{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3809", "width": "2309", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "v-^-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^.,x^^^\\n3\\n^.^m^?^\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0s^\\n\\\\0 o^\\n.0 o^\\nc^^\\nf? 5\\\\\\nN\\n.x^^\\n^^m^\\n-y\\nAV^ cO^\\nc^\\nv-^^\\n:^i^/,/\\n,0 0,\\nI V\\nV\\nvOo.\\nA", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "^^^0^-\\n1:\\nV, .V\\n^i.-\\nA^^\\nV\\nx^\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2%i.\\nxOq.\\n0^", "height": "3570", "width": "2226", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "A HISTORY\\nOF\\nDARTMOUTH COLLEGE\\n1816-1909\\nBY\\nJOHN KING LORD\\nBeing the second volume of A History of Dartmouth\\nCollege and the Town of Hanover, New Hampshire,\\nbegun by Frederick Chase\\nCONCORD, N. H.\\nTHE RUMFORD PRESS\\n1913", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "Vol. 2.\\nCopyright igij,\\nBy John King Lord.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nnpHE first volume of the History of Dartmouth\\nCollege and the Town of Hanover, by Fred-\\nerick Chase, appeared more than twenty years ago. The\\nsecond volume, carrying on the history of the College\\nbut not of the Town, owes much to him. He had not\\nonly outlined the plan of work, but had examined carefully\\na good part of the ground which it covers, and he had\\nwritten something of it. A considerable part of Chapter\\nX on the College Controversy, was thus prepared by him,\\nand also a considerable part of the special topics with\\nwhich the volume concludes.\\nIn completing the work thus begun I wish to acknowl-\\nedge to the fullest degree my obligations to Mr. Chase.\\nIn following out the lines suggested by his memoranda\\nI have been profoundly impressed with the keenness and\\nthoroughness of his investigations. I have thoroughly\\nexamined the statements of his notes, as far as they de-\\npended on documents, and in no case have I found them\\nincorrect. In a few cases I have allowed statements to\\npass, which I could not confirm, but which I knew came\\nto him through oral testimony that was closed to me by\\ndeath.\\nBut while I gladly associate the name of Frederick\\nChase with mine in the preparation of this volume, for\\nthe years that have passed since his death have given me\\nan increased sense of the richness of his friendship and\\nthe value of his work, I do not lay upon him the responsi-\\nbility for any part of the volume, except the parts which\\nI have said that he wrote, and these I have gone over\\nwith as much care as if they were my own.\\nAll the letters and documents quoted in the volume are\\nin the possession of the College unless a different owner-\\nship is indicated.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "iv Preface.\\nIn the discussion of the special topics there is some\\nrepetition of statements made in the body of the work,\\nsince some statements were necessary in the continuous\\nnarrative, which were also essential in the fuller discussion\\nof the individual topic. Some of these topics while not\\nimmediately belonging to the life of the College, are given\\na place because they describe the conditions under which\\nit was carried on.\\nI wish to express my thanks to the many members of\\nthe alumni and to others who have answered my letters\\nof inquiry, and have filled out by their memory the lack\\nof written records. I can but hope that coming genera-\\ntions of those having to do with the College will be more\\nsuccessful in preserving documents that have to do with\\nits history than many of those having such charge have\\nbeen in the past.\\nI wish also to express my thanks to my wife, who has,\\nwith painstaking care, entirely prepared the manuscript\\nof the volume for the press.\\nJohn K. Lord.\\nDartmouth College, June, 1913.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nTHE COLLEGE CHURCH AND THE CAUSES LEADING UP TO THE\\nGREAT CONTROVERSY.\\nThe Accession of John Wheelock to the Presidency and His Re-\\nlation to the Board. The College Church and Its Pastors. The\\nMeeting House and Controversy over Its Use. Election of Roswell\\nShurtleff as Professor of Divinity and His Call to be Pastor of the\\nCollege Church. Opposition of President Wheelock, and Resulting\\nDisagreement between the Branches of the Church in Hanover\\nand Dothan. Ecclesiastical Councils and Organization of New\\nChurch. Further Difficulties and Attempt of Wheelock to Enlist\\nthe Trustees I\\nCHAPTER X.\\nTHE COLLEGE AND THE UNIVERSITY; THE COLLEGE CASE,\\n1815-1820.\\nThe Board of Trust. Wheelock Appeals to the Legislature.\\nCommittee of Investigation Appointed. Removal of Wheelock\\nfrom the Presidency, Vindication of the Trustees. Change\\nin Political Parties and Passing of an Act Altering the Charter of\\nthe College. Refusal of the Trustees to Accept the Amended\\nCharter. Failure of the University Boards to Organize. Secre-\\ntary of Board Adheres to University. Trustees Bring Suit for Their\\nRecords. University Act Amended and Penalties Denounced\\nagainst College Officers and They Are Removed by University\\nBoard. Wheelock Elected President of University. His Death.\\nWilliam Allen His Successor. Decision in the College Case\\nin State Courts Adverse to College. Appeal to Washington.\\nThe Argument and Decision. Final Action in Circuit Court.\\nCollapse of University. Its Finances 62\\nCHAPTER XL\\nTHE COLLEGE UNDER PRESIDENTS DANA AND TYLER,\\nI 820-1 828.\\nFinances of the College. Movements in Opposition. Death\\nof President Brown. Changes in the Faculty and Election of Rev.\\nDaniel Dana as President. Failure of His Health and Succession\\nof Rev. Bennet Tyler. Internal Affairs of the College. 175", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "vi Contents.\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nTHE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT LORD, 1828-1863.\\nNew Buildings. Moor s School and Wheelock Lands.\\nChanges in the Board and the Faculty and in Methods of Adminis-\\ntration. The College Pulpit. The Anti-slavery Movement.\\nProfessor Hale. Reed Hall. Advance and Decline in Numbers.\\nSubscription, and Gift of Mr. Appleton. Temperance.\\nDisturbances. Dr. Shattuclc s Gift and the Observatory.\\nOpening of the Chandler School. Eulogy on Webster. The\\nCivil War and Its Effect on the College. Pro-slavery Views of\\nPresident Lord. His Resignation 218\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nTHE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT SMITH, 1863-1877.\\nChanges in College Methods and Officers. The Gymnasium.\\nThe Agricultural College and Mr. Culver s Gift. The Thayer\\nSchool. The Centennial. Discipline. The Beginning of Ath-\\nletics. Alumni Representation. Improvements in the Buildings.\\nUnion of the Libraries. Admission by Certificate. Finances.\\nResignation of President Smith 334\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\nTHE COLLEGE UNDER PRESIDENT BARTLETT, 1877-1892.\\nNew Endowments. A New Chapel and a New Library.\\nControversy Connected with the Chandler School. The Latin-\\nScientific Course. Electives and Honors. Death of Professors\\nBrown, Noyes and Sanborn. Fires. The Inn and the Chris-\\ntian Association Building. Removal of the Agricultural College.\\nThe Second Movement for Alumni Representation 413\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nTHE COLLEGE UNDER PRESIDENT TUCKER, 1893-1909.\\nCondition of the College and Principles of the New Administra-\\ntion. Extension and Consolidation. Close Union of the Chandler\\nSchool with the College. Alumni Athletic Field. Gifts and\\nBequests. Enlargement of the Plant. Burning and Rebuild-\\ning of Dartmouth Hall. The Tuck School. Measures of\\nScholarship and Administration. Summary of the Progress of\\nthe College 472", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "Contents. vii\\nSPECIAL TOPICS.\\n1. The Library 508\\n2. The Literary Societies and the Fraternities 515\\n3. The Phi Beta Kappa Society 539\\n4. The Northern Academy 548\\n5. The Handel Society 552\\n6. Religious Societies 560\\n7. Commencements 571\\n8. Term Bills and Fees 585\\n9. College Laws 589\\n10. The Catalogue 596\\n11. The Museum and Cabinet 601\\n12. The Philosophical Apparatus 607\\n13. The College Bell 611\\n14. Mails, and Means and Routes of Travel 614\\n15. The River; Dams, Locks and Bridges 627\\n16. Railroads 663\\nAPPENDIX.\\nAppendix A. President Wheelock s Memorial 671\\nB. Remonstrance of the Trustees 675\\nC. Catalogue of the University 682\\nD. Action of the Trustees Refusing to Accept a Change in\\nthe Charter 687\\nE. Remonstrance of the University Trustees 695\\nF. Contract Between Dartmouth College and the Agri-\\ncultural College 697\\nG. Circular of R. Graves 700", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS.\\nPORTRAITS.\\nFACING\\nPAGE\\nJohn Wheelock Frontispiece\\nRoswell Shurtleff l6\\nFrancis Brown 62\\nThomas W. Thompson 73\\nNathan Smith 106\\nWilliam Allen 115\\nThe College Counsel 139\\nDaniel Dana 175\\nBennet Tyler 198\\nNathan Lord 218\\nCharles Marsh 290\\nDaniel Webster 304\\nAsa D. Smith 334\\nSamuel C. Bartlett 413\\nWilliam J. Tucker 472\\nMills Olcott 632\\nVIEWS, ETC.\\nMedical Building, 1812 184\\nCollege Yard, 1829-1840 224\\nThe College, 1852 284\\nThe Village, 1855 286\\nCommencement Tent, 1869 364\\nHotel in 1826 445\\nHotel in 1866 445\\nCollege in 1910 494\\nCollege in 1790 508\\nSociety Medal* 521\\nViews of the River 640", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "HISTORY\\nOF\\nDARTxMOUTH COLLEGE.\\nCHAPTER IX.\\n1795-1814.\\nTHE COLLEGE CHURCH AND THE CAUSES LEADING UP TO THE GREAT\\nCOLLEGE CONTROVERSY.\\nTHE close of the presidency of the second Wheelock was\\nmade memorable by a controversy which imperilled the\\nexistence of the College, bringing it to the verge of ruin, and\\nleft behind it alienations and bitterness that had efifect for half\\na century. It involved the State as well as the College, entering\\nas a large factor into the contests of political parties, and in\\nthe attempt to supplant the College by a University raising\\nquestions of law in whose discussion the ablest lawyers of the\\nState and the Nation took part. The origin of the contest is\\nas obscure as the outbreak was unexpected, yet it can be traced\\nto the character of President John Wheelock, to his stubborn\\nwill and his determination to have his way at all hazards.\\nThe charter gave to the first President of the College the\\nright to appoint his successor in office until such appointment\\nshould be disapproved by the Trustees.^ The first choice of\\nPresident Wheelock was his son, Ralph, and his second choice\\nwas his stepson, the Rev. John Maltby, but the former was\\nincapacitated by ill health and the latter died in 1771. The\\nPresident, therefore, named in his will as his successor his second\\nson, John Wheelock, who at the death of his father was a young\\nman of twenty-five, eight years out of college, and a lieutenant-\\ncolonel in the Continental army. He had no training, especially\\nin divinity, then regarded as essential for the presidency of a\\nVol. I, p. 563.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "2 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\ncollege, and neither he nor the Trustees acted hastily in accepting\\nor confirming the appointment. Yet the Trustees were the\\nmore ready of the two. The situation was a very difficult one.\\nThe College was in serious financial straits, its funds were almost\\nwholly in uncultivated and unsalable lands, it was much in\\ndebt, and in the critical condition of the times it had few friends\\nwho were able to give it any financial support. It had been\\nconsidered and administered by the first President as a family\\ninstitution and as such he devised it to his son. He regarded\\nthe Trustees, and they regarded themselves, as only the\\nmachinery for putting into public activity his personal\\nplans. Naturally they did not take the initiative, and seldom\\ninterposed any objection to the carrying out of his wishes, and\\nif they did he proceeded, as in the case of Mr. Sherburn, to\\nsecure their retirement.^ At his death they had no desire\\nto assume the active responsibility of administering a college,\\nwhose affairs were so involved and of whose future some of them\\nat least were very doubtful. To pass over his first choice and\\ntake his second or third would have been an independent exer-\\ncise of judgment that might have called for a new policy, and\\nfor this the Trustees were not ready, and in fact did not desire it.\\nApart from the unwillingness of the Trustees to assume a\\nlarger and more responsible part in the administration of the\\nCollege there were good reasons why the first nomination of\\nthe will should be approved. John Wheelock was indeed young\\nand without the training expected in a college president, but\\nhis very youth, if accompanied by discretion, good judgment\\nand energy, was in his favor, and his father s choice of him\\nindicated a confidence on these points that was in itself a powerful\\nrecommendation, and if his qualifications were uncertain, it\\nmight be hoped that they would develope favorably in the\\nwork of administration. A stranger could not have the same\\ninterest in the College as a member of the first President s own\\nfamily, and, above all, a son would be zealous to foster an\\ninstitution with which his father s name and fame were insepa-\\nrably connected. To the interest that he would have in admin-\\nistering the College on his own account would be added that\\nof family pride in justifying his father s foresight and wisdom\\nand in bringing to successful operation the plans which he had\\nmade. The financial affairs, too, of the College were mixed\\nwith those of Dr. Wheelock, and difficulties beset them both.\\n1 Vol. I, p. 541-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "I795-I8I4-] College Church and Controversy. 3\\nDr. Wheelock had used money of his own for the College, and\\nthough in his will he gave to the College the amounts so advanced,\\nthus relieving the College of a debt that would have been an\\nunsupportable burden, yet it was on condition of an annuity\\nof \u00c2\u00a350, equivalent to 5 per cent on the principal, to his son,\\nRalph, and the Trustees felt under obligation to assume other\\nclaims for which Dr. Wheelock had made himself liable when\\nacting for the College.^ In view of these financial relations\\nit was desirable that the new head of the College should be one\\nwho supposably would find no antagonism between its interests\\nand those of Dr. Wheelock s estate.\\nFor these reasons the Trustees naturally, if not inevitably,\\nturned to John Wheelock, and in spite of his youth and inex-\\nperience first invited and then urged him to take the presidency\\nof the College, to which his father had nominated him. His\\nacceptance, somewhat slowly given, did not relieve them of\\nserious financial difficulties, but it did assure them of a con-\\ntinuance of the existing method of administration and of the\\ncommunity of interests between the College and the Wheelock\\nfamily.* The new president, apart from his age, had not the\\nauthority of his father, for his father was the founder of the\\nCollege, and the history of its first ten years was the history\\nof his personal trials, endeavors and success. With him had\\npassed the patriarchal administration, but the family element\\nstill remained. The elder Wheelock had specifically devised\\nto his successor all the rights, etc., which he had as founder,\\nVol. I. p. 567.\\n2 President Stiles in his diary under date of November 6, i779 wrote: Rev. Mr. McClure\\none of the Trustees in a Letter dated 24 Oct. writes me: The President s Chair at Dartm Coll.\\ncontinues vacant. The Person who was first in the List, declined giving an Answer or declaring\\nhis Acceptance. It is thot I believe by some of his Friends that he will not accept. The Choice\\nthen falls on Mr. Huntington, who I apprehend sustains a Character among the Friends of\\nLearning and Religion that will give Reput to that young sylvan Seat of the Muses, should the\\nCollege be so happy as to obtain him. Its funds for present Support are very inconsiderable.\\nThe times have affected the College and lessened the N\u00c2\u00b0 of Students. To keep it alive until\\ngood Providence gives us to see happier Days will perhaps be as much as can be done. VoL\\nII. 386.\\nAgain under date of November 26 he wrote:\\nI am informed that Col. John Wheelock aelat. 26, has accepted the Presidency of Dart-\\nmouth College. [He names the Trustees]. Of these Col. Atkinson and Dr. Pumroy\\nare clearly for Col. Wheelock. My Idea of the rest is, that they are all against him, and would\\nnegative him, and elect Mr. Huntington or some other Person, had they a present Support.\\nBut as his Father has left him his Dwellinghouse and a fine Estate, so that he can live with but\\nlittle subsistence from the College, I believe the Trustees will let him remain. It is said that\\nfrom great Gaiety he has become mighty grave, is studying Divinity, endeavors to ingratiate\\nhimself with the Scholars and to this end has erected a fence round the College and has painted\\nthe College Rooms at his own Expence. Vol. II, 392.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "4 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nand John Wheelock was not a man to give up anything that\\nhe claimed as his right or his property.\\nFor many years there was Httle change in the administration\\nof the College. The Trustees willingly left its affairs to the\\ndiscretion of the President, who, if he did not possess the\\nability of his father, was, as it appeared, truly devoted to its\\ninterests, and who could call the growth of the College to witness\\nthe success of his labors. They heartily supported him, and\\nwhile in their poverty they were frequently in arrears in the\\npayment of his salary, they voted him from time to time various\\nsums in recognition of his services and their indebtedness,\\nwhich he as often asked them to retain as a gift from him. On\\nSeptember 21, 1782, three years after he assumed the presidency,\\nduring which time he had received no salary, the Board voted\\nThat this Board esteem the finances of the College such as\\nwill not admit a compensation to the President, any way ade-\\nquate to his station and services, as we esteem $1,000 per annum\\nto be his just due; yet considering that his circumstances require\\nsomething to be advanced towards his support, the Board hereby\\norder $1,000 to be granted to him in part payment for his\\nservices for three years past. This resolution being communi-\\ncated to the President, he signified his intention not to accept\\nany pecuniary reward for his past services, yet he had the highest\\nsense of the liberality of the Board, and thereupon the Board\\nagain resolved, That this Board have a most grateful sense\\nof the liberality of the Hon. President of this University in the\\ngenerous donation of $3,000 due to him which he has this day\\nmade for the benefit of this Institution; and beg that their\\nthankful acknowledgments, for this and many other singular\\nfavors, may be acceptable to the President.\\nIt is probable that before passing the first vote the Board\\nknew that the President would not accept the sum granted\\nhim, and that the vote was intended only as a compliment,\\nfor the sum which was said to be the proper annual due of the\\nPresident was not only more than the combined salaries of the\\nthree professors, but exceeded the entire income of the College,\\nand it would have been impossible for the College to pay even\\nthe $1,000 which were granted. The generosity of the President\\nin making no claim for salary was a great service to the College\\nand deserved the gratitude of the Trustees, and there is no\\nreason to think, as was afterward charged, that he had at that\\ntime any sinister purpose, or acted from any motive except the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "1795-1814] College Church and Controversy. 5\\nwish to aid the College in the most effective way. It is hardly\\nfair to credit him with having then formed a far-reaching plan\\nfor bringing the Trustees under his control, by ensnaring them\\nwith favors on his part and with expressions of gratitude and\\nconfidence on theirs.\\nAs this vote of the Board made no provision for the future\\nsalary of the President, he continued for four years more without\\none, though in 1785 the Board voted him, without regard to\\nsalary, \u00c2\u00a360 for the support of his table the year past, a sum\\nmore than double the salary of a professor. Again in 1786\\n(September 22) the Trustees in consideration of the fact that\\nthe President had received no salary since he entered on office,\\nthat he had declined what was voted him in 1782, and that the\\ncollege finances were still infirm, granted to him two hundred\\npounds lawful money, salary per annum, from Commencement\\nA. D. 1782, to the present time, and for the year ensuing; and\\nhis said salary to rise, so fast as the finances of the College\\nwill admit, until it amount to three hundred pounds per annum.\\nIn response to this vote the President signified his desire\\nthat the Board accept of eight hundred pounds due to him\\nprovided that he shall die before he shall have made\\na particular arrangement for the application of said sum. In\\nthe case of his death the money was to be applied by the Trustees\\nas they shall think proper, as a permanent fund for some\\noffice of the College. The Trustees accepted the gift under\\nthe restrictions mentioned with their thanks to the President\\nfor his beneficent disposition towards this literary institution.\\nFrom 1786 \u00c2\u00a3200 became the stated salary of the President\\ntill 1795 when it was raised to \u00c2\u00a3233, and again in 1807 to $812,\\nand in addition to this he received $40 or $45 a year for expenses\\nincurred in entertaining at Commencement, till 1798 when the\\nsum was $70, and from 1790 for a number of years the sum of\\n$20 to $30 for his taxes. In 1789 the President, being under\\nfinancial embarrassments, asked of the Board the use of the\\neight hundred pounds previously given to them, and the Board\\nvoted to him the rents of 500 acres of land, but it does not\\nappear for how long the assignment was made. In the same year\\nthe President received the rents of 100 acres in Lebanon, in\\naddition to his salary and in 1796 he received 50 acres near\\nthe College in exchange for the same number in Lebanon. In\\n1795 there was a settlement of accounts between the Board\\nand the President by which it appeared that there was a balance", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "6 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. ix.\\ndue the President of \u00c2\u00a3477 125. ^d. In payment of this amount,\\nand in consideration of the fact that the President relinquished\\nall claim to more than the sum of \u00c2\u00a3200 per annum by virtue\\nof any previous vote, the Board conveyed to him the annual\\nrents which shall become due on about six hundred and twenty\\nacres of land in Hanover and Lebanon in the neighborhood\\nof Greensboro (so called), said rents amounting to the sum of\\n\u00c2\u00a356 75. od. per annum. For several years from 1797 $100\\na year were allowed the President in addition to his stated\\nsalary in view of the depreciation of the currency. By 1804,\\ntwenty-five years after Wheelock entered on the presidency,\\nhe had served the college seven years without a salary, making\\nan absolute gift of that due for three years and a conditional\\ngift of that for four years, afterward recalling the use of this\\ngift for several years. From 1786 he received a stated salary\\nfully as large as the finances of the College could afford and\\nproportionately larger than the salaries of the professors, together\\nwith other gifts as mentioned above, and at the end of his presi-\\ndency he was the possessor of over twelve hundred acres of land\\nthat had belonged to the College.\\nAs was said in the former volume^ President Wheelock had\\ncharge of the lands of the College in his capacity as financier\\ntill 1806, and no account was ever rendered of the disposal or\\nrenting of them so that it can not be exactly told how they were\\nmade serviceable to the College. The College was never free\\nfrom debt, which was especially heavy in consequence of the\\nbuilding of Dartmouth Hall, and President Wheelock advanced\\nconsiderable sums from time to time so that in the final settle-\\nment the College was indebted to him in the sum of $7,886.41.*\\nIn addition to his work as President he had a part in instruction,\\nbeing Professor of History from 1782 and hearing the senior\\nclass in philosophy. No one who considers his long years of\\nservice, filled with labors, anxieties and discouragements, can\\ndoubt his interest in the College and his devotion to it, or question\\nthe sincerity of the statement^ that he intended to make the\\nCollege heir to one moiety of his estate. That the College\\nwas a family institution was a belief which he inherited from\\nVol. I, p. 632.\\nThis was the sum awarded the Executors of the last will and testament of John Whee-\\nlock, at the May term of Court at Plymouth, 1820. Costs were additional.\\nA Candid, Analytical Review of the Sketches of the History of Dartmouth College, etc.,\\np. 31. One of the pamphlets appearing at the time of the controversy. It was published\\nanonymously. See page 64-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "i795-i8i4.] College Church and Controversy. 7\\nhis father, and his experience in its management identified\\nhim with it still more closely and strengthened the feeling that\\nhe should have the entire management of it. All the circum-\\nstances of his relation to the College tended to intensify his\\nnatural wish for supremacy in all with which he had to do,\\nand led him to think that his will ought to control all its affairs.\\nBy 1804, twenty-five years after Wheelock became President,\\nthe Board of Trust had almost wholly changed. Eden Bur-\\nroughs, who entered it in 1773, still remained, but of the other\\nmembers, besides the President, two had taken their seats\\nin 1788, three in 1793 and all the others since 1800. The relation\\nof the new members to the College was, of course, very different\\nfrom that of their predecessors in office. None of them had\\nhad official relations with the first Wheelock. The personal\\nelement which he had introduced into the administration as\\nfounder of the College had disappeared, and the consequent\\nreadiness of the Trustees to follow without serious question\\nthe suggestions of the President had given place to a sense\\nof responsibility for the institution of which they were the legal\\nguardians. Many, if not all, of the new members were men\\nof independent judgment, who were not content blindly to\\nfollow another or to act without reasons that were satisfactory\\nto themselves. As time went on this independence became mare\\nmarked and, though no open opposition developed, there was\\nan increasing tendency to discuss measures and appointments\\non other grounds than as suggestions of the President, while\\non his part he was more tenacious in seeking to maintain his\\nposition of supremacy. It is probable, however, that no open\\nrupture would have occurred had it not been for a quarrel in\\nthe local church in which President Wheelock bore a leading\\npart. His persistent efforts to involve the College in the quarrel\\nthrough action by the Trustes favorable to his side, led to\\nserious dissatisfaction on the part of many in the Board, and\\nhis failure to secure their support was the immediate cause of\\nthe open break. To understand the situation it will be neces-\\nsary to consider the affairs of the church.\\nThe College church is almost as old as the College, having\\nbeen gathered by Eleazar Wheelock January 23, 1771, in the\\nmidst of a religious revival which began a few months after\\nhe came to Hanover with his family and students. It was\\ncomposed of twenty-seven members, and took the name of\\nThe Church of Christ at Dartmouth College. As Dr. Whee-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "8 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. ix.\\nlock established it without the concurrence of other churches\\nit had an independent standing, corresponding to that of the\\nchurches of the Congregational order, but in 1773 it united,\\nunder the Presbyterian form of government, with the churches\\nat the Center of the Town, Lyme, Orford, Piermont, Norwich\\nand Pomfret, and later with others, to form the Grafton\\nPresbytery. It included in its membership, as the years went\\non, not only the residents of the village but inhabitants of\\nNorwich and Hartford, especially of that part of Hartford\\nabout three miles from the College, known as Dothan. Dr.\\nWheelock served as its pastor during his life time and at his\\ndeath, in 1779, his son-in-law, Professor Sylvanus Ripley,\\nsucceeded him, continuing in that relation till his death in 1787.\\nAn extraordinary revival, during which about eighty were\\nadded to the College church, occurred in the years 1781 and\\n1782. In the latter year Professor John Smith was associated\\nwith Professor Ripley and was annually chosen pastor till\\non the death of the latter he became the sole pastor of the\\nchurch under the following vote:\\nAt a meeting of the church of Christ at Dartmouth College, November 25th,\\n1787. The said church unanimously chose the reverend John Smith for their\\npajjtor and to act in that relation to them, as long as it shall be agreeable and\\nconvenient for him and them.\\nIn view of the fact that this relation continued till 1804 it\\ncannot be regarded as a temporary one, but the wording of the\\nvote on which it rested showed that its basis was the mutual\\nconvenience of the parties, a matter that became of moment at a\\nlater time. That the church so regarded it was shown by their\\naction at the termination of the pastorate, and that it was Pro-\\nfessor Smith s view also was attested by many expressions in\\nwhich as early as 1795 he indicated his desire to be relieved of his\\noffice. He was professor of languages and not of theology, and\\nit was his expectation that the professor of divinity, when one\\nshould be appointed, would assume the duties of the college\\npulpit. This was the view of the Trustees also and when, in\\nFebruary, 1796, they elected the Rev. Charles Backus to that\\nchair, they assigned as a part of his duties to preach on the\\nSabbath. Mr. Backus did not accept the appointment, and\\nthe Trustees again requested Professor Smith to preach as\\nbefore. A similar vote was passed from year to year till 1803.\\nIn 1802 the professorship of theology was offered to the Rev.\\nArchibald Alexander of Princeton, N. J., but as he declined to", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "1795-1814] College Church and Controversy. 9\\naccept it Professor Smith continued to occupy the college pulpit.\\nThe next year it was again offered to the Rev. Samuel Worcester\\nof Salem, Mass. In the expectation that he would accept, yet\\nin the possible uncertainty, the Trustees varied their vote from\\nthe form of the years preceding and requested Professor Smith\\nto ofificiate as Professor of Divinity during the absence of the\\nProfessor elect, and directed that a part of his duties as such\\nshould be to preach on the Sabbath. They further provided\\nfor the work of Professor Smith, in case Mr. Worcester should\\naccept, by voting that when a Professor of Theology shall be\\ninaugurated at this College it shall be the duty of the Professor\\nof the Learned Languages to deliver public lectures\\nupon the Learned Languages and language generally. But\\nMr. Worcester did not accept and Professor Smith performed the\\nduties of the chair as requested till, at the annual meeting in\\nAugust, 1804, Roswell Shurtleff, a graduate of 1799, who had been\\ntutor for four years, was chosen Phillips Professor of Theology,\\nand accepted the position. His election, though unanimous on\\nthe part of the Trustees and acceptable both to the College and\\nthe village, was the immediate occasion of the violent church\\nquarrel that led up to the controversy between the College and\\nthe State.\\nAn earlier cause of friction had been the use of the meeting\\nhouse. It will be remembered that the villagers had an interest\\nin the chapel of i79oS which was in course of time extinguished\\nby purchase on the part of the College. But the building was\\ntoo small for the joint use of the College and the village, and\\nespecially for the College on Commencement days. The College\\nwas too poor to erect another building, and soon a movement was\\nstarted among the citizens to build a meeting house. President\\nWheelock specially urged that the house should be made large\\nenough to accommodate the College as well as the village, includ-\\ning the requirements of Commencement days, and gave positive\\nverbal assurances that, as soon as they should be able, the Trus-\\ntees would return to the proprietors a part of the expense of the\\nbuilding, and, in the meantime, would pay for the use of it by\\nthe College.^\\n1 Vol. I. p. s8i.\\n2 A True and Concise Narrative of the Origin and Progress of the Church Difficulties in\\ntlie Vicinity of Dartmouth College in Hanover. The same being the Origin of President\\nWheelock s Disaffection to the Trustees and Professors of the College, with documents relating\\nthereto. By Benoni Dewey, James Wheelock, and Ben. J. Gilbert, a Committee of the\\nCongregational Church there, appointed for the purpose. P. 33.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "10 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX,\\nIn February of 1794 a meeting was held at the house of Gen.\\nEbenezer Brewster for the purpose of concerting measures for\\nerecting a meeting house. A committee was then appointed\\nwhich reported at a meeting held March 10, at the house of\\nHumphrey Farrar, when it was\\nVoted that a meeting house be erected in said Vicinity of sixty six by sixty\\nfeet on the ground, with thirty feet posts with a belcony at one end of about\\nfifteen feet square containing two staircases for passageways to the galleries\\nthe belcony to be about fifty feet to the floor of the steeple and the steeple\\nabout the same height above said floor the house to contain fifty seven win-\\ndows the windows in general to contain twenty-eight squares of ten by eight\\nglass three windows to be large and crowned and four round the floor to\\ncontain about sixty six pews as near 7^ by 5^ feet as convenience will admit\\nThe pulpit to be at the end opposite the belcony. 1\\nIt was further decided that the building should be erected\\nand compleated by the first day of November of the next year,\\naccording to the rules of good workmanship for a building of\\nsuch kind including painting the whole of the outside and so much\\nof the inside as is usual to be painted in well finished meeting\\nhouses. The expense of the building was to be met by the\\nsale of the pews at vendue on the following conditions\\n1st. That each person pay six twelfths of his purchase in cash at installments\\nas follows, two such parts on or before the first day of January next one other\\npart so soon as the frame of said house shall be raised one other part when\\nthe outside shall be compleated and the remaining two parts when the building\\nand the painting shall be compleated\\n2nd. That the other six twelfth parts be paid in beef pork grain lumber and\\nlabor at cash price as follows, viz. three such parts in beef pork and grain one\\nhalf thereof on or before the first day of Januar next and the other half when\\nthe house is compleated two such twelfth parts in lumber suitable for the\\nbuilding and of such kind as may be needful and at the place where the house\\nshall be agreed to be erected and payment to be made on or before the first day\\nof November next at the following prices, viz. clear sound boards at thirty two\\nshillings pr thousand merchantcable board at twenty four shilling pr thousand,\\ngood rived clapboards at forty shillings pr thousand good rived shingles at\\neight shillings pr thousand and one twelfth part in labor of common laborers\\non seven days previous notice between the first day of Sept. next and the first\\nday of June A. D. 1795 at three shillings six pence pr day such laborer finding\\nhimself victuals drink.