Col.\\nHathrojie^^ Commander. Maj. Church went aboard the\\n262 ^\\\\\\\\QowW^\\\\.o{ Riviere de Mechecaf- Deputy, 1683; Affiftant or Counfellor,\\ncor, the fecond ftreani coming into the 1684-1712; Judge of Com. Pleas, 1692-\\nbayW. of the St. John which Halibur- 1702; Judge of Supreme Court, 1702-\\nton s map names Mufquafli river, 15 Commiffioner to Eaftern Indians,\\nwhich would feem to be a tranflation and Commander, 1696; refigned his\\nof found rather than of fenfe. place on the bench on account of deaf-\\n263 See note 133, ante. nefs, 1712; died 10 May, 1717, est. 76.\\n26^ Joh}i Hathorne (^Hathorn, Haw- He had five fons. [Savage s Gen.\\nthorne) was fon of William, of Salem Dii^. ii 377 Wafhburn s Judic. Hiji.\\nborn 4 Aug., 1641 freeman, 1677; il/a/S. 271.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "[97]\\nCommadore, where Col. Hathrone was, who gave him an\\naccount of his Commiilion Orders, and read them to\\nhim. Then his Honour told Maj. Church, that there was\\na particular Order on board Capt. Soutkack for him:\\nwhich is as followeth. [97]\\nSir, Bofton, September. ^th. 1696.\\nT T/y Majcjlics Ship Orford having lately furprized a\\nFrench Shallop with twenty three of the Soldiers\\nbelonging to the Fort upo7i John River in Nova-Scotia,\\ntogether with Villeau their Captain, Providence feems to\\nencourage the forming of an Expedition to attack that Fort,\\nand to difrefi and remove the Enemy from that Pofl, which\\nis the chief Scource fro7n whence the niofl of our difaflers do\\niffue, and alfo to favour with an opportuiiity for gaining out\\nof their hands the Ordnance, Artillery and other Warlike\\nStores and Provifions lately fupp lied to them from France,\\nfor ere^ing a new Fort near the Rivers m.outh, whereby they\\nwill be greatly flrengthened, and the reducing of them ren-\\ndred more difficult. I have therefore ordered a Detachment\\nof two new Companies co7ififling of about an Hundred Men\\n265 Cyprian Southach was comman- rails, or otherwife, that people may not\\nder of the Province gallej was with be in danger. Valley acre was the hill\\nChurch in his laft Eaftern Expedition, juft eaft of Beacon hill, occupying the\\n1704; and went to Canada in 1714 on fpace, nearly, of what is now Pember-\\nthe Stoddard and Williams Expedition ton Squai-e. Capt. Southack s hill\\nlived on Tremont Street, which then probably adjoined his houfe, which\\nembraced only that portion now in- feems to have ftood not far from the\\neluded between School and Howard prefent fite of the Albion. [Drake s\\nStreets; 19 0(5l., 1733, was warned to Hijl. Bojl. i: 529, 539, 593; N. E.\\nsecure his hill near Valley acre, by HiJl. and Gen. Reg. v: 39.]\\n123", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "[97]\\nto joyn the Forces now with you for that Expedition^ and\\nhave commij/ionated Lieut. Colonel John Hathorne, 07ie of\\nthe Members of His Majeflies Council, who is acqtiaiiited\\nwith that River, and in whofe courage and condzt^ I repofe\\nfpecial Triifl, to take the chief command of the whole during\\nthat Service, being well affured that your good affe^ions and\\nzeal for His Majeflies Service will induce your ready com-\\npliance and afjifiance thereijt, which I hope will take up no\\nlong time, and be of great benefit and advantage to thefe Hts\\nMajefiies Territories if it pleafe God to fucceed the fame.\\nBefides its very probable to be the farefi opporttmity that can\\nbe offered unto your felf and Men, of doing Executio7i upon\\nthe Indian Enem^y and Rebels, who may reafonably be ex-\\npelled to be drawn to the defence of that Fort. I have alfo\\nordered His Majeflies Ship Arundel, and the Province-\\nGal ly to attend this Service.\\nColonel Flathorne will communicate unto you the contents\\nof his Commifjfion and InflruBions received from, my felf for\\nthis Expedition, which I expeH and order that your felf.\\nOfficers and Souldiers now under yoti yield obedience unto.\\nHe is to advife with your felf and others in all weighty\\nattempts. Praying for a Bleffi7ig from Heaveit upon the\\nfaid Enterprize, and that all engaged in the fame may be\\nunder the fpecial ProteSIion of the Abnighty. I am your\\nLoving Friend, Wm. STOUGHTON.\\nThe Major having read his laft Orders, and confidering\\nhis Commiffion, found that he was oblig d to attend, All\\n124", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "[98]\\nOrders, c. was much concern d that he and his were\\nprevented in their intended projection, if carryed back to\\nSt. yohn\\\\. Then dilcourfing with Col. Hathorne, gave\\nhim an account of what they had done at St. yokii s, viz.\\nThat as to the demoHfhing the New Fort they had done\\nit, and got all their great Guns and Stores aboard their\\nVeffels; and that if it had not been that the waters were\\nfo low would have taken the Fort up the River alfo before\\nhe came away. Told him alfo that one of the Prifoners\\nwhich he had taken at St. yohn^s, upon examination con-\\ncerning the Indians in thofe parts, told him, it was as hard\\nfor Vilboon their Governour to get one of their Indians\\ndown to the water fide, as to carry one of thofe great Guns\\nupon his back: and that they had an account of him and\\nhis Forces coming to thofe parts by a Prifoner out of\\nBq/lon Goal. Alfo [98] told his Honour, That if they\\nwent back it would wholly difappoint them of their doing\\nany further Service, which was that they came for to\\nPenobfcot, and Places Adjacent; but all was to no purpofe\\nhis Honour telling the Major that he muft attend his Or-\\nders then received. And to incourage the Officers and\\nSouldiers, told them. They fhould be wholly at the Majors\\nOrdering Command in the whole a6lion: (and to be\\nfhort did go back) and the event may be feen in Col.\\nHathron^^ Journal of the faid a6lion.^^*^ Only I mufl ob-\\n2 i6 Church fpeaks as if Hathorn s of the Cold Sea/on so difcouraged our\\nJournal were public property but I have Men, that after the making of fome few\\nnot been able to find it. Mather fums Shot, the Enterprize found itlelf under\\nup the iffue thus Bui the Difficulty too much Congelation to proceed any\\n125", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "[98 J\\nferve one thing by the way, which was, That when they\\ndrew off to come clown the River again, Col. Hathorne\\ncame off and left the Major behind to fee that all the\\nForces were drawn off; and coming down the River in or\\nnear the Rear, in the Night heard a perfon hollow, not\\nknowing at firft but that it might be a fnare to draw\\nthem into but upon confideration fent to fee who or what\\nhe was, found him to be a Negro man belonging to Mar-\\nble/iead, that had been taken, and kept a Prifoner amongft\\nthem for fome time. The Major ask d him. Whither he\\ncould give any account of the Indians in thofe parts? He\\nfaid. Yes, they were or had been all drawn off from the\\nSea Coaft up into the Woods near a hundred Miles having\\nhad an account by a Prifoner out of Bojlon Goal; that\\nMaj. Church and his Forces were coming out againft them\\nfurther. {^Magnalia, Book VII 90.] ency of the weather. They were soon\\nHutchinfon fays, Villebon had timely difcouraged, for the next night they\\nnotice of the return and re-enforcement, re-embarked; and having joined thofe\\nand made the beft preparations he could at the mouth of the river, made the\\nfor his defence. Four of the fmall vefTels beft of their way to Bofton. No notice\\nwent up the river, and landed their was taken of any lois on either fide,\\nmen near the fort, 06lober the 7th. except the burning a few of the ene-\\nThey raifed a battery for two field my s houfes; nor is any fufficient reafon\\npieces, and began to fire with them and given for relinquifhing the defign fo\\nwith their mufketry the fame day fuddenly.\\nand the French made return. When It is probable that the forces were\\nnight came on, which proved very cold, not provided with tents nor cloathing\\nthe Englhh lighted their fires to keep fufiicient to defend them from the cold,\\nthem from perilhing. This made them which they had reafon to expedl to\\na mark for the French cannon, which increafe every day, and it is certain the\\ndifturbed them to that degree that they old Colonel Church was oftended at\\nwere obliged to put out their fires, and being fuperfeded in command. \\\\_Hi/i.\\nto be expofed all night to the inclem- MaJ s. ii 94.]\\n126", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "[98]\\nin four Briganteens, four Sloops, with 24 Peraougers,^^\\nmeaning Whale-boats, which put them into a fright, that\\nnotwithftanding they were fo far up in the Woods were\\nafraid to make fires by Day left he and his Forces fliould\\ndifcover the Smokes, and in the Night left they ftiould fee\\nthe light. One thing more I would juft give a hint of,\\nthat is, How the French in the Eaftward parts were much\\nfurpriz d at the motion of the Whale boats; faid. There\\nwas no abiding for them in that Country: and I have been\\ninform d fince, that foon after this Expedition, they drew\\noff from St. yoh7i\\\\ Fort River But to return. Then\\ngoing all down the River, Embark d and went homeward;\\nonly by the way Candid Reader^ I would let you know of\\ntwo things that proved very prejudicial to Major Ckurc/i\\nand his Forces: The firft was. That the Government\\nftiould mifs it fo much as to fend any Prifoner away from\\nBojlon before the Expedition was over. Secondly, That\\nthey ftiould fend Col. Hathrone to take them from the\\nService bufinefs they went to do Who with fubmiftion,\\ndoubtlefs thought they did for the beft, tho it prov d to\\nthe contrary. So ftiall wind up with juft a hint of what\\nhappen d at their coming home to Bojlon. After all their\\nhard Service both Night Day, the Government took\\naway all the great Guns, and Warlike Stores, and gave\\nthem not a Peny for them, (except it was fome Powder,\\nand that they gave what they pleas d for it) and befide\\nthe Affembly paft a Vote that they ftiould have but half\\n267 Pirogue, boat of favages. Spiers and Surenne.\\n127", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "[99]\\npay. But his Honour the Lieut. Governour^^^ being much\\ndifturb d at their fo doing went in to the Town-Houfe\\nwhere the Reprefentatives were fitting, and told them\\nexcept they did Re-alTume that Vote, which was to cut\\nMaj. Church [99] and his Forces off half their pay, they\\nfhould fit there till the next Spring. Whereupon it was\\nRe-affumed So that they had juft their bare Wages. But\\nas yet never had any Allowance for the great Guns and\\nStores; neither has Maj Church had any Allowance for all\\nhis Travel and great Expences in Raifing the faid Forces\\nVolunteers.\\nThe Fifth and Laft Expedition, Eaft.\\nIN the Year 1703, 4. Major Chtirch had an account of\\nthe miferable Deveftations made on Deerjield^^^ a Town\\nin the Weftward parts of this Province, and the horrible\\nBarbarities Cruelties exercifed on thofe poor Innocent\\nPeople, (by the French Indians) efpecially of their\\nCruelties towards that worthy Gentlewoman Mrs. Wil-\\nliams^^^ and feveral others, whom they March d in that\\n268 Lieut Gov. William Stoughton. and of the flain 8 or 9 of each\\nSee note 191, ante. belonged to other towns. [Judd s Hijl.\\n269 Deerfield was dellroyed 29 Feb., Hadley, 272.] Church probably had\\n170I 38 were flain in the palifaded forgotten the exadt fequence of events\\nvillage and 9 in the meadow fight and when dictating this, as his letter to\\n112 were taken, of whom 2 foon efcaped, Gov. Dudley is dated 5 Feb., 170I 24\\n22 were flain or perilhed on their way to days before Deerfield fell.\\nCanada, 28 remained in Canada, and 270 Mrs. Eunice Williatns was daugh-\\n60 returned. A few of the captives ter of Rev. Eleazer Mather of North-\\n128", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "[99]\\nextream Seafon; forcing them to carry great loads, and\\nwhen any of them by their hard ufage could not bare with\\nit, were knock d on the head, and fo kill d in cool Bloud.\\nAll which with fome other horrible Inftances done by\\nthofe Barbarous Salvages, which Maj. CJmrch himfelf was\\nan eye witnefs to in his former Travels in the Eaftward\\nparts, did much aftonifh him. To fee a Woman that thofe\\nBarbarous Salvages had taken and kill d, expofed in a\\nmoft bruitifh manner (as can be exprefs d) with a Young\\nChild feiz d fail with firings to her breaft; which Infant\\nhad no apparent wound, which doubtlefs was left alive to\\nfuck its dead Mothers Breaft, and fo miferably to perifh\\ndye. Alfo to fee other poor Children hanging upon\\nFences dead, of either Sex, in their own poor Rags, not\\nworth their ftripping them of, in fcorn and derifion.\\nAnother Inftance was, of a ftraggling Souldier, who was\\nfound at Cafco^ expos d in a fhameful and barbarous man-\\nner; his body being ftaked up, his head cut off, and a hogs\\nhead fet in the room, his body rip d up, and his heart and\\ninwards taken out, and private Members cut off, and hung\\nwith belts of their own, the inwards at one fide of his\\nbody, and his private at the other, in fcorn derifion of\\nthe EngliJJi Souldiers, c. Thefe and fuch like Bar-\\nbarities caufed Major Church to exprefs himfelf to this\\nampton, and wife of Rev. John Wil- murdered on the road to Canada on the\\nliams of Deerfield (who was fon of Dea. fecond day s march by her Indian cap-\\nSamuel, of Roxbury, who was eldeft tor. [Savage s Gen. Did. iv 563;\\nfon of Robert) was married 21 July, Holland s Hijl. Weji. Mafs. i 153\\n1687 taken captive, 29 Feb., 170I was Hoyt s Antiq. Refearches, 190.]\\n17 129", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "lOO\\npurpofe, That if he were Commander in Chief of thefe Prov-\\ninces, he would foon put an end to thofe barbarities done\\nby the Barbarous Enemy, by making it his whole bufinefs\\nto fight and deftroy thofe Salvages, as they did our poor\\nNeighbours; which doubtlefs might have been done if\\nrightly managed, and that in a fhort time c. So that\\nthefe with the late Inhumanities done upon the Inhabitants\\noi Deei Jicld, made fuch an Impreffion on his heart as can-\\nnot w^e II be expreffed; fo that his Bloud boyl d within him,\\nmaking fuch Impulfes on his Mind, that he forgot all for-\\nmer treatments, which were enough to hinder any Man\\nefpecially the faid Maj. Church from doing any further\\nService. Notwithftanding [loo] all which, having a mind\\nto take fome Satisfa6lion on the Enemy, his heart being\\nfull. Took his Horfe went from his own Habitation\\nnear Seventy Miles,^ to wait upon his Excellency, and\\noffered his Service to the Queen, his Excellency the\\nCountry; which his Excellency readily accepted of, and\\ndefired Maj. Church to draw a Scheme for the infuing\\na6tion or a6lions; fo taking leave, went home, and drew\\nit: which is as followeth.\\n2 ?i Church was now in the laft year graph, forgot that he had not, at the\\nof his refidence at Fall River (then date here referred to, removed, as he\\nTiverton). [Part I. xxxiii.] This is did lb foon after, back to Little Comp-\\nbj the prefent direft route fcarcely more ton or the Governor might have\\nthan 51 miles from Bofton and the been abfent from Bofton fifteen or\\nmore circuitous roads then exifting twenty miles northward, at that time,\\ncould hardly bring it up to 70. I think fo as to have lengthened his journey\\nCol. Church, when didlating this para- by that much.\\n130", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "loo\\nTiverton, February 5. 1703, 4.\\nMay it pleafe your Excellency,\\nA Ccording to your requeji when I was lajl with your\\nSelf and in obedience thereunto^ I prefent yoti with\\nthefe following lines, that concern the preparation for next\\nSprings Expedition, to Attack the Enemy. According to\\nmy former Direction, for it is good to have a full flroke at\\nthem firfi, before they have opporttmity to Rtin for it for\\nthe firfl of our action will be our opportunity to deflroy them,\\nand to prevent their running away, in way-laying every paf-\\nfage a7id make thein know we ar^e in good earncfl, and fo\\nwe being in a diligent ufe of means, we may hope for a bleff-\\ning from the Almighty, and that He will be p leafed to put a\\ndread in their hearts, that they may fall before us and perifJi\\nFor my advice is,\\nI ft. That Ten or Twelve hundred good able Souldiers,\\nwell equip d be in a readinefs fit for aHioii by the firfl of\\nApril at the furthe/l, for then will be time to be upon a^ion.\\n2ly. That five forty or fifty good Whale-boats be had\\nready, well fitted, with five good Oars, and 12 or 1^ good\\nPaddles to every Boat And upon the IVaiP^^ of each Boat\\nfive pieces of flrong Leather be faflened on each fide to flip\\nfive fmall Afh bars thro that fo when ever they land the\\nMe7t may flep over-board, flip in faid bars a-crofs, and\\ntake tip faid Boat, that fJie may not be htirt againfl the\\nRocks. And that two fui table Braf Kittles be provided to\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2272 The xvale is the plank that rims and giving ftrength to its curves.\\nthe outfide of the boat, ftiflening it, Totten.\\n131", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "loo\\nbelo7ig to each Boat, to dre/s the Mens Vifiuals in, to make\\ntheir Lives comfortable.