\\nThe payment of the dues was secured by notes based upon the\\nsale of pews which took place April i, 1794, and amounted to\\n\u00c2\u00a31,380 6 s. o d. Ebenezer Woodward led the bidding and,\\nRecords of the Proprietors of the Meeting house in the vicinity of Dartmouth College.\\nRecords of the Proprietors.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "I795-I8I4-] College Church and Controversy. ii\\nsecuring the first choice of pews by a premium of $40, selected\\nthe front pew on the right of the middle aisle, paying \u00c2\u00a330 for it\\nin addition to the premium. The contract for the building was\\nawarded after competitive bids to Col. David Curtis for $4,430.\\nThe site chosen was the lot of Richard Lang on the north side\\nof the College green for which \u00c2\u00a350 were paid. Mr. George\\nFoot, who owned the adjoining lot on the east, added something\\nby gift to enlarge the church lot, and an attempt was made to\\nsecure the red house, the land and barn that occupied the\\ncorner where the vestry now stands, but without success. In\\nthe spring of 1795 the work was begun and pushed rapidly for-\\nward. Beza. Woodward, Ebenezer Brewster and Ebenezer Lane\\nwere a committee to superintend the work in the interest of the\\nproprietors, who determined the details of the construction. The\\nsteeple was to have two balls, the lower one of wood sufficiently\\npainted, thoroughly dried, and overlaid with gold leaf. The\\nupper one was to be of metal and gilt also. The roof of the\\nsteeple was to be of a slate color and the interior a uniform\\nwhite with a very light tinge of blue. A timepiece was to\\nbe purchased and placed in front of the gallery, but there was\\nnot money enough to purchase glass for the lanthern windows,\\nthough the proprietors were willing to have glass windows,\\nprovided they could be furnished without expense to them. The\\ngalleries, which were entered from the belcony at the south\\nend of the church extended across that end and along the whole\\neast and west sides, and over the pulpit was a sounding board.\\nThe final cost of the house, exclusive of the grading in front,\\nwas \u00c2\u00a31,500 155. od. (almost exactly $5,000), \u00c2\u00a3120 95. od. more\\nthan the sum realized from the sale of the pews. Fifteen pews\\non the floor of the house remained untaken and all the galleries,\\nbut the front seat in the south gallery and so much of the front\\nseats in the side galleries as might be necessary, were appropri-\\nated for the use of music. To secure the amount necessary for\\nthe completion of the house the proprietors assessed themselves\\nin proportion to their existing holdings, and each one was to\\nhave his proportional right in the undivided pews on the floor\\nof the house and in the east gallery. If any one did not wish to\\npay the assessment he might pass his right to any one who would\\npay it. In this way the money was secured and the building\\nwas completed without debt. The building was dedicated on\\nSunday December 13, 1795, by public exercises to which the\\ninhabitants of the vicinity were invited by an advertisement in", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "12 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. ix.\\nthe Eagle. Professor Smith preached the dedicatory sermon.\\nThe proprietors arranged for music with the musical society\\nof the College, giving the performers the front seats in the gal-\\nlery, as has been said, and consulting as to the tunes which\\nshall be sung and other matters necessary in connection with\\nm.usic. The result was not wholly satisfactory and in April,\\n1796, they voted to request the inhabitants who can sing to\\nmeet at stated times for the purpose of improving in music till\\nsuch time as some measures for joining with the musical society in\\nCollege are adopted.\\nIn accordance with the expectation of the proprietors that the\\nstudents would worship with the village in the new meeting\\nhouse the Trustees, at their annual meeting in August, 1795,\\nappointed a committee to confer with the proprietors as to the\\nterms on which they could have the use of the house for the\\nstudents for worship, and on public occasions, and also whether\\nsome arrangement could be made by which the Board and the\\npeople might unitedly contribute to the support of preaching.\\nOn the 1 8th of November, following, the proprietors voted to\\ngive to the Trustees for the accommodation of the students the\\nwest half of the gallery, except so much as might be necessary\\nfor music, for which the Trustees were to pay a reasonable\\ncompensation. When the house was ready for occupancy the\\npreaching services under the care of Professor Smith were trans-\\nferred to it from the chapel, the proprietors taking their several\\npews and the students the west gallery. But though the\\nstudents came to the meeting house to worship, a definite ar-\\nrangement had not been completed between the Trustees and\\nthe proprietors, and the former at an adjourned meeting in\\nFebruary, 1796, appointed Bezaleel Woodward, a member of\\nthe Board, to agree with the proprietors of the Meeting house\\nrespecting the use of that house for the Trustees, the students\\nand the Public at the next Commencement and to report on\\nwhat terms it can be had in future on public occasions. A\\ncommittee of the proprietors, consisting of B. J. Gilbert, Benoni\\nDewey and David Curtis, conferred with Professor Woodward and\\non May 2, 1796, reported that the Trustees recognized that the\\nproprietors had been at a great expense in building a house larger\\nthan the local need, with a special view to the wants of the Col-\\nlege on its Commencement days and public occasions, and that\\nthey were willing to make reasonable compensation for the\\naccommodations which they could secure in the house. The", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "1795-1814-] College Church and Controversy. 13\\ncommittee recommended that, as before proposed, the west\\ngallery be reserved for the students, under the agreement that\\nthe Trustees pay for any damage done by them, and also such\\nrent as was paid by the Overseers or Trustees of Harvard Uni-\\nversity for similar accommodations in the meeting house in\\nCambridge, which the committee believed was one dollar a\\nyear for each student. A further recommendation practically\\ngave the house into the custody of the Trustees for Commence-\\nment and like occasions. The report was accepted as a mode\\nthe most eligible and the committee was continued to carry\\nits provisions into effect.^\\nThe Trustees so far accepted the terms of the report by Mr.\\nWoodward as to vote at their meeting in August, following, that\\neach member of the College shall pay one dollar on the second\\nWednesday in March for preaching and the use of seats in the\\nmeeting house for the ensuing year, but instead of adopting\\nthe agreement they appointed another committee consisting of\\nMessrs. Woodward and Freeman to confer with the proprietors\\nof the miceting house in the vicinity of this College on the terms\\non which the members of the University shall have the privilege\\nof seats in said house and to agree with said proprietors on the\\npremises and to make report of their proceedings at the next\\nmeeting of the Board and also to make compensation to the\\nproprietors for the use of the seats by the members of the College\\nfor the ensuing year and for past demands.\\nThe involved and clumsy phraseology of this vote points very\\nclearly to President Wheelock as its author, and the vote itself\\nindicates that though he was one of the proprietors he was not\\nin accord with their demands. The committee and the pro-\\nprietors could not come to any further agreement, and when\\nthe next college year began the students were greatly disturbed\\nby the requirement that they should each pay a dollar toward\\nthe support of preaching and the rent of the house. The pro-\\nprietors asserted^ that their uneasiness was probably excited\\nby the President himself, as a means of forcing the proprietors\\nto modify their demands. So obnoxious was the tax that it was\\nremitted at the next meeting of the Trustees. But still a definite\\nagreement could not be reached and the possible withdrawal of\\nthe students from the church was clearly hinted in the vote of\\nthe Trustees in August, 1797, in which they appropriated $120\\nRecords of the Proprietors.\\n2 True and Concise Narrative, p. 60.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "14 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nto Professor Smith for preaching during the next year, and\\nrequired that pubUc worship on the sabbath be attended\\neither in the meeting house in the vicinity or the chapel as the\\nofficers may determine so that no expense accrue to the board\\nfor seats, excepting for unreasonable damage done by the students\\nin the apartments where they may sit. This vote not only\\nimplied a possible separation but was directly contrary to the\\nprevious votes of the Trustees and actually denied the proprietors\\nclaim for compensation for the seats occupied by the students.\\nIt is not surprising, therefore, that it was met by an indignant\\nvote of the proprietors in October that they had nothing to do\\nwith the votes of the board of Trustees further than to hear them.\\nIn his Sketches* President Wheelock represents the determina-\\ntion of the proprietors to require pay for the seats as the cause\\nof the failure to agree, but from their first action in 1795 till this\\nvote the Trustees had recognized the right of the proprietors to\\ncompensation, and by the tax of one dollar on each student had\\npractically met the suggestion of the proprietors. The latter,\\nas far as appears, had never varied their demands, and when the\\nPresident, acting under the last vote of the Trustees, threatened\\nto withdraw the students to .the chapel they declared that they\\nwere desirous to have the officers and students of the College con-\\ntinue to worship in their house, provided it could be on reasonable\\nand honorable terms, and in case of disagreement in respect to\\nterms they were willing that the same be determined by indif-\\nferent and judicious men.\\nThe change in the attitude of the Trustees seems to have been\\ndue to the President s opposition; this arose from his desire for\\npower and control which, as the proprietors asserted at a later\\ntime, was such that everything must yield to his will and pleas-\\nure or controversy must ensue. When he could not control the\\naffairs of the meeting house he withdrew, in November, 1797,\\nthe students to the chapel for all religious services, taking with\\nhim Professor Smith as preacher. Only one member followed\\nthe President to the chapel, and the church left without a minis-\\nter did as best it could for two months. The announcement by\\nProfessor Smith of a communion service to be held in the chapel\\nled to a remonstrance drawn up by Professor Woodward, on the\\nground that as the church had voted to hold its communion serv-\\nSketches of the History of Dartmouth College and Moor s Charity School, with a particular\\naccount of some late remarkable proceedings of the Board of Trustees, from the year I779 to\\nthe year 1815, p. 16. See p. 64.\\n2 True and Concise Narrative, etc., p. 63.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "I795-I8I4-] College Church and Controversy. 15\\nices only at the meeting house Professor Smith had no right to\\nappoint such service for the church at the chapel. Professor\\nSmith acknowledged that this was so, but after conference with\\nthe President reported that the President would not consent to\\na change, and the service was held as announced. After a time\\nit appeared that the seceders would like to return to the meeting\\nhouse, but Professor Smith was apprehensive that because of his\\nleaving and of his subserviency to the President the proprietors\\nwould not wish him to come back. Toward the last of Decem-\\nber, however, they voted that they would be glad to have the\\nstudents return on the same conditions as before and that it\\nwould be agreeable to have Mr, Smith preach in the house again.\\nHe accordingly returned together with the students, and in the fol-\\nlowing year a settlement was made with the Trustees by which\\nthey paid $100 for the use of the church for the two years, to\\nSeptember, 1797, and the same rate of payment was continued\\nfor some years from that time. All difficulties were apparently\\nsettled though afterward the President referred to this disagree-\\nment as an important cause in the troubles that arose in 1804,\\nand described it as the work of the evil hands of those oppos-\\ning him.\\nBut there were still disturbing forces at work. The church\\ndid not fail to feel the effect of the movement that was changing\\nthe Presbyterian churches of the section into Congregational.\\nThe Grafton Presbytery came to an end about 1800. After\\nthat time the Hanover church was the only one that belonged\\nto the Presbytery, and that it was affected by the spirit of Con-\\ngregationalism is indicated by the fact that in 1796 it spent two\\nmeetings in discussing the propriety of having ruling elders in\\nthe church, and the scripture warrant for the establishment,\\nand that though the church voted to elect elders yet Deacon\\nJohn Payne resigned his office as an elder as he did not see his\\nway clear to be ordained a ruling elder, and three months later\\nasked a dismission to the Congregational church in Lebanon.\\nIn 1804 at a meeting held on the 19th of March the church voted,\\nThat as we esteem it our duty, we desire gratefully to acknowl-\\nedge the divine goodness, by which this church has enjoyed from\\nits first establishment in this place, so great a degree of Christian\\norder and peace under the presbyterian form of government, and,\\nas we have a lively sense of the many advantages which result\\nfrom this institution, and its conformity to the instructions and\\nspirit of the gospel, it is our duty to continue to walk together", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "1 6 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nunder this government, in the faith and fellowship of the\\ngospel.\\nNo preamble or explanation accompanies this vote, but in\\nview of later events it clearly shows the existence of discussion\\nin the church on the subject of polity. A change of pastors was\\nsoon expected in connection with the appointment of a professor\\nof theology, and some may have looked forward to a change in\\nchurch government that would bring a closer association with\\nthe neighboring churches. But the majority was not ready for\\na change and President Wheelock in particular did not approve\\nof a step that would throw the control of the church into the\\nhands of the whole body and weaken the hold which he had upon\\nit by his influence over Professor Smith. At the same meeting\\nit was further Voted, that we are well pleased with, and fully\\napprove of the conduct of our reverend and worthy pastor: and\\nwould renew the expression of our desire, which was voted in\\nNov 1787, that he would continue to us his pastoral care\\nand administration. President Wheelock did not intend that\\nProfessor Smith should give up hjs position as pastor when the\\nnew professor of theolog whose election was certain in the near\\nfuture, should come, but rather, as later events clearly showed,\\nthat he should hold his place with the new man as a colleague.\\nThis vote was an attempt to bind the church, at a time when\\nopposition to it would seem to be personal opposition to Pro-\\nfessor Smith and a move to deprive the church of a pastor when\\nthere was no existing possibility of supplying his place. The\\napproval of his conduct was certainly not felt by all members of\\nthe church, and there was a desire on the part of many for a\\nchange in the pastorate as soon as the time for it should come.\\nProfessor Smith had many pleasant personal qualities, but he\\nwas not attractive as a preacher, and his lack of independence\\nin relation to President Wheelock was a strong ground of dis-\\nsatisfaction. The church could not withdraw its request for\\nhim to act as its pastor, for it was so far dependent on the Col-\\nlege that it could not support a pastor of its own, but many were\\nready to welcome a change when the professor of theology should\\ncome, but till then they could only assent to the vote proposed.\\nIn 1804, as has been said, Roswell Shurtleff was elected Pro-\\nfessor of Theolog Under ordinary conditions his election would\\nhave had no more interest than would naturally arise from\\nthe introduction of a new member into a small community, and\\na new officer into a small faculty, but in the view of the Presi-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "C^\u00e2\u0082\u00ac ^r-yUJ-- JZJLy^^^", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "1795-1814] College Church and Controversy. 17\\ndent the election of a new member of the Faculty had a peculiar\\nsignificance; it meant a supporter or an opponent. For many-\\nyears there had been but two permanent members of the Faculty,\\nProfessor Bezaleel Woodward and Professor John Smith, of whom\\nthe former in the exercise of an independent judgment frequently\\ndisagreed with the President, and in the matter of the use of the\\nchurch building had been entirely opposed to him, while the latter\\nwas so completely under the control of the President that in all\\ncollege matters the President could depend on his unquestioned\\nsupport, and through him could control the church so far as its\\naction depended upon its pastor, as had been shown in 1797,\\nwhen at the President s direction Professor Smith left the church\\nbuilding to preach in the chapel. Professor Woodward died\\nAugust 25, 1804, while the Trustees were in session, and they\\nelected in his place John Hubbard^ preceptor of the Academy at\\nDeerfield, Mass, As it was necessary that the chair should be\\nfilled and as Mr. Hubbard s answer could not be secured before\\ntheir adjournment, the Trustees selected Ebenezer Adams of\\nLeicester, Mass., as an alternative choice, and in case he should\\ndecline, still further selected John Vose of Atkinson, N. H., for\\nthe place. Mr. Hubbard accepted the appointment and en-\\ntered on his work in the fall.\\nMr. Shurtleff was not a stranger to the College or the com-\\nmunity. He had been a student when the trouble arose over\\nthe use of the church building, and later a tutor for four years.\\nIt was natural to think that on his return as professor he might\\nbe affected by feelings coming from his earlier relations and pos-\\nsibly be not wholly in sympathy with the President. When the\\nquestion of his election was before the Board Dr. Wheelock,\\ntherefore, was not willing to have the vote taken till he had as-\\nsured himself that he could count on Mr. Shurtleff as a supporter.\\nIf he should be elected and not stand in that relation to the Presi-\\ndent, not only might two of the three permanent members of the\\nFaculty be in opposition, but the church with an independent\\npastor would pass from the controlling influence of the President.\\nTo obviate such a possibility Dr. Wheelock and Professor Smith\\nsought an interview with Mr. Shurtleff to determine his attitude.\\nJohn Hubbard was born in Townsend, Mass., August 8, I7S9, and was graduted in the class\\nof 1785. He studied divinity but turning to teaching was at New Ipswich, N. H. from 1788 to\\n1795. and after being Judge of Probate for Cheshire County from 1789 to 1802, except from\\nDecember, i797, to June, 1798, was preceptor of the academy at Deerfield, Mass., till his elec-\\ntion at Dartmouth. He was a man of gentle temper, pleasing manners and scholarly taste.\\nHe published a small book on geography, a reading book and an essay on music.\\na", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "1 8 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. ix.\\nDuring the interview, said Dr. Wheelock, Mr. Shurtleff^\\nremarked that he had no objection to the church, nor to the Pres-\\nbyterian form of government. The President then plainly told\\nhim that his election depended on his disposition, and the assur-\\nances which he might give of his attachment to the church, and\\nits form of government, and his erigagement to walk with them,\\nand in friendship with Dr. Smith, until he should cease to be a\\npastor. The President then wished for a direct and categorical\\nanswer without any condition. He said it would he agreeable,\\nand that he should if appointed, unite with the church and act\\nas they might be inclined. Said the President, repeating it,\\nMay we depend on you He assented with a motion of his\\nhead in the words there shall be no difficulty.\\nIt was expected by the Trustees and the people that if Mr\\nShurtleflf were elected he would become pastor of the church in\\nplace of Professor Smith, and this interview was undoubtedly to\\nsecure his adhesion to President Wheelock in that capacity. Mr.\\nShurtleff anticipating no controversy naturally gave to his inter-\\nviewers the assurance of his attachment to the church and that\\nhe could be depended on to walk in friendship with its members.\\nThat such an engagement bound him to follow blindly the Presi-\\ndent in the controversies into which he was brought, but which\\nhe had nothing to do in bringing on, or that he intended to com-\\nmit himself as a partisan was not a natural interpretation at the\\ntime or in accord with Mr. ShurtlefT s independent character.\\nThere was no controversy in the church at the time in which it\\nwas desired to commit Mr. Shurtleff, and the President sought\\nonly in a general way to gain a hold upon a new member of the\\nFaculty and the new pastor of the church. He was casting an\\nanchor to windward for storms that experience led him to think\\nmight come, and Mr. Shurtleff on his part gave assurances of\\namity that accorded with his relations and did not fetter his judg-\\nment or his action.\\nImmediately after the election of Mr. Shurtleff the inhabitants\\nof the village, feeling that action on their part was necessary,\\ntook measures to express to Mr. Shurtleff their desire that he\\nshould act as their pastor as well as preach to the students. On\\nSeptember i, as he had gone to Middlebury, Vt., Mr. William\\nWoodward, a friend of the President s wrote him It is sincerely\\nwished and desirable that you may find it consistent with your\\nduty at an early day to return to this place. Doct. Smith con-\\nSketches, etc.. p. i8.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "1795-1814.] College Church and Controversy. 19\\nsiders himself discharged, and the College and people here will\\nfrom this time be destitute of a preacher. A week later the\\nfollowing letter was sent to him, giving a more exact account of\\nthe situation:\\nSir. We are requested by the inhabitants of this vicinity to address you\\nin their behalf, and to express the great satisfaction, your appointment to the\\noffice of Professor of Divinity for Dartmouth College has given them, and\\ntheir sincere desire that you may accept it. Our situation, for many reasons,\\nrenders this appointment peculiarly interesting. Impressed with the impor-\\ntance of religion, the people of this village, too few in numbers and without\\nadequate means to form an independent religious society, have long united\\nwith the members of the Institution in religious worship; and habit has now\\nrendered desirable, what seemed at first the result of necessity. Our ardent\\nwishes for the continuance of the union, have always anticipated that the ap-\\npointment of a Professor of Divinity, would in effect, include that of a pastor\\nfor the people. These wishes as well as the peculiarity of our situation, dis-\\npose us to dispense with the ordinary and scrupulous forms of preliminary\\nprobation; and candidly confiding in the discernment of the Trustees, as well\\nas the very respectable testimony, the general and public opinion bears to\\nyour character, to invite you, and we do it most cordially, tp accept your ap-\\npointment as Professor, and to become a pastor to this people. The inhabi-\\ntants have been assembled on this occasion and we address you by their\\nappointment. So little time has elapsed, since commencement, that we are\\nyet unable to ascertain with certainty what pecuniary contribution, the in-\\nhabitants may make you their present feelings and disposition seem to promise\\nas much as their ability. Our subscription paper, a copy of which, for your\\ninformation we enclose, has already secured you the annual sum of $139; we\\nhope in a short time to increase this sum to $200; yet it may not, for the\\npresent year, amount to so much.\\nWe are, with great respect, and cordial esteem, your obedient servants.\\nBen. J. Gilbert.\\nW**. Woodward.\\nRichard Lang.\\nJas. Wheelock.\\nMills Olcott.\\nThis communication, as it will be seen, did not rest upon any\\naction of the church formally ending the pastorate of Professor\\nSmith; an omission that gave opportunity for the future diffi-\\nculty. Despite the vote of March 19 it was taken for granted by\\nthe signers of the letter that Professor Smith s pastorate was at\\nan end from the nature of the case. As it was a part of the duty\\nof the new professor of theology to preach to the students, and\\nas the college preacher had always been the pastor of the church,\\nthe relation of Professor Smith and the church seemed naturally\\nto have ended. Professor Smith had for several years desired to\\nbe relieved from his preaching, as he announced at the dedication", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "20 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nof the church building, and when during the summer after Mr.\\nShurtleff s election two of the elders of the church asked Professor\\nSmith to preach on the following Sunday he told them that a\\nProfessor of Divinity was now appointed who would perform the\\nservice as he had done, and that consequently he considered him-\\nself as released and under no obligation in that respect either to\\nthe College or the people. The church on its side, while appre-\\nciating the services of Professor Smith, was ready to receive a\\nnew pastor, and as the two parties in interest were agreed upon\\nthe fact Professor Smith did not think it necessary to resign a\\nplace which he considered no longer his, and the church did not\\nvote to discontinue a relation which it believed had already closed.\\nBut President Wheelock did not agree with this simple settle-\\nment of the relations. In spite of his interview with Mr. Shurt-\\nleff he seems not to have had full confidence as to his control of\\nthe new professor, especially if he should become pastor of the\\nchurch. He was, therefore, not willing to see him come fully\\ninto that position, and he at once set to work to prevent such a\\nresult. His plan was to retain Professor Smith as the pastor of\\nthe church and to have Mr. Shurtleff brought in merely as his\\ncolleague. With this end in view he made use of the peculiar\\ncondition of the church.\\nIt will be remembered that the church as originally constituted\\nembraced members both in Hanover and in Dothan, a district\\nof Hartford, Vt. For many years the members in Vermont had\\nhad but a nominal interest in the church, being in fact so sepa-\\nrate that they had built a house of worship for themselves and\\nhad actually issued a call to a Mr. Cabbot to settle in the min-\\nistry among them.^ On the formation of the church in Hart-\\nford in 1786 it had been their intention to join that church, as\\nbeing a more natural association, but President Wheelock had\\ndissuaded them from so doing by assuring them that if they\\nwould form a little society among themselves he would supply\\nthem with preaching at a cheap rate, by procuring the appoint-\\nment of such for Tutors who might also be preachers. The\\nresult of this arrangement was to give the President a strong\\ninfluence if not the control in that portion of the church, and to\\nlead him to object to an organization that made them independent\\nof the Hanover connection. Though that connection was only\\nformal, as the Dothan members had long ceased to contribute\\nTrue and Concise Narrative, p. 12.\\nIbid, p. 67.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "1795-1814-] College Church and Controversy. 21\\ntoward the Hanover church, as well as to attend, yet as long as\\nit continued President Wheelock was influencial in both parts of\\nthe church, in Hartford by the arrangement just mentioned and\\nin Hanover by his hold upon Professor Smith. His influence\\nwith the Dothan members was now used to defeat the wishes of\\nthe members in Hanover, and also brought Professor Smith to\\nchange his view of his relation to the church and to hold that he\\nwas still its pastor.\\nMr. Shurtleff had accepted the offer of the professorship, but\\nin the lack of a formal invitation had returned no definite reply\\nto the suggestions of individuals that he should become pastor\\nof the church, although he began to supply the pulpit in October.\\nThis invitation was delayed by the disagreement between those\\nin the village who wished Mr. Shurtleff as pastor, and President\\nWheelock, who, with the Dothan members, wished him as a\\ncolleague of Professor Smith. But by December the matter\\ncould no longer be delayed and action was brought about by the\\nfollowing letter\\nTo THE Reverend John Smith D. D.\\nWe the subscribers, members of the Church of Christ in the vicinity of Dart-\\nmouth College, lately under your pastoral care, beg leave to request, that a\\nmeeting of s-J church maybe called, to be holden at the meeting house ins vicin-\\nity on Wednesday the 12th ins\u00c2\u00bb at one o clock P. M. for the purpose of seeing\\nwhether any and what measures sii church will see fit to adopt relative to the\\nsettlement and ordination of Mr. Roswell Shurtleff in and to the pastoral care\\nof the same and to consult and transact relative to any other matter pro-\\nmotive of the cause of our holy religion that may be thought proper at said\\nmeeting.\\nHanover Dec. 3d, 1804.\\nIn accordance with this request a meeting of the church was\\ncalled for the 13th of the month, and when this meeting was\\nnotified at Hartford by Professor Smith, he was particular to\\nrequest a very general and punctual attendance observing that\\nbusiness of great importance was to be transacted. At the\\nmeeting the Hanover members proposed the following address\\nto be presented to Professor Smith\\nSir. As the time you have so long wished for at length has come, that you\\nare released from a part of your too arduous labours, by the appointment of Mr.\\nShurtleff to the Professorship of Divinity at this College, and as we hope he\\nwill consent to undertake the ministerial office, and pastoral care of this church\\nand congregation; it is with pleasure we embrace an opportunity, of manifesting\\n1 The letter was signed by Benoni Dewey, Chester Ingols, Jas. Wheelock, Jabez Kellogg,\\nCaleb Fuller, Elias Weld, Stephen Kimball, Jacob Ward, Samuel McClure, John Mansfield.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "22 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nto you our congratulations at this pleasing event. And while we present you\\nwith our cordial and grateful thanks, for your ministerial services, and pastoral\\ncare of us, since your first undertaking in that relation; we cannot avoid an\\nexpression of our sense of the benevolent motives which have influenced you\\ntherein, and of the integrity and uprightness of your heart in the discharge of\\nthe important duties thereof. We hope still to be favored with your friendly\\nadvice and assistance, in the important object of settling one to succeed you\\nin the pastoral care of this flock; and that particularly, when we are convened,\\nto consult and act relative thereto, you may be present and preside as hereto-\\nfore.\\nThe adoption of this skillfully worded address, called by its\\nsupporters a token of friendly notice and respect would\\nhave secured all that the Hanover members desired inasmuch as\\nit recognized by implication that Professor Smith s relation as\\npastor had ended and asked him to preside at a conference to\\nselect his successor as a special favor and not as a right. At a\\nmeeting of the church the address was urged by all the members\\npresent living in the vicinity except President Wheelock and\\nProfessor Smith, and they with nine or ten members from Hart-\\nford, who for years had rarely attended a meeting, and whom\\nthey had persuaded to attend at this time, strenuously opposed\\nthe adoption of the address, alleging that Professor Smith was\\nstill pastor of the church, and that it would be derogatory to him\\nnot to remain so, and insisting that he should so continue, and\\nthat Professor Shurtleff should be invited only as colleague to\\nhim. In opposition to the address and in support of his own\\nplan President Wheelock attempted to bring in the authority of\\nthe Trustees by introducing a paper, obtained two months\\nbefore, signed by three Trustees and one ex-Trustee.\\nWhereas, the Board of Trustees of Dartmouth College have appointed Mr.\\nRoswell Shurtleff to the office and work of Professor of Divinity in Dartmouth\\nCollege, and our opinion being requested in regard to the ordination of Mr.\\nShurtleff and the manner thereof; we are fully and clearly of opinion, that it\\nwill be expedient, that Mr. Shurtleff be ordained colleague pastor with the\\nRev. Dr. Smith, over the church in said Dartmouth College, as has been cus-\\ntomary in similar occasions, and peculiarly proper, under existing circumstances,\\nand that he be ordained accordingly as soon as convenient.\\nEden Burroughs,\\nDavid M Clure,\\nJoseph Bowman,\\nIsrael Evans.\\nDartmouth College, Oct. 12, 1804.\\nThe address was not adopted but in its place President Whee-\\nlock and the Dothan members passed by a bare majority a vote", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "1795-1814] College Church and Controversy. 23\\nto appoint a committee of three to request Professor Shurtleff\\nto be ordained as colleague with Professor Smith, with the\\nunderstanding that Professor Smith was ordinarily to officiate\\nin the parochial duties with the branch of the church in Hartford,\\nand that Professor Shurtleff was ordinarily to officiate in the\\nparochial duties with the branch in Hanover.^\\n1 The following humorous account of the meeting is preserved\\nAnd it came to pass in the reign of Johannes Maximus, in the fifth month of the twenty fifth\\nyear of his reign, that Johannes Minimus a Levite (the same that in his journey through the\\nwilderness was met by a great she-bear, howbeit meddled not with this holy man) [see Vol. I,\\np. 230] after devising with his master, the ruler of the children of obedience, called the people\\ntogether to lay down his Robes, and put them upon his successor, a man chosen by the people.\\nNow there was a division among the people, some saying this must not be, for our sacred body\\nwill come to naught, if we transfer our government from an Elder to a Beardless youth, so Jo-\\nhannes Maximus sent messengers to the half tribe on the other side of Jordan, and to Eleazer\\nthe reprobate son of a Levite, saying prepare yourselves for the battle and come over this side\\nthe Jordan to defend mine annointed against the mocking of the heathen and the raging of the\\nundevout. So Hezekiah the ruler of the half tribe on the other side of the Jordan spread a\\nreport throughout his border, commanding all his chosen men from Dothan to Jericho to gather\\nthemselves together, and to go by tens and by fifties over the other side of the river, and there\\nfit themselves for battle under the wise man of the East, to fight against the heathen and the\\nundevout of the Jews.\\nAnd it came to pass that the whole tribe on both sides of Jordan gathered themselves together\\non the appointed day, and followed their leader into the Synagogue, when Benoni, one of the\\nElders, left for the cold which sorely grieved him, and all the people followed him. So every-\\nman ran to his post in the House of Benoni. And it came to pass, when all the people had set\\nthemselves down that Johannes Maximus arose and cried in a loud voice saying. Men and\\nBrethren why strive ye to displace mine annointed and set at naught my faithful servant, who\\nlike the true Shepherd, hath preserved his flock from the beasts of the wilderness; and whose\\nholy zeal in my cause hath availed much, and caused great outpourings of the spirit upon our\\nland. Wherefore dare ye provoke mine anger in refusing obedience to my servant and in tramp-\\nling upon the authority of my Hoary Head. And it came to pass that when Johannes Maxi-\\nmus had made an end of speaking, that Jabez the Kelloggite arose and said Masters, what\\ngreat outpourings of the Spirit hath our age and Nation witnessed? Doth it consist in the mul-\\ntiplied numbers of our flocks or in the peaceable lives led by our sheep? And the saying aston-\\nished the people, and it came to pass after much vain wrangling (which is not recorded in this\\nBook of the cunning arts and wicked devices used by Johannes Maximus to protect Johannes\\nMinimus from the revilings of the people) that James the brother of John arose and said, Why\\ndispute ye about that which cannot profit. Honor is not seemly for a fool; therefore let us\\ndepose Johannes Minimus and cast him out from the Sanctuary of our Synagogue? And this\\nspeech exceedingly displeased Johannes Maximus and his servant Johannes Minimus, insomuch\\nthat they weeped and gnashed their teeth.\\nNow Johannes Minimus was the simplest of all beings insomuch that he could do nothing\\nout of the sight of his Master for his exceeding simplicity. And it came to pass that Johannes\\nMaximus being sorely vexed for the mocking thrown upon his servant, jumped up,\\nand cried aloud from his pious indignation: Why strive ye to render base in the eyes of the\\npeople the gray hairs of this my venerable high priest, whom my soul tenderly loveth? Cease\\nye from your wicked endeavors, and suffer my servant to manage the Ark of the covenant, upon\\nthe old Ark. And let this teacher of our young men be annointed under him, and be instructed\\nin the path of his duty until he shall have waxed strong in the ways of well doing. And the\\nsaying pleased some of them well, and Johannes Minimus and Eleazer the profligate child of\\nreprobation and the half tribe on the other side of Jordan, who had been corrupted by the cun-\\nning tricks of Johannes Maximus all leaped for Joy, and cried, Amen, so let it be as our Master\\nhath spoken. And many of the Elders and the devout not a few went away sorely displeased\\nsaying, these things will now come to naught for surely they are the works of the adversary.\\nNow Johannes Maximus and his man servant Johannes Minimus were mightily tickled with the\\nlittle tricks they had played upon the nation in bringing in an outlandish people [to] disinherit\\nthem of their Birth Right.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "24 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap, ix*\\nThis result was utterly distasteful to the Hanover members\\nsince it left Professor Smith as the pastor of the whole church\\nthough assigning his chief duties to the Hartford branch. They\\ndid not wish Professor Smith as their pastor under any condition\\nand they did wish Professor ShurtlefT as their sole pastor. Ac-\\ncordingly on the next day they sent to the members living in\\nHartford a letter, supported by the signatures of twenty-two\\ninhabitants in the vic^inity of the College, admitting that the\\nHartford members were in the majority and could carry any\\nvote they wished, but stating that if the Hartford members\\nwished Professor Smith as their pastor they would gladly join\\nwith them in asking him to remain so, but on their part Professor\\nShurtleff was the man of their choice and they wished him un-\\nshackled and unconnected with any other pastor as related to\\nthem and that part of the church.^ They expected to contribute\\nwithout assistance to the support of Professor Shurtleff, and\\nsince the Hartford members had heretofore so far manifested\\ntheir independence of the Hanover church as to call a minister\\nto settle with them, the Hanover members merely asked a like\\nprivilege, and begged that the Hartford members would not\\npersist in a course that would tend to disunite the church.\\nThe committee appointed consisted of two members of the\\nHanover branch, Elias Weld and Chester Ingols, and one from\\nHartford, Hezekiah Hazen. The Hanover members appear not\\nto have acted, but at a meeting held December 27 Hezekiah Hazen\\nreported that Professor Shurtleff was not ready to give his\\nanswer to the vote passed at the last meeting and in view of the\\nunanimous opposition of those on the east side of the river, except\\nPresident Wheelock and Professor Smith, an adjourned meeting\\nof the church was held on the 6th of January, 1805, at which the\\nformer vote was rescinded and another passed asking Professor\\nShurtleff to be ordained at large and to become a colleague of\\nProfessor Smith, but with a change of phrase directing that in\\ncase of the acceptance of Professor Shurtleff, each should take\\nparticular pastoral care of the branch to which he was assigned,\\nand further adding that the two should act as joint pastors in\\nall matters which may require the attention of the whole church.\\nThe signers of this letter were the same as of the letter on page 29 except that Epaphraa\\nMerrill appears in place of Elias Weld who died May 9. 1805. The signers from the village were\\nBen. J. Gilbert, Eben Knowlton, Jesse Higgins, Jacob Kimball. Cady Simons, James Little,\\nUriel Bascom, Aaron Wright, Josiah Green, John S. Green, Elijah Tenney, Abr Dunklee,\\nTimothy Farrar, Eben. Brewster, Aaron Kinsman, Richard Lang, Eben Woodward, Samuel\\nAlden, Moses Davis, J. Bush, Increase Kimball, W Dewey, Jr.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "1795-1814-] College Church and Controversy. 25\\nIt was added that nothing is intended by this vote which shall\\never be construed, or considered as opening the way to any future\\ndivision or separation of said church, so as to make two distinct\\nchurches, which is to be viewed as one and which it\\nis hoped will long continue such, and on the Presbyterian plan of\\ngovernment, the advantages of which by the goodness of God have\\nbeen so long experienced and realized. This addition was the\\nresponse to the suggested division of the church coming from the\\ndefiance of the wishes of nearly half of the church, and the refer-\\nence to the Presbyterian form of government was an attempt to\\nforestall the action of a new church, should a division occur, that\\nmight leave the moribund Grafton Presbytery and join the large\\ncircle of Congregational churches that had sprung up in the vicin-\\nity.\\nBut the change from the first vote found no more favor with\\nthe minority, and at a third meeting, held on the i8th of the\\nmonth, the majority modified their previous action by adding\\nthat if Professor Shurtleff should consent to take particular pas-\\ntoral care of the Hanover branch it is intended and meant that\\nthe two pastors be considered as perfectly equal in\\noffice and in all their administrations. This vote, however, was\\nno more acceptable than the former. The meetings were stormy\\nand attended with much feeling. The Hanover members were\\nindignant at the attempt to influence the church by the paper\\nsigned by the Trustees and introduced by President Wheelock,\\nand also at an attempt to secure a vote declaring the newly elected\\nProfessor Hubbard a member of the church. He had joined the\\nchurch when he was a student, but had taken up his connection\\nwhen he left Hanover. At that time he not only had no letter\\nof recommendation but had not requested membership in the\\nchurch. At a later time he brought his connection there and be-\\ncame a supporter of President Wheelock. When the several\\nvotes were taken the Hanover members, with the purpose of\\nshowing that the support of Professor Smith came almost wholly\\nfrom the west side of the river, demanded the ayes and noes\\nand that the names of the voters be recorded, but their demand\\nwas refused by the majority. Most of all they were indignant\\nat the proposition that those who were dissatisfied with the doings\\nof the majority should take dismissions from the church. Such a\\ncourse would not only have left them without church connection\\nbut would have shut them out of the building which they had\\nbuilt and largely paid for as a place of worship for themselves^", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "26 History of Darhnonth College. [Chap, ix,\\nand would have left it to the use of a body living in another state\\nand having a church building of its own, and to the College whose\\nrepresentative was the one who was chiefly responsible for their\\nalienation. Not content with contesting these measures at the\\nmeetings they sent on the I2th of February a letter remonstra-\\nting anew against them, and cogently refuting the one Dosition\\ntaken by the Hartford members, viz., that Dr. Smith has long\\nserved us as pastor, and that for another to take the pastoral\\noffice in this church, but as colleague or joint pastor with him,\\nwould be casting him out, treating him with indignity, and\\nrobbing him of that honor to which he is entitled, by maintain-\\ning that Professor Smith s usefulness was at an end in a place\\nin which he was not wanted, and that to force him upon an un-\\nwilling people was a far greater dishonor to him than to allow\\nhim to withdraw. The purpose of establishing Professor Smith\\nas pastor, uncalled, as we think of God, and certainly unwished\\nfor by us, was described as vain, sinister and irreligious.\\nThe letter further protested against the measures which had been\\npursued to promote the establishment of Professor Smith, es-\\npecially the procuring of the certificate of the Trustees, who were\\nwithout knowledge, excepting what they got from an individual\\nwho procured the same, and who probably stated matters ac-\\ncording to his own wishes, and the attempt to declare Professor\\nHubbard a member of the church when he had brought no letter,\\nand also the refusal to take and record the ayes and noes on the\\nquestion of Professor Smith s retention, lest the fact should ap-\\npear that his supporters were almost wholly from the west side\\nof the river.\\nAs this remonstrance had no effect and as there was no pros-\\npect of a settlement of the controversy except by a division into\\ntwo churches, the same signers on the 27th of the month wrote\\nProfessor Smith asking that a meeting be held to call a council\\nto advise what measures would be best. The meeting was held\\nMarch 8, but the proposition for a council was not accepted,\\nthe m.ajority saying that they knew of nothing to submit to a\\ncouncil unless it be whether the church shall continue in exist-\\nence or not, but they added that should the brethren remain\\ndissatisfied, and not be content to walk with the church in chris-\\ntian love, we do not desire to embarrass their progress, or lay any\\nobstacle in the way of what they may suppose their duty; and\\nSigned by Benoni Dewey, Caleb Fuller, Jas. Wheelock, Saml. McClure, Chester Ingols,\\nJabez Kellogg, Stephen Kimball, John Mansfield and Jacob Ward. Ms. in possession of author.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "1 795-1 8 1 4-] College Church and Controversy. 27\\ntherefore, if they should ultimately conclude that it will be best\\nfor them to leave our body, we shall consent and acquiesce,\\npraying that the grace of God may abound to each of them. But\\nas it appears that there is a difficulty between them and some of\\nour brethren of our body, and the latter think themselves ag-\\ngrieved by some expressions contained in a letter of the 12th of last\\nmonth, from the former to them, it is our prayer that this wound\\nmay be healed, and though we do not pretend now to determine\\nwhether there is or is not ground of uneasiness, yet it seems that a\\ndifference subsists, and it is becoming that it should be settled\\non the principles of the gospel, that the professing followers of\\nChrist may live and act in friendship and love, whether they be\\nmembers of the same or of different churches.\\nA little later in a letter addressed to the ministers who were\\nasked to organize the new church in Hanover, they declared that\\nthey did not intend this as a consent for any to withdraw from\\nthe church, and that they had not the least conception that the\\nbrethren would, or could, regularly leave our body until they had\\nsettled the matter of grievance with the other members alluded\\nto in that vote, in a regular gospel way. Nor had the\\nchurch in that vote, the least conception that on the relation of\\nthe said brethren being removed, they thereby had a right to be\\norganized into a new church, in this place, so as to directly inter-\\nfere with, and encroach on the rights and privileges of the church\\nat Dartmouth College.\\nThe Hanover members, however, determined to ask advice\\nand notified the Hartford members that they had called an ex\\nparte council to meet in Hanover on the 17th of April, and further\\nsaid; As some of you have suggested that in our late address, of\\nFebruary last, we had made representations unbecoming chris-\\ntian brethren, we would now propose to you, if you are dis-\\nsatisfied with anything contained in said address or remonstrance\\nor at any other part of our conduct or proceedings towards\\nyou, that we are heartily willing to answer before this\\nreverend and respectable council to anything you may be pleased\\nto allege, provided you will furnish us a copy of such allegations\\na short, reasonable time, say a day or two, previous to the sitting\\nof said council.\\nJ An Answer to the Vindication of the Official Conduct of the Trustees of Dartmouth Col-\\nlege, in confirmation of the Sketches with remarks on the Removal of President Wheelock.\\nBy Josiah Dunham, Hanover: Printed by David Watson, January, 1816, p. 26.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "28 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. ix.\\nThe council met as desired at the house of Benoni Dewey, and\\nafter a pubHc hearing in the church at which President Wheelock\\nand members from Hartford appeared and urged their objections\\nto a division of the church, adjourned to the house of Aaron\\nKinsman, where they reached the following conclusion:\\nWe do not find that any special relation has ever been formed between this\\nchurch and any preacher of the gospel, as their pastor, by any particular charge\\nfrom an ecclesiastical council, as is usual in such cases. And whereas it ap-\\npears that the two branches of this church have in times past found it most\\nconvenient to be united, yet, circumstances having changed, there now being\\na meeting house on each side of the river, in both which public worship is con-\\nstantly attended and whereas certain difficulties having arisen, between the\\ntwo branches, which they have been unable to settle, it becomes a question,\\nwhether the interest of religion does not require, that the members of the branch\\non the east side of the river should be formed into a distinct church This coun-\\ncil having carefully weighed every circumstance suggested to their minds, re-\\nspecting this question, give it as their opinion that such a measure is expedient\\nand necessary. Further with respect to the remonstrance which the brethren\\non this side of the river exhibited to thechurch, we areof opinion that it contains\\ncertain expressions which do not sufficiently savour of christian charity, and\\ntherefore ought to be disapproved by the remonstrants previous to their being\\norganized. This being done, we see nothing in the way of their being formed\\ninto a church state, since the body have expressed their consent, as appears\\nfrom a certain clause in a vote passed by them on the 8th of March last.\\nFurthermore we conceive that the organization of a new church in this place\\nwill not in the least, affect the existence of the church originally formed here\\nby the late Reverend Dr. Wheelock.\\nWhen the result was announced a statement was written on\\nthe back of the paper containing it and signed by all who had\\njoined in the remonstrance to the effect, that the council having\\npointed out those expressions in the remonstrance as exception-\\nable, the brethren do freely and unanimously disapprove of them\\nas not being sufficiently savoury of christian charity.\\nThe way was now open for the formation of a new church, but\\nfollowing the verbal advice of the council the Hanover members\\nwaited to sec if the Vermont members might not be willing to\\nform themselves into a new church and leave those on the east\\nside of the river as the church originally founded in the place.\\nThe Hartford members in private conference expressed themselves\\nas entirely willing to do so, but significantly added that they\\ncould not bind the Sampson with cords and deliver him over.\\nIt consisted of the Rev. Isaiah Potter of Lebanon, Moderator, Nathaniel Lambert of New-\\nbury, Scribe. Asa Burton of Thetford, Elijah Lyman of Brookfield, Sylvester Dana of Orford,\\nTilton Eastman of Randolph.\\nThe Hartford members said that they were not notified of this fact tUl a lone time after.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "1795-1814.] College Church and Controversy. 29\\nAccordingly on the 1st of May a letter was addressed to Presi-\\ndent Wheelock pointing out the fact that the decision of the con-\\ntroversy rested solely with him, and urging him to remain with\\nthe Hanover members and allow the others to organize the new\\nchurch, and making these inquiries:\\nIn case, said the writers, the brethren on the other side\\nremain of the church at Dartmouth College: as they will con-\\nstitute the whole church, yourself and one or two others only\\nexcepted, and as divine worship, and the administration of the\\nordinances will probably be very generally there, will it not with\\npropriety be considered that said church in reality is transplanted\\nto Hartford, and of course that nothing of it here remains but\\nthe name? If President Wheelock should continue with the\\nwest church, asked they, would not his attendance there at church\\nbe a great inconvenience? Or, if the church there should at\\ntimes come to Hanover for service, would it not seem to be for\\nthe sake of the name only? Or, if they should settle a pastor\\nthere, will he be ordained as pastor of the church at Dartmouth\\nCollege? If not, in that case, and there not being enough on this\\nside to constitute a church, will not even the name of that\\nchurch become extinct?\\nNo reply was made to this letter but in place of it there was a\\ndeclaration from the Hartford members, dated May 10:\\nWhereas, it may have been supposed, that we, the subscribers, would be\\nwilling to take our dismission from the church of Christ at Dartmouth College,\\nwe do hereby declare that, as we have always been happy, in our connection,\\nas members of said church, in which we have reason to believe we have experi-\\nenced favors of Divine Providence, we esteem it our incumbent duty, to remain\\nin future attached to the same, and to promote its spiritual interest: and we\\nshould exceedingly regret, and esteem ourselves deprived of our essential\\nprivileges were any cause to arise, which should by any means effect our sepa-\\nration.\\nThis declaration drafted by President Wheelock, as indicated\\nby his handwriting, artfully changed the proposition that the\\nHartford members should be organized into a new church to a\\nproposition that they should take their dismission from the\\nexisting church. It was exactly what they had formerly proposed\\nSigned by Elias Weld, Benoni Dewey. Huphrey Farrar, Chester Ingols, Jabez Kellogg,\\nJacob Ward, Caleb Fuller, Samuel McClure, Jas. Wheelock, Stephen Kimball, John Mansfield,\\nMs. in possession of the author.\\nSamuel Button, John Button, Hez. Hazen, Reuben Hazen, David Newton, Seth Savage,\\nSeth Fuller, Solomon Hazen, Philemon Hazen. Harvey Gibbs, Friend Ingraham, Joel Richards,\\nAsahel Button, Asa Hazen, Gershom Dunham. Thomas Button. Ms. in possession of the\\nauthor.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "30 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. ix.\\nto the Hanover members, but it was no more acceptable when\\nmade to them now than it had been then when they made it to\\nothers. If President Wheelock had been willing to keep his\\nconnection in Hanover and to allow the Hartford members to\\norganize by themselves they would have been glad to do so, but\\nthose who had expressed their willingness to form an independent\\nchurch naturally refused the proposition presented by President\\nWheelock to take dismissions from the old church.\\nIt was evident that the Sampson could not be bound, and\\nthe Hanover members prepared to follow the advice of the council\\nand to form a new church. But they were not to do so without\\nopposition, and the feelings of the two sides are shown by the\\ncorrespondence that followed.\\nTo our brethren in the vicinity of Dartmouth College,\\nDear Brethren:\\nWe entreat you to consider the wrong you do us, in your attempt to sever us\\nfrom the church of Dartmouth College, or deprive us of those privileges, which\\nwith equal right we might enjoy without any injury to you. To effect this\\npurpose, the instruments you have used, those of us that feel them, esteem them\\nto be instruments of cruelty. Instead of rendering honor to whom it was due,\\nwe have seen with grief, conspicuous characters treated with language that was\\nsufficiently savoury of contempt of groundless allegations of an immoral\\nnature. This question must necessarily affect the feeling and characters of\\nthe officers of College as all their public measures are inspected by the most\\ndiscerning men It is evident that Judge Hubbard had an interest in this\\nmatter, both as an officer of College, a professor of religion, and the expectation\\nof being a member of our body the remainder of his life an attempt to admit\\nhis influence you have called criminal. What are the principles you have\\nadopted for yourselves? You have said inhabitants are interested. The\\nunthoughtful and those unconnected with the church, have been drawn in to\\nbear their weight and influence in this important question your remonstrance\\nwe think teems with allegations, of immorality and reproach; you have treated\\nus with language not only calculated to wound our feelings, but grating to our\\nears, and we conceive contrary to gospel rules. The opinions of men cannot\\nabsolve you, nor can the result of an ex parte council be called a settlement,\\nand should you leave us without making that satisfaction which the gospel\\nrequires, we fear that Heaven would frown upon you. We entreat you to\\nconsider your conduct above mentioned, and we sincerely pray, that you\\nmight be brought to repentance. Finally, brethren, when we reflect on the\\nimportance of the church to Dartmouth College, its venerable founder, the\\ncare of Heaven over it, the repeated instances in which the spirit of God has\\nbeen poured upon it in copious effusions how do we feel ourselves justified in\\nour want of confidence to resign it into your hands, since you have attacked\\nits constitution, and as you inform us you are about to forsake it; but how\\ncan you leave in a manner so irregular? But we earnestly hope. Heaven may", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "1 795-1814] College Church and Controversy. 31\\nopen your eyes to see your error, as it is our earnest desire to restore you in\\nthe spirit of meekness.\\nHezekiah Hazen.\\nIn behalf of the brethren at Hartford, to be communicated.\\nHartford, May 21st, 1805.\\nIn reply the Hanover members admitted that if the allegations\\nof this letter were true repentance and gospel satisfaction there-\\nfor would most highly become them, but as these allegations,\\nas they believed, rested on a misunderstanding, of which it was\\nnot suitable that either side should be the judge, they proposed\\nto submit any and every thing to the hearing and determination\\nof an impartial, respectable and mutually chosen ecclesiastical\\ncouncil. This proposition was not acceptable to the Hartford\\nmembers, who asserting that the church had the full power and\\nright of judging and determining between any of its members for\\nany conduct contrary to the gospel, were willing only to hear\\nthe advice of any impartial and judicious persons respecting the\\nmatters of grievance, but they appointed Hezekiah Hazen,\\nEleazar Wheelock and Solomon Hazen a committee to confer\\nwith the other side. The conference which followed only accentu-\\nated the difference between the parties, as one side wished to\\nrefer everything to the decision of a council, the other only wished\\nto obtain advice, reserving to itself as the majority the ultimate\\ndecision of all matters, and on its failure the Hanover members,\\non the 19th of June, made the last proposal to submit for hearing\\nand determination all matters of dissension and grievance to\\nany seven judicious, respectable and impartial clergymen, living\\nwithin a radius of fifty miles, whom the other side might choose.\\nThe reply to this was a prompt and emphatic negative.\\nDear Brethren:\\nIn compliance with your request of the 23rd of May last, being desirous to\\nremove every obstacle which stood in the way of, or had a tendency to prevent\\nthe most friendly and harmonious intercourse with you, becoming christians:\\nInduced by these motives, we appointed a committee, vested with powers, to\\nconfer with you, and also to agree with you, in calling the aid of men of wisdom\\nand knowledge to give their opinion respecting any matter called a breach of a\\nmoral precept, or bar of charity; hoping by their means we might be brought to\\nsee eye to eye, and become bound in the strongest bonds of love, like the true\\nfollowers of the Lamb. In the plan you have proposed to us in your letter of\\nthe 19th instant, of submitting all matters indefinitely that may be called\\nmatters of dissension and grievance, it is not reasonable for you to ask, nor\\nus to grant. We view ourselves possessed of certain natural and unalienable\\nrights, sacred to us, the exercise of which you have said is a great grief and\\nburden to you. It would be a profane thing in us to resign them into the hands", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "32 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nof imperfect, mutable men, or voluntarily to submit them to the least danger\\nor hazard: but they should be preserved inviolable. As the order of society\\ncannot be preserved without this independent right of human creatures we\\nflatter ourselves, brethren, that on reflection, your own reason will point out to\\nyou the great impropriety of making this request.\\nUnanimously voted Samuel Dutton.\\nin behalf of said brethren\\nJune 22, 1805.\\nFurther correspondence could effect nothing and the Han-\\nover party replied on the 27th only to state their regret that no\\naccommodation could be reached and to notify the Hartford\\nmembers that they had asked a council to meet at Hanover to\\norganize them into a church. The council, consisting of the\\nRev. Isaiah Potter of Lebanon, Asa Burton, D.D., of Thetford\\nand Rev. Sylvester Dana of Orford, met as requested on the 2d\\nof July, and the church was duly organized. It consisted of\\ntwenty-two members, all from the east side of the river.^ On\\nthe same side twelve persons. President Wheelock, Professor\\nSmith, Eleazar Wheelock and nine women, and on the west side\\nthirty-five adhered to the old church. On August 21, 1805,\\nthe Congregation in the vicinity of Dartmouth College voted\\nunanimously that Mr. Professor Shurtleff be requested to\\nreceive ordination and to continue his labors as a Minister of the\\nGospel to the congregation in this place, so far as may be con-\\nsistent, and not interfere with his duties as Professor of Divin-\\nity for Dartmouth College.\\nIf the new church felt that its difficulties were removed by\\norganization it was soon to find that such was not the case. The\\nsituation was peculiar. The church was small, though the\\nmajority of the community was in sympathy with it. Through\\nthe ownership of its members and that of its sympathizers in\\nthe village it retained possession of the meeting house, though\\nthe old church, having also a partial ownership in the house, had\\nthe use of it when necessary, and for several years the two churches\\nworshipped in the same house, accommodating their times of\\nworship to one another without either one attempting to dis-\\npossess the other, but not uniting in the ordinances. The new\\nchurch had no pastor and its preacher was a professor in the\\nCollege, on whose good will it was dependent for his services.\\nCaleb Fuller, Benoni Dewey, Mrs. Sabra Dewey, James Wheelock, Mrs. Abigail Wheelock,\\nStephen Kimball, Mrs. Elizabeth Kimball, Samuel McClure, Chester Ingalls, Mrs. Sylva\\nIngalls, Jabez Kellogg, Humphrey Farrar, Epaphras Merrill, John Mansfield, Jacob Ward,\\nMrs. Sarah Lang, Mrs. Abigail Alden, Mrs. Amelia Bissell, Lucy Farrar, Susanna Bascom, Jane\\nGreen, Peggy Dowe, a colored woman, eleven men and eleven women.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "I795-I8I4-] College Church and Controversy. 33\\nAs he was by appointment the preacher to the students and they\\nattended his preaching, the new church, if he was allowed to\\naccept its invitation, became thereby in fact the College church.\\nThe President of the College was the leader of the opposition\\nand determined not to yield a point. His first move was an\\nattempt to deprive the new church of all outside aid by prevent-\\ning Mr. Shurtleff from becoming its preacher and by withdrawing\\nthe students from it. Having failed in his attempt to establish\\nProfessor Shurtleff as a colleague to Professor Smith, and later in\\nhis opposition to the formation of a new church with Professor\\nShurtleff as its sole preacher, he now sought to bring the Trustees\\nof the College into the controversy by enlisting them in his\\nbehalf.\\nAt their meeting on the 31st of August, 1805, he laid in this\\npetition\\nTo the Honorable Board of Trustees of Dartmouth College, the Executive\\nOfficers of said college respectfully represent.\\nThat there are certain difficulties subsisting, which they hope may be re-\\nmoved; but which, as they have reason to fear, may possibly in their operation,\\nrender it necessary for them to attend worship, on the sabbath, in some place\\ndistinct from the meeting house in this place. Such an event, were it ever to\\nhappen, the undersigners will greatly deprecate, and nothing short of the\\nimpossibility of enjoying, any other way, their natural and religious rights,\\ncan lead them to the same; and which they shall be ready fully to prove to the\\npublic on any proper occasion. Should they, however, to this end eventually\\nfind it expedient, they desire the approbation of your honorable Board in favor\\nof the measure, and they persuade themselves that your goodness will be\\ninduced to grant the same, from motives of humanity, science, religion, and\\nthe prosperity of this institution. Should such an event in future arise, not-\\nwithstanding every possible measure to prevent it, the undersigners conceive\\nthat it will become their duty, and that they shall have a right to meet on the\\nsabbath at the Chapel, and that the Professor of Theology preach in that\\nplace, and they consider that they have a just claim to your protection for the\\nmeasure, and they very respectfully desire and expect your sanction of the\\nsame.\\nJohn Wheelock, President,\\nJohn Smith, Professor of Latin and Greek,\\nHebrew and other Oriental Languages,\\nJohn Hubbard, Professor of Math, and Nat.\\nPhilosophy.\\nDartmouth College, Aug. 31, 1805.\\nN.B. We have full reason to believe that the professor of Medicine is full\\nin opinion with us, concerning the above, though he is now absent.\\nOn the same day an address in opposition to this petition was\\nsent to the Trustees signed by ten male members of the new", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "34 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. ix.\\nchurch and thirty-two other inhabitants of the village and its\\nvicinity. It recited the satisfaction which they had always felt\\nat the association of the College and the village in the church,\\nand lately at the coming of Professor Shurtleff, whose salary they\\nhad considerably increased by their subscriptions, and suggested\\nthat should he be now withdrawn from the meeting house to the\\nchapel, which was too small to accommodate both the people\\nand the students, there was danger that the people would not\\npay their subscriptions, and in the lack of this help and the les-\\nsened opportunities of doing good he might be unwilling to hold\\nhis office in the College which would then lose him as a professor.\\nIt further suggested that as the church could not support a\\npastor by itself the withdrawal of Professor Shurtleff would\\nprobably lead to the break-up of the church, which, in view of the\\npast association of the college and the village, would be bad for\\nboth parties.\\nNotwithstanding the fact that the majority of the Board were\\nstrong supporters of the President they hesitated to take part\\nin a controversy in which they had no jurisdiction. They could\\nnot, however, pass without notice a petition coming from the\\nPresident and other college officers and they, therefore, requested\\nthe petitioners to specify the several matters of complaint\\nintended to be included in the general representation, which\\nthey had officially made and presented to the Board. In com-\\npliance with this request the petitioners presented the following\\nspecifications:\\n1st. Individuals belonging to the Religious Society in this place, have\\ntreated the President with great disrespect and contumely, by saying, in sub-\\nstance, that they, said individuals, would reduce the power of the President,\\nand would oblige him to conform and yield to them.\\n2ndly. That the Rev. Professor of Languages has been treated with unkind-\\nness and disrespect, by certain Christian brethren in this place, in this: The\\nReverend Professor, by invitation of the Church at Dartmouth College, acted\\nas their pastor nearly twenty one years; and before he had declined acting\\nlonger in that, or they had desired him to decline, they addressed and styled\\nhim their late Pastor, and requested him to act as moderator of the church as\\na matter of civility under the idea that his pastoral relation had ceased.\\n3rdly. That certain members of the church at Dartmouth College, and\\nothers not belonging to said church, did in a certain memorial indirectly charge\\nthe President with a violation of the truth.\\n4thly. That certain members of the said church have in our opinion taken\\nimproper measures, and seceded from the church in an irregular and improper\\nmanner.\\n5thly. That in consequence of the foregoing reasons, our feelings are such,\\nthat we cannot commune as Christians with the said seceding brethren, neither", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "1795-1814.] College Church and Controversy. 35\\ncan we with comfort be present at the administration of the ordinances to the\\nseceding members, and neither can we with edification and comfort, hear the\\npreaching of those Clergymen who have assisted or deliberately countenanced\\nthe secession of said members.\\n6thly. That measures which respect the society in this place, have been\\npursued without a proper regard and respect to the officers of College, who, in\\ntheir character as officers, as well as individuals, had an interest in the matters\\nso transacted and the Executive of College have in many instances, respecting\\nconcerns of that nature, been apparently treated with designed neglect.\\nWe request liberty of making further specifications, if such should occur to\\nus, as this specification has been of necessity made in haste.\\n[Signed as before.]\\nDabtmouth College, Sept. 2, 1805.\\nThe petition and the specifications, which the Trustees later,\\nin their Vindication, justly described as trifling and contempti-\\nble, were referred to a committee, consisting of IMessrs. Thomp-\\nson, Jacob and Freeman, which on the same day recommended\\nthat the Executive be earnestly requested to make every exer-\\ntion consistent with the honor of the College and the spirit of\\nChristianity to remove the existing difficulties, and if they could\\nnot do this of themselves to call to their aid a mutual ecclesiasti-\\ncal council. In accordance with the expressed desire of the\\nExecutive that they might be removed as far as possible from\\nthe necessity of deciding upon the measures to be adopted,\\nthe committee further recommended that a committee of five\\nbe appointed to attend to the specifications or any further ones\\nthat might be made, and to work with the Executive for the\\nrestoration of harmony, and if this could not be secured to request\\nthe President to call a meeting of the whole Board, to which a\\nstatement of facts should be made together with suggestions for\\naction.