\\n3ly. That or 500 pair of good Indian Shoes be made\\nready, fit for the Service, for the Englifh Indians, that\\nmiifi improve the Whale-boats, and Birch Canoe s, for they\\nwill be very proper, and fafe for that Service j and let there\\nbe a good Store of Cow Hides, well Tanned, for a fipply of\\nfuch Shoes; and Hemp to make Thread, and Wax, to mend\\nmake more of fuch Shoes, when wanted, and a good fore\\nof Awls.\\n4ly. That there be a 100 large Hatches or light Axes\\nmade pretty broad, fieeled with the befi Steel that can be\\ngot, and made by workmen, that may C2it very well, and hold,\\nthat the Hemlock knots may not brake nor tzirn them; to\\nwidden the landing places up the Falls, for it may happen\\nthat ive may get tip with fome of our Whale-boats to their\\nFalls or Head-qtiarters.\\n5ly. That there be a fuitable quantity of f mall Bags, or\\nWallets provided, that every Man that wants may have one,\\nto put up his Bullets in, of fuch afize as will fit his Gun,\\n{and not ferved as at Calco.^^^) That every Mans bag be\\nfo Marked that he may not change it for if fo, it will make\\na great confufion in aH^ion; that every Mans fiore of Ball be\\nweighed to him,, that fo he may be accountable, may not\\nfquander it away; and a If o his fiore of Powder, that fo he\\n273 Our word hatchet comes from he wanted to defcribe, fo that this is\\nthe diminutive of the French kacke, not a mifprint for hatchets, but the\\na little axe. Very likelj Church ufed plural of the French,\\nthe common Canadian name for what 274 See p. 22, ante.\\n132", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "[lOl]\\nmay try his Powder Gun be \\\\\\\\o\\\\\\\\ fore an:ion. Ajtd\\nthat every particular Compaity may have a Barrel of Pow-\\nder to themfelves, and fo marked that it by no means may be\\nchanged that m,en may know before hand, and may not be\\ncheated out of their Lives, by having bad Powdery Or not\\nknowing how to ufe it: and this will prove a great advan-\\ntage to the anion.\\n61y. That Col John Gorham, if he may be prevailed with\\nmay be co7icerned in the management of the Whale-boats, he\\nhaving beeit formerly concerned in the Eaftern Parts, and\\nexperienced in that affair. And Whale-men then will be\\nvery ferviceable in this Expedition, which having a promife\\nmade to them, that they f tail be releafed in good feafo7i to go\\nhome a Whaling in the Fall your Excellency will have men\\nenough.\\n7ly. That there may be raifed for this Service 300 Indians\\nat leafl, more if they may be hadj for I know certainly of\\nm.y own knowledge, that they exceed mofi of our Englifh in\\nhunting fculking iji the woods, being ahuays us d to it;\\nand it m^ift be praHifed if ever we intend to defiroy thofe\\n^Indian Enemies.\\nSly. That the Souldiers already out Eaftward in the Ser-\\nvice; By m.en of known judgment may take a furvey of them\\nand their Arms; and fee if their Arms be good, and that they\\nknow how to ufe them, infJiootting right at a Mark; and that\\nthey be men of good Reafon Sence, to hiow how to manage\\nthemfelves in fo difficult a piece of Service, as this Indian\\nhunting is; for bad m.en are but a clogg and hindrance to\\n133", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "[lOl]\\naji Army, being a trouble and vexation to good Commanders,\\naftd/o m,any Mouths to devour the Cotmtries Provijion, and\\na hindrance to all good action.\\n^\\\\y. That fpecial care be had iji taking up the whale-boats^\\nthat they be good and Jit for that Service that fo the Coun-\\ntry be not cheated, as formerly, in having rotten-Boats^ and\\nas mtich care that the Ozvners may have good fatisfa^ion for\\nthem.\\nloly. That the Tenders or Tranfports, Veffels to be im-\\nproved in this a5lion be good Decli d Vejfels, not too big,\\nbecaufe of going up feveral Rivers; having or 6 fmall\\nGuns a-picce for defence, a7id the fetuer Men will defend\\nthem. And there is e^iough fuch Vejfels to be had.\\nIlly. To conclude all, If your Excellency will be pleafed\\nto make your Self Great and us a happy People, as to the\\ndeflroying of our Enemies, and eafing of our Taxes, c. be\\npleafed to draw forth all thofe Forces now in Pay in all the\\nEaflward Parts, both at Saco Cafco-Bay; for thofe two\\nTrading- Hotifes never did any good, 7tor never will, and are\\nnot worthy the name of Queens Forts; and the firfl building\\nof them, had no other Effefl, but to lay us tinder Tribute to\\nthat wreached Pagan Crezu; and I hope will never be\\nwanted, for that they were firfl built for: btit fure it is, they\\nare very ferviceable to them, for they get many a good ad-\\nvantage of us to de/lroy our Men, and latigh at tis for our\\nfolly, that we fiiould be at fo much cofi troiible to do a\\nthing that does us fo much harin, and no manner of good\\nbut to the contrary, when they fee all our Forces drawn\\n134", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "[l02]\\nforth, and i7i the purfuit of them, They will think that zue\\nbegin to be rouzcd up a7id to be awake, and will not be fatis-\\nfied ivith ivhat they have pleased to leave 2is, but are rcfolved to\\nRetake from them, that they formerly took from us, and drive\\nthem out of their Country alfo. The which being done, then\\nto build a Fort at a fuitable time and in a convenient place\\nand it [102] will be very honourable to yotir Excellency of\\ngreat Service to Her Majefiy, to the enlargei7tent of her\\nMajefiys Government: {The Place ineant being at Port\\nRoj-al.)\\nizly. That the objeflion made agai^ifi drawing off the\\nForces in the Eaftward Parts will be no da^nage to the in-\\nhabitants for former Experience teacheth us, that fo foon\\nas drawn into their -Country they will prefejitly forfake ours\\nto take care of their own And that there be no failure i^i\\nmaking preparation of thefe things afore-mentioned, for\\nmany times the zvant of fnall things, prevent the compleat-\\ning of great Actions and that every thing be in a readinefs\\nbefore the Forces be raifed, to preve^it Charges and the\\nEnemy having Intelligence And that the Gejieral Court be\\nmoved to make fuitable A5ls, for the incouraging both Eng-\\nlifli Indians; that fo men of btcjinef may freely offer\\nEffates and Conce^nis to Serve the Publick.\\nThis hoping what I have taken the pains to Write ijt the\\nfincerity of my heart and good affeftzon, will be well ac-\\ncepted; I make bold to fubfcribe, as I am your Excellency s\\nmoff Devoted aitd Humble Servant,\\nBenjamin Church.\\n135", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "I02\\nThen returning to his Excellency prefented the faid\\nScheme, which his Excellency approv d of; and return d\\nit again to Maj. Church and delired him to fee that every\\nthing was provided telling him that he fhould have an\\nOrder from the CommifTary General to proceed. Then\\nreturned home and made it his whole bufinefs to provide\\nOars and Paddles and a Veflel to carry them round; and\\nthen return d again to his Excellency, w^ho gave him a\\nCommiffion: which is as followeth.\\nJOSEPH DUDLEY Efq;^ Captain General and\\nGoverno7ir in Chief in aitd over Her Majejlfs Prov-\\ninces of the Maflachufetts-Bay New-Hampfhire in\\nNew-England i7i America, and Vice Admiral of the\\nfame.\\nTo Benjamin Church Efqr\\\\ Greeting.\\nY Virtue of the Power Authority in by her\\nM jefty s Royal Commiffion to me granted I do by\\nthefe prefents, Repofmg fpecial Truft and Confidence in\\nyour Loyalty, Courage and good Conduct, Conftitute and\\nAppoint you to be Colonel of all the Forces raifed and to\\n^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0JS Jofeph Dudley was Ion of Gov. lile of Wight eight years came home\\nThomas, of Roxbury; freeman, 1672; 1702, as Governor of Mafs. Col., which\\nDeputy, 1673-5; Artillery Company, place he filled until Nov. 1715; died\\n1677 Afliftant, 1676-S5 went to Eng- 2 April, 1720. His wife was Rebecca,\\nland in 1682; Prefident of the Colonies dau. of Edward Tyng; they had\\nof Mafs. and N. Hamp., 1686; was of Thomas, Edward, Jofeph, Paul, Sam-\\nAndros s Council, and Chief Juftice of uel, John, Rebecca, Catharine, Ann,\\nthe unconftitutional Supreme Court; William, Daniel, Catharine, and Mary,\\nwas imprifoned here went to England [Savage s Gen. Di(^. ii 76 N. E.\\nin 1689; was Deputy Governor of the Hijl. and Gen. Reg. i: 71.]", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "I03\\nbe raifed for Her Majefty s Service againft the French\\nIndian Enemy and Rebels, that fhall be improved in the\\nService to the Eajiward of Cafco-Bay; And to be Cap-\\ntain of the firft Company of the faid Forces. You are\\ntherefore carefully and diligently to perform the Duty of\\na Colonel and Captain, by Leading, Ordering Exer-\\ncifing the faid Regiment Company in Arms, both In-\\nferiour Officers Souldiers; and to keep them in good\\nOrder and Difcipline. Hereby commanding them to\\nObey you as their Colonel and Captain; And v^ith them\\nto do and Execute all a6ts of hoflility againft the faid\\nEnemy Rebels. And you are to obferve follow\\nfuch Orders and Dire6lions as you fhall receive from my\\nSelf or other your Superiour Officer, according to the\\nRules Difcipline of War, purfuant to the Truft repofed\\nin you. Given under my Hand Seal at Arms at B0JI071\\nthe \\\\Wi day oi March. In the Third Year of Her Ma-\\njefty s Reign. An^io Dom. 1703, 4.\\nBy his Excelle7icy\\\\ Command, Ifaac Addington Seer.\\nJ. DUDLEY. [103]\\nCol. Church no fooner received his Commiffion, but\\nproceeded to the railing of Men Volunteers, by going into\\never}^ Town within the three Counties which was formerly\\nPlymouth Government j^^*^ advifing with the Chief Officer\\n2 ?6 When Plymouth Colony was Accord Pond plantation [Abington])\\nmerged in Maflachufetts, in 1692, it ^r//?o/ County (including Taunton, Re-\\ncomprifed P/j Wf^w/// County (including hoboth, Dartmouth, Swanlea, Briftol,\\nPlymouth, Duxbury, Scituate, Marlh- Little Compton, Freetown, and Pocaf-\\nfield, Bridgewater, Middleborough, and fet [Tiverton]) and Barnjiable County\\niS 137", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "I03\\nof each Company, to call his Company together, that fo he\\nmight have the better opportunity to difcourfe incoiir-\\nage them to Serve their Queen and Country; treating\\nthem with Drink convenient; told them he did not doubt\\nbut w^ith God s blefling to bring them all home again; all\\nwhich, with many other arguments animated their hearts\\nto do Service, fo that Col. Church enlifted out of fome\\nCompanies near 20 Men, others 15. He having raifed\\na fufEcient number oi EngliJJi Souldiers, proceeded to the\\nenlifting of Indians in all thofe parts where they dwelt,\\nwhich was a great fategue expence; being a People\\nthat need much treating, efpecially with Drink c. Hav-\\ning enlifted the moft of his Souldiers in thofe parts, who\\ndaily lay upon him; was not lefs than 5 per day ex-\\npences, fome days, in Victuals Drink; who doubtlefs\\nthought (efpecially the Englijli) that the Country would\\nhave re-imburfl it again, otherways they would hardly\\naccepted it of him. Col. Church^ s, Souldiers both E^igli/Ii\\nand hidians in thofe parts being raifed, March d them all\\ndown to Nantasket^ according to his Excellency s direc-\\ntions; where being came, the following Gentlemen were\\nCommiffionated to be Commanders of each particular Com-\\npany, viz Lieut. Col. Gorham, Captains J^ohn Brown^\\n(including Barnftable, Sandwich, Yar- favorably fituated toward Bofton har-\\nmouth, Eaftham, Rochefter, Falmouth, bor of whofe entrance its Point Al-\\nMalhpee, and Monamoy or Chatham). lerton is one of the gatepofts for the\\n[Bajlies s Plynn. Col. Part IV 97.] embarkation of troops.\\n277 Nantajket was what is now Hull, John Broxvn was approved as\\nacceffible by land over the neck which Captain of the town of Swanfey, 4 June,\\nm^Uoc tQ Hingham and Cohaffet, and 1686. [Plym. Col. Rec. vi 189.]\\n13S", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "[io3]\\nConjlant Church^ James Cole,^ John Dyer,^^ JoJm Cook,\\nCaleb William/on^ and Edward Church^ of the Forces\\nraifed by Col. Church, each Company being filled up with\\nEngliJIi Indians as they agreed among themfelves, and\\nby the Colonel s dire6lions; Capt. Lamb^^^ and Capt.\\nMiricks Company, who were raifed by his Excellency s\\ndire6lion, were ordered to joyn thofe aforefaid under the\\nCommand of Col Church. Matters being brought thus\\nfar on, Col. Church waited upon his Excellency at Bojion\\nto know his pleafure, what further meafures were to be\\ntaken; and did humbly move that they might have liberty\\nin their Inftru6lions to make an Attack upon Port Royal\\nBeing very well fatisfyed in his opinion, that with the\\nbleffing of God, with what Forces they had or fhould\\nhave; and Whale-boats fo well fitted with Oars Pad-\\n2 9 See references to his name in the\\nIndex of Part I.\\n280 yames Cole was admitted freeman\\nof Swanfea, 1682 Enfign, 1686 Lieu-\\ntenant, 1689 5 I^eputy, 1690. \\\\^Plyvi.\\nCol. Rec. vi 86, 189, 223, 240.]\\n281 I cannot certainly identify this\\ncaptain nor Cooh, next named.\\n282 Caleb William/on, of Barnftable,\\nwas perhaps fon of Timothy of Marlh-\\nfield married Mary Cobb had Mary,\\nWilliam, Timothy, Sarah, Ebenezer,\\nMercy, and Martha. He removed to\\nHartford, Conn., where he died 24 Dec,\\n1738, cet. 87. [Savage s Gen. Di^. iv\\n572-]\\n283 [See Part I. xliv.]\\n281 Col. JoJIlua Lamb, fon of Thomas\\nof Roxbury, in 1713, one of the firft\\nproprietors of Leicefter.? [Barry s Hiji.\\nFramingham., 311; Walhburn s HiJl.\\nLeicejier, 9, 10.]\\n285 Tliere was an Ifaac Mirick, fon\\nof James of Newbury, who was now,\\nif ahve, near 40 years old having been\\nborn 6 Jan., 1665. [Coffin s HiJi. iVew-\\nry, 310.] This captain s name further\\non is feen to have been Ifaac (p. 119,\\norig. paging.)\\n286 Port Royal was a fort upon the\\ninlet of that name almoft due fouth\\nfrom the outlet of the St. John, acrofs\\nthe Bay of Fundy, which is here fome\\ntwo leagues wide. It was named by\\nDe Mojits, and was exceedingly diffi-\\ncult of accefs becaufe of the narrownefs\\nof the mouth of the bay only one\\nIhip being able to enter at a time, and\\n139", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "[i04]\\ndies, as they had with them, might be fufficient to have\\ntaken it. His Excellency (looking upon Col ChurcJt) re-\\nplyed. He could not admit of that, by reafon he had by the\\nadvice of Her Majefty s Council writ to Her Majefly about\\nthe taking of Port Royal Fort, and how it fhould be dif-\\npofed of when taken, c. However Col. Church pro-\\nceeding to get every thing ready for the Forces down at\\nNantasket^ which was the place of Parade. He happen-\\ning one day to be at Capt. Belchers^^^ where his Excel-\\nlency happened to come; who was pleafed to order Col.\\nChurch to put on his Sword, and walk with him up the\\nCommon; which he readily complyed with: where being\\ncome, he faw two Mortar pieces with Shells, and an In-\\ngineer trying with them, to throw a Shell from them to\\nany [104] fpot of ground where he faid it fhould fall:\\nWhich when Col. Church had feen done, gave him great\\nincouragement hopes that it would promote their going\\n\\\\.o Port Royal ^v^YvicYv he had folicited for; and returning\\nfrom thence after they had feen them try d by the faid\\nIngineer, and performing what was propofed. Coming\\nnear to Capt. Williain Clarks -\\\\iOvSQ^ over againft the\\nthat ftern foremoft, and with great pre- 1717. He married Sarah, dau. of Jona-\\ncautions. [Champlain s Voyages., 21; than Gilbert, of Hartford; had Andrew,\\nShea s Charlevoix, i 253.] Deborah, Deborah, Mary, Ann, Mar-\\n287 Andrezv Belcher (Part I. notes 52 tha, Elizabeth, and Jonathan, the\\nand 13S) was fon of Andrew, of Sud- Governor. He was a very rich and\\nbury and Cambridge lived firft at leading man in the town. [Savage s\\nHartford, then at Chai-leftown, and then Gen. Di6i. i 156. Drake s Hiji. Boji.\\nat Bofton freeman, 1677 of Com. of i 539.]\\nSafety in the Andros Infurredtion -^88 William Clarke was of North\\nCounfellor, 1702, to his death, 31 Odl., Bofton in 1699, and one of the peti-\\n140", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "[io4]\\nHorfe-fhoe,^^^ his Excellency was invited by Capt. Clark\\nto walk over and take a Glafs of Wine; which he was\\nplealed to accept of, and took Col. Church with him; and\\nin the time they were taking a Glafs of Wine, Col. Church\\nonce more prefumed to fay to his Excellency; Sir, I hope\\nthat now we fhall go to Port Royal in order to take it;\\nthofe Mortars being very fuitable for fuch an Enterprize.\\nHis Excellency was pleas d to reply; Col. Church you\\nmuft fay no more of that matter, for the Letter I told you\\nof I writ by the advice of her Majefty s Council, now lyes\\nat home on the board before the Lords Commiffioners of\\nher Majefty s foraign Plantations, c. After fome days\\nevery thing being ready to Embark, Col. Church received\\nhis Inftru6lions which are as followeth.\\nBy his Excellency JOSEPH DUDLEY Efq; Captain\\nGeneral and Governour in Chief iji and over Her\\nMajejlfs Province of the MafTachufetts-Bay, c. in\\nNew-England, and Vice Admiral of the fame.\\njJuStVUCttonS fo^ Colonel Benjamin Church in the prefent\\nExpedition.\\nTN Purfuance of the CommifQon given you to take the\\nChief Command of the Land and Sea Forces by me\\nraifed, equipped and fet forth on Her Majeflies Service,\\ntioners for a bankrupt law as in Church. [Drake s Hijl. Bojl. i: 518,\\nEngland conftable, 1700; 1711, a 521,540,567; Snow s //^?y?. 220.]