\\nThese recommendations were adopted and President Wheelock\\nand Messrs. Farrar, Freeman, Burroughs and Jacob were appointed\\nthe committee. The last three were warm friends of the Presi-\\ndent, but from the fact that no authority was given the com-\\nmittee except to ascertain facts and to call a meeting of the\\nBoard if necessary, it is evident that the Board had no mind to\\nenter into the controversy except with its eyes open, and that it\\nwas willing to be called together before the annual meeting is\\nproof that it regarded the situation as a serious one. It s hesi-\\ntancy to act was the more marked since two of its members, the\\nPresident and Professor Smith, were among the petitioners.\\nWhile they were not willing, however, to follow the lead of the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "36 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nPresident blindly and to remove Professor Shurtleff from the\\nchurch to the chapel they did pass two votes at this meeting,\\nwhich were clearly inspired by the President, and had a bearing\\non the controversy not favorable to the new church. The first\\nwas a complimentary vote to Professor Smith:\\nVoted, that the Rev. Dr. John Smith, having retired, at his own request*\\nfrom the labour of preaching to the members of the College, and having for\\nnearly twenty one years, ministered to the people, in this vicinity, and during\\nall that time, walked in exemplary godliness and honesty, and proved himself\\nto be a faithful and useful preacher and pastor we deem it our duty to express\\nan entire approbation of his past services, our grateful acknowledgments\\ntherefor, and fervent prayers for his happiness.\\nThe intention of this vote was to give to Professor Smith the\\nendorsement of the Board, and it was very skillfully worded to\\nconfuse two things. Professor Smith had retired of his own will\\nfrom preaching to the College, but he was firmly holding onto\\nhis pastorate in the church. This does not appear in the vote,\\nand the entire approbation of his past services is made to\\ncover his relations to both College and church.\\nThe other vote related to Professor Shurtlefif:\\nVoted, that the Professor of Divinity be requested not to accept of ordina-\\ntion until the next session of this Board, or until he be notified by the President\\nof the College, that the existing difficulties, which have occasioned the above\\nmentioned executive representation, are removed.\\nThe object for which President Wheelock was striving was to\\ndeprive the new church of its minister, and by this vote he seemed\\npartially to gain it. He did not secure the removal of Professor\\nShurtleff from the meeting house to the chapel, but if Professor\\nShurtlefT did not receive ordination, though he might continue\\nto preach to the new church, he could not become its pastor\\nor administer to it the ordinances. The church would, there-\\nfore, be dependent for the administration of the ordinances\\nupon exchanges which Professor Shurtleff might make, and\\nthat there might be no exchanges by which ministers might be\\nsecured to administer the ordinances President Wheelock was\\ntrying to bring about. He with Professors Smith and Hubbard\\nhad already approached Professor Shurtleff^ and told him that\\nthey thought that he ought not to exchange with any minister\\nwho would administer the ordinances to the new church, al-\\nthough at that time the President distinctly disclaimed the right\\nMs. memorandum by Professor ShurUefif of conversation July 13. 1805.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "1795-1814] College Church and Controversy. 37\\nto determine with whom he might exchange, basing his objection\\nsolely on his conscientious scruples against communing with\\nthe new church under any minister. A little later a member\\nof the Board asked Professor Shurtleff to make out a list of\\nthose with whom he would like to exchange and to submit it\\nto the President.^ This he did, putting into the list the names\\nof all the clergymen within forty or fifty miles, and requested\\nthe President to mark those to whom he objected. The President\\nmade no objection to any for ordinary exchanges, though he\\npreferred that Professor Shurtlefif should not exchange with\\nthe three ministers who organized the church unless it was neces-\\nsary, but he indicated those by whom only he was willing to\\nhave the ordinances administered. In this list he put the names\\nof his particular friends, who, as the church believed, he thought\\nwould refuse to perform that service, but no clergyman who\\nwas asked refused, and the church was never at a loss for ad-\\nministrators.\\nThe vote of the Trustees had earnestly requested the Execu-\\ntive to use all means to harmonize the conflicting parties. In\\naccordance with that vote the Executive officers, henceforth\\nidentifying themselves with the old church, assuming responsi-\\nbility for all its communications, except as an occasional vote\\ngave formality to their opinions, and making the controversy\\na personal one between themselves and the new church, sent as the\\nfirst effort for peace the following letter:\\nHanover, 25th Oct 1805.\\nTo Deacon Benoni Dewey and others residing in the vicinity of Dartmouth\\nCollege, who have gone out from the church at said College.\\nSirs, We the undersigners would express our grief, as well as other members\\nof said church, on account of the uncandid and unchristian reflections (as we\\nesteem them), in the remonstrance, signed by you to the brethren of said\\nchurch who live in Hartford; which remonstrance is dated 12th Feb\u00c2\u00ab. 1805.\\n1. In representing the pastor of the aforesaid church as unjustifiably en-\\ndeavoring to retain his pastoral relation to the exclusion of another, and in\\ntreating him (the said pastor) with language involving contempt.\\n2. By representing the brethren of said church who live in Hartford, as\\nacting a sinister part in combining with the pastor, in using such endeavors;\\nand by implying that the said brethren would sacrifice the cause of religion\\nto subserve their corrupt purposes.\\n3. In charging President Wheelock (by implication) with falsehood, in\\nsaying at our first church meeting in Dec. last, that Professor Hubbard desired\\nto be received as a member of said church. And we cannot but consider the\\n1 True and Concise Narrative, p. s8.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "38 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. ix.\\ngeneral tenor of your said remonstrance as containing unchristian asperity,\\nand as too destitute of that benevolence which the gospel recommends.\\nWe would also express our grief, that you have gone out from the church\\nat Dartmouth College, without making satisfaction for these unchristian\\nreflections, and without asking the consent of the church, which we conceive\\nwas in violation of the solemn covenant to which you had consented in which\\nyou promised to submit yourselves to the government of Christ in his church,\\nand to the regular administration of it in this place; and that you would in\\nbrotherly love seek the peace and welfare of this church, so long as God should\\ncontinue you here.\\nIt is our sincere desire, that you would suitably attend to the foregoing\\nmatters of grievance, and be disposed in a Christian manner to condemn\\nwhatever may appear in the same as contrary to the rule of the gospel. We\\nshall endeavor to communicate with you more fully in conversation, whenever\\nit shall be agreeable to you. Happy should we be. were the way opened for\\nthe restoration of Christian friendship and confidence: and we feel a disposi-\\ntion, and, as we suppose, all the brethren of the church do, to adopt any meas-\\nure to effect so desirable an end, which may comport with the rules of the\\ngospel.\\nJohn Wheelock,\\nJohn Smith,\\nJohn Hubbard.\\nA reply was made to this on the 28th by Caleb Fuller, Benoni\\nDewey and James Wheelock, a committee of the church, stating\\nthat in accordance with the suggestion of the Trustees, they\\nwere ready, as they always had been, to submit any and all\\nmatters of controversy to the decision of a mutual council, but\\nasking whether the letter received represented the church or\\nonly the signers. In response to this question the old church\\nvoted November 7, to concur with their brethren who are\\nexecutive officers in the College in any regular measures which\\nthey may think proper to adopt to induce the other party\\nto make christian satisfaction for their conduct which may\\nappear unbecoming the professed followers of Christ, but to\\ndo nothing to endanger the existence of this church, or to cause\\na separation of its members who are now in fellowship. A\\nlong correspondence followed in which, though both sides ex-\\npressed an earnest desire for an agreement, each was more earnest\\nto expose the weakness of the other s position than to find a\\nbasis of agreement. The case of the new church was the more\\nably presented, and the skillful statement of its view was what\\nin the end made the council possible. The old church was willing\\nto lay before a council all questions of moral grievance that\\nhad arisen, of which they had many against the new church,\\nthough for themselves they said, if we have done anything", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "I795-I8I4-] College Church and Controversy. 39\\ncontrary to the rules of the gospel, we hope our imperfections\\nwill be overlooked by men and forgiven by God, but we find no\\nabraidings of our own consciences. The question of the de-\\nsirability of organizing the new church they would not submit\\nto a council, as they conceived it to be a natural right to be\\ntogether, and to submit such a point was equivalent to sub-\\nmitting the existence of the church, which would be condemned\\nby the gospel and disapproved by all enlightened pious men.\\nBut they did concede that if their opinion on this point was a\\nmatter of moral grievance to any of the other party, that\\nparty could bring it before the council as such, and they\\nproposed that the matters be submitted to the Windsor Asso-\\nciation, together with a few other ministers, or that the com-\\nmittee of the Trustees appoint five or more ministers to act as a\\ncouncil.\\nThe new church, on the other hand, insisted that all matters\\nof dissension should be brought before the council, saying that\\nit was of no use to settle one part of the disagreement if another\\nimportant part was left untouched. Unless, therefore, the old\\nchurch was willing to submit the whole case they could not\\nconsent to a partial submission, but in their desire to have a\\nsettlement, and with the view that neither party was a proper\\njudge in the case, they proposed that each side should make a\\nstatement of the matters which in its judgment ought to be sub-\\nmitted to the council, and that the council should decide which\\nstatement was the proper basis for its deliberations. This prop-\\nosition was not acceptable, and an agreement seemed impossi-\\nble, when the new church acceded in apparent form to the other s\\ndemands by the following statement of its position\\nWe wish to be fully understood. We have no idea that a council, should\\none be convened, would undertake to determine the question, that began\\nour controversy viz. whether Mr. Shurtleff be ordained as sole pastor of the\\nchurch, but if either of us, or any member of the old church while that question\\nwas agitated, conducted unbecoming the followers of Christ and thereby have\\ngiven just cause of offense; this we apprehend would be a proper subject for\\nthe consideration of the council.\\nWe have no idea that the council would undertake to determine, whether\\nwe of the new church shall remain as distinct or be reunited to the old church,\\nor whether the old church as it now is, shall be divided and some of its mem-\\nbers against their will be annexed to the new church these are matters which\\nwe conceive cannot be submitted but if we or any of us have pursued any\\nmeasures, unbecoming our Christian profession to procure our separation from\\nthe old, and formation into a new church or if you or either of you have\\ndone anything unbecoming your Christian profession, stood in the way or", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "40 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nhindered our free and full enjoyment of any of the divine ordinances, these\\nalso we apprehend would be proper subjects for the consideration of the council.\\nThe two parties had now reached a common position but\\nfrom different reasons. The old church beHeving that it had\\nan inaHenable right to be connected with the other would not\\nconsent to have the question of that connection raised, but\\ninsisted that after the matters of moral grievance had been\\npassed upon by the council the whole church as before con-\\nstituted should decide by itself the relation of its members.\\nThe new church held that as it was de facto an independent\\nchurch there was no question of its relation that could be sub-\\nmitted to a council but only the question of the conduct of its\\nmembers. A mutual council was agreed upon, and each party\\nwas to present its grievances in writing. The council met on the\\n19th of February, 1806.\\nThe new church presented as its complaints the unjustifiable\\ninconsistency of Professor Smith and his supporters in refusing,\\nafter he had declared his wish to withdraw from the pulpit,\\nto consent to settle Professor Shurtleff, whom they chose,\\nexcept as a colleague to Professor Smith, whom they did not\\nchoose the unwillingness of the old church to listen to ex-\\npostulations on their unreasonable interference and their\\ntaking occasion wrongly to accuse the new church the various\\nfacts mentioned in the remonstrance of February 12; their\\ntaking advantage of a majority to vote what was of no profit\\nto themselves, only aggression, grievous, overbearing and\\noppressive their refusal to join in a mutual council and their\\nattempt to neutralize the result of the ex parte council, betray-\\ning an artful design to hold an advantage not consistent with\\nsimplicity their putting obstacles in the way of the organization\\nof the new church; their stigmatizing them as seceders their\\nrenouncing of fellowship with the organizing clergymen; their\\ndeclaration to the Trustees, and their measures to remove\\nthe college to the chapel and to limit the usefulness of Professor\\nShurtleff, and that Dr. Smith denounced Jacob Ward.\\nThe complaints presented by the old church, signed by John\\nWheelock, John Smith and John Hubbard, were in substance\\nthe same as those contained in the specifications to the Trustees.\\nThey were drawn out in wearisome iteration and detail and\\npresent the same elusive and unworthy opposition.\\nThe council continued in session five days and on the 24th", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "1795-1814] College Church and Controversy. 41\\nreached and published a unanimous result. No charges of moral\\ngrievance were supported on either side, on the contrary both\\nparties were bid to observe how easy it was in controversies for\\nmisinterpretation of the most sincere expressions to arise, and\\nhow necessary were self examination and forbearance. For the\\npractical adjustment of difficulties they then made the following\\nrecommendations\\nWe judge it expedient that there be but one church at present in connection\\nwith the College, denominated as formerly, consisting of two branches one on\\nthe east side, and the other on the west side of Connecticut river, under the\\nsame covenant as heretofore, that each branch have an independent and exclu-\\nsive right of admitting and disciplining its own members. That each branch\\nalso have the exclusive privilege of employing or settling a minister of their\\nown choice. That should there be a Pastor in each branch they act as moder-\\nators exclusively in their respective branches. That there be annually the\\nsame number of communions in the meeting house on the college plain as\\nheretofore, both branches then uniting in the solemnity. That in case there\\nbe only one administrator, to whichever branch he may belong, he administer\\nto the v/hole church. That in case of two such administrators, and both pres-\\nent at the solemnity it be optional with them whether to divide the services\\nof each solemnity, or each perform the whole alternately. That it be optional\\nwith each branch v/hether any, or how many intermediate communions they\\nwill have and at any intermediate communion of one branch the members of\\nthe other have free invitation to participate. In case of two ministers, that is\\none connected with each branch, each perform Parochial duties for such as\\nstand related to him by their own choice. And should this result be mutually\\naccepted it is proposed that there be a meeting of the whole church without\\nunnecessary delay, when the Rev. Dr. Smith acting as moderator, some person\\nbe chosen Scribe to whom shall be committed the original records of this church,\\nwhose duty it may be to record any after vote of the whole church. Then let\\neach branch in its distinct capacity, choose a standing Moderator and Scribe.\\nAnd it is proposed that in any meetings of the whole church should there be an\\nadministrator in each branch they preside as Moderator alternately, and if\\nthere be but one administrator he preside in all such general meetings.\\nThis plan, though it was afterward called by President Whee-\\nlock in his Sketches vague and indeterminate, was cordially\\naccepted by him in behalf of the members of the Hartford church\\nwhen it was announced by the council, and it was in fact happily\\ndesigned to produce harmony among those who really wished for\\nharmony. Its provisions were few and simple and required for\\ntheir success only a reasonable spirit on the part of the two parties.\\nIt gave to the church a formal unity in calHng for a general meet-\\ning at the first for the election of a scribe as the custodian of the\\nrecords, and in providing for possible though apparently unex-\\npected general meetings in the future, and in bringing the whole", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "42 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nchurch together at times for the celebration of the sacrament.\\nIt also re-established the Presbyterian form of government in\\nboth branches. At a later time after the failure of this plan and\\nafter the east branch had reverted to the Congregational form,\\nPresident Wheelock made the change the occasion of an acri-\\nmonious charge against the church, and bitterly assailed the\\nTrustees of the College for allowing Professor Shurtleff to preach\\nto the church, on the ground that the original principles of\\nthe institution had been subverted and that it was a breach\\nof trust to use the proceeds of the Phillips fund to pay a\\nprofessor who preached to a Congregational church, though there\\nwas no perversion when he preached to the same church on a\\nPresbyterian basis, but if it had not been for his opposition this\\nplan of the council would have resulted in the re-establishment\\nof the Presbyterian form. On the other hand the plan made the\\ntwo churches practically independent in the essential matters of\\nadmitting and disciplining members and calling and settling\\npastors.\\nBoth churches accepted the result of the council but in different\\nterms. The old church met in the meeting house in Hanover\\nMarch 20 and expressed their acceptance and understanding of\\nit in the following terms:\\nOn taking into consideration the result of the mutual council and\\nbeing highly pleased and fully satisfied with the same, as proper and well\\nadapted to the state of this church; unanimously voted, that agreeably to the\\nintent, meaning and import of said result, this church shall continue in the\\nfuture to be one and the same as heretofore, and the members of the same re-\\nmain under the same covenant as formerly in said church. That accordingly,\\nthe same plan of government as heretofore shall continue in future to be the con-\\nstitutional form of government for the church, embracing the two branches.\\nThat in case of a vacancy in the pastoral office in either branch the existing\\npastor may discharge the duties of administrator over both branches: and\\nthat members may be admitted, and discipline exercised in each branch sepa-\\nrately. That there shall be no change in the ecclesiastical form of government\\nin either branch unless the whole church composed of the two branches, at a\\nregular meeting shall agree to the same. That individual members on the\\neast or west side of the river shall have a right to belong to either branch, as\\nthey may incline. That in future any member or members having any diffi-\\nculty with any other member or members of the Church, shall have a right, if\\nhe, she, or they should desire it, to be heard and tried by the pastors and elders\\nof the two branches, composing one judicial tribunal. That there shall be a\\nmeeting of the two branches, whenever any member or members in either\\nbranch shall desire it for such reasons as shall appear important to the pastor\\nor pastors, as heretofore, the same to be seasonably and duly published in\\nthe two branches by the existing pastor or pastors; and in case of a possible", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "1 795-1814] College Church and Controversy. 43\\nvacancy in both these offices, by the elders of either branch. That the two\\npastors shall alternately act as moderators at the meeting of the whole church,\\nwhich duty shall always be discharged by the existing pastor, when there shall\\nbe only one. That when the two branches shall meet to attend the special\\nordinances, there being two pastors, they shall officiate on these occasions by\\nagreement, and when there is only one pastor, it shall be his duty to administer\\nthe same. That each branch shall have the right of admitting members into\\nthe same; but when any member applies for admission into either branch, he\\nor she shall be publicly propounded a reasonable time in each branch.\\nUnanimously voted that this church do fully and cordially adopt the whole\\nof the aforesaid result of the reverend council which we consider as embracing\\nin its tenor, import, and meaning all the articles contained in the foregoing\\nremarks. And should any concerned conceive that any of the said preceding\\nremarks are not intended and embraced in the said results, we would hereby\\nexpress our willingness and cheerfulness to enter into any amicable conference\\nor discussion respecting the same, with the spirit of Christian accommodation.\\nAnd should there finally remain any disagreement between this church and\\nothers concerned, as to the true intent and meaning of any part of said result,\\nthis church will be cheerfully ready to join in asking the opinion and advice of\\nthe honorable committee of the Trustees, or a majority of those who are\\nnearest, and were present at the session of said council: and likewise of a ma-\\njority of the members of the council who formed the result, and are nearest;\\nand that in case of such reference, some one of said committee be intrusted\\nwith the whole business of obtaining such opinion and advice.\\nThis interpretation was clearly intended to produce disagree-\\nment. Under the pretence of acceptance it modified or reversed\\nevery important recommendation of the council. The result\\nemphasized the separateness of the two churches; the acceptance\\ndeclared the church one and the same as before; the result gave\\nto each church the exclusive right of admitting and disciplining\\nits own members, the acceptance changed the exclusive right\\ninto the right, and further modified it in the matter of admis-\\nsion by requiring that candidates be propounded in both\\nbranches, and in the matter of discipline by giving the discipline of\\nmembers in controversies with one another into the hands of the\\nwhole church the result made provision for one general meeting\\nof the churches, and after that expected no more, but the accept-\\nance allowed the pastors to call a meeting of the whole church\\nat the request of any member. President Wheelock saw what\\nwould follow the acceptance of the recommendations of the\\ncouncil in their plain meaning. The new church would be firmly\\nestablished with Professor Shurtleff for its pastor. There would\\nbe no reason why he and Professors Smith and Hubbard should\\nnot join it, as the two churches were on an absolute equality, and\\nvicinity, association and college interests were all in favor of the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "44 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nlocal relation. But such a step would be a complete victory for\\nhis opponents and a confession of his defeat, and to this he could\\nnot bring himself. Yet openly to refuse the result of the council\\nwould be to put himself manifestly in the wrong, as well as to\\ndefeat the suggestion of the Trustees in advising a council. He\\nwas, therefore, forced to assent, but while fully assenting in form\\nhe coupled his assent with explanations which nullified the whole,\\nand to which he knew the other side could not agree. To the\\ncontroversy which must inevitably ensue he tried again to make\\nthe Trustees a party by suggesting that disputed matters be\\nreferred to their committee, or that one of them should serve\\nas a medium of communication between the churches and the\\ncouncil. In this he failed, as the local church would not agree\\nto such a reference and the Trustees were not willing to be drawn\\ninto the controversy.\\nThe meeting of the new church to consider the recommenda-\\ntions of the council was held April 4, 1806, at which they voted\\nto accept the result, after having first stated in a preamble of\\nrather aggressive terms their understanding of the recommenda-\\ntions.\\nIt appearing to this church, that al! those rights and privileges for which we\\nhave so long contended, are by the expression, spirit, meaning and implication\\nof the said result, fully secured, and guaranteed to us that according to the\\nsame, each branch has an independent and exclusive right of admitting, and\\ndisciplining its own members, which necessarily implies, and invests, an entire\\nand separate jurisdiction to each branch. And that each branch has also the\\nentire and exclusive privilege of settling a minister of its own choice, without\\nthe interference of the other. And altho a meeting of the whole church is\\nrecommended for the particular purpose therein mentioned, yet we consider,\\nthat it was not meant or intended by sd. result: and the same does not express,\\nor imply, that there should ever thereafter, be any meeting together of the\\ntwo branches, and that should there ever be any such gen meeting of the\\ntwo branches, we consider it as meant and intended by sd. result, that in\\nany matter that may relate to, come before, or be transacted at such a gen\\nmeeting, each branch shall be on an equal footing, and have in every respect,\\nan equal weight and voice with the other branch, without any reference to any\\nmajority of individual votes whatever, and that consequently it was the mean-\\ning and design of sd. council, by sd. result, that there should be only, as it\\nwere, a confederation or coalescion of the two churches; and on such a plan as\\nto secure to each its separate exclusive and independent rights and privileges.\\nTherefore unanimously Voted, that the result aforesaid, which we consider\\nand esteem, as a choice fruit of the wisdom, benevolence, piety, and christian\\nlove of the Revd. council who formed the same, we will, and hereby do, with\\nthe utmost sincerity, most cheerfully, and cordially, acquiesce, comply with\\nand accept.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "1 795-1 8 14-] College Church and Controversy. 45\\nThe church further voted to adopt the name of the East\\nBranch of the Church at Dartmouth College, to adopt the old\\ncovenant, which did not differ in any essential from their own,\\nand to admit the members of the other church on the east side of\\nthe river who wished to join them. To theother church, which\\nhad communicated to them a copy of its vote, they expressed\\nsurprise at its interpretation, but also their own willingness to\\nenter upon a discussion of the points involved, adding that if an\\nagreement were not reached the only proper thing to do was to\\nask the same council which had formed the result to interpret it.\\nThey appointed a committee to report their acceptance of the\\nresult, but they did not communicate the exact vote or the\\npreamble. They then voted to ask Dr. Smith, appointed moder-\\nator of the first general meeting by the result, to call such a meet-\\ning, if agreeable, on some day of the next week.\\nThis meeting was called, the other church agreeing, for Thurs-\\nday the loth of April, and held at the meeting house in Hanover.^\\nThe old church proposed that they enter at once upon a discussion\\nof their differences, but the Hanover members urged that it was\\nproper, first to attend to the special business for which they had\\nmet, the election of a scribe, and then to confer on other matters.\\nAfter some debate a motion was made to proceed to elect a\\nscribe, which was carried, ten to three, all the Hanover members\\nvoting in the aflfirmative, and on the ballot for scribe Professor\\nHubbard received ten votes, none of the Hartford members\\nvoting, and he was declared elected. A discussion was then\\nbegun as to the construction of the result, and, as might have\\nbeen expected, each party held strictly to its own interpretation.\\nBefore the meeting, however, when it became known that there\\nwas a dilTerence of understanding, James Wheelock, one of the\\nnew church, had written to the members of the council asking\\nthem their explanation of the result. In reply they sent him a\\ncertificate signed by them all, and a letter from Mr. Pruden, the\\nmoderator of the council, endorsed by each of the others. These\\nwere brought forward in the discussion in support of the position\\nof the new church.\\nWe the subscribers, members of the late ecclesiastical council convened at\\nDartmouth College on the 19th day of February last, do hereby certify\\nThat it was our meaning and understanding, in the Result we then published,\\nThere were present the ten male members of the new church mentioned on page 29 and\\neleven members of the old church: Dr. Smith, the moderator. President Wheelock, Professor\\nHubbard, Deacons Samuel Dutton and John Dutton, Hezekiah Hazen, Solomon Hazen, Phile-\\ninon Hsizen, Juniah Chapman, Hervey Gibbs and Friend Ingraham.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "46 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nthat neither of the branches of the church therein proposed should call any\\nmeeting of the whole church, after the first but by agreement of both branches\\ntherefor.\\nAnd that at any such meeting of the whole church, in any matter that may\\nrelate to the convenience, or any of the rights, or privileges of either of the\\nbranches, each branch should have equal weight in voting without reference\\nto any majority of individuals.\\nMarch 1805.\\nThe letter was equally definite on the other points in the result\\nand wholly confirmed the position of the new church, but it was\\nwithout effect except that after the meeting some of the Hartford\\nmembers expressed privately their satisfaction that the letters\\nhad been read. Notwithstanding the disagreement the new\\nchurch proceeded on the assumption that the union had been\\neffected, and from then on for more than three years notified the\\nother church of its communion seasons and invited its members\\nto be present, although no such invitation was received in return.\\nIt was, however, increasingly evident that the controversy was\\nnot between the two churches, but between one church and\\nPresident Wheelock,^ and from this time on the Hartford church,\\nexcept as it was approached again by the Hanover church in\\n1809 and passed in reply two formal votes, in which the President s\\nhand was evident, takes no part. The struggle passed wholly\\nto the east side of the river, where President Wheelock, as the\\nchurch became secure, transferred it to the Board of Trustees\\nand made them, instead of the church, the other party to the\\ncontest. Little by little, as the Hartford church dropped into\\nthe background. President Wheelock became more and more the\\naggrieved party and made increasing claims. At first he objected\\nto some exchanges on Professor Shurtleff s part only on the\\nground of the bad conduct of some of the ministers in supporting\\nthe new church, but now he claimed a charter right to regulate\\nJames Wheelock in a letter to his brother, President Wheelock, dated April 19, 1806, very\\nclearly shows that the decision rested with the President. After recalling the progress of the\\ndifficulty and showing how the council opened the way for reconciliation for those who wished\\nit, he refers to a statement of the President that he had not and would not accept the result,\\nand says, What motive can influence you thereto the reasons you offered the Trustees are\\nnow done away. We insist on no privilege, but what the other branch has a right to, and which\\nit is our choice that they should enjoy as well as we. What you insist on, it seems cannot be,\\nand you do not pretend that it is any matter of conscience it is not my business to conjecture\\nwhat motive then it is that does or can influence you in this matter but whatever it may be,\\nI beg you to consider the consequences which will probably follow. Again in\\nAugust he wrote in connection with the attempt of the President to have the Trustees remove\\nProfessor Shurtleff to the chapel: Should you persist in your design, and attain the object\\nof your wishes by a decree from the Trustees of the College, that Mr. Shurtleff may be removed\\nfrom the meeting house to the Chapel, what advantage can possibly result to the Institution\\nor to yourself thereby other than (if any it can be) of having carried your point)", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "1 795-1 8 1 4-] College Church and Controversy. 47\\nall of Professor Shurtleff s exchanges, and before the Board he\\ncomplained of him for taciturnity respecting church difficulties,\\nfor injudicious conduct in the management of meetings and for\\nbeing shy of him and the other college officers.\\nNot long after the action of the churches the committee of the\\nTrustees met and prepared a report, dated May 16 and signed by\\nall the members except Mr. Farrar. They did not think it best\\nto call an extra meeting of the Trustees, but the substance of the\\nreport prepared long before the annual meeting, which did not\\ncome till the 27th of August, was allowed to be generally known\\nand served to intensify the feeling locally and among those\\ninterested in other places. It declared that the President and\\nprofessors had made overtures of conciliation to the members of\\nthe new church, that the result of a mutual council which was\\ncalled was so open to different constructions that it was without\\neffect, and that no reconciliation could be effected compatible\\nwith the dignity and interest of the College, and, therefore,\\nrecommended that the Trustees devise some effectual measures\\nto protect the officers of the College in the enjoyment of their\\nnatural and religious rights and privileges; that they render them,\\nin the discharge of their respective professional duties, independ-\\nent of all others than the Trustees, and that their public services\\nbe solely directed to the benefit of the institution and its mem-\\nbers. It further recommended that such place of public wor-\\nship be provided for the officers and students of College, as will\\nenable them and the whole of the Church of Dartmouth College\\nto enjoy the ordinances of the gospel, without the interrruption\\nor intervention of any; and that the salaries and perquisites of the\\nofficers be so far increased that they shall need no foreign aid for\\ntheir support.\\nThe object of this report was to force the Trustees to act, by\\nrepresenting that there was an infringement of the rights of the\\nCollege in the person of its officers, and to withdraw the officers\\nand the students from the meeting house to the chapel, and to\\nrequire Professor Shurtleff to preach to them instead of to the\\ncongregation. The increase in his salary was to be a partial\\ncompensation for his loss of the support of the church. Action\\nby the Trustees could not have been, like that by a council, a sub-\\nject of discussion and disagreement between the churches, while\\nit would have controlled the college officers to whom it related.\\nThe adoption of the report would have been, therefore, a complete\\nAnswer to Uie Vindication, etc., p. 28.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "48 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nvictory for President Wheelock, and would have left the new\\nchurch without a minister or the means of supporting one. If Pro-\\nfessor Shurtlefif had been unwilUng to leave the people and go\\nto the chapel, where they could not come, he might have resigned\\nhis professorship, as many thought that he would do, but the\\nchurch could not have given him sufficient financial support and\\nhe would have been forced to leave the College and the church and\\nto go to another more lucrative position to which he was invited.\\nThere was no little apprehension as to the effect of this report\\nupon the Trustees. The names of four members of the Board\\nwere affixed to it, and as the twelve Trustees were seldom all\\npresent at a meeting the addition of two names would almost\\nassure its adoption, and if but nine were present at the\\nnext meeting a single addition would give a majority in its favor.\\nAs the people in the village had presented their wishes to the\\nBoard the year before it was not desirable for them to repeat\\nthem, and there came to their aid the ministers of New Hamp-\\nshire and Vermont, who, through the action of the two councils,\\nhad become acquainted with the affairs of the church and the\\nCollege, and were almost wholly on the side of the new church.\\nWhen the meeting of the Board came the report of the committee\\nwas met by an opposing address signed by thirty-eight ministers.^\\nExcusing themselves for their address on the ground of their\\ninterest in the College, they expressed their very deep regret\\nat the existing controversy at Hanover. They understood that\\nan application from a very respectable source had been made\\nat the last Commencement to have Professor Shurtleff perform\\nhis ministerial labors in the chapel, and they apprehended it\\nnot unlikely that a renewal of that request might be made at\\nthis meeting. They asked the Trustees to make careful inquiry\\nwhether the reasons were sufficiently weighty and important,\\nor duly substantiated, to justify a measure so pregnant,\\napparently, with consequences as the change and innovation\\nIsaiah Potter of Lebanon, Sam^ Wood of Boscawen, W\u00e2\u0084\u00a2. Conant of Lime, Nathan Waldo\\nof Williamstown, Vt., James Hobart, of Berlin, Vt., Drury Fairbanks of Plymouth, Daniel\\nDickinson of Meriden, Asa Burton of Thetford, Vt., John Smith of Haverhill, Nathaniel Lam-\\nbert of Newbury, Vt., Thos. Worcester of Salisbury, W Patrick of Canterbury, Ethan Smith\\nof Hopkinton, David L. Morrill of Goffstown, Moses Sawyer of Henniker, Lemuel Bliss of\\nBradford, Stephen Chapin of Hillsborough, Abraham Bordwell of Sanbomton, Tilton East-\\nman of Randolph, Vt., Gardiner Kellogg of Bradford, V t., Daniel Stanniford. Enoch\\nWhipple, Walter Harris of Dunbarton, Josiah Babcock of Andover, Noah Worcester of\\nThornton, Micaiah Porter of Plainfield, Jacob Haven of Croyden, Abijah Wines of Newport,\\nJoseph Rowell of Cornish, Asa McFarland of Concord, Josiah Carpenter of Chichester, Ebenezer\\nPrice of Boscawen, Jon Strong of Randolph, Mass., Josiah Webster of Hampton, Bancroft\\nFowler of Windsor, Vt., John Lord of Washington, Leonard Worcester of Peacham, Vt., John\\nFitch of Danville, Vt.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "1 795-1 8 14-] College Church afid Controversy. 49\\nproposed. Many of the signers of the address were in Hanover\\nat Commencement to enforce their views in person.\\nWhen the report and the address came up for discussion in\\nthe Board on the 29th the address was laid upon the table and\\nthe report was recommitted to the same committee with the\\nrequest that they point out particularly the place of public\\nworship contemplated: the means proposed by the committee\\nto enlarge the salaries of the officers, and that they suggest\\ndefinite proposals for carrying their ideas into effect. In response\\nthe committee made on the same day a supplementary report in\\nwhich they recommended that Mills Olcott be appointed the\\nagent of the Board to purchase seats in the meeting house not\\nexceeding in value $1,000, the purchase to be made, however,\\nonly on the condition that the owners of the residue of said\\nhouse shall agree, in proper form, that the said house shall be\\nunder the control of the Trustees and the Executive Authority\\nof the College, for the purpose of usual and stated times of reli-\\ngious worship, and for administering the ordinances to the Presby-\\nterian Church at Dartmouth College, and for such collegiate\\nexercises as they may from time to time deem proper. The\\nhouse was to be open for the use of the other owners when it was\\nnot occupied by the direction of the Executive Authority. It\\nwas further recommended that the professor of theology perform\\ndivine service in the house on Sunday and other appointed times,\\nmaking such exchanges only as should be approved by the Presi-\\ndent or a majority of the Executive Authority, and deliver at\\nleast one theological lecture a week at the College chapel in term\\ntime; that he receive the same salary as the other professors,\\nwhich was to be raised to $600 a year, and that he take upon\\nhim no parochial charge other than the church, officers and\\nstudents of Dartmouth College; nor shall he, by any contract\\nor subscription receive any emoluments except from the Trustees\\nof said College and also, to meet the expense of purchasing\\nseats in the meeting house, that the tuition be raised one dollar\\na quarter and room rent fifty cents a quarter.\\nThis report was an advance upon the preceding one in that it\\ndefinitely sought to control the meeting house, and to separate\\nProfessor Shurtlefif from the new church by forbidding him to\\nhave any parochial charge except the church, officers and\\nstudents of Dartmouth College, which in the President s view\\nconstituted the Hartford church, or to receive any emolument\\nfrom any one except the Trustees. These prohibitions, if effect-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "50 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nive, would have given the President the entire control of the\\nsituation. The report was received and accepted and Mills\\nOlcott was appointed to treat with the proprietors of the meeting\\nhouse. On the next day he reported that the desired purchase\\nof pews could not be made. The owners were for the most part\\nmembers of the new church or sympathizers with it, and they did\\nnot propose to sell themselves out of home. The situation indi-\\ncated by this report was referred to a new committee consisting\\nof Messrs. Jacob and Burroughs, friends of the President, who\\nspent three days in examining the situation and consulting the\\nparties in interest, and then made a report differing in material\\npoints from that of the former committee, and attempting to\\nconciliate the opposing parties.\\nThey proposed that the Trustees and the executive officers\\nshould have the control of the meeting house for Commencement\\ndays and for the public college exercises, in accordance with a\\nprevious agreement with the proprietors, that on Sundays the\\nofficers and students should have free enjoyment of the building,\\nthat if two bodies of worshipers, not having fellowship with one\\nanother, used the building they should have stated times of wor-\\nship so as not to interrupt each other, that the professor of\\ntheology should perform divine service in the house on Sunday\\nor by exchange not disapproved by the President, and should by\\nexchange provide administrators agreeable to the two bodies, that\\nif a professor of theology should be appointed who was not\\nacceptable to the proprietors the Trustees would then sell to\\nthem any interest they might have in the house for a cash pay-\\nment determined by agreement or arbitration, and specially,\\nas the people in this vicinity esteem it a duty and privilege to\\ncontribute, according to their abilities, toward a compensation to\\nthe Professor of Theology for his administration to them, that\\nthey have that privilege, provided it be not done in a way\\nrepugnant to the true intent of the resolution of the honorable\\nBoard of Trustees, in relation to the matter of his receiving his\\nyearly compensation for his services as Professor of Theology.\\nThe requirement of one theological lecture a week in the chapel\\nwas changed to one in three weeks.\\nThe main differences between the two reports were that the\\nfirst gave the control of the meeting house into the hands of the\\nThe burden of one such lecture every week in addition to his preaching on Sunday and his\\nother college work was regarded by Professor Shurtleff as intolerably severe and cruel, as it\\nwas afterward admitted to be by Dr. Burroughs, who voted for the measure, yet President\\nWheelock on his part regarded the change as unjustifiable leniency.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "1795-1814.] College Church and Controversy. 51\\nCollege for itself and the Presbyterian church, while the second\\nleft it to the proprietors except for public college exercises; the\\nfirst appointed Professor Shurtleff to preach on Sunday, but to\\nthe church approved by the Executive, which was of course the\\nold one, while the second continued the existing arrangement, and\\nthe first left the new church without a minister or administrators,\\nwhile the second gave equal privileges to the two churches.\\nHow, according to the second report, the people could contribute\\ntoward the compensation of the professor of theology in a way\\nnot repugnant to a resolution of the Board which declared that\\nhe should not by contract or subscription receive any emolument\\nexcept from the Trustees of the College, was a riddle which they\\ndid not attempt to solve, and it is no clearer now than it was then.\\nIn his Answer to the Vindication of the Trustees Mr. Dun-\\nham states^ that the President and Mr. Freeman opposed this\\nreport, the President declaring that its acceptance would ruin\\nthe institution, but it was nevertheless adopted. In modifica-\\ntion of their previous action the Trustees appointed Mills Olcott\\ntheir agent to rent pews in the meeting house, excused the profes-\\nsor of theology from delivering a public lecture oftener than once\\nin three weeks in addition to his other duties, and retained the\\nsalaries of the professors at $500, but gave an addition for the\\nyear of $50. The memorial of the ministers was the occasion of\\nmuch debate. The President attempted to secure condemnation\\nboth at this and the next annual meeting, without success, but at\\nan adjourned meeting January 8, 1808, carried by his casting vote\\na resolve^ that whether the representations contained therein\\nwere founded in mistake or otherwise, the Board consider this\\nattempt to influence their determination on the subject to which\\nthe memorial refers as highly improper.\\nAfter this unsuccessful attempt to enlist the Trustees in the\\ncontroversy, matters went on for three years without any outward\\nchange till the death of Professor Smith. By this event the old\\nchurch was left without a pastor and President Wheelock lost his\\nchief supporter in Hanover. To one who really wished for the\\nend of strife it would seem as if the opportunity for it had come.\\nNo question was any longer possible as to the relation of Professor\\nSmith and Professor Shurtleff in the churches, and to Professor\\nShurtlefi the Hartford church had no objection, as was shown by\\nPage 31.\\nYeas, President Wheelock, Messrs. Burroughs, Smith, Freeman, Gilman and Jacob. Nays,\\nMessrs. Olcott, Niles, Thompson, Farrar and Paine.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "52 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\ntheir action two years later in asking him to be their pastor, so\\nthat if he had been taken as the pastor of the whole church, as\\nProfessor Smith had been before him, there would have been no\\nlonger any occasion of contention. But this was not the wish of\\nPresident Wheelock who by such a settlement of the contest\\nwould have lost his leadership of the Hartford body. He felt\\nthat it was important for him that the church should be at once\\nsupplied with a pastor and one who would support him in his\\nattitude toward the new church, and he turned to the Rev. Dr.\\nEden Burroughs whose good-will he had secured in 1805. The\\nrelation of Mr. Burroughs to the church in Hanover Center, his\\nconflict with the Grafton Presbytery, his excommunication by\\nthat body and subsequent refusal to accept reinstatement except\\non a confession of error on the part of the Presbytery, and his\\nconnection with the Windsor Association of Congregational\\nchurches, have been told in the first volume. Among his strongest\\nopponents were President Wheelock and Professor Smith, both\\nof whom had been prominent in the deliberations of the Presby-\\ntery when his case was tried and decision given against him.^\\nFor nearly twenty years such had been the enmity between\\nthem that Dr. Wheelock would not hear him preach nor suffer\\nhim to pray in the college chapel, neither would Dr. Smith\\nexchange parochial labor with him, but in 1805 when President\\nWheelock as the champion of Presbyterianism was looking round\\nfor support for the old church he turned to Mr. Burroughs, whose\\nfavor he sought to secure by recalling the action of the Grafton\\nPresbytery. That body had gone out of existence, many of the\\nimportant members who had taken part in the trial of Mr.\\nBurroughs were dead, and its records were not available, but at a\\nmeeting on November 7 the old church at the suggestion of Presi-\\ndent Wheelock reviewed the action of the Presbyter and with-\\nout any previous reason being assigned passed the following vote\\ncensuring the Presbytery and taking Mr. Burroughs into their\\nfellowship:\\nUpon a review and careful examination of the proceedings of the\\nGrafton Presbytery against the Rev. Eden Burroughs and the church under his\\ncare, in the year 1784, and from time to time since that period, it was unani-\\nmously voted that we think it our duty publickly to declare, that, in our view\\nthrough some unhappy inattention or whatever cause, the proceedings of said\\npresbytery were founded upon principles which the gospel does not approve:\\nPresident Wheelock was In Europe in 1784 wlien Mr. Burroughs was excommunicated, but\\nhe was one of the committee that subsequently considered the case in 1793 and approved the\\nprevious action of the Presbytery.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "I795-I8I4-] College Church and Controversy. 53\\nand that through misrepresentation, they were led into those mistakes which it\\nsacredly behooves professing Christians carefully to avoid. And we earnestly\\nrecommend to one and all the same review and examination of those matters;\\nand we are well persuaded that they will stand convinced that the proceedings\\nof the Rev. Eden Burroughs and his Church have been governed by a sincere\\nregard to that order and fellowship, which the word of God requires, and that\\nit is the duty and privilege of Churches to hold them in fellowship as brethren\\nbeloved, and as becometh saints.\\nThis action of the church was the ratification of the friendship,\\nof which the first pubHc intimation had been the nomination to\\nthe Trustees in 1805 of Mr. Burroughs for the degree of D. D., an\\nhonor which, after the delay of a year in accordance with the prac-\\ntise of the Board at that time, was conferred upon him at the next\\nannual meeting. By this friendship President Wheelock secured\\nin Mr. Burroughs an adviser to whom he immediately turned in\\nhis controversy with the church, and also a consistent supporter\\nin the Board, and the further advantage of having one who was\\nready to take the place left vacant by the death of Professor\\nSmith. This occurred April 30, 1809, and on the 4th of June, the\\nHartford church, which had so recently restored Dr. Burroughs\\nto the Presbyterian fold, chose him as its moderator so long as the\\nchurch should be destitute of a pastor, and on September 8 gave\\nhim a unanimous call to take the pastoral care of the church.\\nThis call coincided with a movement on the part of the two\\nchurches at Hanover Center to unite. Dr. Burroughs s church\\nhad assented to the union, but many of the other church felt that\\nthey would not feel privileged under his administration, and\\nas Dr. Burroughs s church was not willing to abandon him the\\nmatter halted. The invitation to Hartford relieved the situation\\nin Hanover and a council which met November 15, 1809, advised\\nthe dissolution of Dr. Burroughs s long standing relation and his\\ntransfer to Hartford. The action of the council was only the\\nratification of a fact, as Dr. Burroughs had taken charge of the\\nDothan church on November i. To secure him more definitely\\nfor this church President Wheelock is stated to have added to\\nhis small stipend $100 a year from his own funds.\\nVery soon after the settlement of Dr. Burroughs the Hanover\\nchurch began a correspondence with his church looking toward\\n1 True and Concise Narrative, page 44. Mr. Peyton R. Freeman in his pamphlet, A\\nRefutation of Sundry Aspersions in the Vindication of the Present Trustees of Dartmouth\\nCollege on the Memory of their Predecessors, Portsmouth, 1816, states that he is credibly\\ninformed that President Wheelock did not make this contribution, but defends it as a worthy\\nact.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "54 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\na reconciliation. What they hoped for was not a union into one\\nchurch, but a definite recognition of the separate existence of the\\ntwo branches, which perhaps they thought would be more easily\\nattained now that another pastor than Professor Smith was at\\nthe head of the other branch. On December 12, 1809, the Han-\\nover church, by a committee consisting of Caleb Fuller, Benoni\\nDewey and James Wheelock, addressed a letter to Dr. Burroughs\\nfor his church, recalling the fact of the mutual council of three\\nyears before, and that each church claimed that it had accepted\\nthe result of the council and that the other had erred in its inter-\\npretation. They, therefore, proposed that another mutual\\ncouncil should be called to which should be submitted the question\\nwhich of the two, if either, had really accepted the result, and if\\neither was at fault in interpretation or practice what should be\\ndone to rectify the fault. In reply to this the Hartford church\\nproposed as more effectual the appointment by both parties of\\ncommittees of conference which might bring about the desired\\nreconciliation, and chose for their committee the pastor, Pro-\\nfessor Hubbard and Hezekiah Hazen.\\nAs might have been expected the conference that followed was\\nfruitless, the Hartford members holding on to dead issues by\\ninsisting on discussing moral questions and that both parties\\nshould have full liberty to open the wounds they have received,\\nwhile those from Hanover wished to establish the result of the\\nlast council or to call another. On the report of the committees\\nthe Hartford church declared that it had never accepted the\\nresult of the former council except on its own understanding of\\nthe result and that it did not favor another council as it would\\nhave no authority and either party might decline to accept its\\nconclusions. The Hanover church feeling that further conference\\nwas useless, addressed on the 9th of March, 1810, a letter to the\\nOrange Association, the successor of the Grafton Presbytery,\\nwhich was to meet at Cornish on the 14th, rehearsing the disagree-\\nments that had arisen over the action of the former council and\\nasking advice as to what further duty was incumbent on them,\\nand requesting that a committee of two or three from each branch\\nof the Association should meet in Hanover on the 27th to make\\ninquiries and to report to the next meeting of the Association.^\\nThe committee was appointed and met as suggested, the Hart-\\nford church being present by invitation and presenting its side,\\nTrue and Concise Narrative, p. 47.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "1795-1814.] College Church and Controversy. 55\\nand reported at the meeting which was held in Norwich, May 9,\\nat the house of Rev. James Woodward. President Wheelock\\nattended the meeting and presented an address on the subject\\nbefore it, and after dehberation the Association declared that under\\nthe result of the mutual council no rational prospect remained for\\na union of the two churches,\\nInasmuch as the church at Dartmouth Gollege have explicitly declined\\nadmitting that result as a basis of union. It is, therefore, the opinion of this\\nAssociation, that the situation of the church in the vicinity of Dartmouth\\nCollege ought not to be considered as having been materially affected by their\\nvote to accept of said result. Accordingly we consider this church as standing\\non the same ground, on which it stood previous to the calling of that council;\\nand as being, to all intents and purposes, a regular organized church, in fellow-\\nship with the churches belonging to this Association.\\nIn the hope that a union might still be effected they suggested\\nanother council of seven members, three to be chosen by the\\nLondonderry Presbytery, three by the Orange Association, and\\none, who was to be moderator, by the other six. This council\\nwas to propose a plan of union, to adjust differences, and to decide\\nupon all matters of difficulty. The result of the council was to be\\ndecisive if unanimous, otherwise advisory. The association itself,\\nhowever, suggested as a plan of union that those on the west side\\nof the river be formed into one church, and those on the east side\\ninto another, and, for the sake of harmonizing the opposing ele-\\nments on the east side, that if difficulty rose with a member he\\nshould have the option of being heard by the whole church or by\\nthe pastor and elders, and if his case were referred it should be to\\na mutual tribunal or the Presbytery, as he should choose. The\\nHartford church did not accept these suggestions, and after a\\nyear of discussion of various plans of union, all of which came to\\nnaught, the Hanover church again applied to the Orange Associa-\\ntion at a meeting held at Windsor, June, 181 1, when it was voted,\\nThat the Association see no reason to alter the advice then\\ngiven [at its meeting in 18 10], or to give any further advice with\\nrespect to the subject at present. This was the last appeal by\\nthe Hanover church to any outside body for advice on the subject\\nof the controversy, and from that time it maintained its inde-\\npendence under the Congregational form.\\nBut during the year of discussion President Wheelock made\\nanother attempt to detach Professor Shurtleff. On July 13,\\n18 10, the Hartford church voted to invite Professor Shurtleff to\\ntake the pastoral care of that part of the church which was on the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "56 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. ix.\\neastsideof the river, meaning, of course, those persons, President\\nWheelock, Professor Hubbard and a few women, who kept their\\nconnection with the original church. The invitation was shrewdly\\nworded to present its acceptance as an obligation. Professor\\nShurtlefT was reminded that he was dependent for his office and\\nsupport on the Trustees, that they had consented to his relation\\nto the College church, and that this was the College church,\\nwhich would be deprived of the ordinances, if he should refuse,\\nand on personal grounds the church particularly urged his\\nacceptance, as we unanimously respect Mr. Professor Shurtleff\\nand are fully satisfied with his talents, his doctrinal and practical\\nprinciples. This last statement is especially noteworthy in\\nview of President Wheelock s later charge that there had been\\na fundamental change in the principles and teachings of the\\nInstitution.\\nAs long as there was a hope that he could bring Professor\\nShurtleff to his side he was satisfied with his principles; when\\nthat was shown to be impossible he regarded him as the sub-\\nverter of the religious order of the College. The situation of\\nProfessor Shurtleff was very trying. The President and the\\noldest member of the Board were united in support of this vote,\\nand in personal interviews urged upon him its acceptance, the\\nPresident strongly setting forth, among other arguments, the\\ndesirability of a union among the officers of the College. But he\\ndid not waver and his declination of the invitation was the last\\npublic passage in the long controversy between the two churches.\\nThree years before, in 1807, the Hartford church, feeling its isola-\\ntion as the only Presbyterian church in this section of Congrega-\\ntional churches, asked admission to the Londonderry Presbytery\\nin the southern part of the state. It was admitted during the\\nnext year, and continued in that connection till it adopted the\\nCongregational polity in 1839. But in settling Dr. Burroughs it\\nacted on its own responsibility without regard to the Presbytery,\\nand partly perhaps to set itself right in this matter and partly as a\\ncountermove to the endorsement of the other church by the\\nOrange Association, it asked the Presbytery to inquire into and\\nconsider its situation and concerns and to give any advice relative\\nthereto, which they may think proper. By those outside it was\\nbelieved that the Presbytery was called for the purpose of pre-\\nparing the way for something to be done to injure the\\nnew church at the next meeting of the Board. The Presbytery\\nMs. Letter of Rev. J. H. Church to Professor Shurtleff.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "I795-I8I4-] College Church and Controversy. 57\\nmet at Hanover, July 3, 181 1, at the house of President Wheelock,\\nand in recognition of the fact that the new church was Congrega-\\ntional and, therefore, not under its jurisdiction, it invited to sit\\nwith it and to take part in its proceedings three Congregational\\nministers, the Rev. John Smith of Salem, Seth Payson of Rindge,\\nand J. H. Church of Pelham, all of whom afterward became\\nTrustees of the College.\\nA notice was sent to the new church that the Presbytery pro-\\nposed to consider the grounds and progress of the difficulties\\nwhich had arisen between the two churches, and desired that\\nany who had objections to any of the proceedings of the old church,\\nor to the conduct of any of its members, should appear and present\\ntheir objections. To this notice the church replied through a\\ncommittee, consisting of James Wheelock, Benoni Dewey and\\nCaleb Fuller, that while it distinctly denied any direct or implied\\nauthority of the Presbytery over it, yet, as it had important\\ndocuments and evidence that might be necessary to a complete\\nunderstanding of the case, it was ready and willing and for the\\ncause of truth, glad to afford any light and information that was\\nin its power. The committee, therefore, came before the Pres-\\nbytery and presented its side of the case orally and with docu-\\nments. The hearing occupied several days, though the investi-\\ngation was not as thorough as some wished, and was followed by\\na long session of the Presbytery spent in formulating its result.\\nNaturally there were divergent views and the result was a\\ncompromise. A proposition to censure the new church or the\\nconduct of its members was warded ofif by the three Congrega-\\ntional ministers present, but in turn they had to assent to com-\\nmendations of the old church, on the ground of compromise,\\nwhich of themselves they regarded as too strong. As a whole\\nthe result commended the old church as standing on regular and\\ngospel ground, agreeably to Presbyterian order. Some sharp\\ncontroversy followed in the public prints, but as each church had\\nnow secured the public support of the ecclesiastical body to which\\nit belonged, there was nothing to be gained by such exchange of\\nfeeling, and each kept its several way, except for the invitation\\nwhich the Hartford church gave to Professor Moore to become\\nthe pastor of its eastern members.\\nAt the meeting of the Trustees, August 27, -181 1, the President\\nagain brought forward the local difficulties, but this time not to\\n1 Report of Presbytery, Dartmouth Gazette, July 17, 1811. President Wheelock s paraphrase\\nof this in the Sketches, p. 22, was regular and consistent from the beginning.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "58 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nwin the Board over to his view, but to force them to such meas-\\nures as he wished. He presented a letter in which with a long\\nreview of the affairs of the church he represented Professor Shurt-\\nleff as delinquent in his college duties, saying that he had failed\\nto deliver theological lectures to the students as had been directed\\nby the Board, and that he had not preached as frequently as he\\nought, and he further charged the Trustees with a misappropria-\\ntion of the Phillips fund, the foundation of the professorship\\nof divinity, because they allowed the professor receiving its income\\nto preach to the new church, but he suggested that if the former\\narrangement were restored, that is, if Professor Shurtleff should\\nbe required to preach to his branch of the church, the wounds of\\nthe Institution might be healed. The consideration of this\\nletter was put over to an adjourned meeting, in the following\\nOctober. The Trustees then declared that it was due the Presi-\\ndent that they should state distinctly their position on the\\nimportant matters contained in his letter. Premising that in\\ntheir opinion regular gospel instruction and regular administra-\\ntion of the ordinances were highly important, that no church\\nshould be dependent on the funds of the College for its support,\\nand also that no measure of the Trustees should in any way\\nabridge the rights of conscience, they defined their position on the\\nmatters in question:\\nThe trustees consider that they have made such provision for religious\\ninstruction, and the administration of the ordinances, as circumstances re-\\nquired; but as a very unhappy division among the professors of religion has\\ntaken place, and the President by his memorial seems to express a desire that\\nsome place, other than the meeting house, should be provided where religious\\nordinances and administrations may be attended to, the Trustees hereby\\nexpress their consent that the President, and those officers of College who can-\\nnot with comfort and edification worship with the society usually worshipping\\nin the meeting house, may withdraw from the meeting house, and hold\\nreligious exercises on Sabbaths, and other days of public worship, in the College\\nChapel, or in such place as the President and those officers may appoint: at\\nwhich meetings, such students of College may attend, as request that permis-\\nsion of any of the Executive officers.\\nThe Trustees cannot accede to the idea contained in the memorial, that any\\ndeviation from the will of the late Doct. Phillips, or any perversion of the\\nPhillips fund, hath taken place, by requiring Mr. Professor Shurtleff to preach\\nin the meeting house on Sabbath and other days of public worship; or by per-\\nmitting him to administer Gospel ordinances, when such administration does\\nnot interfere with the prescribed duties of his Professorship.\\nThe Trustees, however, expressly declare any administration of the ordi-\\nnances, or attention to Parochial concerns, which interfere with the regular", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "1795-1814-1 College Church and Controversy. 59\\ndischarge of the duties of the Professor of Theology, to be in their opinion\\nimproper and unjustifiable.\\nThe Trustees have long labored to restore the harmony which formerly pre-\\nvailed in this Institution, without success: and it is with reluctance they express\\ntheir apprehension, that if the present state of things is suffered to remain any\\ngreat length of time, the College will be essentially injured. i\\nThis vote for the first time formally placed the Trustees in\\nopposition to the President. Before this they had failed to adopt\\nhis suggestions or follow his wishes, but now they definitely\\ndeclared against him, not merely in the local controversy but as\\nto the use of college funds. What he declared was perversion\\nthey maintained was lawful. In his view the quarrel in the\\nchurch and the misuse of college funds were inseparable. The\\nTrustees felt that they had nothing to do with the one and were\\nnot guilty of the other. They were, therefore, forced to take a\\ndefinite position in opposition to him. But the President would\\nnot accept the vote as settling the controversy, and on the next\\nday presented the following petition, which accentuated the\\npersonal element in his relations to the Board and rendered the\\ndivision between him and its members more marked.\\nWhereas in the opinion of several of the executive officers of this College, the\\ndiflSculties and disputes which have unhappily existed here for several years,\\nhave arisen and are in a great measure increased and extended by an unneces-\\nsary connexion of the College in ecclesiastical matters, with the people residing\\nin its vicinity I do, in behalf of myself and them earnestly request the Honble\\nBoard of Trustees, that, as the most probable means of restoring the peace and\\nharmony so necessary to the important interests of the Institution They\\nwould countenance the publick worship of the college to be held, in future, in\\nthe College Chapel which was originally erected for that as its most important\\npurpose and we are the more desirous that such a measure should be adopted\\nas we have full reason to believe that a large majority of the members of the\\nInstitutions are also desirous of the same.\\nJohn Wheelock Presid* and in behalf of other officers.\\n[N.B. Other officers being Professor Perkins and\\nTutor Mann c.l\\nDartmouth College\\nOcto. 25, 181 1.\\nThe records of the Board do not contain any reference to the\\npetition, and the fact that a direct request of the President of the\\nCollege was thus passed over indicates the degree of the estrange-\\nment.\\nThe President was defeated too, in his contest in the village;\\nOn this vote the yeas were Messrs. Niles, Farrar, Paine, Marsh, McFar and, Thompson and\\nSmith; the nays Messrs. Burroughs, Oilman and Jacob.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "6o History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. IX.\\nthe new church was established; Professor Shurtleff, who had\\nbeen ordained at Lyme as an evangelist, January i, 1811, though\\nnot its formal pastor, was closely and permanently identified with\\nit in a pastoral relation and the Trustees, instead of giving the\\nPresident a decided or wavering support, were opposed to his\\nmeasures by a large majority.\\nThe course of events was also unfavorable to the President.\\nWithin a year he lost his two supporters on the Faculty. Pro-\\nfessor Smith died, as has been said, April 30, 1809, and Professor\\nHubbard, August 14, 1810.\\nEbenezer Adams was appointed Professor of Languages to\\nsucceed Professor Smith in 1809, but in the following year, on the\\ndeath of Professor Hubbard, he was transferred to the chair of\\nmathematics, and the Rev. Zephaniah Swift Moore was chosen\\nto the chair of languages. The latter was chosen against the\\nwish of the President who urged the appointment of the Rev.\\nElijah Parish as one who might act as administrator to those of\\nthe old church at the College and this he said would remove\\nall difficulties and disorders, which had so long afflicted the peace\\nof the College.\\nBoth the newly elected professors were earnestly besought by\\nPresident Wheelock to throw in their lot with him and the old\\nchurch, and Professor Moore was asked to take charge, as a col-\\nleague to Dr. Burroughs, of the east branch of the old church,\\nthe position which Professor Shurtleff had refused, but Mr. Moore\\nat once declined the pastorate, and after long consideration both\\nconnected themselves with the new church in 18 12. The vener-\\nable Dr. Burroughs also died. May 22, 1813, and his place on the\\nBoard was filled by the Rev. Seth Payson of Rindge, The Rev.