\\nfearcher for provifions for Hovenden 289 The Horfe-lhoe was a tavern.\\nWalker s Canada fleet; 1722, was one believed to have been at the North\\nof the purchafers of pews in Chrift s End.\\n141", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "I05\\nagainft her open declared Enemies the French, and hi-\\ndia7i Rebels. You are to Obferve the following Inflruc-\\ntions.\\nFirft. You are to take care, That the duties of Reli-\\ngion be attended on board the feveral Veffels, and in the\\nfeveral Company s under your Command, by daily Pray-\\ners unto God, and Reading his holy word; And that the\\nLords Day be obferved duly San6lifyed to the utmoft\\nof your power, as far as the circumflances and the necef-\\nlity of the Service can admit; that fo you may have the\\nprefence of God with, and obtain His Bleffing on your\\nUndertaking.\\nYou are to take care, That your Souldiers have their\\nMue allowance of Provilions other neceffaries; That\\ntheir Arms be well fixt, and kept fit for Service, and that\\nthey be furnifhed with a fuitable Quantity of Powder and\\nBall, and be alwayes in readinefs to pafs upon duty.\\nThat good Order Difcipline be maintained; And\\nall diforders, drunkennefs, prophane Swearing, Curling,\\nOmiffion or negle6t of Duty, difobedience to Officers,\\nMutiny, Defertion, and Sedition be duely punifhed ac-\\ncording to the Rules Articles of War; The which you\\nare, once a Month or oftner, to caufe to be publifhed\\nmade known to your Officers and Souldiers for their\\nObfervance Dire6tion in their duty. Let notorious\\nCapital Offenders be fent away to the next Garifons, there\\nto be Imprifoned until they can be proceeded with. [105]\\nLet the Sick and wounded be carefully look d after,\\n143", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "05\\nand accommodated after the bell manner your circum-\\nftances will admit of, and be fent either to Cafco Fort, or\\nto Mr. Pepcrels~^^ at Kittery, which may be eafiefl, fo\\nfoon as you can.\\nYou are forthwith to fend awa}^ the Forces Stores\\nby the Tranfports, with the Whale-boats to Pi/cataqtta,\\non Kittery lide, there to attend your coming; whither\\nyou are to follow them with all Expedition.\\nYou are to Embark on the Province Galley, Capt.\\nSouthack Commander, And let Lieut Col. Go7^ham go on\\nboard Capt. Gallop; who are both dire6led to attend your\\nMotion on the French lide; after which they are to return.\\nLet the Commanders of all the Store Sloops Tranfports\\nknow that they Sail, Anchor and Serve at your direction.\\nWhen you Sail from Pifcataqtta, keep at fuch diftance\\noff the Shoar, that you be not obferved by the Enemy to\\nAlarm them. Stop at Montiniciis^^^ and there Embark\\nthe Forces in the Whale-boats for the Main, to range\\nthat part of the Country, in fearch of the Enemy, to\\nMount Defart y fending the Veffels to meet you there;\\nand after having refrefhed recruited your Souldiers,\\n290 William Pefperell was a native [Sir] William. [Savage s Gen. Di)5i.\\nof Cornwall, Eng. emigrated to the iii. 392 Williamfon s Hijl. Me. i 687.]\\nIfles of Shoals, 1676 thence removed Samuel Gallop, fon of Samuel,\\nto Kitterj point, Me., where he carried and grandfon of John, of Bofton.?\\non a large fifhery; was a diftingiiiflied Alatinicus is an ifland oft thecoaft\\nmerchant and magiftrate, and died of Maine, early inhabited; containing\\n15 Feb., 1734, cBl. 85. He married 750 acres. It is 17 miles S. E. of\\nMargaret, dau. of John Bray, of Kit- Owl s Head (Thomafton), and 10 E.\\ntery; had Andrew, Mary, Margery, of Mctinic. [Williamfon s Hiji. Me.\\nJoanna, Meriam, Dorothy, Jane, and i 63.]\\nH3", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "[i\u00c2\u00b0S]\\nproceed to Mac/iias, and from thence to P ajfmnequado j\\nAnd having Effe6led what fpoils you poffibly may upon\\nthe Enemy in thofe parts, Embark on your Veffels for\\nMenis and Signe\u00c2\u00a3lo^ touching at Grand Mana?i, if you\\nfee caufe, and from Menis SigneSIo to Porl Royal Gut;\\nAnd ufe all poffible Methods for the burning and deftroy-\\ning of the Enemies Houling, and breaking the Dams of\\ntheir Corn grounds in the faid feveral places, and make\\nwhat other Spoils you can upon them, and bring away\\nthe Prifoners. In your return call d\u00c2\u00b1,Pe7tob/cot, and do\\nwhat you can there, and fo proceed Weftward.\\nThis will probably imploy you a Month or Six Weeks;\\nwhen you will draw together again, and by the latter end\\nof yune confider whither you can march to Norrigzuack,\\nor other parts of their Planting to deftroy their Corn\\nSettlements: And keep the Expedition on foot until the\\nmiddle of Augti/i next.\\nNotwithftanding the particularity of the afore-going\\nInftru6lion, I lay you under no reftraint, becaufe I am\\nwell affured of your Courage, Care, Caution and Induflry;\\nBut refer you to your own Refolves, by the Advice of\\nyour Commiffion Officers, not under the degree of Cap-\\ntain s, and the Sea-Commiffion Captains (whom you will,\\nas often as you can, Advife with) according to the Intel-\\nligence you may receive, or as you may find needful upon\\nthe Spot.\\nYou are by every opportunity, and once a Week cer-\\ntainly, by fome means, either by way of Ca/co, Pifcata-\\n144", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "i\\ni\\n[io6]\\n^ua, or otherwife to acquaint me of your proceedings\\nand all occurrents, and what may be further neceffary for\\nthe Service. And to obferve fuch further other In-\\nftru6lions as you fhall receive from my Self. [io6]\\nAs often as you may, Advife with Capt. Smith and\\nCapt. Rogers Commanders of Her Majefty s Ships.\\nLet your Minifter, Commiflary Surgeons be treated\\nwith juft refpe6ls.\\nI Pray to God to preferve, profper and fucceed you.\\nGiven under my hand at Bojlon, the Fourth Day of\\nMay, 1 704. J. D UDL EY.\\nPurfuant to his Inflru6lions he fent away his Tranfports,\\nand Forces to Pifcataqua, but was oblig d himfelf to wait\\nupon his Excellency by Land to Pifcataqua in order to\\nraife more Forces, in the way thither; and did raife a\\nCompany under the Command of Capt. Harridon\\\\ taking\\ncare alfo to provide a Pilot for them in the Bay oi Ftindee\\nCol. Church being directed to one Fellows,^^^ whom\\nhe met with at Ipfwich. And going from thence to Pif-\\n293 Thojiias, commander of the frig- Montague in the expedition to Cati-\\nz.teyer/ey. [Drake s C//\u00c2\u00ab;-c// (ed. 1827), ada, for which fervice he received an\\n257.] allowance from the General Court, 1714\\n294 George, commander of the frigate died 11 Nov., 1724. He married Sarah\\nGofport. \\\\^Ibid. Giddings, by whom he had feveral chil-\\n295 John Haradeu (^Harradin, Har- dren. [Babfon s Hijl. Gloucejley, 98.]\\nrendine) was fon of Edward, who went 296 Willia7n Fellotvs was one of the\\nto Gloucefter from Ipfwich 1657 he firft fettlers of Ipfwich, and left a large\\nled a maritime life 1709, was mafter of family, from which this pilot was prob-\\na floop fitted out to capture a French ably defcended. [Felt s Htji. Ipjzvich,\\nprivateer; 1711, he was pilot of fhip 11.]\\n19 H5", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "[io6]\\ncataqua with his Excellenc}^, was there met by that worthy\\nGentleman Maj. Winthrop Hilton; who was very helpful\\nto him in the whole Expedition, whofe Name Memory\\nought not to be forgot. Being ready to Embark from\\nPifcataq7ia\\\\ Col. CJmrch requefled the Commanders of her\\nMajefty s Ships, Capt. Smith Capt. Rogers to tarry at\\nPifcataqtia a Fortnight, that fo they might not be dif-\\ncovered by the Enemy before he had done fome fpoil upon\\nthem. Then moving in their Tranfports, as directed, Got\\nfafe into Montinuais undifcovered by the Enemy. Next\\nMorning early fitted out two Whale boats with men, Capt.\\nJohn Cook in one, and Capt. Conjlant Church in the other;\\nand fent them to Green-Ifland upon a difcovery; and\\ncoming there they parted, one went to one part, and the\\nother to the other part, that fo they might not mifs of what\\ncould be difcovered; where they met with old Lafaure\\nwith his two Sons Thomas Timothy, and a Canada\\nIndian. The Enemy feeing that they were difcovered,\\nthrew down their Ducks and Eggs, who had got a con-\\n297 Winthrop Hilton was fon of orah, Elizabeth, Bridget, and Win-\\nEdward of Exeter, and grandfon of throp. [iV. E. Hijl. afid Gen. Reg:\\nEdward of Dover; born about 1671 vii 51.]\\nwas the leading military man of the 298 There are two Green iflands\\nProvince; 1706, was made Judge of N. E. of il/a//;\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00ab, and near to it, each\\nCom. Pleas, which office he held to his of 2 or 3 acres only,\\ndeath; was appointed Counfellor, but 299 Penhallow calls him Monjieur\\nwas killed by the Indians, 23 June, 1710, Lafeburc^ and his two fons, with a\\nin that part of Exeter which is now Canada Indian. {^Indiati Wars (ed.\\nEpping. He married Ann Wilfon, who 1S59), 28.] Church himfelf calls him\\nafterwards married Col. Jonathan Wad- Le Faver, further on (p. no, old pa-\\nleigh. They had Judith, Ann, Deb- ging).\\n146", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "[io7]\\nliderable quantity of each, and ran to their Canoo s, getting\\ninto them, flood dire6tly for the Maine; looking behind\\nthem, perceived the Whale-boats to gain fo faft upon\\nthem, clapt lide by fide and all four got into one Canoo,\\nwhich prov d of little advantage to them, for the Whale\\nboats gained fo much upon them, and got fo near that\\nCapt. Cook firing at the Stores-man which was the\\nIndian, happen d to graze his skull, and quite fpoil d\\nhis Paddling: upon which old Lafaure and Sons feeing\\ntheir companions condition foon beg d for quarter, and\\nhad it granted: the two Captains with their fuccefs pre-\\nfently return d to their Commander, taking care that their\\nCaptives fhould not difcourfe together before they were\\nexamined when brought to Col. Church, he order d them\\nto be apart; and firfi; proceeded to examine old Lafaure,\\nwho he found to be very furly crofs, fo that he could\\ngain no manner of intelligence by him; upon which the\\nCommander was refolved to put in practice what he had\\nformerly done at Segne5lo\\\\^ ordering his Indians to make\\ntwo large heaps of dry wood at fome difi:ance one from\\nthe other, and to fet a large flake in the ground clofe to\\n[107] each heap; then ordered the two Sons Thomas\\nTimothy to be brought and bound to the Stakes; alfo\\nordering his Indians to paint themfelves with colours\\nwhich they had brought for that ufe. Then he Colonel\\nproceeded to examine firfi; Timothy, and told him. He\\n300 Steerfman; i.e., the paddler in ^oi Stiles and Southwick reprint this\\nthe ftern of the canoe. Senedo.\\n147", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "[io7]\\nhad examin d his Father alread}^; and that if he told him\\nthe truth he would fave his Life, and take him into his\\nService and that he fhould have good pay live well.\\nHe anfwer d, That he would tell him the truth; and gave\\nhim an account of every thing he knew; which was all\\nMinuted down He being ask d whither his Brother\\nThomas did not know more than he? His anfwer was,\\nYes. For his Brother Thomas had a Commiffion fent\\nhim from the Governour of Canada, to Command a Com-\\npany of Indians who were gathered together at a Place\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2where fome French Gentlemen lately arrived from Cana-\\nda, who were Officers to Command the reft that were to\\ngo Weflward to fight the EngliJIi, and that there was fent\\nto his Father and Brother Tom, a conliderable quantity of\\nFlower, Fruit, Ammunition and Stores, for the fupply of\\nthe faid Army. He being ask d, Whither he could Pilot\\nour Forces to them? faid. No: But his Brother Tor.i\\ncould, for he had hid it and that he was not then with\\nhim. The Colonel ask d him. What Gentlemen thofe\\nwere that came from Canada} He anfwered Monfieur\\nGordan^^ and Mr. Sharkee?^ Being ask d where they\\nwere Anfwered at Pajfamequado; building a Fort there.\\nBeing alfo ask d, What number of India^is and French\\n302 Penhallow (ed. 1859, P- 29) makes ^03 Penhallow fays Sharkee (his name\\nthis Giiorden Stiles and Southwick feems to have been Chartiers [Hutchin-\\nmake it Gourdati and Church, when fon s Hijl. Mafs. ii 133]) was taken\\nreferring (p. no, old paging) to his prifoner by this expedition; which, it\\ncapture, does the fame. The name will be feen further on, is an error. Col.\\nwas probably Go?i rftf\u00c2\u00ab. [Hutchinfon s Church having miffed him on this\\nHift. Mafs. ii 133.] foray. \\\\_Indicm Wars, 29.]\\n148", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "[io7]\\nthere were at Penobfcot He anfwered, there were feve-\\nral Families, but they liv d fcattering. Ask d him further,\\nIf he would Pilot our Forces thither/ Anfwered, He\\nwould if the Commander would not let the Salvages Roll\\nhim. Upon which the Colonel ordered him to be loofed\\nfrom the Stake, and took him by the hand, told him, He\\nwould be as kind to him as his own Father; at which he\\nfeemed to be very thankful. And then the Colonel pro-\\nceeded to examine his Brother Tom, and told him that he\\nhad examined his Father and Brother, and that his Brother\\nhad told him every tittle he knew; and that he knew more\\nthan his Brother Timothy did; and that if he would be In-\\ngenious confefs all he knew, he fhould fare as well as\\nhis Brother, but if not, the Salvages fhould Roft him.\\nWhereupon he folemnly promifed that he would; and that\\nhe would Pilot him to every thing he knew, to the value\\nof a Knife and Sheafe (which without doubt he did.)\\nThen the Colonel immediately gave orders for the Whale-\\nboats to be ready, and went dire6lly over where the faid\\nGoods Stores were, and found them as inform d, took\\nthem on board the Boats, and returned to their Tranfports;\\nand ordering Provifions to be put into every Mans Snap-\\nfack for 6 or 8 days; fo in the dusk of the Evening left\\ntheir Tranfports, with Orders how they fhould a6l; and\\nwent direftly for the Mainland of Penobfcot, and Mouth of\\nthat River with their Pilots Tom Timothy, who carried\\nthem dire6lly to every Place Habitation both of French\\nIndians there-abouts, with the affiftance of one De\\n149", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "[io8]\\n[io8] Young^^^ whom they carried out oi Bojion Goal for the\\nfame purpofe, who was very ferviceable to them: being\\nthere we kill d and took every one both French Indians^\\nnot knowing that any one did .efcape in all Penobfcot\\\\\\namong thofe that were taken was St. Cajleens Daughter,\\nwho faid that her Husband was gone to France^ to her\\nFather Monfieur Cq/leen:^^ She having her Children with\\nher, the Commander was very kind to her and them. All\\nthe Prifoners that were then taken, held to one Story in\\ngeneral, which they had from Laf mire s Sons; that there\\nwere no more Indians there-abouts, but enough of them\\nat PaJJamegtiado upon which they foon return d to their\\nTranfports with their Prifoners Plunder. The Com-\\nmander giving order immediately for the Souldiers in the\\nWhale-boats to have a recruit of Provifions for a further\\npurfuit of the Enemy, giving orders to the Tranfports to\\nftay a few days more there, and then go to Mount Defart\\n(and there to ftay for her Majefhy s Ships, who were di-\\nre6led to come thither) and there to wait his further order.\\nThen Col. Church with his Forces immediately imbark d\\non board their Whale-boats, proceeded to fcour the\\nCoaft, and to try if they could difcover any of the Enemy\\ncoming from P ajjfamequado making their flops in the day\\ntime (at all the Points Places where they were certain\\n3D4 Penhallow (orig. ed. 17) has this D. Toung. The man was doubtlefs a\\nname D Toung; which in the reprint French Canadian priibner; probably\\nof the New Hampfhire Hiftorical So- one of Villeau s men. [See note 195,\\nciety {Colledions, i: 33), and in the ante.\\nCincinnati reprint of 1859, i^ made See note 34, ante.\\nISO", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "[io8]\\nthe Enemy would Land, or come by with their Canoo s)\\nand at Night to their Paddles. Then coming near where\\nthe Veffels were ordered to come, having made no dif-\\ncovery of the Enemy, went dire6tly to Mount Defart,\\nwhere the Tranfports were juft come; and taking fome\\nProvifions for his Souldiers, gave dire6tion for the Ships\\nTranfports in 6 days to come directly to PaJ/hmegtiado,\\nwhere they fhould find him his Forces. Then imme-\\ndiately mov d away in the Whale-boats made diligent\\nfearch along fhore, as formerly, infpe6ting all Places where\\nthe Enemy was likely to lurk: Particularly at Machias;\\nbut found neither Fires nor Tracks. Coming afterwards\\nto the Weft Harbour at Pajfamequado, where they entred\\nupon a6tion; an account whereof Col. CJmrch did com-\\nmunicate to his Excellency, being as followeth.\\nMay it pleafe your Excellency,\\nT Received Yours of this Inftant O^ob. ()lk. with the\\ntwo inclofed Informations, that concern my a6lions\\nat PaJ/ameqtiado] which I will give a juft and true ac-\\ncount of as near as poffible I can {viz) on the jtk oi Jtme\\nlaft 1704. In the evening we entred in at the Weftward\\nHarbour at faid Pajfamequado coming up faid Har-\\nhour to an Ifland,^ where landing, we came to a French\\n306 There are three paffages into Paf- weft Quoddy head and the ifland of\\nfamaquoddy bay, the weftern, the mid- Campo-bello.\\ndie or ftiip channel, and the eaftern. 307 Moofe iiland, on which Eaftport\\nThe weftern is that firft reached in nowftands? The lay of the land fug-\\ncoafting from Machias, and lies between gefts that it might be that.\\n151", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "[io9]\\nhoufe, and took a French Woman, and Children, the\\nWoman upon her Examination faid, her Husband was\\nabroad a Fifhing I ask d her, whither there were any\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Indians thereabouts? She faid. Yes. There were a\\ngreat man} and feveral on that Ifland. I ask d her,\\nwhither fhe could Pilot me to them/ Said, No. They\\nhid in the Woods. I ask d her, when fhe faw them\\nAnfwered, Juft now, or a little while fmce. I ask d [109]\\nher, whether fhe knew where they had laid their Canoo s\\nAnfwered, No. They carried their Canoo s into the\\nwoods with them. We then haftened away a-long fhore,\\nfeizing what Prifoners we could, taking old LotrieP^^ and\\nhis Family. This intelligence caus d me to leave Col.\\nGorham, and a confiderable part of my Men (and Boats)\\nwith him at that Ifland, partly to guard and fecure thofe\\nPrifoners, being fenfible it would be a great trouble to\\nhave them to fecure and guard at our next landing, where\\nI did really expert, and hope to have an opportunity, to\\nfvght our Indian Enemies; for all our French Prifoners,\\nthat we had taken at Penod/cot, and a-long fhore had in-\\nformed us. That when we came to the Place, where thefe\\nCanada Gentlemen lived, we fhould certainly meet with\\nthe Salvages to fight us, thofe being the only Men that\\nfet the Indians againfl us, or upon us, and were newly\\ncome from Canada^ to manage the War againfl us (plead-\\ning in this account and information their own Innocency)\\nand partly in hopes that he the faid Col. Gorham would\\n3 See note 255, ante.\\n152", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "[109]\\nhave a good opportunity in the Morning to deftroy fome\\nof thofe our Enemies, (we were informed by the faid\\nFrench Woman as above,) with the ufe of his Boats, as\\nI had given direaion. Ordering alfo Maj. Ni/^on, to pafs\\nover to the next Ifland, that lay Eaft of us (with a fmall\\nParty of Men and Boats) to furprize deftroy any of the\\nEnemy, that in their Canoo s might go here or there,\\nfrom any place, to make their flight from us, and as he\\nhad opportunity to take any Fre7ic/i Prifoners. We then\\nimmediately moved up the River in the dark Night thro\\ngreat difficulty, by reafon of the Eddys and Whirlpools,\\nmade with the fiercenefs of the current.^ And here it\\nmay be hinted that we had information that Lo^rzel had\\nloft fome of his Family paffing over to the next Ifland,\\nfalling into one of thefe Eddys were drowned; which the\\ntwo Pilots told to difcourage me. But I faid nothing of\\nthat nature ftiall do it; for I was refolved to venture up,\\nand therefore forthwith Paddling our Boats, as privately\\nas we could, and with as much expedition as we could\\nmake with our Paddles, and the help of a ftrong Tide, we\\ncame up to Monfieur Gourdans, a little before day; where\\ntaking notice of the Shoar, and finding it fomewhat open\\nand ckar, I ordered Capt. Mirick and Capt. Cole, (having\\nEnglifli Companies) to tarry with feveral of the Boats to\\nbe ready, that if any of the Enemy fliould come down\\n309 Deer iOand? thefe narrow inlets from the Schoodic^^\\n310 The tide rifes here from 24 to 2S or St. Croix river makes eddys,\\nfeet, and, except at favorable hours, the whirlpools, and a fierce current,\\nru(h of waters coming down through as Church defcnbes it.\\n20 153", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "[no]\\nout of the brufh into the Bay, (it being very broad in\\nthat place) with their Canoo s, they might take and\\ndeftroy them. Ordering the remainder of the Army,\\nbeing landed,^ (with m}^ felf and the other Officers)\\nto March up into the Woods, with a wide Front, and\\nto keep at a confiderable diflance; for that if they fhould\\nrun in heaps, the Enemy would have the greater advan-\\n*tage: and further dire6ling them that if poffible, they\\nfhould deflroy the Enemy with their Hatches, and not\\nfire a Gun. This order I alwayes gave at landing, tell-\\ning them the inconveniency of firing, in that it might be\\nfirft dangerous [no] to themfelves, they being many of\\nthem Young Souldiers, (as I had fometimes obferved,\\nthat one or two Guns being fired, many others would\\nfire, at they knew not what; as happened prefently after)\\nand it would alarm the Eneni}^, and give them the oppor-\\ntunity to make their efcape; and it might alarm the whole\\nCountry, and alfo prevent all further a6lion from taking\\neffe6t Orders being thus paiTed, we moved dire6lly\\ntowards the Woods, Le Paver s Son directing us to a\\nlittle Hutt or Wigwam, which we immediately fur-\\nrounded with a few Men, the reft Marching direftly up\\ninto the Woods, to fee what Wigwams or Hutts they\\ncould difcover; my felf made a little flop. Ordering the\\nPilot to tell them in the Hutt, that they were furrounded\\n311 They had now emerged from the 2 Thej muft have landed upon what\\nnarrow weftern entrance into upper is now the town of Perry, Me. orpoffi-\\nPaffamaquoddy bay, which is fome 8 or bly further up, in Robbinfton, or the\\nlo miles in width. lower part of Calais.\\n154", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "with an Arm} and that if they would come forth, and\\nfurrender themfelves, they fhould have good quarter, but\\nif not, they fhould be all knock d on the head and die\\nOne of them fhewed himfelf, I ask d, Who he was? He\\nfaid G our dan and begg d for quarter: I told him he\\nfhould have good quarter; adding further. That if there\\nwere any more in the houfe they fhould come out: Then\\ncame out two men Goiirdan faid, They were his Sons,\\nand asked quarter for them, which was alfo granted.\\nThen came out a Woman, and a little Boy; fhe fell upon\\nher knees, begg d quarter for her felf and Children, and\\nthat I would not fuffer the Indians to kill them. I told\\nthem they fhould have good quarter and not be hurt.\\nAfter which I ordered a fmall guard over them, and fo\\nmov d prefently up with the reft of my Company, after\\nthem that were gone before, but looking on my right\\nhand over a little run, I faw fomething look black, juft\\nby me, flopped, and heard a talking, ftepped over, and\\nfaw a little Hutt or Wigwam with a crowd of People\\nround about it, which was contrary to my former direc-\\ntions: Ask d them what they were doing? They reply d\\nthere was fome of the Enemy in a houfe, and would not\\ncome out. I ask d what Houfe? They faid a Bark-\\nhoufe. I haftily bid them pull it down, and knock them\\non the head, never asking whether they were French or\\nIndians they being all Enemies alike to me. And paff-\\ning then to them, and feeing them in great diforder, fo\\nmany of the Army in a crowd together, a6ting fo con-\\n155", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "[Ill]\\ntrary to my Command Direction, expofing themfelves,\\nand the whole Arm}^ to utter mine, by their fo diforderly\\ncrowding thick together had an Enemy come upon\\nthem in that interim, and fired a Volley amongft them,\\n^they could not have mifs d a fhot; and wholly neglecting\\ntheir duty, in not attending m}^ orders, in fearching dili-\\ngently for our lurking Enemies in their Wigwams, or by\\ntheir fires, where I had great hopes, and real expe6tation\\nto meet with them. I moft certainly know that I was in\\nan exceeding great Paffion, but not with thofe poor mif-\\nerable Enemies; for I took no notice of half a dozen of\\nthe Enemy, when at the fame time, I expe6led to be en-\\ngaged with fome hundreds of them, of whom we had a\\ncontinued account who [iii] were expected from Por^\\nRoyal fide. In this heat of a6tion, every word that I then\\nfpoke, I cannot give an account of, and I prefume it is\\nimpoffible.^^^ I ftop d but little here, but went directly\\n313 Church pleads for himfelf here as properly eftimate his conduifl, without\\nif he had been blamed, which was the remembering that he had been led, bj\\nfadl. Hutchinfon fays, Church feeing the ftatements of his prilbners, to\\nfome of his men hovering over another believe that he was near to a very\\nhut, he called to them to know what large force of the enemy, who might\\nthey were doing; and upon their reply, fall upon his little company at any mo-\\nthat there were people in the houfe who ment in overwhelming force, aided, as\\nwould not come out, he, haftily bid his they would be, by darknefs, the foreft,\\nmen knock them in the head; which and their own fuperior knowledge of\\norder they immediately obferved. He the ground; and that he alfo felt, that\\nwas much blamed for this after his re- the moral effedl of fome feverity would\\nturn, and excufed himfelf but indiffer- be good upon his favage and half-fav-\\nently. He feared the enemy might fall age foes. It will be feen, that, after-\\nupon his men, whom he faw were off ward on his arrival at Baye les Mines,\\ntheir guard, which put him in a paffion. he made ule of what happened here to\\nMafs, ii 133.] No one can good refults.\\n156", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "[.II]\\nup into the woods, hoping to be better imployed, with\\nthe reft of the Army, I Hften d to hear, and looked earn-\\neftly to fee what might be the next action; but meeting\\nwith many of the Souldiers, They told me, they had dif-\\ncovered nothing; we fetching a fmall compafs round,\\ncame down again. It being pretty dark, I took notice,\\nI faw two men lay dead as I thought, at the end of\\nthe houfe, where the door was, and immediately the\\nGuns went off, and they fired every man as I thought,\\nand moft towards that place where I left the guard with\\nMonlieur Gourdan. I had much ado to ftop their firing,\\nand told them, I thought they were mad, and I believed\\nthey had not killed and wounded lefs than 40 or 50 of\\nour own Men. And I asked them what they fhot at?\\nThey anfwered at a French man that ran away: but to\\nadmiration no man was kill d, but he, one of our own\\nmen wounded in the Leg; and I turning about, a French\\nman fpoke to me, and I gave him quarter. Day-light\\ncoming on and no difcovery made of the Enemy, I went\\nto the place where I had left Monfieur Goia -dan, to ex-\\namine him, and his Sons, who agreed in their examina-\\ntions; told me two of their men were abroad: It prov d a\\ndamage; and further told me. That Monfieur Skarkee\\nlived feveral Leagues up at the head of the River, at the\\nFalls and all the Indians were fifhing, and tending\\ntheir Corn there; and that Monlieur Skarkee had fent\\n31* Great Falls, where the water defcends 20 feet in a fliort diftance [Wil-\\nliamfon s Hijl. Me. i 86.]\\n157", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "[112]\\ndown to him, to come up to him to advife about the\\nIndian Army, that was to go Weftward; but he had\\nreturned him anfwer, his bufinefs was urgent, and he\\ncould not come up: and that Sharkee, ^wdi the Indians^\\nwould certainly be down that day, or the next at the fur-\\ntheft, to come to conclude of that matter. This was a\\nfliort Nights a6tion, and all fenfible Men do well know,\\nthat a6tions done in the dark (being in the Night as\\naforefaid) under fo many difficulties, as we then laboured\\nunder, as before related, was a very hard Task for one\\nMan, matters being circumftanc d as in this action; which\\nwould not admit of calling a Council; and at that time\\ncould not be confin d there-unto; at which time I was\\ntranfported above fear or any fort of dread yet being\\nfenfible of the danger in my Armies crowding fo thick\\ntogether, and of the great duty incumbent on me to pre-\\nferve them from all the danger I poffibly could, for fur-\\nther improvement, in the Deftru6tion of our implacable\\nEnemies am ready to conclude, that I was very quick\\nabfolute in giving fuch Commands Orders, as I then ap-\\nprehended moft proper and advantagious. And had it not\\nbeen for the Intelligence I had received from the French\\nwe took at Penobfcot^ as before hinted, and the falfe re-\\nport the French Woman (firft took) gave me, I had not\\nbeen in fuch hafte. I queftion not but thofe French men\\nthat were flain, had the fame good quar[ii2]ter of other\\nPrifoners. But I ever look d at it a good Providence of\\nAlmighty God, that fome few of our cruel bloody\\n158", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "[.12]\\nEnemies, were made fenfible of their bloody Cruelties,\\nperpetrated on my dear loving friends and Country-\\nmen; and that the fame meafure (in part) meeted to\\nthem, as they had been guilty of in a barbarous manner\\nat Deerfield, I hope juftly. I hope God Almighty will\\naccept hereof, altho it may not be eligible to our French\\nimplacable Enemies, and fuch others as are not our\\nfriends. The fore-going Journal and this fhort annex-\\nment, I thought it my duty to exhibit, for the fatisfa6lion\\nof my Friends Country-men, whom I very faithfully\\nwillingly ferved in the late Expedition; and I hope will\\nfind acceptance with your Excellency, the Honourable\\nCouncil Reprefentatives now Affembled, as being done\\nfrom the zeal I had in the faid Service of Her Majefty,\\nand her good Subje6ls here.\\nRemain your mojl hunible obedient Servant,\\nBenjamin Church.\\nThis Nights Service being over immediately Col. Church\\nleaves a fufficient guard with Gourdan, and the other\\nPrifoners, mov d in fome Whale-boats with the reft; and\\nas they were going fpy d a fmall thing upon the Water,\\nat a great diftance, which proved to be a birch Canoo,\\nwith two Indians in her; the Colonel prefently ordered\\nthe lighteft boat he had to make the beft of her way and\\ncut them off from the Shore: but the India7is perceiving\\ntheir defign run their Canoo a-ftiore fled. Col. Church\\nfearing they would run dire6tly to Sharkee made all the\\n159", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "[112]\\nexpedition imaginable; but it being ebb and the water\\nlow, was obliged to land make the beft of their way\\nthro the woods, hoping to intercept the Indians^ and get\\nto SIiarkce\\\\ houfe before them; which was two Miles\\nfrom where our Forces landed. The Colonel beinsr An-\\ncient Unwildly, delired Serjeant Edee to run with\\nhim, and coming to feveral Trees fallen, which he could\\nnot creep under or readily get over, would lay his breaft\\nagainft the Tree, the faid Edee turning him over, generally\\nhad Cat luck, falling on his feet, b} which means kept in\\nthe Front: and coming near to Sharkee s houfe, difcovered\\nfome French Indians making a Wair^^*^ in the River,\\nand prefently difcovered the two Indians afore-mentioned,\\nwho call d to them at work in the River; told them there\\nwas an Army of EngliJJi and Indians ^uR by; who imme-\\ndiately left their work and ran, endeavouring to get to\\nSharkee houfe; who hearing the noife, took his Lady\\nChild, and ran into the woods. Our Men running briskly\\nfired kill d one of the Indians, and took the reft Prifon-\\ners. Then going to Skarkee s houfe found a Woman and\\nChild, to whom the}^ gave good quarter: and finding that\\nMadam Sharkee had left her Silk Clothes fine linen\\nbehind her, our Forces was defirous to have purfued and\\n315 This was probably a member of pofteritj. \\\\^See N. E. Iliji. and Gen.\\none of the families in the Old Colony de- Reg iii 33^; viii 201-206; Congre-\\nfcended from Samuel Eddy {Ede, Edy, gational Quarterly, iv 223-23S.]\\nEady, Eadey, Edie, Edee), who fettled Weir, a fence of flakes and\\nin Plymouth from Cranbrooke, Kent, brufli fet in a river for the purpofe of\\n1630, and left a numerous and noble catching fifh.\\n160", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "L 3j\\ntaken her: But Col. Church forbid them, faying he would\\nhave her run and fuffer, that fhe might be made fenfible,\\nwhat hardfhips our poor People had fuftered by them, c.\\nThen proceeded to examine the Prifoners newly taken,\\nwho gave [113] him the fame account he had before; of\\nthe hidians being up at the Falls, c. It being juft Night\\nprevented our Attacking of them that Night. But next\\nMorning early they mov d up to the Falls (which was\\nabout a Mile higher:) But doubtlefs the Enemy had fome\\nIntelligence by the two afore-faid Indians^ before our\\nForces came, fo that they all got on the other fide of the\\nRiver and left fome of their goods by the Water-fide, to\\ndecoy our Men, that fo they might fire upon them which\\nindeed they effedled: But thro the good Providence of\\nGod never a Man of ours was kill d, and but one flightly\\nwounded. After a fhort difpute Col. Church ordered that\\nevery Man might take what they pleafed of the Fifh which\\nlay bundled up, and to burn the reft, which was a great\\nquantity. The Enemy feeing what our Forces were\\nabout; and that their ftock of Fifh was deftroyed, and the\\nfeafon being over for getting any more, fet up a hedious\\nCry, and fo ran all away into the woods; who being all on\\nthe other fide of the River,^^^ ours could not follow them.\\nHaving done, our Forces March d down to their Boats at\\nSharkee s, and took their Prifoners, Bever, and other Plun-\\nder which they had got, and put it into their Boats, and\\n3 The New-Brunfwick fide; the tween the States and the Britifli poflef-\\nriver being here the dividing line be- fions.