\\nAsa McFarland of Concord had already taken the place left\\nvacant by the death of Professor Smith, and both these new\\nmembers of the Board soon found themselves in the exercise of an\\nindependent judgment uniting with those opposed to President\\nWheelock, thus leaving as his only supporters in the Board\\nMessrs. Oilman and Jacob. It was charged by President Wheel-\\nlock in his Sketches that men were chosen to the Board only after\\nthey had been prepared by the majority to accept their views\\nand adopt their policy, but in their Vindication the Trustees\\ndeclared that no person was ever approached by them to ascertain\\nor influence his judgment in advance of an election, and that the\\nattitude taken by the new members was solely the result of their\\nunbiased observations.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "1795-1814.] College Church and Controversy. 61\\nThe breach between the President and the BoaM rapidly\\nwidened. Distrust having once received expression found many\\noccasions of growth. The Trustees on their side were wearied\\nby the constant friction of his relations with them and others, and\\nbelieved, as was expressed by Dr. McFarland, that he was deter-\\nmined to be the omnis homo of the College and that nothing\\nwould satisfy him but the removal of every man, who may ever\\nturn to express and maintain opinions of their own. On the\\nother hand their failure to elect his nominees to positions on the\\nBoard or to professorships led the President to charge them with\\ninfringing upon his charter rights, and the charge was the more\\ndirect when in November, 18 14, the Board, believing that his\\ninstruction was ineffective, relieved the President of the teaching\\nof the senior class in Edwards on the Will and gave it, with some\\nchange, to the different professors. A vote passed in August,\\n181 1, which committed certain powers of discipline to a majority\\nof the executive officers of the College instead of leaving it solely\\nin the hands of the President, was regarded by him as a distinct\\ninvasion of his rights. Having the idea, which came to him from\\nhis father, that the College was a family institution, he believed\\nthat the Trustees were guilty of usurpation, as well as of perver-\\nsion of the Phillips fund. His contest with the church passed\\nover into one with the Trustees and assumed a much more per-\\nsonal character, for here he was one party, and with the natural\\nimpulse of intense, narrow and domineering minds he believed\\nthat those opposed to him acted from wicked or mistaken motives\\nand should be put down. Failing in all his efforts to carry the\\nBoard with him he looked about for outside help and determined\\nto appeal to the Legislature of the State. In 1812 he proposed\\nto the Board to apply to the General Court and desire it to look\\ninto, and examine all concerns, and managements in relation to\\nthe funds, the government and education of the College and\\nSchool. The matter was put over, and not being called up the\\nnext year, was a second time presented by President Wheelock\\nin November, 18 14, when it was definitely negatived by the\\nBoard on the ground that it knew of no occasion for such an\\nexamination. Here the matter rested till the next year when\\nthe President made his appeal to the public.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nTHE COLLEGE AND THE UNIVERSITY, THE COLLEGE CASE, BETWEEN\\n1815 AND 1820.\\nTHE COLLEGE was distinguished at this period, beyond\\nany parallel in its history, by a Board of Trust made up\\nof gentlemen of commanding ability and position. Its members\\nin 1 81 5 were:^\\nFrom 1813 to 1816 the Board consisted of but eleven members, since Mr. Gilman waa ex\\nofficio member as Governor during that period, and also a member by previous election.\\nNathaniel Niles, born at South Kingston, R. I., April 3, 1741. entered Harvard College, but\\nwas graduated at Princeton, 1766. He studied successively law, and medicine, and also (under\\nDr. Bellamy) theology, and preached for a time at Norwich and Torrington, Ct., and quite\\nregularly for twelve years of his early residence in Vermont. His views were Hopkinsian.\\nSeveral of his sermons were published. He also (among other poems) wrote in 1775 an ode,\\nin an extraordinary metre, entitled The American Hero, which was set to music by our\\nProfessor Ripley and was very popular during the war in the churches and among the soldiers.\\nHe settled in West Fairleein 1779. and from 1784 was exceedingly prominent in Vermont affairs.\\nHe was a member of the Council in 1785, 1789 and 1790 and was elected in 1786 and 1787 but\\ndeclined and was a member of the third Council of Censors in 1 799, and Speaker of the Vermont\\nHouse of Representatives in 1784, six times Presidential elector, judge of the Vermont Supreme\\nCourt, 1784-87, and was elected in 1791 but declined. He was also member of Congress from\\nthe admission of Vermont in 1791 to 1795. He died October 31, 1828, aged 87. Jefferson\\ndeclared him the ablest man he ever knew. He was (says Professor S. G. Brown) a school-\\nmate of the Elder Adams whom he loved his life long, and mainly it would seem because at\\nschool John Adams was the terror of the big bad boys, who in his absence would oppress the\\nlittle ones a follower of Jefferson in politics (yet practically rather conservative) and of Calvin\\nin theology (yet apparently sometimes verging toward his opponent) an acute metaphysician,\\na little inclined to the opposite side half author with Dr. Burton of the taste scheme so\\ncalled, yet walking independently and not precisely agreeing with his sharp minded friend a\\ngreat reader, keeping up remarkably with the progress of science, and renewing in his old age his\\nknowledge of Latin a shrewd judge and an indefatigable opponent. Brown s Alumni Ad-\\ndress, 1855. See Vt. Gov. and Council III, 76.\\nThomas W. Thompson [the W. was adopted in 1807] was born in Boston, Mass., March 10,\\n1766. His father, Thomas, a native of England, and his mother of Glasgow, moved to New-\\nburyport, Mass., when the son was quite young. He prepared for college at Dummer Academy,\\nwas graduated at Harv ard College, 1786, and studied theolog\\\\ He was tutor at Harvard,\\n1789; aide to General Lincoln in the Shay s rebellion; read law with Chief Justice Theophilus\\nParsons at Newburyport and in 1791 settled near the South Meeting House in Salisbury, N. H.\\nAfter 1792 he lived near the Webster place in what is now Franklin. Daniel Webster studied\\nlaw with him there. He was member of Congress, 1805-07, and removed to Concord, 1809;\\nTreasurer of New Hampshire, 1810; Speaker New Hampshire House of Representatives, 1813-\\n14; United States Senator, 1814-17. He was an accomplished gentleman, distinguished for\\nthe dignity and urbanity of his manners, for integrity and piety. His wife was a daughter of\\nColonel Asa Porter of Haverhill, and sister to the wife of Mills Olcott. He died October 10,\\ni82i,agedsS,ofconsumptioncontractedunderthefollowingcircumstances: In August, 1819.\\nhe set out on a journey to Quebec, via Burlington. The steamboat Phoenix on which he em-\\nbarked took fire in the night and the crew and passengers escaped in two small boats. Mr.\\nThompson awaked from sleep just as the last boat was quitting the vessel, and jumped in as it\\nwas putting off, loaded to the point of sinking. He was the last person to escape. From the\\nshock and exposure he never recovered. Bouton s History of Concord, p. 718; Farmer and\\nMoore s Hist. Coll. Ill, 238.\\nStephen Jacob, son of Richard, born in Sheffield, Mass., 1756, entered Dartmouth College\\nbut was transferred in I77S to Yale, where he was graduated in 1778, and settled as a lawyer in\\n62", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "V^OyyT^ /U^\\nt^tr-CAJ^U^", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University 63\\nJohn Wheelock, President, chosen 1779.\\nNathaniel Niles of Fairlee, Vt., chosen 1793.\\nThomas W. Thompson of SaHsbury, N. H., chosen 1801.\\nStephen Jacob of Windsor, Vt., chosen 1802.\\nTimothy Farrar of New Ipswich, N. H., chosen 1804.\\nEHjah Paine of Williamstown, Vt., chosen 1806.\\nJohn Taylor Gilman of Exeter, N. H., chosen 1807.\\nCharles Marsh of Woodstock, Vt., chosen 1809.\\nRev. Asa McFarland of Concord, N. H., chosen 1809.\\nRev. John Smith of Salem, N. H., chosen 181 1.\\nRev. Seth Pay son of Rindge, N. H., chosen 18 13.\\nThe College was no less fortunate in the character of its Faculty\\nof three professors, reduced in August of that year to two by the\\nacceptance, by Professor Moore, of the presidency of Williams\\nCollege. Professors Shurtleff and Adams were both eminently\\nqualified by talents and learning and by an indomitable spirit\\nto sustain the responsibilities about to be cast upon them. We\\nhave the best of authority for saying that hesitancy on their\\npart at the outset of the contest with the State would have\\ndetermined the Trustees to surrender.\\nWindsor, Vt. He first appeared in Vermont records as poet at the Bennington Celebration in\\n1778. In 1781 and at other times he represented Windsor in the General Assembly. He was\\na member of the first Council of Censors, in 178s. commissioner to treat with New York, 1789,\\ncouncillor, 1796 to 1802, and chief judge of Windsor County, 1797 to 1801. He died February,\\n1817, aged 61. Vt. Gov. and Council IV, 106.\\nTimothy Farrar, born July 11, 1747, at Concord, Mass., was graduated at Harvard College,\\n1767. and settled at New Ipswich, N. H. He carried a musket to Concord, Mass., April 19,\\n1775- When 28 years of age he was made associate justice of the Common Pleas in Hillsboro\\nCounty, and served till 1791. From March, 1791. to January, 1803, he was associate justice\\nof the Supreme Court. In 1802 he was appointed chief justice, but declined. He died Feb-\\nruary 21, 1849, aged 102. Farrar Family Memoirs; N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg. VI, 318.\\nElijah Paine, born in Brooklyn, Ct., January 21, I7S7, was graduated at Harvard College,\\n1781. He was the first President of the Harvard chapter of Phi Beta Kappa, and pronounced\\nits first anniversary oration. He then studied law, but in 1784 settled as a farmer in Windsor,\\nVt., whence he shortly removed to a large farm in Williamstown, Vt. He became at once\\nprominent in public affairs. He was a member of the General Assembly of Vermont, 1787 to\\n1791, commissioner to treat with New York, 1789, a member of the Council Censors, 1792,\\njudge of the Supreme Court, 1791-93. United States Senator, 1795 to 1801, and then, till his\\ndeath. United States district judge for Vermont, by appointment of President Adams in 1801.\\nHe died April 28, 1842, aged 85. He was an active Christian, and noted to an extraordinary\\ndegree for high-toned integrity. In personal stature he was a giant, with a frame of iron.\\nHis voice was clear and audible at a distance of three quarters of a mile. Brown s Alumni\\nAddress, 1855, p. 23; Vt. Gov. and Council, IV, 433.\\nJohn Taylor Gilman, son of Nicholas Gilman, the early treasurer of New Hampshire, was\\nborn at Exeter, December 19. I7S3. and resided there all his life. He marched with the minute\\nmen to Cambridge in I77S. He was member of Congress, 1782; state treasurer, 1783-1791;\\none of the commissioners appointed by the Continental Congress to settle the accounts of the\\nStates, 1780, and governor of New Hampshire by annual election from 1794 to 180S, and from\\n1813 to 1816. He died September i, 1828, aged 74.\\nCharles Marsh, son of Lieut. -Governor Marsh of Hartford, Vt., was born at Lebanon, Ct.,\\nJuly 10, 1765, and brought by his father to Hartford in 1774. He was graduated at Dart-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "64 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nThe first public hint of the approaching troubles appeared in the\\nBoston Repertory of April 26. It was stated that in consequence\\nof some difficulties of a serious and unpleasant nature a\\nvacancy in the presidency of the College was expected soon to\\noccur and that the friends of the College were already looking\\nabout for a successor. Dr. Dana of Newburyport, Dr. Parish of\\nBy field, Dr. Worcester of Salem, and Professor ShurtlefT were\\nmentioned as candidates. The Dartmouth Gazette of May 3\\ncharacterized this as a gross and infamous misrepresentation,\\nand asserted that there never was a time in the history of the\\nCollege when more unanimity prevailed among instructors and\\nstudents or when the affairs of the Institution were conducted\\nwith more ability or gave more general satisfaction.\\nAbout two weeks later, matters were unexpectedly precipitated\\nbefore the public by an anonymous pamphlet of 88 pages, widely\\nand gratuitously circulated, entitled Sketches of the History of\\nDartmouth College and Moor s Charity School. It was speedily\\nfollowed, or accompanied, by a smaller pamphlet of 32 pages,\\nalso anonymous, purporting to be A Candid and Analytical\\nReview of the Sketches. The two pamphlets were animated\\nwith a common spirit of bitter hostility to the majority of the\\nBoard of Trustees, and were evidently directed to a common\\nmouth College, 1786, studied law with Hon. Tapping Reeve at Litchfield, Ct.. and was there\\nadmitted to the bar. He settled at Woodstock, Vt., in the fall of 1788, and was admitted to\\nthe Vermont bar by special act of the General Assembly. He was appointed by Washington\\nthe first United States attorney for Vermont, in 1797- He was member of Congress 1815-1817.\\nFor nearly half a century he stood at the head of the bar in his state. He declined in 1813 the\\nappointment of chief justice. He was own cousin to Jeremiah Mason, being three years his\\nsenior, and much like him in mental and professional traits. He was equally distinguished in\\nphilanthropy as in law, having official connection with several important missionary and\\nphilanthropic societies. He died January 11, 1849, aged 83. See Memorial Address to Ver-\\nmont Historical Society by James Barrett, 1870; Life of George P. Marsh, Vol. L\\nRev. Asa McFarland, D. D., was born in Worcester, Mass., April 19, 1769; was graduated\\nfrom Dartmouth College, 1793; was pastor of First Congregational church at Concord, N. H.\\nfrom 1798 to 1824. He died February 18, 1827, aged 57-\\nRev. John Smith, D. D., the son of Joseph and Eunice Smith, was born in Belchertown, Mass.,\\nMarch 5, 1766. Graduating from Dartmouth in 1794 he studied divinity under Dr. Emmons\\nand was settled in the ministry at Salem, N. H., January 2, 1797. where he remained till 1816.\\nRemoving to Wenham, Mass., he left there in 1819 to become Professor of Systematic Theology\\nat Bangor Seminary, a position which he held till his death, April 14, 1831- He stammered\\nslightly in his delivery, which was not effective, but as a teacher he impressed himself to an\\nextraordinary degree upon his pupils. Sprague s Annals of the Am. Pulpit, H, 389f-\\nSeth Payson, the son of Rev. Phillips and Grata Payson, was born in Walpole, Mass., Sep-\\ntember, 29, 1758. He was graduated from Harvard College in i777, and studying theology\\nwas settled at Rindge. N. H.. where he remained till his death February 26, 1820. He received\\nthe degree of D. D. from Dartmouth in 1809. He was a man of sharp and vigorous intellect,\\nlively imagination and highly retentive memory. His style of preaching was solemn and\\nimpressive, didactic and argumentative rather than hortatory and pathetic. He served three\\nterms in the State Senate from 1802 to 1805. He published occasional sermons and a small\\nvolume entitled Proofs of the Existence and Dangerous Tendency of Modern niuminism.\\nSprague s Annals, II, aogf.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 65\\npurpose. This was, indeed, tacitly admitted by the publication\\nof a part of the edition with both pamphlets in one cover. It\\nwas avowed in the opening of the Sketches that the facts with\\nwhich it dealt were furnished by President Wheelock, and the\\nspirit and style pointed unmistakably to him as the actual author.\\nThe Review, in some respects still more savage in its tone, was\\nascribed, to the President s friend Rev. Elijah Parish of Byfield,\\nMass. It was ascertained that the pamphlets were printed in\\nNewburyport under Dr. Parish s supervision, and neither he nor\\nthe President ever denied their share in the authorship. It was\\nafterwards expressly admitted, so far as the President was con-\\ncerned, by his son-in-law and biographer and also appears by\\nhis private correspondence. The newspapers took the matter up,\\nled off by the Patriot in its issue of May 23d, whose editor, Mr.\\nIsaac Hill, with his usual violence, espoused from the start the\\ncause of Wheelock, mainly upon the ostensible theory that the\\ntrouble grew out of theological differences wherein the Trustees\\nwere bigots, and the President liberal; but really, of course, for\\nthe sake of the political capital that might be made of it. The\\ncontroversy accordingly took shape as a political issue. It led,\\nas usual in politics, forthwith, to strange partnerships.\\nPresident Wheelock, himself, and his immediate firiends, as\\nwell as all of his opponents in the Board, save one, were federalists\\nof the old school, and some of them of great prominence in their\\nparty, while Judge Niles, whom the President viewed with\\nunmitigated rancor as the leader of his foes, was equally prom-\\ninent as a Democrat. Governor Gilman had just gained his\\nfourteenth and last election by the narrow Federal majority of\\n320 votes, in a total of 36,194. Even a less sagacious leader than\\nIsaac Hill could not fail to perceive the polictical advantage\\nlikely in these circumstances to flow from an espousal of a cause\\nthat promised so fairly to divide his adversaries, expecially when\\nit would harmonize so well with the characteristic jealousy of his\\nparty towards close corporations like that of the College and\\nperhaps with other ancient jealousies that lapse of years had\\nnot wholly extinguished. Wheelock and his supporters had no\\nsympathy in general with democratic ideas, but, blind to all\\nelse, were ready to follow any party that would take up his\\nquarrel. The promptness and virulence of the Patriot gave\\nevidence of pre-arrangement. The Portsmouth Gazette joined\\nin on the same side, while the Concord Gazette, the Portsmouth\\nOracle, and the Dartmouth Gazette adhered to the side of the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "66 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nCollege. The Washingtonian, at Windsor, Vt., though Federal\\nin politics, under the direction of Wheelock s staunch friend,\\nDunham, seconded the Patriot.\\nBut this was not all; in religious as well as in political faith\\nthe antecedents of Wheelock and of Hill and Plumer were as\\nwide apart as the poles. The last two stood, above everything\\nelse, for the fullest freedom of religious thought and action, as\\nopposed to the dominance of orthodoxy; while the starting\\npoint of Wheelock s complaints, as will be remembered, was the\\ncountenance given by the Trustees to those who had dared to\\nencroach on Presbyterian ground, and to subvert the ancient\\norder of things. The absurdity of such a coalition on such an\\nissue was apparent even to Wheelock himself, hence his efforts\\nto shift the positions, by which, however, he gave the clearest\\nevidence of the personal character of his motives, and sealed the\\nalienation of substantially the entire body of the clergy.\\nSentiment among the people was not divided in this matter by\\nparty lines nearly as sharply as it came to be in the legislature.\\nA considerable number of Federalists clung to Wheelock s for-\\ntunes and for his sake joined with the Democrats; while on the\\nother hand the ranks of the latter furnished some strong friends\\nto the College. Many in both parties, who were at first inclined\\nto sympathize with Wheelock under the belief that he had\\nbeen injured, when they came to understand the situation trans-\\nferred their sympathy to the College. Governor Oilman himself\\nmust be counted of this number.\\nOn the whole, however, in the course of a year the College\\nquestion came to be, with that of the judiciary, the chief political\\nissue in the State, and party lines in the leigslature of 1816 were\\ndrawn upon both with equal strictness. But in 1815 the legis-\\nlature was still in the control of the Federalists. Governor\\nGilman, not yet left behind by the violence of the Wheelock\\nparty, was undoubtedly at this time on their side. Care had\\nbeen used through Mr. Hill and others to place freely in the\\nhands of the members of the legislature copies of the Sketches\\nand its supplement the Review. The publication was adroitly\\ntimed so as to preclude any chance of meeting it in a similar\\nfashion before the sitting of the General Court.\\nOn the assembling of the legislature in June, President Wheel-\\nock followed up the published attack with a memorial, reiterating", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 67\\nhis complaints in a general way, and soliciting the intervention\\nof the legislature.^\\nBut he now advanced a step farther and himself openly thrust\\nhis affair into the domain of politics, by artfully alleging, with\\nall the emphasis of italics and capitals, the object of his opponents\\nto be, to strengthen the interest of a party or sect, which by\\nextending its influence under the fairest professions, will eventually\\naffect the political independence oj the people, and move the\\nSPRINGS OF THEIR GOVERNMENT, as arrant a piece of dema-\\ngoguery as ever was penned.\\nThe memorial was referred on the loth of June, to a joint\\nspecial committee of ten on the part of the House and two from\\nthe Senate.*\\nThe President being in attendance was heard before them at\\nconsiderable length, but entirely ex parte. Admitting himself\\nto be in religious belief a Calvinist, according to the Westminster\\nConfession, he yet managed to impress upon the committee that\\nhe stood for tolerance and liberality against the Trustees who\\nwere striving to establish the College in a still more rigid, Hop-\\nkinsian, system. His object was to obtain an enlargement of\\nthe Board in order to drown out that supposed spirit, and put\\nhim once more in control. He was reported as intimating in\\nconversation to some of the members, that unless he could have\\nsix added to the Board he should inevitably resign, but that if he\\nshould be supported he had it in contemplation to give a large\\npart of his estate to the College.\\nThe Trustees having had no notice and no way of getting\\ntogether in legal session in time to act, were not officially repre-\\nsented, and no one had authority to speak for them. But those\\nof their number living near took unofficially such action as seemed\\nindispensable. They caused a brief appeal, dated June 11, to\\nbe inserted in the Concord Gazette, alluding to the pamphlets as\\ncalculated to inflame and mislead the pulic mind; and urged\\nthat the public should suspend judgment until a plain statement\\nof facts accompanied with the proper evidence appear, which\\n[said they] will be published within a reasonable time. And as\\nthose pamphlets may produce an impression that the College is\\nI See Appendix A.\\nThe committee consisted of Messrs. Josiah Butler of Deerfield, Joseph Tilton of Exeter,\\nT. W. Hale of Harrington, Richard Odell of Conway, Saml. Batchelder of New Ipswich, D. L,\\nMoody of Goflstown, P. Henderson of Chesterfield, Benj. Prescott of Jaffrey, James Poole of\\nHanover, and A. N. Brackett of Lancaster on the part of the House, and Levi Jackson and\\nErekiel Webster on the part of the Senate. H. J., 29; S. J., 29.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "68 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nnot in a prosperous situation, they deem it their duty to state\\nthat in their opinion the College never has been, since its founda-\\ntion, in a more prosperous condition as it respects science, morality\\nreligion, internal order and funds than it was at the moment\\nthose publications appeared. As this is a subject of public\\nconcern the editors of newspapers in this state, Massachusetts\\nand Vermont, who are so disposed, will please to give this notice\\nin their respective papers.\\nThe joint committee brought in, on June 23, a recommendation\\nfor the appointment by the Governor and Council of a Commis-\\nsion to visit the College between sessions and examine and report.\\nThe proposition in this shape was at first accepted in the House\\nby a vote of 123 to 56; but on the afternoon of the 27th was\\nreplaced with a resolution whereby both Houses, without a\\ndivision, upon the nomination of a special committee appointed\\nin the forenoon of the same day, elected^ Hon. Daniel A. White\\nof Newburyport, Hon. Nathaniel A. Haven of Portsmouth, and\\nRev. Ephraim P. Bradford of New Boston, none of them mem-\\nbers of the legislature, as a Committee to investigate the con-\\ncerns of Dartmouth College and Moor s Charity School generally,\\nand the acts and proceedings of the Trustees, and to report a\\nstatement of facts at the next session. The first and second\\nof these gentlemen were liberal in religious views, and the third\\nwas a Presbyterian clergyman. President Wheelock expressed\\nhis satisfaction with the Committee in a letter to Mr. Allen,\\nsaying that he was assured that there could not be better\\nmen found in New England for the purpose assigned them.\\nThis action was not deemed necessarily hostile to the College.\\nThe legislative committees were largely composed of its friends,\\nand they had a voice in the selection of the visiting board. Of\\nthe Trustees present Judge Niles favored the measure, though\\nagainst the judgment of others. It was said that but for him no\\ncommittee would have been sent out.* It was, doubtless, ex-\\npected that in the course of a year animosities might subside\\nand the matter grow cold.\\nThe legislature adjourned June 29 for a year. On August 2 the\\nCommittee sent to President Wheelock by mail a letter, which\\nhe received on the 5th, appointing a hearing at Hanover to be\\nheld on Wednesday, August 16. He loudly complained of the\\nshortness of the notice asserted that he was left to learn of the\\nappointment by accident; also, verly likely with truth, that the\\nH. J., 134, 144. Marsh to Brown, April 13. 1816.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 69\\ndate had been fixed in advance by arrangement with his oppo-\\nnents; and, which is unlikely, that it had been purposely concealed\\nfrom him so as to take him unawares. An incident of the affair,\\nthat took on some consequence, was a misunderstanding between\\nthe President and Daniel Webster. Wheelock had some months\\nbefore intimated through a friend to Webster that in case he\\nshould institute proceedings, which he contemplated, for the\\nrecovery of money that he claimed to be due to him from the\\nCollege, and also to determine whether there had been a perver-\\nsion of the Phillips fund, he would be glad of Webster s assistance\\nas his legal adviser. While at Concord in June he had personally\\nsuggested to Webster in general terms that he might wish for\\nhis professional assistance on some future occasion, which Web-\\nster readily promised.\\nOn being notified of the coming of the Committee he wrote to\\nWebster August 5, enclosing $20, and desiring him to come at\\nonce to Hanover and undertake the management of this matter\\non his behalf before the Committee.^ The letter was delayed so\\nthat Webster did not receive it in time to reply before the meeting.\\nHe had besides no wish to appear in the existing state of affairs\\nnor in a capacity which he regarded as not professional. But,\\nwith a negligence not unusual with him, he made no immediate\\nreply, so that Wheelock was left, without explanation, to his own\\nresources, with such council as could be got in the neighborhood,\\nHon. Jonathan H. Hubbard, one of the judges of the Superior\\nCourt of Vermont, and Mr. Josiah Dunham of Windsor. Right\\nupon this came the publication of a confidential letter, obtained,\\nas was supposed, through the violation of a seal in the Hanover\\npostofifice, written by Mr. Thompson to Professor Adams, in\\nwhich Webster s name was mentioned in a manner not calculated\\nto allay Wheelock s suspicions. Mr. Thompson s letter was,\\nearly in September, given to the public by Dunham in the columns\\nof the Boston Repertory, and furnished occasion for no end of\\nbitterness. The prominence it acquired makes it necessary to\\nexhibit it here:\\nI have had a long conversation with Mr. D. W., by which it appears, that\\na strong desire prevails, that the Reply, with the Committee s Report, should\\nLetter in possession of the College. Also the Dartmouth College Cases, by John M. Shirley\\np. 88. This book, to which reference will be often made, is an elaborate discussion of the above\\nCases. Though lacking orderly arrangement, and betraying a strong bias against the College\\nin the controversy, and drawing some unwarrantable conclusions from distorted facts, it is\\ncrammed with learning and information, and I am happy to acknowledge my considerable\\nindebtedness to Mr. Shirley s labors. F. C.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "70 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\neflfectually put down a certain man. Mr. W., Dr. McFarland and I are very\\ndesirous that affidavits should be immediately taken, relative to such facts\\nas will show that person s character in a just point of view. I can t name all\\nthe points to which the testimony should be directed but you and our friends\\nmust hold a conversation and select such points as will be productive of the\\ngreatest effect. Full and satisfactory testimony should be taken relative to\\nthe usury, and particularly Mr. Kellogg s deposition.\\nIt will be very useful to obtain testimony (or documents, if practicable)\\nto show that the college had to pay Col. Kinsman in consequence of the\\nexecutive neglecting to enforce the laws and orders of the trustees. Testimony\\nshould be had of every trick, contrivance and management of his to show his\\ntrue character.\\nOn the part of our friends at Hanover, great, unceasing, and systematic\\nefforts should be made to collect evidence. It is impossible for the trustees\\nto collect it but through our friends. The expense must be clubbed amongst\\nus.\\nI intend, if possible, to collect testimony here, to show that with the demo-\\ncrats he was a democrat with every sect of religionists he was one of them\\nwith federalists he was a federalist, and thus he descended to base means to\\nmake influence.\\nI have a scrap of an envelope of the communication to the Repertory, which\\nwill show the handwriting. I wish not to communicate my suspicions, until\\nI exhibit at the commencement. I can say this much, I think the writer is a\\npresident s man. Perhaps this ought not to be mentioned just yet.\\nI shall depend much upon the exertions of our friends to procure evidence,\\nand shall be much disappointed if it is not immediately and effectually\\nattended to.\\nYour friend,\\nTho. W. Thompson.\\nNo notice to the president will be necessary.\\nBefore the publication of this letter Mr. Dunham wrote Mr.\\nWebster enclosing a copy of it and upbraiding him, on Wheelock s\\nbehalf, with characteristic ferocity, and elicited a reply of dignified\\nexplanation. Referring to the lateness of Wheelock s letter Mr.\\nWebster wrote\\nIf I had received it earlier, I could not have attended, because the court\\nengaged me at home; and I ought to add here, that if I had no other engage-\\nments at the time, and had also been seasonably notified, I should have exer-\\ncised my own discretion about undertaking to act a part before the committee\\nat Hanover. I regard that as no professional call.\\nAs to what you are pleased to say about my extricating myself from this\\naffair, or of its being otherwise unpleasant to me, as also what you observe\\nof a suspicion entertained by some that Mr. Thompson had employed me to feel\\nof Mr. Haven on the subject, give me leave to say that I should know better\\nhow to answer these remarks if I were not writing to one for whom I have the\\nhighest and warmest esteem, and of whose sense of delicacy and propriety\\nvery few certainly at any time have had occasion to complain.\\nWebater a Priv. Cor., I, 251.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 71\\nI am not quite so fully convinced as you are, that the president is altogether\\nright, and the trustees altogether wrong.\\nOn August 16, the Wednesday morning of the week preceding\\nCommencement, the Committee met at Hanover at the home of\\nthe President and continued in session two days and a half.\\nThe Trustees, who were in attendance, expressed a wish that the\\nhearing might be in the chapel or meeting house, but the Com-\\nmittee chose not to have it in a place so public, yet it was not\\nheld strictly in private. The first day was occupied by the Presi-\\ndent and his friends in reading the resolve of the Board respecting\\nthe subjects of complaint, which he laid before the Committee\\nin the following form as a specification of charges against the\\nTrustees of Dartmouth College, and comprising all the subjects\\nto which he wished the attention of the committee.^\\nI. That the funds established in 1789 by Dr.. Phillips for the purpose of\\nmaintaining a professor of Theology have been diverted by the Trustees for\\nobjects different from the will of the donor, viz. for the purpose of paying for\\nvillage preaching.\\nI I Separating the church founded in College, and blending the ecclesiastical\\nconcerns of the College with those of the neighboring people and clergy; thus\\nsubjecting this public institution to inconvenience and degradation, by means\\nof private interference.\\nIII. That they have diverted the funds of the college for the support of\\nUnion Academy, and have placed the funds of this college at the disposal of\\nthat institution; granting to individuals, selected by and under the patronage\\nand government of a body of men of a particular religious persuasion, special\\nand exclusive advantages of education.\\nIV. Expending the funds to an amount unnecessary and extravagant, com-\\npared with the sum total of instruction.\\nV. Refusing to apply any of the funds, of which they have control, to the\\ninstruction of Indians.\\nVI. Interfering with the power of the President, as granted by charter,\\nin the education of the students, and also with his rights, as an executive\\nofficer.\\nOn Friday morning the Trustees who were present, Messrs.\\nMarsh, Thompson, McFarland and Smith, placed before the\\nCommittee all the resolves of the Board respecting the Phillips\\nfund from its first establishment. By these it appeared that all\\nthe acts of which the President complained had been adopted,\\nwith his acquiescence, at a time when a majority of the Board were\\nin his favor and disposed to accede to his wishes, and that no\\nalteration had been made in the application of that fund since\\n1809, when the majority of the Board turned against his policy.\\nReport of the Committee, p. 10", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "72 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nThe President was asked by Mr. Thompson and also by Mr. Marsh\\nwhether he had ever known of any difference in religious opinion\\nbetween him and the Trustees, or between him and the professors\\nwhom the Trustees had chosen, and after some hesitation he\\nreplied that he knew of no speculative difference in religious\\nopinions, and admitted that there had never been in the Board\\nany question about religious sentiments.\\nDr. Parish, who was present during the hearing as the friend\\nand adviser of the President, remarked to one of the Trustees\\nthat he perceived the examination would be hurtful to Dr.\\nWheelock; and after it was over, asked what could be done to put\\nan end to the controversy. Propositions were made on both\\nsides, the Trustees insisting that the President should withdraw\\nhis charges, as having grown out of misunderstanding, and Dr.\\nParish with Capt. Dunham, who joined him in the negotiation,\\nproposing on the part of the President simply a cessation of the\\ncontroversy, and a withdrawal of the memorial provided the\\nTrustees would appoint such Professor of Languages or of\\nRhetoric as the President should approve. It was found impos-\\nsible to agree, and the matter was dropped, but it afterwards\\nbecame the subject of dispute and recrimination between the\\nparties to it, and added not a little to the heat of the contest,\\nMr. Dunham declaring that he and Dr. Parish had had no au-\\nthority to agree to anything for the President, and that their\\nobject was only to draw out their opponents, for the purpose\\nof sacrifice. The President desired an adjournment for further\\nhearing, but the Committee thought it unnecessary and closed\\ntheir labors on Saturday.\\nOn the following Tuesday, August 22, the Board convened for\\nits annual meeting, and Commencement occurred on the next\\nday. On Thursday, the 24th, this matter was brought to the\\nsurface in the Board by a resolution offered by Mr. Marsh as\\nfollows\\nWhereas since the last session of this board two certain anonymous pamphlets\\nhave been ushered into the world, one under the title of Sketches of the History\\noJ Dartmouth College, etc., the other entitled A Candid Analytical Review.\\nAnd whereas there is reason to believe that some member of this board or\\nofficer of the College is the author of or has had some agency in the publication\\nof said pamphlets, and whereas the said pamphlets contain many charges\\ndefamatory to the board and the individual members thereof and calculated\\nto injure the reputation of this instit ution, and impair the usefulness thereof\\ntherefore, Resolved that a committee of three be appointed by ballot to enquire\\ninto the origin of the said pamphlets and whether any member of this board", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "^mJ-tu^\\n^X^\\\\^", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 73\\nor of the executive authority is the author of them or either of them or had any\\nagency in the publication or in the distribution of them in the community.\\nThe resolution was adopted by eight votes, Messrs. Gilman\\nand Jacob voting nay, and the President being absent. Messrs.\\nThompson, Paine and Payson were chosen as the Committee,\\nand on the following day, August 25, presented their report:\\nThe committee appointed to enquire into the origin of the pamphlets\\nentitled Sketches of the History of Dartmouth College, and A Candid Analytical\\nReview etc., report that the nature of the case precludes the committee from\\nobtaining positive evidence as to the author or authors of the said pamphlets,\\nbut evidence of a circumstantial kind has been obtained which leaves no room\\nin the minds of your committee to doubt that President Wheelock was the\\nprinciple, if not the sole, author of the pamphlet entitled Sketches etc., and\\nthat through his means both the pamphlets mentioned were published and\\ncirculated.\\nAmongst other evidence in proof of the first point it appeared to your\\ncommittee that President Wheelock when last at Concord last June and before\\nthe committee of the legislature, to whom was referred his memorial, treated\\nthe Sketches as a work entitled to the highest credit that in the Sketches\\nPresident Wheelock is alleged to have furnished the facts therein stated that\\nthe Sketches have ever been treated in President Wheelock s hearing as his\\nproduction and one for which he was responsible, without any disavowal on his\\npart that even his counsel at the hearing before the committee appointed to\\nenquire into the state of affairs at Dartmouth College alluded to the Sketches\\nas the President s book and that there is a singular peculiarity of style com-\\nmon to the Sketches and to the memorial presented to the legislature last June\\nby President Wheelock, as well as to his eulogium on the late Doctor John\\nSmith.\\nIn proof of President Wheelock s having been instrumental in publishing\\nand circulating both said pamphlets your committee have obtained the follow-\\ning: Amongst other evidence that an anonymous letter in the hand writing of\\nPresident Wheelock was in May or June last sent to Isaac Hill Editor of the\\nNew Hampshire Patriot, accompanied with a bundle of the said pamphlets in\\nwhich letter the said Hill was requested to distribute them amongst the\\nmembers of the legislature.\\nThomas W. Thompson,\\nfor the Committee.\\nThe President being absent a copy was sent to him by the hands\\nof Messrs. Paine and Jacob with notice that the subject would\\nbe taken up at eight o clock the next (Saturday) morning. He\\ndid not appear but sent in the following letter denying their\\njurisdiction:\\nDartmouth College, August 26, 1815.\\nTo the honorable board of Trustees of Dartmouth College:\\nGentlemen. For six and thirty years my life has been devoted to raise\\nand build up this Seminary, from the foundation which was laid by my venera-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "74 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap, X.\\nble father and predecessor. With my multiplied labors and successful under-\\ntakings through the different departments of the College and School, the\\nworld are acquainted. I am but a worm of the dust in the hand of the Sover-\\neign of the Universe and whatever use he has been pleased in infinite mercy\\nto make of my feeble and imperfect faculties to promote the happiness of the\\npresent and succeeding ages, to him through the blessed Redeemer be all the\\npraise and glory.\\nGreat was my consolation under divine Providence through the years of\\nthe most trying and distressing scenes of this institution in being associated\\nin counsels and toils with beloved trustees and instructors. Great has been\\nmy regret that a spirit of opposition to me has been of late years forming till\\nmatured in a majority of your body. Greatly do I lament the course of events\\nand that they have at length arisen to the present alarming crisis, ominous to\\nthe existence of this establishment and to the rights of humanity.\\nLiable to human imperfections, my mind enjoys repose by a consciousness\\nthat through the course of my various exertions it has been my unremitted\\nendeavor faithfully honestly and honorably to discharge my duties. With\\nthis impression, when within a few years the darts of calumny were hurled at\\nmy character and secretly and cautiously as it is said sustained. I have in\\ntimes past repeatedly and at successive periods, in the most open and unquali-\\nfied measure, desired any one to identify and bring forward any supposed\\nfacts with their evidences against me, in whatever way they pleased. As\\noften have I desired your board or any member of the same to present any\\ncharge of whatever nature affecting my official or moral relations. But not-\\nwithstanding never was there even a single hint given by the board or any of its\\nmembers in open meetings suggesting any thing reproachful in my conduct, nor\\nanything unfavorable in my official proceedings, except one allusion of a mem-\\nber at the adjourned meeting in last November that some individuals of the\\nSenior class were dissatisfied with my instructions, a clue to which remark has\\nbeen as is supposed since discovered. Under these circumstances it appears\\nsingular and extraordinary that at this period charges against me should lie\\nbefore the board, and you become ready to take up the same. Add to the\\nforegoing considerations that the constitution of the civil government has made\\nample provision for the cognizance of such charges; that in the present alarm-\\ning state of party spirit, in which the leaders from appropriate motives have\\ncombined in one interest in common with the majority of the board, which has\\nreduced this Seminary to the verge of ruin; that the spirit of this majority is\\nhostile to me, and their minds in a degree irritated in the present posture of\\naffairs, in which their views and feelings are wholly repugnant to my own, and\\nfinally considering the hon legislature of the State have, for the public good,\\ntaken into their own hands to examine and regulate the concerns of the college\\nand School, and to apply a remedy to the evils which ha ve arisen and to rectify\\nwhatever may be amiss, I conclude on serious reflection that it would be wholly\\nimproper and unbecoming to me to submit to any trial on charges now ex-\\nhibited before your body. Not that I wish to avoid any enquiries. I shrink\\nfrom no accusations that any may be disposed to bring against me. I am\\nmost sincerely disposed to meet them of whatever name or nature, before\\nour hon legislature, which as a Sovereign is the proper visitor and controller\\nof this institution, or before any proper counsel or tribunal. But for these", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 75\\nreasons given I hereby protest against the proceedings of your board, and\\nutterly deny your right of jurisdiction in the present case.\\nI am, etc.\\nJohn Wheelock.\\nWhat followed is best told in the language of the statement\\ndrafted by Mr. Thompson which was entered on the records by-\\norder of the Board\\nOn Saturday the 26th inst., having adjourned to two o clock P.M., Judge\\nPaine introduced the resolutions for the removal of the President from certain\\noffices. The resolutions together with the preamble were read by the Secre-\\ntary. It was soon moved and seconded that a committee of two be appointed\\nto wait on the President with a copy of said resolutions and preamble which\\nwas accordingly done. A committee was accordingly appointed, and after-\\nwards reported verbally that they had waited on the President and delivered\\nhim the copy of said resolutions and preamble. The board after sitting about\\nan hour longer adjourned to six o clock in the evening. Gov. Gilman had pre-\\nviously informed the board that he should be under the necessity of leaving\\ntown in the stage on Monday morning (which was understood to start at 8\\no clock) and Judge Paine likewise informed the board that he must be absent\\nafter this evening and might not be present when the vote should be taken.\\nAt six o clock the board met, when they requested the committee appointed\\nto present the President with a copy of the said resolutions to wait on him again\\nand enquire of him if he had any communication to make on the subject The\\ncommittee made return that they had waited on the President and delivered\\nthe message, and that the President replied it was a business of great conse-\\nquence to him that he could have wished for a longer time but the board\\ncould do as they pleased. The committee further reported verbally that they\\n-enquired of the President how long time he wished, who replied he could not\\nname any time. Gov. Gilman was then verbally requested to wait on the\\nPresident and inform him that the board were disposed to adjourn until Mon-\\nday or Tuesday if he wished for time to make any communication on the sub-\\nject. Gov. Gilman afterwards reported verbally that he had waited on the\\nPresident to ask him if he had any reply to make to the resolutions before the\\nboard respecting the removal and that the President had informed him he\\nshould not have sufficient time and that the board could proceed as they\\nshould think proper. The question was then moved and called for. It was\\nthen moved that the deposition of the Rev. Mr. Merrill of Middlebury be\\nread, which was done. No member of the board called in question the truth\\nof any reason stated in the preamble. The final question was then taken,\\nand the protest of Gov. Gilman and Judge Jacob was then read, before the\\nprotest was read an alteration was made in it respecting the reading of Mr.\\nMerrill s deposition.\\nThe Board adjourned to Monday morning at 6 o clock A.M.\\nThe resolutions of removal drawn by Judge Paine were as\\nfollows", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "76 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nCases sometimes occur when it becomes expedient that corporate bodies,\\nwhatever confidence they may feel respecting the rectitude and propriety of\\ntheir own measures should explain the grounds of them to the public. Such\\nan explanation becomes peculiarly important when the concerns committed\\nto their care are dependent on public opinion for their prosperity and success.\\nInto such a situation the Trustees of Dartmouth College consider themselves\\nnow brought. Under a sense of duty they have already cheerfully submitted\\ntheir past acts to the inspection of a committee of the legislature of the State,\\nand from a similar view of that duty they now proceed to state the reasons\\nthat lead them to withdraw their further assent to the nomination and appoint-\\nment of Doctor John Wheelock to the Presidency of Dartmouth College.\\nFirst he has had an agency in publishing and circulating a certain anonymous\\npamphlet entitled Sketches of the History of Dartmouth College and Moor s\\nCharity School, and espoused the charges therein contained before a committee\\nof the legislature. Whatever might be our view of the principles which had\\ngained an ascendency in the mind of President Wheelock, we could not without\\nthe most undeniable evidence have believed that he could have communicated\\nsentiments so entirely repugnant to truth, or that any person who was not\\nas destitute of discernment as of integrity would have charged on a public body\\nas a crime, those things which notoriously received his unqualified concurrence,\\nand some of which were done by his special recommendation. The Trustees\\nconsider the above mentioned publication as a gross and unprovoked libel on\\nthe Institution; and the said Dr. Wheelock neglects to take any measures to\\nrepair an injury which is directly aimed at its reputation, and calculated to\\ndestroy its usefulness.\\nSecondly, He has set up and insists on claims which the charter by no fair\\nconstruction does allow claims which in their operation would deprive the\\ncorporation of all its powers. He claims a right to exercise the whole Executive\\nauthority of the college, which the charter has expressly committed to the\\nTrustees with the President, Tutors and Professors by them appointed. He\\nalso seems to claim a right to control the corporation in the appointment of\\nExecutive officers, inasmuch as he has reproached them with great severity for\\nchoosing men who do not in all respects meet his wishes, and thereby embar-\\nrasses the proceedings of the Board.\\nThirdly, From a variety of circumstances the Trustees have had reason ta\\nconclude that he has embarrassed the proceedings of the Executive officers,\\nby causing an impression to be made on the minds of such students as have\\nfallen under censure for transgressions of the laws of the institution, that if\\nhe could have had his will they would not have suffered disgrace or punish-\\nment.\\nFourthly, The Trustees have obtained satisfactory evidence that Dr. Wheel-\\nock has been guilty of manifest fraud in the application of the funds of Moor s\\nSchool, by taking a youth who was not an Indian, but adopted by an Indian\\ntribe under an Indian name, and supporting him on the Scotch fund which is\\ngranted for the sole purpose of instructing and civilizing Indians.\\nFifthly, It is manifest to the Trustees that Dr. Wheelock has in various ways\\ngiven rise and circulation to a report that the real cause of the dissatisfaction\\nof the Trustees with him was a diversity of religious opinions between him and\\nthem, when in truth and in fact no such diversity was known or is now known", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "\u00c2\u00a3815-1820.] The College and the University. 77\\nto exist, as he has publicly acknowledged before the committee of the legisla-\\nture appointed to investigate the aflfairs of the College.\\nThe Trustees adopt this solemn measure from a full conviction that the cause\\nof truth, the interest of this institution, and of science in general, require it.\\nIt is from a deep conviction that the College can no longer prosper under his\\nPresidency. They would gladly have avoided this painful crisis. From a\\nrespect to the honored father of Dr. Wheelock the founder of this institution,\\nthey had hoped that they might have continued him in the Presidency as long\\nas he was competent to discharge its duties.\\nThey feel that this measure cannot be construed into any disrespect to the\\nlegislature of New Hampshire, whose sole object in the appointment of a com-\\nmittee to investigate the affairs of the College must have been to ascertain if\\nthe Trustees had forfeited their charter, and not whether they had exercised\\ntheir charter powers discreetly or indiscreetly not whether they had treated\\neither of the executive officers of the College with propriety or impropriety.\\nThey will ever submit to the authority of law. The legislature have appointed\\na committee to examine the concerns of the College and the School generally,\\nthe Trustees met that committee with promptitude, and frankly exhibited\\nevery measure of theirs which had been a subject of complaint, and all the\\nconcerns of the institution as far as their knowledge and means would permit.\\nThey wish to have their acts made as public as possible. The Committee of\\nthe legislature will report the facts, and the Trustees will cheerfully meet the\\nissue before any tribunal competent to try them, according to the principles\\nof their charter.\\nThey consider this crisis as a severe trial to the institution, but they believe\\nthat in order to entertain a hope that it will flourish and be useful, they must\\nbe faithful to their trust, that they must not approve of an officer who labors\\nto destroy its reputation, and embarrass its internal concerns. They will yet\\nhope that under the smiles of Divine Providence this institution will continue\\nto flourish, and be a great blessing to generations to come.\\nTherefore Resolved that the appointment of Dr. John Wheelock to the presi-\\ndency of this college by the last will of the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock the\\nfounder and first President of this College be and the same is hereby, by the\\ntrustees of said College, disapproved, and it is further Resolved that the said\\nDr. John Wheelock for the reason aforesaid, be and he is hereby displaced\\nand removed from the office of President of said College.\\nThen followed resolutions removing him from his offices as\\nTrustee, and as Professor of History. To all these resolutions\\nMessrs. Oilman and Jacob filed a formal protest:\\nThe undersigned members of the board of Trustees of Dartmouth College\\nhaving given their votes against the resolutions for removing the Honorable\\nJohn Wheelock from the office of President of Dartmouth College, and from\\nthe offices of a trustee and professor of history, considering the great impor-\\ntance of the measure, and its probable consequences cannot content them-\\nselves with giving only their votes, but make the following protest against\\nthe same which they request may according to general usage be placed upon\\nthe records.\\nFirst, We doubt the authority of the board for removal in this case, the said", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "78 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nJohn Wheelock having been duly appointed as President by the will of his\\nfather, and there having been an acquiescence and approval of the same by\\nthe board for about thirty six years; and we are of opinion that if cause for\\nremoval were supposed to exist, the subject ought to be considered by some\\nother Tribunal.\\nSecondly, Whatever evidence might exist in the minds of the framers of the\\nresolutions in proof of the allegations contained in the preamble, no evidence\\nwas laid before the board respecting the same nor any paper whatever relative\\nthereto, not even respecting the serious charge of a manifest fraud in the\\napplication of the funds of Moor s School [excepting a deposition signed\\nThomas A. Merrill, sworn to on the 24th instant and laid before the board this\\nevening, relative to the last article.] For these and other reasons which for\\nwant of time we have it not in our power to specify particularly, we enter our\\nsolemn protest against the adoption of the said preamble and resolutions.\\nJ. T. Oilman,\\nStephen Jacob.\\nDartmouth College\\nSaturday evening\\nAugust 26, 1815.\\nOn Monday morning Rev. Francis Brown of Yarmouth, Me.,;\\nwas unanimously elected President, and a further adjournment\\nhad until September 26. It was charged (probably with truth)\\nthat conference had been had with Mr. Brown in anticipation of\\nthe event. President Wheelock wrote immediately to Mr. Brown\\nnotice of his contention that the action of the Trustees was illegal\\nand inoperative. The question of Mr. Brown s acceptance was\\nsubmitted to an ecclesiastical council at Yarmouth, which advised\\nit, and on September 27 at two o clock in the afternoon he was\\nduly installed with appropriate ceremonies.*\\nBy this prompt and decisive action of the Board, as may well\\nbe conceived, the excitement was intensified to the last degree.\\nThe actual and speedy result would seem to have been a surprise\\nto the President and to the public. Something of the kind had\\nindeed been naturally anticipated, but many firm friends of the\\nCollege deprecated it as too hasty, and as likely to create addi-\\ntional prejudice and injure the cause of the College before the\\npublic and the legislature.\\nMr. Jeremiah Mason gave expression to this feeling in a long\\nThe exercises were as follows: i. Sacred music; 2, Prayer by Rev. Dr. McFarland; 3, Music;.\\n4, Discourse by Rev. Dr. McFarland s The ceremony of induction consisting of a short address\\nin Latin by Rev. Dr. Payson, acting president of the Board, signifying the appointment of Mr-\\nBrown and requesting his acceptance, to which Mr. Brown assented. Then the charter was\\ndelivered to him and he was declared President; 6, Inaugural address; 7. Prayer by Rev. Dr.\\nPayson. Portsmouth Oracle, October 7,1815- President Brown s inaugural was in Latin; and\\nportions of it were written at the taverns on bis way to Hanover. S. G. Brown s Address to the-\\nAlumni, 1855. P- 62.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 79\\nand earnest letter to Mr. Marsh. Under date of the 15th of\\nAugust he wrote\\nFrom certain intimations which I have lately had, I am led to be-\\nlieve an intention is entertained by some members of the Board of ending all\\ndifficulty with the president by removing him from office. I greatly fear\\nsuch a measure adopted under present circumstances, and, at the present\\ntime, would have a very unhappy effect upon the public mind. An inquiry is\\nnow pending, instituted after considerable discussion, by the Legislature of\\nthis State apparently for the purpose of granting relief for the subject mat-\\nter of complaint. The Trustees acquiesce in this inquiry; whether they\\nappear before the committee appointed to make it formally as a body, or\\ninformally as individuals, the public will not deem of much importance.\\nShould the Trustees, during the pendency of the inquiry in a cause\\nin which they are supposed to be a party, take judgment into their own\\nhands, and summarily end the dispute by destroying the other party, they\\nwill offend and irritate at least all those who were in favor of making the\\ninquiry. Such will not be satisfied with the answer that the Trustees have\\nthe power and feel it to be their duty to exercise it. It will be said that the\\nreasons which justify a removal (if there be any) have existed for a long time.\\nA removal after so long a forbearance, at the present time, will be attributed\\nto recent irritations.\\nI see no danger in delay, but fear much in too great haste. Perhaps there is\\nno occasion at present to determine how long the Trustees should delay adopt-\\ning their final course. Circumstances may render that expedient at a future\\ntime which is not now. I feel much confidence that a very decisive course\\nagainst the president by the Trustees at the present time would create an\\nunpleasant sensation in the public mind, and would, I fear, be attended with\\nunpleasant consequences.\\nBut the crisis could not be avoided, though if what followed\\ncould have been then foreseen it is reasonable to doubt if the\\nTrustees would have proceeded so quickly to extremities. They\\nevidently underestimated the hostile forces, and failed correctly\\nto interpret the signs on the political horizon. They certainly\\nhad reason to believe that the report of the legislative committee,\\nthough confined to a statement of facts, would be not unfavorable\\nto them and undoubtedly expected in the existing state of parties\\nto come out right with the legislature. But the accession of the\\nDemocrats to power before the committee could report put a\\ndifferent face upon the matter, and taking all into consideration\\none cannot now be sure that the Trustees did not pursue the\\nwisest course. The possession of the presidency proved in the\\nend their only salvation. It was the turning point of their for-\\ntunes on several occasions. That alone rendered possible the\\ncontest they made against the power of the State, and it is not\\nShirley, p. 94.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "8o History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nsafe to assume that forbearance on their part would have pre-\\nvented the hostile legislation. Certain it is that it would have\\nbeen too late to act after the laws were passed. Indeed, the\\nregret that then found expression among the Trustees was that\\nthey had not seasonably removed also their secretary and treas-\\nurer, Judge Woodward, so as to preserve control of their records.\\nThat the Board did not exceed its powers was, notwithstanding\\nthe most vigorous outcry, at least tacitly admitted by the acquies-\\ncence of all parties without any appeal to the courts, or any prac-\\ntical opposition beyond the idle form of a protest even the hostile\\nmajority in the legislature raised no question upon that point, but\\ngave to it the strongest affirmative support by recognizing Mr.\\nBrown as legal President.\\nImmediately after Commencement appeared the promised\\nstatement to the public, in the shape of a pamphlet of 104 pages,\\nentitled A Vindication of the Official Conduct of the Trustees,\\nsigned by the eight members of the Board. It was an able\\npresentation of the case, largely from the pen of Mr. Marsh,\\nWherever circulated it exerted a decided influence to relieve\\ndoubts and restore friendship, but it labored under the disadvan-\\ntage of being sold at 25 cents a copy whereas the Sketches, being\\nfreely given away, enjoyed a much wider circulation.^ It was\\npreceded some six weeks by a pamphlet of 62 pages written\\nmainly by Benjamin J. Gilbert, Esq., entitled A True and Concise\\nNarrative of the Origin and Progress of the Church Difficulties, etc.,\\nand prepared and issued by a Committee of the Congregational\\nchurch specially appointed for the purpose. Among the articles\\nwith which the newspapers were deluged there appeared during\\nthe autumn in the columns of the Cojicord Gazette a series of four\\narticles from the pen of Judge Niles, going over a part of the ground\\ncovered by the pamphlet, which were widely copied into other\\npapers. There were also others by Dr. McFarland. On the\\nother side Hill s Patriot continued to pour out denunciations and\\nCaptain Dunham in the winter favored the public with a pamphlet\\nof 94 pages, an Answer to the Vindication, bright, keen and sar-\\ncastic, and at the same time peculiarly unfair and illogical. The\\npamphlet war closed with a Refutation, by Peyton R. Freeman,\\nEsq., of Sundry Aspersions, that he discovered in the Vindication,\\nSamuel Woodbury, a lawyer of Portsmouth, writing to Professor Shurtleflf, December 9.\\n18 IS, says that the Sketches, which had been freely distributed, had produced much effect in\\nthat section, and this effect was not counteracted by the Vindicalion/ as people are more willing\\nto remain ignorant of the merits of a case than to purchase a 25 cent pamphlet, and that the\\npoison of the Sketches had full effect because the antidote was not applied in the same way.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 81\\nupon the memory of his father, Hon. Jonathan Freeman, then\\ndeceased.\\nThe course of political affairs seemed now to justify Mr.\\nMason s forecast. The newspapers which had declared for Whee-\\nlock, led of course by the Patriot, redoubled their outcry, and\\nadvantage was taken of every circumstance to cast further odium\\non the Board and to present them in a position of antagonism\\nand disrespect to the legislature. The village paper, the Gazette,\\nstill holding to the Board, another weekly paper was established\\nat Hanover in the interest of Wheelock. It was styled the Ameri-\\ncan, and professed to be of Federal inclination yet impartial, truly\\nAmerican, in politics. Like its constituency, it became by the\\ncourse of events virtually Democratic. It began February 4,\\n1816, and stopped abruptly with the death of Wheelock in April,\\n1817.\\nThe President s immediate friends entered actively into polit-\\nical combinations. It was understood that their emissaries\\nwent from town to town through the state to procure so far as\\npossible the choice of members to the legislature who should be\\nfavorable to their cause. Color was given to this allegation by\\nan attempt of certain prominent Federalists of Hanover to ar-\\nrange a coalition with the Democrats in the nomination of a\\nsenator in the eleventh district. The Democratic convention\\nmet at Merrill s Tavern in Enfield January 24, and was adjourned\\ntwo weeks in consequence of a statement by John Durkee of\\nHanover that Judge Woodward, Dr. Perkins, Col. Brewster,\\nCol. Poole and Henry Hutchinson (all Hanover Federalists and\\nstanch friends of Wheelock) had arranged with others of the\\nsame party for a caucus at Canaan January 30, and desired the\\nDemocrats to adjourn over with a view to uniting with them in\\nthe choice of a candidate. This statement, becoming public,\\nraised a great flutter among these gentlemen; some of them\\nstrove to escape the charge by throwing doubt and discredit\\nupon it, but Dr. Perkins manfully avowed it, with expressions\\nof regret that the scheme miscarried in consequence of the\\ntimidity and prudery of some of their own party. The result\\nwas that three candidates were put into the field, Abiathar G.\\nBritton by the Federalists in caucus at Haverhill, John Durkee\\nby the Democrats, and Aaron Hutchinson of Lebanon for the\\nW^heelock Federalists by the caucus at Mr. Dole s inn at Canaan,\\nJanuary 30, consisting of Federalists from twelve towns in the\\n1 DartmotUh Gazette, February 14, 1816. American, Februarj 28, 1816.\\n6", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "82 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. x.\\ndistrict and there was no choice. The legislature proving Demo-\\ncratic elected Mr. Durkee, who stood a faithful partisan of Pres-\\nident Wheelock. The vote in Hanover gave Britton 202,\\nHutchinson 59 and Durkee 122. For Governor the Federalists\\nhad 265, and the Democrats 124. Before the next election the\\nWheelock Federalists were fully incorporated into the Demo-\\ncratic ranks.\\nMr. Durkee s attitude was not wholly determined by political\\nconsiderations. While the inhabitants of the College district\\nwere with few exceptions opposed to Wheelock, he had many\\nsympathizers in the other parts of the town. This difference\\narose in part from a traditional jealousy directed against the\\nCollege district which continued nearly to the present time, but\\nmore from a diversity in religious views. Deists and Universal-\\nists were numerous and strong in district number seven, and in\\nnumber five, where Mr. Durkee lived, they had for many years\\nan incorporated society, with a library for the dissemination of\\ntheir views. Their heaquarters were at the mill neighborhood,\\nnow called Etna. They controlled to a great extent the Demo-\\ncratic party in the town, and were able, about 1830, to commit\\nit in caucus to the expressed determination that no professor of\\nreligion should be elected to any town office. Mr. Durkee was\\na leader among them. He and they accepted Wheelock, in the\\nlight of his memorial and his own utterances as well as of those\\nmade by his organ, the Patriot, as their champion against the sup-\\nposed orthodox bigotry of the Board. But this alliance brought\\nin the end its own punishment, for the same reasons which drew\\nthe freethinkers to Wheelock s support served to confirm and\\nintensify the opposition of the clergy, and of the classes naturally\\nin sympathy with them and drew them all to the support of the\\nCollege. If it had not been for the division among the Federal-\\nists in Grafton County, and the part which the so called Liberal\\nChristians took in it, neither the College nor the State Judiciary\\ncould have been overturned.\\nThe course taken by Wheelock and his friends was exceedingly\\ndistasteful to Governor Gilman. He used every means in his\\npower by letter and otherwise to dissuade them from it, and,\\nfailing, quietly withdrew his support. He was desirous to resign\\nfrom the Board of Trust, but at the request of Mr. Thompson\\nand others of the majority refrained from doing so until the con-\\ntroversy should be ended, having reason to believe, as he after-\\nwards avowed, that he could thus best serve the interests of", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 83\\nthe College. He could not in honor, after what had passed,\\ntake his seat with the opposing trustees under President Brown,\\nneither would he co-operate against them. Upon this circum-\\nstance depended, as it proved, a result of the highest importance.\\nIn March of 18 16 Governor Plumer was elected by a majority\\nof 2,269, both branches of the legislature were Democratic, and\\nthat party assumed the supremacy which with brief intervals\\nit retained for forty years. Notwithstanding the narrow Federal\\nmajority of the previous year, and the confusion brought about\\nby the College troubles, the result of the election was a surprise\\nto the Federalists and to the friends of the College. By it the\\nposition of the latter was rendered doubly difficult. It was now\\ncertain that trouble must be expected at the coming session of\\nthe legislature, and they began to marshal their forces to meet\\nit. Messrs. Marsh and Thompson were in attendance on Con-\\ngress at Washington and Webster and Mason with them; Marsh\\nand Webster in the House, and Mason and Thompson in the\\nSenate. Marsh and Mason were cousins, Webster and Thomp-\\nson shared the same lodgings. Though in hearty sympathy with\\nthe two trustees Webster was held back by the influence of the\\ncooler and more cautious Mason to such a degree that the others\\nwere disposed at first to blame them both for lukewarmness.\\nAll were Federalists, and together with Jeremiah Smith, were,\\nwith the exception of Marsh who was a citizen of Vermont, the\\nleaders of the Federal party in New Hampshire. It was inevit-\\nable that they should stand shoulder to shoulder in this affair.\\nMr. Thompson wrote from Washington to President Brown,\\nFebruary 28, 1816:\\nWith respect to Governor Gilman s writing to Judge W. I have no doubt of\\nthe truth of it. The information has come here in various ways. We have\\nbeen repeatedly assured from Exeter that Governor Gilman is making great\\nexertions to check the erratic movements of his Hanover friends.\\nWhen Mr. Marsh comes to this place I will consult with him respecting the\\nthebest mode of enlisting Mr. Mason. If we could have him heartily engaged\\nfor us I am clearly of opinion with you he would be preferable to any other\\ncounsel under existing circumstances.\\nThe progress of events in New Hampshire never had so much interest in\\nmy view as at the present moment. Upon the result depends not only the\\nsecurity of our civil rights and enjoyment but the best hopes of the friends of\\nliterature and religion in relation to their diffusion through that state.