\\n21 161", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "3]\\nwent down to Gourdans houfe, where they had left Lieut.\\nCol. Gorham Maj Hilton^ with part of the Forces to guard\\nthe Prifoners; (and kept a good look-out for more of the\\nEnemy) who upon the Colonels return, gave him an ac-\\ncount that they had made no difcovery of the Enemy fince\\nhe left them, c. Juft then Her Majefty s Ships and\\nTranfports arriving. The Commanders of Her Majefty s\\nShips told Col. CJutrch that they had orders to go directly\\nfor Poi^t Royal Gici, and wait the coming of fome Store-\\nShips, which were expe6led at Port Royal from Prance]\\nand Col. Church advifmg with them, propofed that it was\\nvery expedient and ferviceable to the Crown, that Capt.\\nSouthack in the Province Galley fhould accompany them,\\nwhich they did readil}^ acquiefce with him in. Upon which\\nthe Colonel immediately embark d his Forces on board\\nthe Tranfports, and himfelf on board Capt. J^arvis or-\\ndering the Commiffary of the Stores, the Minifter, Sur-\\ngeons Pilots all to embark on board the fame Veffel\\nwith him; ordering all the Whale-boats to be put on\\nboard the Tranfports and then all to come to Sail. The\\nShips ftanding away for Po7^l Royal Giil,^^^ and Col. Church\\nwith the Tranfports for Menis: In their way the Colonel\\ninquired of the Pilot Fcllows,^ What depth of Water\\nthere was in the Crick near the Town of Alcitis He\\nanfwered him that there was Water enough near the\\n318 Commander of the frigate Adven- 320 gee note 238, ante. Les Mines\\ntare as will be feen from the docu- was about half-way from Port Royal\\nment commencing on the next page. to Beau-bajtn, or Chiegnecto.\\n313 See note 286, ante. See note 296, atite.\\n163", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "[114]\\nTown to flote that Veffel they were in at low Water. So\\nwhen coming near, Col. Church obfervecl a Woody If-\\nland between them and the Town, that they run up on\\nthe back-fide of the faid Ifland, with all their Tranfports\\nundifcovered to the Enemy, and came to Anchor. Then\\nthe Colonel and all his Forces embark d in the Whale-\\nboats, it being late in the day mov d dire6lly for the Town,\\nand in the way ask d for the Pilot, whom he expe6ted was\\nin one of the Boats; but he had given him the flip, and\\ntarried behind. The Colonel not know[ii4]ing the diffi-\\nculties as might attend their going up to the Town im-\\nmediately fent Lieut. Gyles who could fpeak French^\\nwith a Flag of Truce up to the Town with a Summons,\\nwhich was writ before they landed, expe6ling their fur-\\nrender: which is as followeth.\\nAboard Her Majejly s Ship Adventure near the Gut\\nq/ Menis, June 20. 1704 An agreement made by\\nthe Field Officers commanding Her Majejly s Forces\\nfor the -prefent Expedition againjl the French\\nFnemies, and Indian Rebels.\\nAgreed.\\nTHat a Declaration or Summons be fent 071 Shoar at\\nMenis and Port Royal, under a Flag of Truce-\\n322 From Charlevoix s map, this thence to Pemaquid, where he was Juf-\\nwould feem to be GrolPe Ijle. tice, and was killed by the Indians, 2\\n323 John Gyles was fon of Thomas Aug., 1689); was captured at his fa-\\n(who lived firft in Merry-meeting bay, ther s death, when 14 years of age, and\\nwas made prilbner, efcaped to England, carried to Canada; whence, after a fer-\\ncame back to live on Long Ifland, went vitude of feveral years, he was purchafed\\n163", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "4]\\nParticularly,\\nWe declare to yo2i, the many Cruelties and Barbari-\\nties that you and the Indians have been guilty of towards\\nus, in laying luajle our Country here in the Eajl at\\nCafco, and the Places Adjacejit Peculiarly, the Horrid\\na6iion at Deerfield this laji Winter, in Killing, Majfa-\\ncring. Murdering and Scalping tvithout giving any\\nnotice at all, or opportunity to ask quarter at your\\nHands, and after all carrying the Remainder into\\nCaptivity in the heighth of Winter {oftvhich they kilVd\\nmany in the foitrney,) and expos d the reji to the hard-\\nJhips of Cold and Famine, ivorfe than death it felf\\nWhich Cruelties we are yet every day expofed unto, and\\nexercifed withal.\\nWe do alfo declai-e, That we have already made fome\\nbeginnings of Killing and Scalping fome Canada Men\\n{which .we have not been wont to do or allo v) and ai e\\nnow come with a great number of Englifh Indians, all\\nVolunteers, with refolutions to fubdue you, and make you\\nfenfble of your Cruelties to us by treating\\\\you after the\\nfame manner.\\nAt this time we expe6i our Men of War and Tranf-\\nport Ships to be at Port Royal, (we having but lately\\npatted with them.)\\nby a French trader during Col. Haw- printed, 1736, a memoir of his father;\\nthorn s Eaftern Expedition, and reftored died 1755. [Savage s Gen. Di6l. ii\\nto his home and friends; he thereafter 326: Sewall s ^;?c?. Dom. Me. 195-204;\\nfor many years ferved the Government Willis s Lavj, Courts, atid La-Myers,\\nin the army, and as an interpreter; he Mc. 32.]\\n164", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "5]\\nIII the Iq/l place, We do declare to you, That inafmuch as\\nfome of you have /Jtow7i kindnefs to our Captives, and Ex-\\nprefd a love to and dejire of being ti7tder the EnglifJi Gov-\\nernment, We do therefore notwithflanding all this, give yotc\\ntimely Notice, and do demand a Surrender immediately, by\\nthe laying down your Anns, upon which we promife very\\ngood Quarter; if not, you mufl expe6l the utm-ofl Severity.\\nTo the Chief Coi7imander of the Town Benjamin Church Colonel,\\nof JMenis, the Inhabitants thereof John Goreham Lieut. Col.\\nwe expedl your anfxver pof lively Winthrop Hilton Major,\\nivithin an hour.\\nThen moving to the Crick expe6ting to have had Water\\nenough for the Boats, as the Pilot had inform d them, but\\nfound not Water enough for a Canoo; fo were oblig d to\\nland,^^^ intending to have been up at the Town before the\\nhour was out, that the Summons exprefled: (For their\\nreturn was. That if our Forces would not hurt their\\nEftates, that then they would Surrender, if otherwife in-\\ntended, they fhould fight for them, c^ But meeting\\nw^ith feveral Cricks near 20 or 30 foot deep, which were\\nvery Muddy and Dirty, fo that the Army could not get\\nover them; was oblig d to return to [115] their Boats\\nagain, and wait till within Night before the Tide ferved\\nfor them to go up to the Town; and then intended to\\n32* That is, their boats foon ground- the intervention of fome creeks of deep\\ning, they were obliged to get out of water, which forced them back to the\\nthem into the mud, and wade toward boats, and compelled them to wait in\\nthe ftiore which they were unable to them for the tide to rife, under the\\naccomplifh fuccefffully on account of circumftances, a profaic refult!\\n165", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "L 5]\\ngo up pretty near the Town, and not to fall on till\\nMorning, being in hopes that the banks of the Cricks\\nwould fhelter them from the Enemy: but the Tides rifing\\nfo high expofed them all to the Enemy; who had the\\nTrees Woods to be-friend them. And fo came down\\nin the Night fired fmartly at our Forces; but Col.\\nChurch being in a Pinis that had a fmall Cannon plac d\\nin the head, ordered it to be charg d feveral times, with\\nBullets in fmall bags, and fired at the Enemy, which made\\nfuch a rattling amongfl the Trees, that caufed the Enemy\\nto draw off; and by the great Providence of Almighty\\nGod not one of our Forces was hurt that Night; (but as I\\nhave been informed they had one Indian kill d, and fome\\nothers wounded, which was fome difcouragement to the\\nEnemy.) Next Morning b}^ break of Day, Col. Church\\nordered all his Forces, (and plac d Maj. Hilton on the\\nright wing,) to run all up driving the Enemy before them,\\nwho leaving their Town to our Forces, but had carried\\naway the beft of their Goods (which were foon found by\\nour Souldiers.) The bulk of the Enemy happening to lye\\nagainft our right Wing caufed the hotteft difpute there,\\nwho lay behind Logs and Trees, till our Forces, and Maj\\nHilton who led them, came on upon them, and forc d them\\nto run; and notwithftanding the fharp firing of the Enemy\\nat our Forces, by the repeated Providence of God there\\nwas never a Man of ours kill d or wounded. Our Soul-\\ndiers not having been long in Town before they found\\n325 Pinnace.\\ni66", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "C 5]\\nconfiderable quantities of Strong Drink (both Brandy\\nClarat) and being very greedy after it, efpecially the In-\\ndians^ were very diforderly, firing at every Pig, Turky\\nor Fowl they faw, of which were very plenty in the\\nTown; which indanger d our own Men; Col. Church per-\\nceiving the diforder, and firing of his own Men, ran to put\\na ftop to it, had feveral fhot come very near him; and\\nfinding what had occafion d this diforder, commanded his\\nOfficers to knock out the heads of every Cask of Strong\\nLiquor they could find in the Town,^^*^ to prevent any fur-\\nther diflurbance amongft his Army; knowing it was im-\\npoffible to have kept it from them, efpecially the Indians^\\nif it was faved, c. Then fome of the Army who were\\ndefirous to purfue the Enemy, having heard them driving\\naway their Cattel, Requefted the Colonel to let them go;\\nwho did: and gave them their orders, Capt. Cooke, and\\nCapt. Church to lead the two Wings, and Lieut. Barker^^\\nwho led the Colonels Company in the Center: and the\\nfaid Capt. Cooke and Capt. Church defired Lieut. Barker\\n3-6 A praiflical temperance move- likeliefl to be officered from Plymouth\\nmerit, deferving extended imitation Colony, it leems probable that one of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2*27 There may have been three the Duxbury brothers is the one referred\\nLieut. Barkers then living, who to; and, of thefe, I incline to the opin-\\nmight have been conne(5led with ion that it was Robert. [Savage s GV;/.\\nChurch s company: Lt. Robert, and Di(fi. i 115; Winfor s Hiji. Duxbury,\\nLt. Francis, both of Duxbury, and both 223 Abbot s Hiji. Andover, 200 Plym.\\nfons of Robert; and Lt. John, of An- Col. Rcc. vi 218] Charlevoix lays\\ndover, fon of Richard. The latter died that the Lieutenant-General of the\\n1722; Robert had a dau. born iS April, Englilh forces was killed a mif-\\n1704; Francis, I do not trace later than take of Barker s rank. \\\\_HiJl. Nouv.\\n1689. A.S Church s company would be France.^\\n167", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "[ii6]\\nnot to move too faft; fo that he might have the benefit of\\ntheir affiftance, if he had occafion; but the faid Lieutenant\\nnot being fo careful as he fhould have been, or at leaft was\\ntoo eager, was fliot down, and another Man; which were\\nall the Men that were kill d in the whole Expedition.\\nTowards Night Col. Church ordered fome of his Forces\\nto pull down fome of the Houfes, and others to get Logs\\n[ii6] and make a Fortification for his whole Army to\\nlodge in that Night, that fo they might be together: and\\njuft before Night ordered fome of his Men to go fee if\\nthere were any Men in any of the Houfes in the Town; if\\nnot, to fet them all a fire: which was done, and the whole\\nTown feemed to be of a fire all at once, The next\\nMorning the Colonel gave orders to his Men to dig down\\ntheir Dams,^~^ and let the Tide in to deftroy all their Corn,\\nand every thing that was good, according to his Inftruc-\\ntions; and to burn the Fortification which they had built\\nthe Day before: And when the Tide ferv d to put all their\\nPlunder which they had got into the Boats. Then order-\\ning his Souldiers to March at a good diftance one from\\nanother; which caus d the Enemy to think that there was\\n3-8 Haliburton fays that there are vaft Mines, are very fuperior to thofe in\\nmarfhes fkirting this Baye les Mines other parts of the Province the water\\n(Bafon of Mines), which, when en- of that extraordinary refervoir being\\nclofed with dikes, and well drained, are not only difcolored, but adtually turbid,\\nexceedingly fertile, yielding, for feveral with the great quantity of matter held\\nyears in fucceffion, abundant crops of in folution by it. \\\\_Hi/i. Nov. Scoi.\\nwheat, and alternate rotations of hay ii 363.] The Acadians had probably\\nand grain, without the aid of manure. already begun this form of tillage, and\\nHe adds the marfhes. formed by the thefe dikes to which Church here re-\\nrivers emptying into the Bafon of fers are thus explained.\\n168", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "[ii6]\\nnot lefs than a thoufand Men (as they faid afterwards:)\\nand that their burning of the Fortification, and doing as\\nthey did, caufed the Enemy to think that they were gone\\nclear off and not to return again. But it proved to the\\ncontrary, for Col. Church and his Forces only went aboard\\ntheir Tranfports, and there ftaid till the Tide ferv d in the\\nNight embarked on board their Whale-boats, landed fome\\nof his Men, expe6ling they might meet with fome of the\\nEnemy mending their Dams; which they did, and with\\nthe Boats went up another branch of the River, to another\\nTown or Village upon fuch a furprize took as many Prif-\\noners as they could defire. And it happened that Col. Church\\nwas at the French Captains Houfe when two Gentlemen\\nthat came Poft from the Governour of Port Royal to him,\\nwho was the Chief Commander at Meitis, with an Exprefs\\nto fend away two Companies of Men to Defend the Kings\\nFort there; and to give him an account. That there was\\nthree EnglifJi Men of War come into Port Royal Gtct or\\nHarbour; and that the Men fent for muft be Pofted away\\nwith all fpeed. Col. Church, as was faid before, being\\nthere, treated the two Gentlemen very hanfomely, and told\\nthem, He would fend them back again Poft to their Maf-\\nter upon his bufmefs; and bid them give him his hearty\\nthanks for fending him fuch good News, that part of his\\nFleet was in fo good a Harbour. Then reading the Sum-\\nmons to them that he had fent to Menis. Further added.\\nThat their Mafter the Governour of Port Royal muft im-\\n329 Pigiguit, on the river of the fame name, now the Avon?\\n22 169", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "7]\\nmediately fend away a Poft to the Governour of Canada\\nat Quebeck, to prevent his further fending any of his cruel\\nbloudy French and Salvages, as he had done lately upon\\nDeer/ield, where they had committed fuch horrible and\\nbloudy outrages upon thofe poor People, that never did\\nthem any harm, as is intollerable to think of; and that for\\nthe future, if any fuch Hoftilities were made upon our\\nFrontier Towns, or any of them. He would come out with\\na thoufand Salvages, and Whale-boats convenient, and\\nturn his back upon them, and let his Salvages Scalp\\nRoft the French) or at leaft treat them as their Salvages\\nhad treated ours Alfo gave them an account of part of\\nthat a6lion at PaJ/amequado, and how that his Souldiers\\nhad Kill d Scalp d fome Canada Men [117] there, and\\nwould be glad to Serve them fo too, if he would permit\\nthem. Which terrif^^ed them very much,^^ c. The\\ntwo French Gentlemen that came Poft made folemn\\nPromifes that they would punctually do the Colonel s\\nMeffage to their Governour. So with the delire of the\\nFrench People there that the Governour might have this\\nIntelligence, Col. Church difmifs d them, and fent them\\naway; telling the fame Story to feveral of the Prifoners,\\nand what they muft expe6t if fome fpeedy courfe was not\\ntaken to prevent further outrages upon the EngliJJi. The\\nnumber of Prifoners then Prefent (which were conlidera-\\nble) did unanimoufly intreat of Col. Church, that he would\\ntake them under the Prote6lion of the Crown oi England\\n330 See note 313, ante.\\n170", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "7]\\nmaking great Promifes of their fidelity to the fame, beg-\\nging with great Agony of Spirit to Save their Lives, and\\nto protect them from his Salvages, w^hom they extreamly\\ndreaded: As to the matter of the Salvages, He told them,\\nIt would be juft Retaliation for him to permit his Salvages\\nto treat the French in the fame manner, as the French with\\ntheir Salvages treated our friends in our Frontier Towns:\\nBut as to his taking them under the Prote6lion of the\\nCrown of England^ he utterly refufed it, urging to them\\ntheir former Perfidioufnefs j they alfo urging to him, that\\nit would be impoffible for any French to live any where in\\nthe Bay oi Fundy, if they were not taken under the Eng-\\nlijh Government; for with the benefit of thofe Whale-\\nboats,^^^ (as the Engli/Ji called them) they could take and\\ndeftroy all their People in the Town of Menis in one\\nNight: But he reply d to them, It fhould never be; alledg-\\ning to them that when they were fo before, when Port\\nRoyal was taken laft by the Englijlt that it prov d of very\\nill confequence to the Crown of Engla7id, the Subje6ts\\nthereof in our Frontiers for that our EngliJJi Traders fup-\\nplying them; enabled them (which opportunity they im-\\n331 The ftrefs laid upon whaleboats, defcription exceedingly difficult a\\nboth by Church in his report of his laft difficulty which the boats removed, fince\\nexpedition (p. 147) and his letter to they could adl as tenders, and leave the\\nGov. Dudley (p. 131), and by the en- fhip in deep water and by the facft, that\\nemy, is explained by the fadl that the their fwiftnefs made them more formid-\\nenormous rife and fall of the tides in able in the purfuit of canoes than any\\nand near the Bay of Fundy made land- other craft then in ufe, and their light\\ning from, and coafting in, ordinary vef- draft enabled them to go in fhallow\\nfels in that day when wharf con- water, and their lightweight made them\\nveniences were of the moft primitive efpecially available at the portages.\\n171", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "[ii8]\\nprov d) to fupply the Indians our bloudy Enemies; and\\ntherefore he could make no other Terms of Peace with\\nthem than that; if they the French at Menis, Signe6lo and\\nCanada^ would keep at home with their bloudy Salvages,\\nand not commit any Hoflilities upon any of our Frontiers,\\nwe would return home leave them; for that we lived a\\ngreat diltance off, and had not come near them to hurt\\nthem now had not the blood of our poor Friends and\\nBrethren in all the Frontiers of our Province cryed for\\nVengeance; efpecially that late unheard of Barbarity\\ncommitted upon the Town of Deerfield; which wrought fo\\ngenerally on the hearts of our People, that our Forces\\ncame out with that Unanimity of Spirit, both among the\\nEngliJJi and our Salvages, that we had not, nor needed a\\nPrefs d Man among them. The Colonel alfo telling them,\\nThat if ever hereafter any of our Frontiers Eaft or Weft\\nwere Molefted by them, as formerly, that he would (if\\nGod fpared his Life,) and they might depend upon it,\\nReturn upon them with a thoufand of his Salvages, if he\\nwanted them, all Volunteers, with our Whale-boats, and\\nwould purfue them to the laft Extremity. The Colonels\\nwarm difcourfe with them [i i8] wrought fuch a confterna-\\ntion in them, which they difcovered by their Panick fears\\nand trembling, their hearts fenfibly beating, and rifmg up\\nas it were ready to choke them; confeifed they were all\\nhis Prifoners, and beg d of him, for JESUS fake, to Save\\ntheir Lives, and the Lives of their poor Families; with\\nfuch melting Terms as wrought relentings in the Colonels\\n^72", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "[ii8]\\nBreafl towards them but however, he told them. That his\\nintent was to carry as many Prifoners home as he could,\\nbut that he had taken fo many, they were more than he\\nhad occafion for, nor defired any more and therefore\\nhe would leave them.^^^ The Colonel refolving the next\\nday to compleat all his a6lion at Menis, and fo draw off.\\nAccordingly, fent his orders to Col. Gore/mm and Maj\\nHilton^ with all the Engli/Ii Companies both Officers and\\nSouldiers, except fome few, which he thought he might\\nhave occafion for to go with the Indians in the Whale-\\nboats up the Eaftward River,^^^ where a third part of the\\nInhabitants Lived; that fo he might prevent any refle6lion\\nmade on them, in leaving any part of the Service undone.\\nAnd therefore in the evening ordered all the Whale-boats\\nto be laid ready for the Nights Service; and accordingly\\nwhen the Tide Served, he went with his Indians up the\\nRiver, where they did fome fpoil upon the Enemy going\\nup. In the Morning feveral of their Tranfports came to\\nmeet them, to their great rejoycing, on whom they went\\non Board, and foon came up with the whole Fleet, with\\nwhom they joyned, bending their courfe directly towards\\nPort Royal, where they were ordered. Coming to Port\\nRoyal Gut where their Ships were, and calling a Council\\nPenhallow fays the expedition terminating in Salmon river; from\\ntook a hundred prifoners. \\\\^Itid. which was a portage over to Tatatna-\\nWars, 30.] gotiche on Northumberland Strait, per-\\n333 The Cobeguit, or Cobcquid bay, haps 7 miles in length.\\n173", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "[ii8]\\naccording to his Inftru6lions, drew up their refult: Which\\nis as followeth.\\nAboard the Province Galley^ \\\\th. July 1704.\\nIn Port Royal Harbotir.\\nPrefent all the Field Officers and\\nCaptaijis of the Land Forces.\\nWE whofe Names are hereunto Subfcribed^ having de-\\nliberately conJider d the caufe in hand, whether it be\\nproper to L and all our Forces to offend deffroy as much\\nas ive can at Port Royal, all or any part of the Inhabitants\\nthereof, and their EJlates, We are of Opinioji, that tis not\\nfor our Fiterefi Honour, and the Countrys whom we\\nServe, to Land or expofe our Selves but qtiit it wholly, and\\ngo on about our other bifinefs we have to do, for this Reafon,\\nThat we Jiidge our Selves Inferiour to the Strength of the\\nEnemy, and therefore the Danger Rifqtie we run, is\\ngreater than the advantage we can, or are likely to obtain,\\nfeeing the Enemy hath fuch ti^nely Notice, and long oppor-\\ntunity to Provide thetitfelves againfi us, by our Ships lying\\nhere in the Road about Twelve Days, before we could joyn\\nthem from Menis, where we were during that time, and\\nbeing fo very meanly provided zvith neceffaries convenient for\\nfuch an Undertaking with fo fmall a Number of Men, not\\nbeins[ above Four hundred capable and ft for Service to\\nLand and underfianding by all the Intelligence we can get\\n174", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "9]\\nfrom both Englifh French Pri/oners, that the Fort is\\nexceeding Strong.\\nJohn Goreham Lieut. Col. Winthrop Hilton Major. [119]\\nHavings Piirfiiant to my In/fruc- Jof. Brown Conjlant Church\\ntiojis taken the advice of the Gc7i- Jajues Cole yohn Dyer\\ntlemen above Stibfcribed^ aftd John Cook JoJJuia Lamb\\nconfdering the xveight of their Ifaac Myrick Caleb Williamfon\\nReafons, I do Concur therewith. Johii Harradon Edxvard Chzirch\\nBenj. Church.\\nWHereas Col. Church hath defired our Opi7tions, as to\\nthe Landing the Forces at Port Royal, they being but\\n400 Effe^ive Men to Land., and by all the Informatio7i both\\nof French Englifh Prifoners, the Enemy having a\\ngreater number of Men., and much better provided to Receive,\\nthan they are to Attack them.. We do believe His for the\\nService of the Crown., and Prefervation of Her Majeflfs\\nSicbje s to aS2 as above mentioned.\\nThomas Smith. Geo. Rogers. Cypryan SoiUhack.\\nAfter this, they concluded what fhould be next done;\\nwhich was, that the Ships fhould ftay fome Days longer at\\nPort Royall Gtct, and then go over to Mount Defart Har-\\nbour, and there ftay till Col. C/mrch with his Tranfports\\ncame to them. Being all ready, the Colonel with his\\nTranfports Forces went up the Bay to SigneHo, where\\nthey needed not a Pilot, being feveral of them well\\nacquainted there (and had not met with fo many difficul-\\n33* Mifprint for yotm. This captain s name is diftindlly ftated to be yokn\\n(p. 138). See note 278, ante.\\n^1S", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "9]\\nties at Menis, had it not been that their Pilot deceived\\nthem;^^^ who knew nothing of the matter, kept out of the\\nway and Landed not with them, c.^ And coming to\\nSigneHo^ the Enemy were all in Arms ready to receive\\nthem. Col. Church Landing his Men; the Commander of\\nthe Enemy waving his Sword over his head, bid a Chal-\\nlange to them The Colonel ordering his two Wings to\\nMarch up a-pace, and come upon the backs of the Enemy,\\nhimfelf being in the Center, and the Enemy knowing him,\\n(having been there before) Shot chiefly at him; (but thro\\nGods goodnefs received no harm, neither had he one Man\\nkiird, nor but two flightly wounded) and then ran all\\naway into the Woods, and left their Town with nothing\\nin it; having had timely Notice of our Forces, had carryed\\nall away out of the reach of our Army; for Col. Church\\nwhile there with part of his Forces Ranged the Woods,\\nbut to no purpofe Then returning to the Town, did them\\nwhat fpoil he could; according to his Inftru6lions, and fo\\ndrew off, and made the beft of their way for Pajpimequa-\\ndo, (and going in) in a great Fog, one of their Tranfports\\nran upon a Rock, but was foon got off again. Then Col.\\nChurch with fome of his Forces embark d in their Whale-\\nboats, and went amongft the Iflands, with an intent to go\\nto Sharkee ^s where they had deflroyed the Fifli;^^^ but\\nobferving a Springgy place in a Cove, went on Shore to\\nget fome Water to drink, it being a Sandy beach, they\\n335 That is they would not have met 336 Beau-bajtn. See note 229, ante.\\nwith fo many difficulties, c. 337 See p. 161.\\n176", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "[I20]\\nefpy d Tracks, the Colonel prefently ordered his Men to\\nfcatter, and make a fearch foon found De Boiffes Wife,\\nwho had formerly been Col. Church Prifoner, and car-\\nried to Bq/lon\\\\ but returned, who feemed to be very glad\\nto fee him: She had with her two Sons that were near\\nMen grown the Colonel ordering them a part. Examined\\nthe Woman firft, who gave him this account following.\\nThat fhe had lived there-abouts ever lince the Fleet went\\nby, and that fhe had never feen but two Indians hnce, who\\ncame in a Canoo from Norrigiwock\\\\ who ask d her, what\\nmade her to be there alone She told them. She had not\\nfeen a French Man nor an Indian except thofe two fince\\nthe Engli/Ii Ships went by. Then the Indians told her\\nthere was not one Indian left except thofe two, who be-\\nlong to the Gut of Cancer, on this lide of Canada: for the\\nFryers coming down with the Indians to Monlieur Gor-\\ndafis, and finding the French-men (lain, and their Hair\\nfpoiled, being Scalp d, put them into a great Confterna-\\ntion and the Fryers told them it was impoffible for them\\nto live there-abouts, for the Engli/Ji with their Whale-\\n[120] boats would ferve them all fo; upon which they\\nall went up to Norrigiwock: Alfo told her that when the\\nEngliJJi came along thro Penobfcot, they had fwept it of\\nthe Inhabitants, as if it had been fwept with a Broom,\\nneither French nor Indians efcaping them. Further told\\nher. That when their Fathers the Fryers, and the Indians\\n338 Du Boisf probably taken prifoner when Church was here before, in a\\nprevious expedition.\\n23 177", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "[I20]\\nmet together at Norrigiwock they called a Council, and the\\nFryers told the Indians, That they muft look out for fome\\nother Country, for that it was impoffible for them to live\\nthere; alfo told them there was a River call d MoJJippee\\nwhere they might live quietly and no E^iglifJi come near\\nthem It being as far beyond Canada as it was to it, c.\\nand if they would go and live there, they would live\\ndye with them, but if not they would leave them, and\\nnever come near them again. Whereupon they all agreed\\nto go away; which they did, and left their Ruff houfhold-\\nfluff, and Corn behind them, and went all, except thole\\ntwo for Canada. Alfo her Sons giving the fame Intelli-\\ngence, fo we had no reafon to think but that it was true.\\nCol. Church having done what he could there, Embark d\\non board the Tranfports and went to Mount De/art, where\\nhe expe6led to have met with the Ships from Poj^t Royal\\nGut\\\\ and going into the Harbour at Mount De/arf, found\\n339 The MiJfiJJippi (Ind. Miche Sepe foirniie: {Relation, 1670:80.] In 1673,\\ncalled by the early Jeluits MeJJi-Sift). Marquette, with Louis Jolliet, reached\\nAs early as 1669, Father Marquette re- the river, and defcended it probably as\\nfolved uponvifiting this wonderful river, far as the mouth of the Arkanlas. (His\\nof which rumors came to him from the narrative of this journey may be found\\nfavages. It is firft mentioned in the in Shea s Difcovery atid Exploration of\\nRelations des JefuitesT in 1670, as the MiJftJJippi Valley having been firft\\nunc grandc Riviere large d une lieu e publifhed, in 16S1, in Thevenot s Re-\\net davantage, qui venant des quartiers cueil de Voyages-) Of courfe, his infor-\\ndu Nord, coule vers le Sud, et Jt loin mation had added certainty to all vague\\nque les fauvages qui out navig\u00e2\u0082\u00ac fur floating rumors before exifting; and the\\ncetle Riviere, allant chercher des ene- Jefuits in Canada, before the date of this\\nmis d, combattre, apre s quantite de Jour- expedition of Col. Church, were able\\nne es de navigation, n en ont point trouv\u00e2\u0082\u00ac to fpeak with fome confidence of this\\nI embouckere, quie ne peut efre que vers wonderful ftream. [See Relations des\\nla Mer de la Floride, ou celU de Call- fefuites, 1670: 91, 100; 1671 24,47.]\\n178", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "I20]\\nno Ships there, but a Runlet rid off by a line in the\\nHarbour, which he ordered to be taken up, and opening\\nof it found a Letter, which gave him an account that the\\nShips were gone home for Bofton. Then he proceeded\\nwent to Penobfcot\\\\ where being come, made diligent\\nfearch in thofe Parts for the Enemy, but could not find or\\nmake any difcovery of them, or that any had been there\\nfince he left thofe Parts, which causM him to believe what\\nDe Boiffes Wife had told him was true. (I will only by\\nthe way juft give a hint of what we heard fince of the\\nEffe6ts of this Expedition, then proceed.) [Firft,\\nThat the EngliJJt Forces that went next to Norrigiwock\\nfound that the Enemy was gone, had left their Ruff\\nhoufhold-ftuff and Corn behind them; alfo not long after\\nthis Expedition, there were feveral Gentlemen fent down\\nfrom Canada to concert with our Governour about the\\nfettling of a Cartile for the Exchange of Prifoners and\\nthat the Governour of Canada has never fince fent down\\nany Army upon our Frontiers (as I know of) except\\nfome times a Scout of Indians to take fome Prifoners, that\\nhe might be informed of our State, and what we were\\na fting c. and always took care that the Prifoners fo\\ntaken fhould be Civily Treated, and fafely Returned, as I\\nhave been informed; that fome of the Prifoners that were\\ntaken gave an account; fo that we have great caufe to be-\\nMO Ru7idlet (probably q. d. Round- tula, diminutive of c/^rtr/a, i.e., a little\\nlet), aclofecaflcforLiquorSjContaining writing a writing, or agreement,\\nfrom three to twenty Gallons. Bailey. between States at war, as for the ex-\\n3*i Cartel (from cartellus, from ckar- change of prifoners. Webjier.\\n179", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "I20]\\nlieve that the MefTage Col. Church fent by the two French\\nGentlemen from Mentis to the Governour of Port Royal\\ntook Effeft, and was a means to bring Peace in our bor-\\nders, c.^ Then Col. Church with his Forces embark d\\non board the Tranfports, and went to Cafco Bay, where\\nthey met with Capt. Gallop in a Veffel from Bojlon, who\\nhad brought Col C/mrch further Orders; which was to\\nfend fome of his Forces up to Norrigiwock in purfuit of\\nthe Enemy; but he being fenfible that the Enemy were\\ngone from thence, and that his Souldiers were much wore-\\nout fategu d in the hard Service they had already done,\\nwanted to get home, call d a Council, and agreed all to\\ngo home, which accordingly they did. To Conclude this\\nExpedition, I will jufl give a hint of fome treatment Col.\\nChurch had before after he came home for all his great\\nExpences, Fategues Hardfhips in and about this Expe-\\ndition, {viz) He received of his Excellency Fifteen Pounds\\nas an earneft Peny towards Raifing of Volunteers; and\\nwhen he came to receive his Debenture for his Colonels\\nPay, there was 2 s. d. due to him; and as for his Cap-\\ntains Pay,^ Man Jack he has never received any thing\\nas yet. Alfo after he came home fome ill minded Perfons\\ndid their endeavour to have taken away his Life, for that\\nthere was fome of the French Enemy Kill d this Expedi-\\n3*2 Debenture, a writing or certifi- **3 His commiffion was twofold (fee\\ncate figned by a public officer in evi- p. 136) appointing him Captain of the\\ndence of a debt due; fo called becaufe, firft company of his command, as well\\nin Latin, fuch documents ufed to begin as Colonel of all the forces embarked\\nDebe.ntur miki, c. upon the expedition.\\n180", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "[I20]\\ntion:^^ *but his Excellency the Governour, the Honoura-\\nble Council and Houfe of Reprefentatives faw caufe to\\nClear him, and gave him Thanks for his good Service\\ndone.^\\nChurch s language here might\\nalmoft fuggefl: that fome attempt had\\nbeen made to bring him to a capital\\ntrial for alleged malfeafance in the mat-\\nter at Pajfamaquoddy (p. 157). But I\\nfind no evidence of any thing of the fort.\\n3 15 The original edition of 1716 gives\\nevidence of that cutting the coat\\naccording to the cloth, which was not\\nunufual in books of that time, and\\nwhich is not wholly unknown now. In\\nthe endeavor to come out even at the\\nend of a page and of a fignature, the\\nlaft two pages are fet in type of fmaller\\nfize than the reft of the volume, the\\nfpaces are made thinner, and 51\\nlines are crowded into a page whofe\\nmeafure has been 42. In this procefs\\nof compreflion, the MSS. doubtlefs fuf-\\nfered fomewhat and, could we recover\\nthe laft page from which Green s com-\\npofitors worked, we ftiould be quite\\nlikely to find one or two clofing re-\\nmarks from the blunt yet courtly old\\nwarrior, which the inexorable demands\\nof the form excluded.\\nFINIS.\\ni8i", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "(fl\u00c2\u00ae It will be noticed that the dates are comparatively few which can be exadlly identified.)\\nDay of\\nWeek.\\nDay of\\nMonth.\\nYear.\\nEVENT.\\nPage.\\nLast of Oa.\\n1688\\nChurch received Andros s express\\nat Little Conipton\\nI\\nH 55\\n55\\nChurch went to Boston\\n2\\n55 55\\n55\\nReturned home\\n3\\nTh.\\n1 8 April\\n1689\\nThe Revolution which deposed\\nAndros\\n3\\n-July\\n55\\nChurch waited on Governor Brad-\\nstreet, by request\\n4\\n55\\n55\\nChurch went to Rhode Island to\\nask assistance\\n5\\n-Aug.\\n55\\nChurch returned to Boston, report-\\ning progress, and goes to raising\\nvolunteers\\n5\\nF.\\n6 Sept.\\n55\\nChurch commissioned by Governor\\nHinkley for the First Expedition\\n6\\nM.\\ni6\\n55\\nChurch received his instructions\\nfrom Danforth\\n8\\nT.\\n17 55\\n55\\nChurch received his commission\\nfrom Massachusetts, as Major\\n9\\nW.\\n18\\n55\\nChurch received his instructions\\nfrom Massachusetts, as Major\\nII\\nChurch sailed for Falmouth, Me.\\n16\\nHad a fight with the Indians\\nRanged the country\\n55\\n55\\n28\\nM.\\nII Nov.\\n55\\nHeld a council of war at\\nScarborough\\n29\\n24\\ni8s", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS.\\nDay of\\nWeek.\\nDay of\\nMonth.\\nYear.\\nEVENT.\\nPage.\\nw.\\n13 Nov.\\n1689\\nChurch held a council of war at\\nFalmouth\\n29\\nJ in-\\n16M\\nChurch returned home\\n32\\nw.\\n16\\ni\u00c2\u00bb\\nWent back to Boston, to\\nplead for the down-easters\\n32\\nTh.\\n6 Feb.\\nn\\nChurch left his plea for them on\\nthe Council Board, and went\\nhome in disgust\\n33\\nApril\\n1690\\nChurch goes to Charlestown, when\\nthe Canada Expedition is about\\nto sail, to see his friends off\\n37\\n)5\\nChurch has an interview with the\\nGovernor and Council.\\nChurch goes to Barnstable, to see\\nGovernor Hinkley\\nChurch raises forces, and marches\\nthem to Plymouth\\n39\\n40\\n41\\nT.\\n2 Sept.\\n?5\\nChurch is commissioned for the\\nSecond Expedition, by Governor\\nHinkley\\n42\\nW.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a22\\n1\\nChurch reaches Portsmouth\\n47\\nT.\\n9\\nReceives Major Pike s In-\\nstructions\\n48\\nH\\nChurch sailed for Pejepscot, and\\nmarched to Androscoggin\\n50\\n14 Sept.\\nii\\nChurch took the fort\\n51\\n59\\nWent to Maquait\\n56\\nW.\\n17 Sept.\\n55\\nReached Saco\\n55\\nChased the Indians\\nSI\\ns.\\n20 Sept.\\n55\\nBivouacked at Purpooduck\\n60\\nM.\\n22\\n55\\nCame to Cape Neddicke\\n64\\nT.\\n23 yy\\n55\\nSent scout to Saco\\n64\\nF.\\n26\\n55\\nGot back to Portsmouth\\n6=;\\nS.\\n55\\nSailed for Boston in the\\nsloop Mary\\n66\\n-oa.\\n55\\nLodged at Captain Alden s\\n67\\nT.\\nM\\n55\\n55\\nBorrowed 40s. of Brayton\\nRode home on a borrowed\\nhorse\\n68\\n186", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS.\\nDay of\\nWeek.\\nDay of\\nMonth.\\nYear.\\nEVENT.\\nPage.\\nTh.\\n27 Nov.\\n1690\\nChurch wrote to some Eastern gen-\\ntlemen\\n69\\nM.\\n29 June\\n1691\\nThe Eastern gentlemen replied\\n79\\n1692\\nChurch, on request of Major Wal-\\nley, from Governor Phips, goes\\nto Boston to consult about the\\nThird Eastern Expedition\\n83\\nM.\\n25 iy\\nChurch receives Phips s commission\\n83\\nRaises volunteers.\\n84\\n-Aug.\\nEmbarks for Pemaquid\\n^S\\nWorks on the fort there\\nS6\\nTh.\\nII Aug.\\nIs commissioned for Penob-\\nscot, c\\n87\\nRanged those regions, de-\\nstroying corn, c.\\n89-90\\nReturned to Pemaquid\\n90\\nHas more orders for the\\nKe7tnebec\\n90\\nHad a fight, and burned\\nTecotinet Fort.\\n9^\\nReturned to Pemaquid\\nCame back to Boston and\\n92\\nBristol\\n92\\n1696\\nIs at Boston as Deputy from\\nBristol\\n93\\n5\\nIs persuaded to go East on\\na Third Expedition\\n93\\n55\\nRaises volunteers\\n93\\nM.\\n3 Aug.\\nJ5\\nIs commissioned by Lieu-\\ntenant Governor Stoughton\\n94\\nW.\\n12\\ni^\\nChurch receives his instructions\\n96\\ns.\\n15\\n5?\\nSailed for Portsmouth\\n99\\ns.\\n22\\nM\\n55 55 55 York\\n100\\nV\\nMonhegan\\nlOI\\nSept.\\n55\\n(in boats) went up the Pe-\\nnobscot Bay\\nHad a skirmish, and took\\ncaptives\\nlOI\\n55\\n103-7\\n^_^\\n55\\nBack to the ships\\n108\\n187", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS.\\nDay of\\nWeek.\\nDay of\\nMonth.\\nYear.\\nEVENT.\\nPage.\\n1696\\nChurch sailed for Beau Basin\\n1 09\\n55\\nThence to St. John\\n116\\n55\\nOn their way home from\\nthence interrupted and super-\\nseded by Colonel Hathorne\\n123\\n55\\nChurch home again\\n127\\nI Feb.\\n170I\\nWaited on Governor Dud-\\nley to offer his sei vices against\\nthe Indians and French, being\\nmoved thereto by late shocking\\noutrages\\n130\\ns.\\n5 M\\n55\\n55\\nChurch writes Governor Dudley\\nhis ideas on the best way of car-\\nrying on another expedition\\nChurch goes to work to fit out the\\nFifth Expedition\\n131-135\\n136\\ns.\\n1 8 March\\n55\\nChurch receives Dudley s commis-\\nsion\\n136\\nji\\n55\\nChurch raises volunteers in all the\\ntowns of the three counties of\\nthe Old Colony\\n137\\n1704\\nChurch marches his troops to Nan-\\ntasket\\n138\\nTh.\\n4 May\\n55\\nReceives his instructions\\n141\\n55\\nWent by land to Ports-\\nmouth\\nH5\\n55\\nRaises another company\\nthere\\n145\\n55\\nMoves to Matinicus\\n146\\nw.\\n7 June\\n55\\nTakes prisoners who give\\nhim information\\n146\\n55\\n55\\nWent up the river, had a\\nfight, and took prisoners, some of\\nwhom were knocked on the head\\n150-157\\n55\\n55\\nChurch failed to take Ckartier\\n160\\n55\\n55\\nBurned the Indians fish\\n161\\n55\\n55\\nReturned, went on board\\nthe transports, and sailed for\\nPort Royal and Les Mmes\\n162", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS.\\nDay of\\nWeek.\\nDay of\\nMonth.\\nYear.\\nEVENT.\\nPage.\\nT.\\n20 June\\n1704\\nChurch reached Les Mines, and\\nsummoned its surrender\\n163-5\\nW.\\n21\\n5?\\nChurch burned die town, and took\\nmany prisoners\\n166-8\\nTh.\\n22\\n55\\nChurch dug down their dams, and\\nspoiled their crops and at night\\ncaptured Pigigtiit\\n168-169\\nF.\\n23\\n55\\nChurch took Cobeguit, c.\\n173\\n11\\n55\\nSailed for Port Royal\\n173\\nT.\\n4 July\\n55\\nHad a council of war at\\nPort Royal\\n174-175\\n55\\n55\\nWent up to Beau Basin,\\nwhich they spoiled again\\n175\\n55\\nSailed for Passamaquoddy\\n176\\n55\\nTook Du Bois s wife pris-\\noner\\n177\\n55\\n55\\nSailed for Mount Desert,\\nand so to Casco, and home\\nThe Govei nor, Council, and House\\nof Representatives clear Colonel\\nChurch of all imputations of mis-\\nconduct, and give him thanks for\\nhis good service done\\n178-180\\n181\\n189", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nf", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nThe Roman numerals refer to pages in the Introdudlion. The Arabic figures\\nrefer to pages in the History, the numbering in all cases being found at the\\nbottom of each successive page. The names of Indians are in italics.\\nAdams, Rev. William, of Dedham, xiv.\\nNathaniel, 77 note.\\nAddington, Ifaac, notice of, 11 jwte.\\nAlden, Capt. John, a naval commander,\\n66 7iote, 67 note, 74; mention of him,\\nno, 120; William, 107.\\nAlexander, or IVamJtitta, fon o{ Majfa-\\nfoit, fucceeds his father, xx. brought\\nto Plymouth, xxi. not ill treated\\nthere, xxii.; the facfts ftated, ibid.;\\ndies, ibid.\\nAlger, Andrew, killed, 27 note.\\nAllen, Rev. James, of Bofton, xiii.\\nAllyn, Samuel, of Barnftable, 42.\\nAmos, Capt., commands an Indian com-\\npany, 7 note.\\nAndrews, Elillia, 29 Mo!e, 64 note, 74;\\nJames, 64 note Samuel, ibid.\\nAndros, Sir Edmund, his hiftory, i note\\nfends for Capt. Church, i fent prif-\\noner to England, 32; date of this\\nevent, ibid. note.\\nAndrofcoggin, or Amcrafcogen, de-\\nfcribed, 49 note.\\n25\\nArnold, Rev. Samuel, of Marfhfield, xiii.\\nAtherton, Rev. Hope, of Hatfield, xv.\\nAuftin, Matthew, 73 note.\\nB.\\nBaker, Rev. Nicholas, of Scituate, xiv.\\nThomas, a prifoner to the Indians,\\nefcapes, 58; notice of him, ibid. note.\\nBarbarities of the Indians, 129.\\nBarker, Lieut., killed atLes Mines, 16S.\\nBarnard, Benjamin, 54 7iote.\\nBaflett, William, 29 note.\\nBelcher, Andrew, 1^0 note.\\nBerry, Thomas, 27 note.\\nBillingfgate Point, defcribed. 42 note.\\nBit, a filver coin, its value, 85 note.\\nBlack Point, where, 28 note; a fort\\nthere, ibid.\\nBlue Point, where, 29 note.\\nBoad, Henry, 107 note-\\nBourne, Rev. Richard, miffionary, xvii.\\nBowers, Rev. John, of Branfoi d, xiv.\\nBrackett, Anthony, 17 note; account\\nof, 21 note Ihot hy the Indians, ibid.,\\n193", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n27 note; his children, 21 note; An-\\ntlionj, his fon, efcapes, 60; again\\nmentioned, 104, 120.\\nBradford, William, deputy-governor,\\nxxi. xxii. 40 7iotc.\\nBradftreet, Rev. Simon, of New Lon-\\ndon, xiv. Simon, governor of MafTa-\\nchufetts, 3; his hiltorj, ibid Jiote\\nfends for Church, 4.\\nBramhall, Mr., of Cafco, mortally\\nwounded, 27 note.\\nBrayton, Stephen, of Portfmouth, R.I.,\\na drover, 68 lends money to Church,\\nibid, Francis, ibid.\\nBridgway, or Bourgeois, Jarman, iii,\\n112, 113.\\nBrimfmead, Rev. William, of Marlbor-\\nough, XV.\\nBrock, Rev. John, of South Reading,\\nxiv.\\nBrown, John, captain in Church s Fifth\\nExpedition, 13S, 175; notice of him,\\n13S 7iotc.\\nBrowne, Rev. Edmund, of Sudbury,\\nxiv. Thomas, of Cafco, wounded, 27\\nnote.\\nBuckingham, Rev. Thomas, of Say-\\nbrook, xiv.\\nBulkley, Rev. Edward, of Concord, xiii.\\nRev. Gerlhom, of Wethersfield, xiv.\\nBurton, Thomas, 27 note.\\nButtolph, Prifcilla, 10 note.\\nByfield, Nathaniel, of Briftol, 40 note,\\n69 note.\\nCarter, Rev. Thomas, of Woburn,xiv.\\nCafco, in danger from Indians, 17 fight\\nwith Indians there, 23-26; arrange-\\nments made by Church for their fafe-\\nt} 30; he returns home, 31; Cafco\\ntaken by the Indians, and the inhabi-\\ntants killed or carried away, 36; the\\ndead remain unburied two years,\\n85 note; buried by Phips s foldiers,\\nibid.\\nCaftin, Vincent de St., account of, 19\\nnote; his lucrative trade with the\\nIndians, ibid. violates the capitula-\\ntion of Cafco, and deftroys the in-\\nhabitants, 36; commands an Indian\\nforce at the taking of Fort William\\nHenry, Pemaquid, 98 note his daugh-\\nter and her children taken prifoncrs\\nby Church, 150.\\nCawley, or Caule, Robert, of Pema-\\nquid, 107; notice of him, ibid. note.\\nChartier. See Skarkee.\\nChauncey, Rev. Nathaniel, of Windlbr,\\nxiii.\\nChubb, Pafco, furrenders Fort William\\nHenry to the Indians, 98 note; is\\nmurdered at Andover, with his wife,\\nibid.\\nChurch, Capt. Benjamin, at Saconet,\\nLittle Compton, i is fent for by\\nGov. Andros, ibid. arrives in Bof-\\nton, 2 the Governor propofes an\\nEaftern expedition, 3 Church de-\\nclines the undertaking, ibid.; is fent\\nfor by Gov. Bradftreet after the over-\\nthrow of Andros, 4; comes to Bof-\\nton, ibid. undertakes an expedition\\nagainft the Indians in the Eaftern\\nParts, ibid. goes to Rhode Iiland\\nto obtain afliftance, and returns to\\nBofton, 5; his comm.iffion from the\\nCouncil of War, 6 commiffion from\\nthe Prefident of Maine, 8; commif-\\nfioned as Major by the Governor and\\nCouncil of Maflachufetts Bay, 9; in-\\nftrudtions from the Commiflioners of\\nthe United Colonies, 11; his First\\nEastern Expedition, i6 arrives at\\nCafco, ibid. hears of Indians in the\\n194", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nneighborhood, 17 orders given by\\nhim, 19 embarraffed by the bullets\\nfurniflied being too large, 22 his\\nforce attacked by a body of Indians,\\nibid. their repulfe, 26 he vifits the\\ngarrifons at Black Point, c., 28;\\nholds a council of war at Scarbor-\\nough, 29 tiote makes arrangements\\nfor the fecurity of the Eaftern fettle-\\nments, 30; returns home at the ap-\\nproach of winter, 31 fpends three\\nweeks in Bofton, 33; reprefents to\\nthe Governor and Council the ex-\\npofed condition of the Eaftern fettle-\\nments, 33-35 this reprefentation not\\nattended to, 36 flender compenfation\\nof Church, ibid.; his Second East-\\nern Expedition, 37 he comes again\\nto Bofton, 38; the Council confult\\nhim in refpeft to the war, 39; his\\nanfwer, 40; goes to Barnftable to fee\\nGov. Hinckley, ibid. raifes a force,\\nand marches with it to Plymouth,\\n41 finds no preparation there, ibid.;\\ncommiffioned by the Council of War\\nof Plymouth Colony for a fecond ex-\\npedition to Maine, 42 their inftruc-\\ntions to him, 44-47 arrives at Pif-\\ncataqua [Portfmouth], 47 receives\\ninftru(5lions there from Major Pike,\\n48 fails for Pejepfcot, 50 note; lands\\nat Maquoit in Freeport, ibid. re-\\nleafes two Englilb captives, 51 takes\\nthe fort at Pejepfcot [Brunfwick],\\nibid. fpares an Indian captive, 55\\nkills others, ibid. returns to Maquoit,\\n56; fails to Winter Harbor [Saco],\\nibid. puts the Indians to flight, 57\\ndifagreement between him and his\\ncaptains, 59; arrives at Purpooduck,\\n60 encounters Indians there, 62\\ncomes to Wells, 64; and to Portf-\\nmouth, 65 fends home his foldiers.\\n66; fails for Bofton in floop Mary,\\nibid. deftitute of money, and gets\\nnone from the government, 67, 68;\\ntries to borrow a fmall fum, and is\\nrefufed, 67; borrows forty ftiillings\\nof a drover, 68 returns home, ibid.\\na lofer by his patriotic fervices, ibid.\\nhis letter to Wheelwright and oth-\\ners, refpedting the mifreprefentations\\nwhich had been made of his condudl,\\nand his confequent lofs of favor from\\nthe government, 69-76 ftate of things\\nin Maine after Church s departure, 74\\napplication to him from gentlemen\\nat the eaftAvard for help againft the\\nIndians, 79, 80; his anfwer, 81; his\\nThird Eastern Expedition, 82 in-\\nvited by Gov. Phips to accompany\\nhim in his expedition into Maine, 83\\nChurch confents, and receives a com-\\nmiflion, ibid. is forced to borrow\\nmoney in order to go, 84 arrives at\\nPemaquid, 85 is difinclined to have\\na fort built there, 86 is fent to fight\\nthe Indians on the Penobfcot, ibid.\\nhis inftrudtions from Phips, 87\\nranges thofe parts, and deftroys the\\nenemy s corn, 90; returns to Pema-\\nquid, ibid. is ordered to the Kenne-\\nbec, ibid. has a brufti there with\\nthe Indians, ibid. returns once more\\nto Pemaquid, 92; returns to Bofton,\\nand again deprived by the govern-\\nment of his juft dues, ibid. is a\\ndeputy in the General Court from\\nBriftol, 93; his Fourth Eastern\\nExpedition, ibid.; raifes a volun-\\nteer force, ibid. receives a commif-\\nfion from Lieut. Gov. Stoughton, 94;\\nhis inftrudions to Church, 96, 97;\\nfails for Pifcataqua, 99 lands at\\nYork, 100; proceeds to Saco, ibid.;\\narrives at Monhegan, loi afcends\\n195", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nPenobfcot Bay and River as far as\\nOld Town, 102, 103; returns to his\\nveffels at the mouth of the river, 106;\\nvifits Mount Defert and other places,\\nbut finds no enemy, 108 fails up the\\nBay of Fundy and lands at Beau\\nBafin, no; the enemy take to flight,\\nin; Church takes feveral prifoners,\\n112, 113 penetrates into the country,\\nand returns to Beau Bafin, 114; his\\ndifcourfe with the Acadians, 114, 115;\\nreftrains his Indian followers from\\nhurting them, 115; enters the river\\nSt. John, 116 fkirmilh with the\\nFrench, 117; is fuperfeded by Col.\\nHathorne. 123 returns to Bofton,\\n127 his Fifth Eastern Expedi-\\ntion, 128 he offers his fervices again\\nto the government, 130; his plan for\\na campaign againft the Indians, 131-\\n135; his commiflion from Gov. Dud-\\nley, 136 raifes volunteers, 137 in\\nthis incurs heavy expenfe, not re-im-\\nburfed, 138; requefts permiflion to\\nattack Port Royal in Acadia, 139; is\\ndenied, 140, 141 his inftrutSlions from\\nGov. Dudley, 141-145 proceeds on\\nthe expedition, 146; takes prifoners\\nand obtains information from them,\\n147-149; takes Caftin s daughter at\\nPenobfcot, 150; fcours the coaft as\\nfar as Paflamaquoddy, 150, 151 writes\\nto Dudley a hiftory of his proceedings,\\n151-159; hisa6tions at PalTamaquod-\\ndy, 152 is greatly difpleafed with a\\nparty of his own foldiers, and why,\\n156; a bufy night, 157; embarks for\\nLes Mines, 162 demands the fur-\\nrender of that town, 163 the docu-\\nment inferted, 163-165 takes pof-\\nfeffion of the town, 166; makes a\\ntemperance movement, 167 burns\\nthe town, 16S takes many prifoners.\\n169; fends a threatening meffage to\\nPort Royal and Qiiebec, with good\\nrefults, 170; his conference with the\\nprifoners taken at Mines, 171; tells\\nthem of Deerfield, and threatens re-\\ntaliation, 172; the prifoners greatly\\nfrightened, ibid. he fails for Port\\nRoyal, 173 a council of war dilfuade\\nfrom an attack on that place, 175 the\\ndocument given, ibid.; takes polTeflion\\nof Chigne6lo, or Beau Bafin, after a\\nfkirmilh, 176; returns to Pafi ama-\\nquoddy, ibid. receives information\\nthat the Indians had gone to Nor-\\nridgewock, 177 fails to Mount Defert,\\n1 78; to Cafco, and returns to Boft:on,\\niSo receives thanks, but no pay, x8o,\\niSi. See Chronological Table, at\\nthe clofe of the volume.\\nChurch, Caleb, of Watertown, brother\\nof Benjamin, 68; notice of him, ibid,\\nnote; his children, ibid.; Conrtant,\\ncaptain in the Fifth Eaftern Expedi-\\ntion, 139, 146, 175; Edward, captain\\nin the fame expedition, 139, 167, 175.\\nClark, Thaddeus, of Falmouth, 25 note,\\n29 vote killed by Indians, ibid. his\\nfamily, ibid. Walter, governor of\\nRhode Illand. notices of him, 5 tiote\\nhis family, ibid. Ifaac, ibid. Wil-\\nliam, captain, notice of him, 140\\nfiote.\\nCobbet, Rev. Thomas, of Ipfwich, xiii.\\nCole, James, captain in the Fifth Eaft-\\nern Expedition, 139, 153, 175.\\nCollins, Rev. Nathaniel, of Middletown,\\nXV.\\nConnedlicut, towns fettled therein, in\\n1675, X.\\nConverfe, Capt. James, of Woburn,\\nwith Church, 60 notices of him, ibid.\\nnote; comes to Bofton with Church,\\n66 deftitute of money, 67.\\n196", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nCook, John, captain in Church s Fifth\\nEaftern Expedition, 139, 146, 167, 175.\\nCooke, Dr. Eliflia, 15 tiote.\\nCotton, Rev. John, of Plymouth, xiii.\\nRev. Seaborn, of Hampton, xiii.\\nCufhing, John, of Scituate, 40 note.\\nCutt, Richard, 76 note John, So note.\\nD.\\nDane, Rev. Francis, of Andover, xiv.\\nDanforth, Rev. Samuel, of Roxbury,\\nxiii. Thomas, prefident of Maine,\\nhis commiffion to Church, 8 notices\\nof him, 9 note.\\nDaniel, Cajit., leader of an Indian com-\\npany, 7 note.\\nDavis, Ambrofe, 2 )note Silvanus, no-\\ntices of, 14 Jiote; his refidence, 18 fiote\\nprefent at a council of war, 29 note.\\nDeerfield deftroyed by the Indians, 12S,\\n129; this moves Church to undertake\\nhis Fifth Eaftern Expedition, 130; he\\nthreatens the French with limilar\\ntreatment, 164, 170.\\nDeering, James, 21 note.\\nDo7tey, half Frenchman, half Indian,\\n51 note, 57 note.\\nDrake, Abraham, 21 note.\\nDudley, Jofeph, governor of Maffachu-\\nfetts, his commiffion to Church, 136;\\nnotices of him, ibid, note his family,\\nibid. his inftruiflions to Church, 141-\\n145-\\nDummer, Rev. Shubael, of York, xv.\\nDyer, John, captain in Church s Fifth\\nExpedition, 139, 175.\\nE.\\nEafton, John, his account of a con-\\nference between Philip and the Eng-\\nlifh, xxviii.\\nEaton, Daniel, 37 note.\\nEbens [Evans], Edward, 27 note.\\nEddy, Edee, fergeant, 160.\\nEliot, Rev. John, of Roxbury, xiii. xvii.\\nRev. Jofeph, of Guilford, xiv.\\nElliot, Robert, of Scarborough, 80 iiote.\\nElkins, Henry, 17 jiote.\\nEmerfon, Rev. John, of Gloucefter, xiv.\\nRev. Jofeph, of Mendon, xv.\\nEftabrook, Rev. Joseph, of Concord, xiii.\\nExpedition, Firft, 16.\\nSecond, 37.\\nThird, 82.\\nFourth, 93.\\nFifth, 128.\\nF.\\nFellows, William, 145.\\nFernald, William, of Kittery, furgeon,\\n80 note.\\nFinney, Jeremiah, of Briftol, R.I., 70\\nnote Jofiah, ibid.\\nFifke, Rev. John, of Chelmsford, xv.\\nRev. Mofes, of Qiiincy, xiv.\\nFitch, Rev. James, of Norwich, xv.\\nFlint, Rev. Jofiah, of Dorchefter, xiii.\\nFobes, William, 85.\\nFoxwell, Philip, 29 /g; Richard, \u00c2\u00ab^/r/.\\nFreeman, John, of Eaftham, 40 note.\\nFreeze, James, mortally wounded, 27\\nnote.\\nFrontenac, Count, his expedition against\\nthe Maquas or Iroquois, 104 note.\\nFroft, Charles, Major, notice of, 77 note.\\nFryer, Nathaniel, of Portfmouth, N.H.,\\n76 note.\\nr\\nG.\\nGallifon, ElilTia, 29 note.\\nGedney, Col. Bartholemew, commands\\na force at York, 99; notices of him,\\nibid, note John, ibid.\\n197", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nGendall, Walter, 17 7ioie.\\nGlover, Rev. Pelatiah, of Springfield,\\nxiii.\\nGoodwin, Ozias, 16 note.\\nGorham, Capt. John, fecond in com-\\nmand under Church in his Fourth\\nExpedition, 97; notice of him, ibid,\\ntiote is fent hy Church to Winter\\nHarbor [Saco], 100; fecond in com-\\nmand under Church in his Fifth Ex-\\npedition, 138, 152, 162, 165, 173, 175.\\nGourdon, or Gourdan, a Frenchman,\\n148, i53 155-\\nGreen, Samuel, dies of fmall-pox, 32\\nnote.\\nGjles, John, fent with a flag of truce to\\ndemand the furrender of Les Mines\\nin Nova Scotia, 163, 203.\\nH.\\nHale, Rev. John, of Beverly, xv.\\nHall, Nathaniel, 10 note, 12, 27, 2g}iotc,\\n30 note.\\nHanford, Rev. Thomas, of Noi-walk,\\nXV.\\nHaraden, John, of Gloucefter, 145 note,\\n175; Edw^ard, ibid.\\nHathorne, Col. John, fuperfedes Church\\nin the com.mand of the Fourth Eaftern\\nExpedition, 123, 124.\\nHarvkins, John, an Indian. See Katt-\\nkaniagus.\\nHajnes, Rev. Jofeph, of Hartford, xiii.\\nXV.\\nHeard, Ann, of Cochecho [Dover], 54\\nnote.\\nHigginfon, Rev. John, of Salem, xiii.\\nHill, John, 30 note.\\nHilton, Edward, 146; Winthrop, major\\nin Church s Fifth Eaftern Expedition,\\n146, 153. 162, 165, 173, 175.\\n1 98\\nHinckley, Thomas, governor of Ply-\\nmouth Colony, 6 notices of, ibid,\\nnote, 40 note.\\nHobart, Rev. Jeremiah, of Topsfield,\\nxiv. Rev. Nehemiah, of Newton, xv.\\nRev. Peter, of Hingham, xiii.\\nHolmes, Rev. John, of Duxbury, xiii.\\nHomes, David, killed, 27 note.\\nHooke, Francis, of Kittery, 80 notices\\nof, ibid., note.\\nHooker, Rev. Samuel, of P^armington,\\nXV.\\nHuckins, James, of Oyfter River [now\\nDurham, N.H.], 54 7iote Robert,\\nibid. his wife intercedes for an In-\\ndian captive, 54.\\nHunniwell, Richard, 30 note, 58 note\\nnotices of, 77 note the Indian kill-\\ner, ibid,; with Church at St. John,\\n120.\\nIberville, Lemoine d a fkilful naval\\ncommander, his name ftrangely me-\\ntamorphofed by Church, 105 founds\\na colony on the Mifliffippi, ibid.\\n7iote.\\nIndians, their numbers in 1675, x. In-\\ndians, Praying, their numbers in 1675,\\nxvi. improved condition of the In-\\ndians, xix. caufes of the Indian war,\\nxxxi. Indians accompany Church in\\nhis expedition, 20; Indians attack\\nChurch at Cafco, 22 are repulfed,\\n26; take the fort at Pejepfcot Falls\\n[Brunfwick], 39; evacuate it, 50; are\\nput to flight at Saco, 57 and at Pur-\\npooduck, 63 kill feveral prifoners,\\n64; a(k for peace, 74; their treacher-\\nous condu(5l, 79 attacked by Church,\\nand their fort at Taconick [Winllow]\\nburned, 91, 106; fome are flain by", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nChurch s foldiers on the Penobfcot,\\n103 Indian barbarities at Deerfield,\\n12S, 129.\\nIngeribll, George, 29 note.\\nInventory and equipments of a French\\nfort, 117 note.\\nJacob, Richard, 10 note.\\nJacobs, Nicholas, of Hingham, 72 note.\\nJones, Rev. Eliphalet, of Stamford, xiv.\\nJordan, Dominicus, 28 note, 57 note;\\nRev. Robert, 28 note.\\nJofe, Richard, 17 7iote.\\nK.\\nKankamagits, or John I/axvkins, a\\nfachem of Pennacook, 53 note, 64.\\nKeith, Rev. James, of Bridgewater, xv.\\nLafaure. See Lefevre.\\nLamb, Jolhua, captain in Churcli s Fifth\\nExpedition, 139, 175.\\nLane, Edward, fon of Edward, of Bof-\\nton, 2 note\\\\ his name changed to\\nPaige, ibid.\\nLarkin, captain with Church at St.\\nJohn, 120.\\nLathrop, or Lotlirop, John, of Barnfta-\\nble, 41 his family, ibid, note Joieph,\\nof Barnftable, notice of, 73 7iote his\\nfamily, ibid.\\nLawrence, Robert, 29 note, 30 note.\\nLee, Abram, 17 iiote Efther, his wife,\\ngives information concerning In-\\ndians, 19; Samuel, minifter of Brif-\\ntol, R.-I., his hiftory, 70 note.\\nLefevre, Lafebure, or Lafaure, a prifoner\\nto Church in his Fifth Expedition, 147.\\nLiglitfoot, a friend!} Indian captain, 22.\\nLittle, Ifaac, of Marlbfield, 40 note.\\nLittlefield, John, fon of Edmund of\\nWells, 73 note.\\nLoffes fuflained by the colonics in\\nPhilip s War, xxxi.\\nLoyall, Fort, in Falmouth, 17 note.\\nM.\\nMaine, progrefs of colonization in, in\\n1675, ix.\\nMaflipee Indians furniflied foldiers in\\nChurch s expeditions, and in the\\nRevolutionary War, 20 note.\\nMartin, or Martj n, Richard, notice of,\\n80 note.\\nMafon, Samuel, notice of, 15 note;\\nJohn, killed, 27 note.\\nMalTachufetts, progrefs of colonization\\ntherein, in 1675, ix.\\nMaffachuletts Indians, number in 1675,\\nX.\\nMather, Rev. Increafe, of Bofton, xiv.\\nMaxwell, James, notice of, 39 note.\\nMayflower company, furvivors in 1675,\\nxi.\\nMayhew, Rev. John, of Tifbury, xv;\\nExperience, 7 7iote.\\nMitton, Michael, 21 note, 25 note, 64 note.\\nMoody, Rev. Jolhua, of Portfmouth, xv.\\nMyrick, or Mirick, Ifaac, captain in\\nChurch s Fifth Eaftern Expedition,\\n139 ^il^ 175-\\nN.\\nNarraganfetts, their number in 1675, x.\\nNew England, its condition in 1675, ix.\\nxvii.; loffes by Pliilip s War, xxxi.\\n199", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nNew Hampfliire, progrefs of coloniza-\\ntion in, in 1675, ix.\\nNewman, Rev. Noah, of Rehoboth, xiv.\\nNewton, Rev. Roger, of Milford, xiv.\\nNipmuk Indians, number in 1675, x.\\nNiimfias, a friendly Indian in Church s\\nFirft Expedition, 7 note^ 20 note-, 27,\\n37 note.\\nO.\\nOakes, Rev. Urian, of Cambridsre, xiii.\\nP.\\nPaige, Nicholas, of Bofton, meets Col.\\nChurch in Braintree, 2; his hiftory,\\nibid. note.\\nPaine, John, no.\\nPalmer, Mr., of Cafco, wounded, 27\\nnote; John, 29 72ote.\\nPalfgrave, John, 81 note.\\nParker, Rev. Thomas, of Newbury, xiii.\\nPautucket Indians, number in 1675, x.\\nPemaquid, extent of application of the\\nword, 85 7iote Church, as fecond in\\ncommand to Gov. Pliips, arrives\\nthere, 85 defcription of the fort built\\nthere by Phips [Fort William Henry],\\n86 note the fort taken by the enemy\\nfour years after, 98.\\nPepperell, William, notice of, 143 note.\\nPequots, their numbers in 1675, x.\\nPerkins, Rev. William, of Topsfield,\\nxiv.\\nPhilif, or Pontctacom, the Indian chief,\\naccufed of plotting againft the Eng-\\nlifh, xxiii. goes to Plymouth, xxiv.\\nmifconceptions of his charadter and\\nplans, XXV. had not been ill-treated\\nby the Englifh, ibid. extravagantly\\noverrated, xxvi. Dr. Palfrey s ac-\\ncount of him more juft, ibid.; no\\nproof of any extenfive plot of his,\\nibid. reported conference between\\nhim and the Englifh, xxviii.\\nPhillips, Rev. Samuel, of Rowley, xiv.\\nPhips, Sir William, his eventful hiftory,\\n82 note invites Church to accompany\\nhim on his Eaftern Expedition, 83;\\ngives him a commiffion, ibid. con-\\nftruc5ts a ftrong fort at Pemaquid\\n[Fort William Henry], 86 note; re-\\nturns to Bofton, 91 his wife figns a\\ndifcharge for a lady accufed of witch-\\ncraft, ibid. note.\\nPike, Robert, Major, of Salifbury, raifes\\nfoldiers for Church, 48; his inftruc-\\ntions to Church, 4S-50 notice of him,\\n48 note letter of Church to him, re-\\nfpedting reports circulated to Church s\\ndifadvantage, 77.\\nPitkin, William, account of, 15 note,\\n49 note.\\nPlaifted, Ichabod, (y(\\nPlymouth Colony, its flow progrefs in\\nwealth and population, xviii. pays\\nthe debt incurred in Philip s War,\\nxxxi. engages in the war with the\\nEaftern Indians, 6 its commifllon\\nto Church, 6, 42 fchedule of the\\nnumber of foldiers required of each\\ntown in 1689, note; a fimilar\\nfchedule in 1690, 43 note; debt in-\\ncurred by the Colony for the Eaftern\\nwar, ibid.\\nPokanokets, number in 1675, x.\\nPollard, William, an inn-keeper in Bof-\\nton, 38 note.\\nPortfmouth, Church arrives there, 47\\nfmall-pox there, 65 Church there\\nagain, ibid. its name changed from\\nStrawberry Bank, 66 note.\\nPrince, Samuel, 7 note.\\nProut, Timothy, 31 note.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nR.\\nRamfdell, Jofeph, of Lynn, flain by\\nIndians, 63 note.\\nRejner, Rev. John, of Dover, xiii.\\nRhode Idand, progrefs of colonization\\nin 1675, X. its condition at that time,\\nxvii.\\nRogers, George, 145, 146, 175.\\nRow, Giles, killed, 27 note.\\nRowlandlbn, Rev. Jofeph, of Lancafter,\\nXV.\\nRuffell, Rev. John, of Hadley, xv.\\nS.\\nSaffin, John, 15 note.\\nSajfamon, difclofes Philip s plot againft\\nthe Englilh, xxiii. murdered, xxiv.\\nScammon, Richard, 17 note; Anne,\\nibid. Humphrey, of Saco, 57 note.\\nScottow, Jofaua, 2^ note; Thomas, ibid.;\\nnotices of him, 31 note, 36.\\nSewall, Samuel, notices of him, 38 note.\\nSharkee, or Chartier, 148, 157, 158, 159,\\n160, 161.\\nShepard, Rev. Thomas, of Charleftown,\\nxiii.\\nSherman, Rev. John, of Watertown,\\nxiii.\\nShove, Rev. George, of Taunton, xiii.\\nSmall-pox in Bofton, 32, 37; in Portf-\\nmouth, 65; on board .of fome of\\nChurch s tranfports, ibid.; fome of\\nhis men feek to deceive him in re-\\ngard to it, ibid.\\nSmith, Kev. John, of Sandwich, xiii.;\\nThomas, commander of the frigate\\nJerfey, 145, 146, 175.\\nSouthack, Cyprian, commander of the\\nProvince galley, 123 note, 143, 162,\\n175-\\n26 201\\nSouthworth, William, a lieutenant in\\nChurch s Firft Expedition, 27 ac-\\ncount of him, ibid, note; cholen by\\nthe Indians their captain, 37 note.\\nSparrow, Jonathan, of Eaftham, jpnote.\\nSprague, William, of Hingham, 68 note.\\nSpurwink, where, 28 note.\\nStoddard, Rev. Solomon, of North-\\nampton, XV.\\nStory, Jofeph, 73, 76.\\nStoughton, William, Lieut. Gov., his\\ncommiffion to Church, 94; notice of\\nhim, ibid, note his letter to Church,\\ntransferring the command to Col.\\nHathorne, 123, 124.\\nStreet, Rev. Nicholas, of New Haven,\\nxiv.\\nSwain, Jeremiah, notice of, 13 note.\\nSwarton, John, from the ifland of Jer-\\nfey, 23 killed by Indians at Cafco,\\nibid, note Hannah, taken by Indians,\\nibid.; Jolhua and Joanna, ibid.; Mary,\\nibid.\\nT.\\nThacher, Rev. Thomas, of Bofton, xv.\\nJohn, of Yarmouth, 40 note.\\nThaxter, Thomas, 27 note.\\nThomas, Nathaniel, notices of, 72 note\\nhis family, ibid.\\nThorpe, Robert, of York. 107 7iote.\\nTolman, Peter, of Newport, 68 note.\\nTorrey, Rev. Samuel, of Weymoutli,\\nxiii.\\nTrading -houfes, or truck- houfes.\\nChurch s opinion of them, 134.\\nTreat, Rev. Samuel, of Eaftham, xiv.\\nTyng, Edward, 25 note, 136 note.\\nV.\\nVaughan, William, of Portfmouth, N.\\nH., jS note his family, ibid.; he and", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nothers apply to Church for help\\nagainft the Indians, 79; George, 81\\nnote.\\nVillebon, Chevalier, 1x4 note.\\nW.\\nWakeman, Rev. Samuel, of Fairfield,\\nxiv.\\nWaldron, or Walderne, Major Richard,\\n17 note; his children, ibid.; Efther,\\nhis daughter, a captive to the Indians,\\nibid.\\nWalker, Rev. Zechariah, of Woodburj,\\nXV.\\nWallej, Major John, 10 note, 15 note,\\n37, 40 note is defired by Gov. Phips\\nto fpeak to Church about going again\\nto Maine, 83 Rev. Thomas, of Barn-\\nftable, xiv. 42 note.\\nWalton, Shadrach, colonel and judge,\\n51 note; his family, ibid.; George,\\nibid. Benjamin, ibid.\\nWard, Rev. John, of Haverhill, xiv.\\nWaterhoufe, Richard, 81 7iote.\\nWells, Rev. Thomas, of Amefbury, xv.\\nWhale-boats, much ufed in Church s\\nFifth Expedition, 131, 139, 147, 150,\\n151, 159, 169, 171, 177; explanation\\nof their fpecial value in fuch an affair,\\n171 7iote.\\nWheelwright, Rev. John, of Salifbury,\\nxiv.; John, Efquire, of Wells, 73 note,\\n75 letter addrelTed to him by Church,\\n69-76.\\nWhiting, Rev. Samuel, of Lynn, xiii.\\nRev. Samuel, of Billerica, xv.\\nWhitman, Rev. Zechariah, of Hull, xiv.\\nWigglefworth, Rev. Michael, of Maiden,\\nibid.\\nWillard, Rev. Samuel, xv. Simon,\\nnotices of, 10 note, 29 jtote.\\nWilliam Henry, fort at Pemaquid, de-\\nfcribed, 86 note taken by the French\\nand Indians, 98 note.\\nWilliams, Eunice, wife of Rev. John,\\nof Deerfield, flain by Inditins, 12S.\\nWilliamfon, Capt. Caleb, 139, 175;\\nnotice of, 139.\\nWilfon, Rev. John, of Medfield, xiv.\\nWincol, John, of Kittery, 80 note.\\nWinflow, Jofiah, brings Alexander, the\\nIndian fachem, to Plymouth, xxi.\\nWinter, John, notice of, 56 note.\\nWinter Harbor, 56 7tote.\\nWitchcraft delufion, 91 note.\\nWitherell, Rev. William, of Scituate,\\nxiv.\\nWithington, Mary, 9 7tote.\\nWoodbridge, Rev. Benjamin, of Wind-\\nfor, XV.; Vioxo^hy ,l(y 7iote Rev. John,\\nof Killingworth, xv.\\nWoodman, John, of Little Compton,\\n84.\\nWoro7iibos, an Indian fachem, 53, 64.\\nY.\\nYork, Jofeph, pilots Church up the\\nPenobfcot, 102, 105, 106.", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "NOTE.\\nMy attention has been kindly called, by the Rev. J. A. Vinton,\\nwho has prepared the foregoing Index, to sundry statements in note\\n323 (p. 163), concerning the Gyleses, father and son, which he conceives\\nto be inaccurate. Those statements were made upon the testimony of\\nSewall, who expressly refers, in regard to some of them, to an incom-\\nplete MSS. narrative of the Rev. Mr. Vinton, of the date of 1853, and\\nwho was therefore supposed to have, in this case, special authority.\\nIn order to place the reader in possession of all the facts, however,\\nI gladly append here the following, prepared by Mr. Vinton, con-\\ntaining facts subsequently brought to light, which note, if it had not\\nbeen too late, would have been substituted for the note referred to.\\nH. M. D.\\nJohn Gyles (p. 163 antc^, born in what is now the town of Topsham, Me., about\\nthe year 167S, was son of Thomas Gyles (who, after a residence of some years on\\nMerrymeeting Bay, where the Androscoggin joins the Kennebec, went to England\\nto attend to some family matters, then returned to New England, and purchased\\na large farm at Pemaquid, where he was Chief-Justice, under the ducal govern-\\nment, of the County of Cornwall, and was killed by the Indians, Aug. 2, 1689)\\nwas carried off by the Indians, after his father s death, to their savage haunts on\\nthe upper waters of the river St. John, in the present province of New Brunswick.\\nAfter severe sufferings among them during six years, he was purchased by a French\\ngentleman residing on that river, who treated him kindly, and who, three years\\nafterward, permitted him to return to his friends at Boston. He served the Gov-\\nernment of Massachusetts thirty-eight years, with some interruptions, as inter-\\npreter in their transactions with the Indians, and as commander of several mili-\\ntary posts on the frontiers was a man of great courage, and of stern, unbending\\nintegrity; retired from the military service in 1737, and took up his residence in\\nRoxbury, near Boston, where he died in 1755, aged 77. In 1736, he printed a\\nnarrative of his adventures, which is still extant. [Vinton s Giles Memorial,\\npp. 103-111, 122-129.]\\n203", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "t 907", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n014 043 253 2", "height": "3082", "width": "2149", "jp2-path": "historyofeastern01chur_0254.jp2"}}