\\nMr. Marsh also wrote from Washington to President Brown,\\nApril 4, 1816:", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "84 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nAfter much conversation and patient waiting I now find that we can expect\\nno assistance at the legislature from either of the gentlemen of whom we con-\\nversed. It is probable however that we can have the professional aid of at\\nleast one of them in case we should be involved hereafter in a suit [at] law, and\\nI think it may be of some consequence to us to secure such assistance. The\\nunfortunate issue of the New Hampshire election renders it very difficult for\\nus to determine what course it is best to pursue. We have sometimes doubts\\nwhether as the petition now pending before the legislature does not ask for\\nspecific relief, and as we are not made parties to it, it would be expedient for\\nus to enter an appearance or make any defense, but on the whole we have\\nconcluded that even in the present state of parties it will not be duty to omit\\nmaking a defense. In case any counsel is to be employed, and probably we\\nshould employ some one, we think that nothing better can be done than to\\nemploy Mr. Richardson. In case he should be applied to, the principal and\\nperhaps the only real points to which his attention need be drawn is whether\\nthe legislature can interfere in any way to vacate the charter or change the\\nnumber or powers of the trustees under it; and, second, whether, if this point\\nbe conceded, the conduct of the trustees has been such as to render such inter-\\nference either proper or expedient? That they may institute (as indeed they\\nhave done) an enquiry preparatory to some legal process, or pass any law\\nwhich may be deemed necessary to give the Supreme Court jurisdiction or\\npolntingoutthemodeof proceeding, cannot probably be denied with propriety.\\nI feel much embrassment in writing, inasmuch as in your vicinity it is deemed\\nno crime to violate a seal.\\nA letter from Mr. Marsh to President Brown, April 13, 1816,\\nprotests against the appointment of Mr. Niles as the agent before\\nthe legislature, and even against any intimation that it is desirable\\nthat he should attend as an individual.\\nI have found [he wrote] that because he is a Democrat and might therefore\\ninfluence his own party some might deem it proper to appoint him. I believe\\nthatif heistherehe will unwittingly compromise us just as far as he is empow-\\nered to do. He will have such confidence in his party that he will be likely\\nto resign the charter expecting a better from such good men, or do some other\\nact which will work our ruin. I believe that had it not been for him no com-\\nmittee would have been appointed last session. I dare not trust the interests\\nof the institution in his hands though I have entire confidence in his integrity.\\nA special meeting was held in April and necessary arrange-\\nments made.\\nThe excitement did not subside as the time approached for\\nthe assembling of the General Court. Mr. Webster advised\\nmaking an effort to soften the irritated feelings of the Democracy\\nby encouraging the idea of a new college, a favorite one with\\nsome, in order to afford opportunity for the ill humors to work\\noff. His plan was to procure some person, known to be favor-\\nably inclined to Wheelock, to propose, for the sake of peace, a", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "1 8i 5-1820.] The College and the University. 85\\njoint committee to report at the next session upon the expediency\\nof estabHshing at Concord a University of New Hampshire,\\nto be governed by a self-perpetuating board of trustees, and by\\nthe chief officers of the State as overseers; and protected from\\nany religious test.^ But the hostile spirit was now too much in\\nearnest to be turned aside in that way. Governor Plumer, whose\\nsympathies were drawn to Wheelock by various motives, not\\nthe least of which was the supposed liberal attitude of the latter\\nin religious matters, ardently espoused his cause. In the\\nGovernor s address to the General Court June 6, attention was\\nparticularly called to the College charter, which, he said, as it\\nemanated from royalty contained, as was natural it should, prin-\\nciples congenial to monarchy. Among others it established trus-\\ntees, made seven a quorum, and authorized a majority of those\\npresent to remove any of its members which they might consider\\nunfit or incapable, and the survivors to perpetuate the board by\\nthemselves electing others to supply vacancies. This last\\nprinciple he declared to be hostile to the spirit and genius of a\\nfree government. The College, he truly said, was founded for\\nthe public good, not for the benefit or emolument of its trustees;\\nand he entered into an argument of some length in support of an\\nassertion that the right to amend and improve acts of incorpora-\\ntion of this nature had been exercised by all governments both\\nmonarchical and republican. This portion of the speech was on\\nJune 8 entrusted to a committee of fifteen^ (three from each\\ncounty, counting Grafton and Coos as one) nominated by a pre-\\nliminary committee chosen for the purpose on the 6th, the day\\nwhen the address was received. To them was also referred the\\nreport of the visiting committee of the last session which came\\ndown to the House on the loth. The Wheelock party made such\\nefforts as they could to explain it and oppose its printing, but it\\nwas ordered to be printed, together with the memorial which\\ngave rise to it. This report was confined to a mere statement of\\nfacts touching the four heads of charges specified by Wheelock,\\nand, while strictly impartial, was on the whole clearly favorable\\nto the Trustees.\\nOn Tuesday, the i8th, the committee reported a bill, without\\nWebster s Priv. Cor., I, 259.\\nFrom the Senate, Durkee, Hanover, Vose, Atkinson and Harvey, Sullon; from the House,\\nTllton, Exeter, Parrott, Portsmouth, McClary, Epsom, Durell, Dover, Wentworth, Ossipee,\\nShepherd, Gilmanton, Claggett, Amherst, Bachelder, New Ipswich, Harvey, Hopkinton, Dwight,\\nWestmoreland, Prescott, Jaffrey, Wood, Keene, Pettingill, Canaan, Poole, Hanover, Sawyer,\\nPiermont. H. J. pp. 30, 45, 51. 52.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "86 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nwaiting for the return of the visiting committee s report from the\\nprinter, Gen. Poole and others being heard to say that they\\nintended to ignore it. But the indecency was too glaring and\\nthey were forced afterwards to notice it, but contented them-\\nselves with reporting^ that difficulties in the College had been\\naggravated if they did not originate from some radical defect\\nin the charter. Whatever inferences therefore as to the conduct\\nof the persons in dispute may be deduced from the report (which\\ninferences all are enabled to make for themselves, all having the\\nreport) your committee apprehend the legislature are not called\\non to arbitrate in favor of either party provided the cause of the\\ndifficulties can without that invidious and unpleasant task be\\neffectually removed. Without criminating therefore\\nthe members or officers of the corporation for measures which\\nhave reached their present crisis if not originated from defects in\\nthe charter we conclude that the interests of the State do not\\nrequire the legislature to act any further than by amending the\\ncharter.\\nA bill was accordingly brought in that had been prepared by a\\nsub-committee, consisting of Messrs. Poole, Claggett and Durell,\\nessentially changing the character of the College. It was en-\\ntitled An Act to amend, enlarge and improve the Corporation\\nof Dartmouth College, and provided that the corporate name\\nof the College should be changed from the Trustees of Dart-\\nmouth College to the Trustees of Dartmouth University,\\nthat the whole number of Trustees should not exceed twenty-one\\nor be less than fourteen, at the discretion of the Governor and\\nCouncil, of which two thirds were to form a quorum. No person\\nexcept a resident of the state was eligible as a member, and all\\nseats then held by non-residents were declared vacant. A Board\\nof Overseers was established whose number was not to exceed\\nfifty nor be less than thirty. The President of the Senate was\\nto be President of the Board and the Speaker of the House Vice-\\nPresident ex-officio. The Governor and Lieutenant-Governor\\nof Vermont for the time being were to be members, as were also\\nthe members of the old Board of Trustees, Messrs. Jacob, Marsh,\\nNiles and Paine, whose seats were vacated by the Act. The\\nOverseers had power to inspect and confirm or disapprove and\\nnegative such votes and proceedings of the Board of Trustees,\\nas shall relate to the appointment and removal of President,\\nProfessors and other permanent Officers of the University; and\\n\u00c2\u00bbH. J., p. 129; Portsmouth Oracle, July 29, 1816.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "i8 15-1820.] The College and the University. 87\\ndetermining their salaries, to the establishment of Colleges and\\nProfessorships and to the erection of new College buildings.\\nThe secretary of the Trustees was to certify to the Overseers\\ncopies of the records and votes of the Trustees, and both bodies\\nwere to render an annual account through the President to the\\nGovernor of all important votes and proceedings of the Board.\\nThe President, to whom was given the superintendence of the\\ngovernment and instruction of the students and the performance\\nof all the duties devolving by usage on the President of a Uni-\\nversity, was also to render to the Governor an annual account\\nof the number of the Students, and of the state of the\\nfunds of the University. Each of the two Boards had power\\nto suspend and remove any member of their respective Boards.\\nThe Governor and Council were authorized to fill all vacancies\\nin the two Boards, original or occasioned by death or resignation\\nexcept that the President of the University was ex-officio a\\nmember of the Board of Trustees.\\nThe bill was read and ordered to be printed. The strength of\\nthe respective parties was shown upon an immediate motion to\\nrecommit, which was lost, 86 to 91, and the second reading was\\nordered for four o clock the next day.^ Early in the forenoon of\\nthe 19th the bill was printed, and Messrs. Thompson, Paine and\\nMcFarland, who were in attendance on the part of the Board,\\nas soon as they could get sight of it, put in a demand for a pub-\\nlic hearing, which was denied. They laid in, however, on the\\nsame day an able remonstrance of eight printed pages, wherein\\nthey dwelt at length upon the unjust and illegal features of the\\nbill, and the unfairness of bringing it forward without considering\\nthe result of the labors of their own investigating committee.^\\nThey ended with a proposition on the part of the College Board,\\nsimilar to that contemplated in 1806, to accept a board of over-\\nseers consisting of the councillors and senators together with the\\nSpeaker of the House, with power substantially the same as was\\nafterwards enacted for the University. This paper was read in\\nthe House on the 20th, after a vain effort to exclude it, and re-\\nferred to a special committee consisting of Messrs. Butler, Toppan\\nand Claggett of the House with Mr. Ham of the Senate, a proposi-\\ntion to send it to the committee of fifteen being lost in the House,\\n85 to 94; as a motion to postpone the bill until this committee\\non the remonstrance should have reasonable time to report was\\nalso lost, 84 to 97.3 A few days later a proposition, moved by\\n1 H. J., p. 91. See Appendix B. H. J., pp. 119, 124.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "88 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nMr. Paige of Hancock, to postpone the bill to the next session\\nand take the opinion of the Court as to whether it would conflict\\nwith the Constitution of the State or of the United States, and\\nwhether it would endanger the title of the College to any of its\\npresent funds or donations in this State or any other, shared the\\nsame fate. But the remonstrance had evidently its effect for,\\non the 20th, seven sections of the bill were recommitted^ and\\nshorn of several most objectionable features. On their return\\nMessrs. Thompson and McFarland filed a further remonstrance,\\nJune 24, which effected nothing.\\nTo the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of\\nNew Hampshire in General Court convened:\\nRespectfully show the undersigned two of the Trustees of Dartmouth College\\nthat they have heard that the bill before the Honorable House relating to the\\nCollege had been recommitted and reported with considerable alterations a\\nfew hours before their last adjournment and that it received at the same time\\na first reading. They have also heard that four o clock this afternoon is as-\\nsigned for its second reading. They have not been able to obtain a sight of it\\nbut have heard it contains provisions for an increase of the board of Trustees\\nto the number of twenty one, a majority of whom to constitute a quorum, and\\nthat the additional number are to be appointed by his Excellency the Governor\\nand the Honorable Council.\\nThe undersigned would not trouble the honorable legislature with any re-\\nmarks in addition to those contained in their remonstrance of the 19th instant\\ndid they not believe it were a duty not to be omitted. They cannot but per-\\nsuade themselves that their reiterated applications will be received by the\\nhonorable legislature with indulgence when it is considered that the Trustees\\nof Dartmouth College are the sole legal representatives and guardians of the\\nCollege property and that the legislature cannot pass a law essentially altering\\nthe provisions of the charter without giving sanction to the heavy charges pre-\\nferred against them by Dr. John Wheelock at the last session of the General\\nCourt.\\nTo many of the topics of argument suggested in their former remonstrance\\n(which are equally applicable against the passage of the bill in its present\\nshape) they respectfully ask leave to add.\\nThat the bill in its present shape destroys the Identity of the corporation\\nknown in law by the name of the Trustees of Dartmouth College, without the\\nconsent of the corporation, and consequently the corporation to be created by\\nthe present bill must and will be deemed by courts of law altogether diverse\\nand distinct from the corporation to which all the grants of property have\\nhitherto been made: and therefore the new corporation cannot hold the prop-\\nerty granted to the corporation created by the charter of 1769.\\nBy the charter of Dartmouth College a contract was made by the then su-\\npreme power of the State with the twelve persons therein named by which\\nwhen accepted by the persons therein named, certain rights and privileges were\\nvested in them and their successors for the guarantee of which the faith of\\nH. J., p. 133.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 89\\ngovernment was pledged by necessary implication. In the same instrument\\nthe faith of government was pledged that the corporation should consist of\\ntwelve Trustees and no more. The change in the government of the State\\nsince taken place does not in the least possible degree impair the validity of this\\ncontract otherwise nearly all the titles to real estate held by our fellow citizens\\nmust be deemed invalid.\\nThe passage of the bill now before the honorable house will in the deliberate\\nopinion of the undersigned violate the plighted faith of the government. If\\nthe undersigned are correct in considering the charter of 1 769 in the nature of a\\ncontract and if the bill in its present shape becomes a law, we think it neces-\\nsarily follows that it will also violate an important clause in the tenth section of\\nthe first article in the Constitution of the United States, which provides that\\nno State shall pass any law impairing the obligation of contract.\\nThe honorable legislature will permit us to add that as it is well known the\\nTrustees have as a Board been divided on certain important subjects, although\\nthe minority has been very small. Should the legislature now provide for\\nnine new Trustees to be appointed by his Excellency the Governor and the\\nhonorable Council and that without any facts being proved to the legislature or\\nany legislative report having been made showing that the state of things at the\\nCollege rendered the measure necessary, it must be seen by our fellow citizens\\nthat the majority of the Trustees have been by the legislature for some unac-\\nknowledged cause, condemned unheard.\\nThe honorable legislature will do the undersigned the justice to believe that\\nthey would not intentionally suggest any idea in relation to this subject which\\nthey did not deem worthy the consideration of the highest authorities, legis-\\nlative or j udicial in the State or nation. They cannot after much deliberation\\nbring themselves to believe that circumstanced as they are it ought reasonably\\nto be considered disrespectful in them to defend the rights of the corporation\\nto which they belong, by submitting to the hon. legislature any arguments\\ndrawn from the general principles of acknowledged law, or from inexpediency\\nsince the Supreme Judicial Court of the United States and Congress likewise\\ngrant similar indulgence.\\nThe undersigned have discharged a painful duty. They devoutly hope the\\nresult may accord with the highest wisdom and the security of the great prin-\\nciples upon which many of our invaluable civil rights depend.\\nThomas W. Thompson.\\nAsa McFarland.\\nJune 24, 1816.\\nThe House passed the bill June 26, by essentially a strict party\\nvote, ayes 96, noes 86, no Federalist voting for it, and two Demo-\\ncrats, Messrs. Paige and Shepard, voting against it,^ and the next\\nday it became a law.^ On the 28th Mr. Toppan filed a protest\\nin behalf of the minority with 75 signatures, including that of\\nAugustus Storrs, one of the Hanover members. Mr. Bachelder,\\ntherefore, moved resolutions reciting the charges against the\\nThe Judiciary act passed the same day with 97 votes against 83. and the address for removal\\nof the judges, 94 to 80.\\n\u00c2\u00bbH. J., pp. 199. 23s.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "90 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X,\\nTrustees and exonerating them point by point, but they were\\nlost, 71 to 93^ There were ten roll calls on this bill in its course\\nthrough the House. The member from Hanover Plain was Gen.\\nJames Poole, a neighbor of Wheelock s and an ardent supporter\\nof the University Party. There were also on the ground in the\\nsame interest Col. Brewster of Hanover, President Wheelock s\\nson-in-law, Rev. William Allen, and his nephew. Gen. E. W.\\nRipley. Eclat was given to the party by a splendid dinner and\\nreception to the General on June 13.\\nThe act as passed, after changing the name of the College to\\nDartmouth University, provided that there be a board of\\ntwenty-one Trustees, of whom a majority should constitute a\\nquorum, having all the powers and rights of the old board except\\nas limited by the Act. There was also to be a board of twenty-\\nfive overseers, of whom fifteen formed a quorum, having perpetual\\nsuccession, except that the President of the Senate and the\\nSpeaker of the House of Representatives of New Hampshire,\\nand the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor of Vermont were ex-\\nofficio members. It had a veto power over the Trustees on all\\nappointments of permanent officers, determination of salaries,\\nestablishment of colleges and professorships, and the erection of\\nbuildings. Each board had authority to suspend and remove its\\nown members. The President of the University, who was an\\nex-officio member of the Trustees, was to have the superintend-\\nence of the government and instruction of the students, and\\nwas to make annual report to the Governor of the number of the\\nstudents, the state of the funds of the University and all impor-\\ntant proceedings of the Overseers. The Governor and Council\\nwere to appoint the first Board of Overseers, to fill up the existing\\nBoard of Trustees to the number of twenty-one, and also to fill\\nall vacancies that might occur during the first meeting of the\\nBoard. The Governor and Council were to inspect the College\\nand make report to the legislature as often as once in five years.\\nIt will be noticed that this Act preserved the monarchical\\nfeatures which the Governor thought so dangerous in the old\\ncharter. The Board of Trustees was still a close corporation,\\nafter the first injection of new blood in nine new members, though\\nthere could of course be no guaranty that the process of legisla-\\ntive interference might not be repeated as often as party whims\\n\u00c2\u00abH. J., 241.\\nThe act is given in full in Appendix D, in the preamble to the resolution of the Trustees\\ndeclining to accept its provisions.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 91\\nmight dictate. There were in the Act some features radically\\ndifferent from those in the first draft. The most important was\\nthe retention of all the old board, so that the adhesion of one of\\nthem at least was requisite for a quorum. Had the Act passed\\nas at first drafted the subsequent difficulty about a quorum\\ncould not have occurred, and the whole aspect of matters would\\nhave been different. The Governor and Council proceeded at\\nonce to fill up the Boards.*\\nThe effect of the passage of the law upon the minds of the friends\\nof the College appears in the following letters:\\nProfessor Mussey wrote to President Brown, July 3, 1816,\\nfrom Weston, Mass.:\\nThe proceedings of the N. H. Legislature relative to D. College have excited\\nuniversal alarm and indignation among the Federalists. Hold on say they,\\ntil! the last finger is cut off.\\nMr. Marsh from Woodstock wrote to President Brown, July\\n4, 1816:\\nI was not much surprised at the information which your letter brought\\nthough I had been led to hope that something would arrest the progress of the\\nenemy. I have not had much time to examine authorities on the subject of\\nthe power of the legislature in relation to existing corporations yet I have no\\ndoubt in my own mind that the Act is altogether unconstitutional and must\\nbe so decided could the question come before a competent and dispassionate\\ncourt. But whether we can ever hope in our situation for a correct decision\\nis a very different question.\\nI think we shall never be able to act with such trustees as will probably be\\nappointed, and of course must act independently of them or not act at all.\\nWe shall however be better able to judge after knowing who are appointed\\nand I hope that before we shall be called to act the path of duty will be more\\nplain than it appears to me at present. I think we shall be more\\nlikely to bring them to terms by resisting the act than by yielding to its pro-\\nvisions. I now wish that we had seasonably removed the secretary\\nso as to have possessed ourselves of the records. You ask what can\\nor will the legislature do if we refuse to submit to the act. They can legally\\ndo nothing, what in the wantonness of power they may have the madness to\\nattempt no one can tell. If we refuse, the new trustees may attempt to pos-\\nsess themselves of the control and appoint new officers c. but regularly they\\nought to bring legal process against the present board or their officers.\\nMr. Thompson wrote to President Brown, July 15, 1816:\\nMr. Farrar of Portsmouth advises and I think his advice good, that one or\\nmore of the Trustees should immediately wait upon Judge Smith, Messrs.\\nMason and Webster and consult them and take their written directions as to\\nSee Appendix C.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "92 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nthe measures the Trustees ought to pursue. I do ardently wish that Mr.\\nMarsh would accompany you to Exeter and Portsmouth and be present at\\nthe interview.\\nAll whom I see in my travels without an exception urge us to a legal resist-\\nance.\\nMr. McFarland s letter to President Brown, July 15, 1816,\\nwas of the same tenor:\\nMr. Thompsonsaw Judge Peabody, Mr. Mason, Websterand Farrar They\\ngave it as their decided opinion that it would be the duty of the Trustees to\\nmaintain their original corporate right, and try the issue. That so far as my\\ninformation extends is the opinion of the most considerate part of the commun-\\nity. Judge Peabody informed Mr. Thompson that Gov. Gilman is decidedly\\nopposed to the late act, but that he could not be prevailed on to attend a meet-\\ning of the Board. Mr. T. desired Judge Peabody to request the old Governor\\nnot to resign his seat in the Board at present.\\nMr. Marsh again wrote to President Brown, July 17, 1816:\\nThe more I think of this subject the more important it appears to me for the\\nold Trustees to stand entirely aloof from those newly created by the appoint-\\nment of the Gov. under the Act, with a view if crowded out to revive the insti-\\ntution in the future either here or at some other place. I have no doubt that\\nwe can now in our own courts (Vermont) control the rents of the township of\\nWheelock, and these funds may serve hereafter as a rallying point for future\\nexertions.\\nRespecting the approaching meeting of the new board he wrote\\nten days later, I still think it a great object to prevent their\\nhaving a quorum, for in that case they can do no official act,\\nnor accept the grant. Gov. Gilman must be seen on this head\\nCannot Mr. Webster or some other friend induce him to write\\nMr. Jacob. Mr. Jacob was much out of health and it was\\nanticipated that he would be unable to attend or would resign.\\nDuring the interval before Commencement legal opinions were\\nsought from quite a number of gentlemen prominent in New\\nHampshire and elsewhere, as Parker Noyes, Arthur Livermore\\nand Daniel Davis of Boston. These were, almost without excep-\\ntion, unequivocally against the legality of the new Acts. Among\\nother questions laid before them was the subject of a possible\\nremoval hinted at by Mr. Marsh, but it found little encourage-\\nment.\\nCommencement fell on the last week of August. The Col-\\nlege Trustees took the precaution to come together on the Friday\\npreceding, but had as yet come to no conclusion respecting their\\ncourse of action when the day arrived for the organization of the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 93\\nUniversity Board agreeably to the Act. The Governor was\\npromptly on the ground and the following correspondence passed\\nHanover, Monday morning, August 26, 1816.\\nSir, As this is the day appointed by law for the meeting of the Trustees\\nof Dartmouth University, as several of the members of that Board are now in\\ntown, and as you are President of that University and member of the Board,\\npermit me to enquire whether you have provided a place for their assembling\\nand where?\\nIf you have not designated the hour and place of their meeting will you be\\nso obliging as to make the appointment and give me information thereof.\\nI am c.\\nWilliam Plumer.\\nRev d Francis Brown.\\nPresident of Dartmouth University.\\nMonday morning, August 26, 1816.\\nTo HIS Excellency Wm. Plumer:\\nSir, I have had the honor to receive your note of this morning. In reply\\npermit me to observe that on inspecting the Act of the 27th June last entitled\\nAn Act to amend the charter and enlarge and improve the corporation of\\nDartmouth College I noticed that the Governor was authorized and\\nrequested to summon the first meeting of the Trustees and Overseers of Dart-\\nmouth University to be held at Hanover c. From this clause I conclude\\nthat the right of designating the hour and the place of the meeting belongs\\naccording to the Act to the Governor and to him only. I have not therefore\\npresumed to provide a place for their assembling. On inspecting the Act anew\\nthis morning I am confirmed in the construction which I put on the above\\nrecited clause and must beg therefore to excuse myself from making the ap-\\npointment to which you invite me.\\nI have the honor c.\\nFrancis Brown.\\nMonday morning, August 26, 1816.\\nSir, Since the receipt of your polite letter of this morning I have addressed\\na note to Professor Shurtleff as librarian, requesting information whether the\\ncondition of the library room appertaining to the University was such as to\\naccommodate the Trustees thereof in assembling and holding their meeting\\nduring the present session. To which he replied verbally that he\\nhad previously delivered the key of the library room to you. These circum-\\nstances induce me to request that you would be so obliging as to inform me\\nwhether there is any objection to the Trustees occupying said room for the\\npurpose of holding their meetings.\\nI am c\\nWilliam Plumer.\\nRev d Francis Brown. c.\\nTo this reply was made that there was some mistake respecting\\nthe key which Professor Shurtleff would explain in person, as he\\nafterward did.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "94 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X-\\nMonday afternoon, August 26, 1816.\\nSir, Permit me to enquire whether I am to understand by your second\\nnote of this morning taken in connection with Professor Shurtleflf s explanation\\nthat you decline giving consent to the use of the library room in the buildings\\nbelonging to Dartmouth University to the Trustees thereof. If you do not\\ndecline will you have the goodness to have that room opened; or is there any\\nother room in those buildings or elsewhere in this town that is convenient for\\nthe Trustees to hold their meeting in, that I may take measures to notify them\\nthereof. Your answer is requested as soon as convenient.\\nI am c.\\nWilliam Plumer.\\nPresident Brown.\\nMonday afternoon, August 26, 1816.\\nTo HIS Excellency William Plumer:\\nSir, In answer to your Excellency s note just received, I have the honor\\nto inform you that I have not, either by law or usage, in my office as President\\nthe control of the library room. Of course my note to your Excellency taken\\nin connection with Professor ShurtlefT s explanation is not I0 be understood\\nas implying that I decline giving consent to the use of the library room for\\nthe purpose mentioned by your Excellency. If I rightly understand my official\\nduties it does not belong to me either to refuse or to give my consent in the\\ncase. I have no authority to cause the room occupied by the library to be\\nopened according to your Excellency s request, and as to rooms in other build-\\nings Judge Woodward from his superior acquaintance in the place will be able\\nto give your Excellency more satisfactory information than myself.\\nI have the honor to be c.\\nFrancis Brown.\\nThe meeting was finally convened in Judge Woodward s office\\n(afterward for many years the study of President Lord), at five\\no clock the same afternoon, but without the number requisite\\nto organize, only nine being present.^ Next morning ten were\\nin attendance, including all the new members, save Matthew\\nHarvey who was detained by sickness, and the Governor and a\\nsingle member of the old Board, Hon. Stephen Jacob of Windsor.\\nAs they still lacked one of a quorum, the Governor by their order\\nonce more addressed the President. The note is in the hand-\\nwriting of Judge Levi Woodbury.\\nHanover, Tuesday, August 27th 1816.\\nSir, A number of the Trustees of Dartmouth University are convened at\\nthe Treasurer s office of Judge Woodward. They are authorized and prepared\\nto proceed in the transaction of business provided you will give your attend-\\nance as required by Statute to preside over their meeting.\\nGovernor Plumer, Dr. Josiah Bartlett, Joshua Darling, William H. Woodward, Levi Wood-\\nbury, Dr. Cyrus Perkins, Aaron Hutchinson, Daniel M.Durell, Stephen Jacob. Henry Hubbard\\nwho appeared next morning was the tenth. The room was the one on the right as one enters\\nthe front door of the house next Webster Hall.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "1 815-1 820.] The College and the University. 95\\nI am requested therefore by the gentlemen present to notifiy you of the above\\ncircumstances in order that by repairing here as soon as possible the necessary\\nmeasures may be seasonably adopted preparatory to the duties and exercises\\nof tomorrow.\\nYour attendance or reasons for non-attendance are wished for immediately\\nif agreeable.\\nI am c.\\nWilliam Plumer.\\nMr. President Brown.\\nTuesday evening, August 27, 1816.\\nTo HIS Excellency Wm. Plumer.\\nSir, Your note has just been received requesting my attendance at Judge\\nWoodward s office or my reasons for non-attendance.\\nWith respect to the Act of 27th June last, referred to by your Excellency, I\\nwould remark that I have not supposed any individual of the twenty one per-\\nsons contemplated in that Act as the Trustees of Dartmouth University was\\nbound to act under it unless with his own deliberate consent.\\nI have taken that Act into consideration together with the other Trustees\\nconstituted according to the provisions of the Charter of 1769. But no deci-\\nsion has as yet been taken and until the last mentioned Trustees shall conclude\\nto abandon their said Charter and to accept the before mentioned Act, I shall\\nprobably deem it duty not to attend. The Trustees did not^ as I in the morn-\\ning expected they would, act on the report of their committee. It is therefore\\nstill under consideration.\\nI have c.\\nFrancis Brown.\\nEarly on Wednesday, the morning of Commencement day, a\\nlike summons was sent by the Governor, from the University\\nTrustees then in session, to Professors Shurtlefif and Adams re-\\nquesting their attendance on the Board at half past nine o clock,\\nas the conferring of degrees and the other duties and exercises\\nof this day deserve immediate attention. Professor Shurtlefif\\nreplied that as it did not appear that a quorum of the Trustees\\nhad as yet convened he did not deem it proper to proceed with\\nindividual gentlemen who may be assembled and Professor\\nAdams answered in like fashion, adding that Professors have\\nnot heretofore been consulted on similar occasions. Meanwhile\\nthe College Board, in session at the house of President Brown,\\nnear the present site of the Observatory, had reached a decision\\nwhich, for the sake of promptness, was at once communicated\\nto the Governor in the form of a resolution, though the long pre-\\namble giving the reasons for the decision, was delayed.^\\nResolved, that we the Trustees of Dartmouth College do not accept the pro-\\nvisions of an act of the legislature of New Hampshire approved June 27, 1816,\\nJ For the preamble see Appendix D.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "96 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. x.\\nentitled An Act to amend the Charter and enlarge and improve the Corpora-\\ntion of Dartmouth College, but do hereby expressly refuse to act under the\\nsame.\\nEight members were present and concurring; Judge Niles\\nthough in sympathy with the action was absent on account of\\nsickness, and ex-Governor Oilman was not present in execution\\nof his purpose of neutrality.\\nThe members of the University Board retorted with a remon-\\nstrance and protest, and a preamble as long as its rival, drafted by\\nMessrs. Durell, Hubbard and Woodbury. But neither remon-\\nstrance nor preamble could disguise the fact that the University\\ngentlemen were left stranded in a very ridiculous position, of\\nwhich they were keenly sensible. Had they obtained a quorum\\nan embarassing conflict could not have been avoided; as it was\\nthe exercises of Commencement went on in the usual orderly\\nmanner under the College authority. Not to be wanting in\\ncourtesy President Brown presented his respectful compliments\\nto Governor Plumer and, so he wrote, has the honor to acquaint\\nhis Excellency that the procession preparatory to the public ex-\\nercises of the day will be formed at the College chapel between\\nthe hours of ten and eleven. The Trustees of the College would\\nbe highly gratified could your Excellency think it proper to join\\nthem as one of their number. Should you decline this, permit\\nme to request for myself and the other Trustees that your Excel-\\nlency would honor the occasion by giving your attendance as\\nthe Chief Magistrate of the State and taking a seat on the stage.\\nMr. Woodbury, the bearer, will superintend the procession and\\nwill wait on your Excellency when it shall be ready to form if\\nagreeable.\\nThe Governor turned the tables on him with a grim humor that\\nis very amusing:\\nWednesday morning, August 28, 181 6.\\nSir: In answer to your polite note of this morning requesting my attendance\\nat the Chapel, and to take a seat on the stage as chief magistrate of the State,\\npermit me to observe that I came to this town in the character of a Trustee\\nof Dartmouth University and that if the Trustees of that Institution who\\nwere appointed by the Executive authority of New Hampshire in pursuance of\\nthe statute of the 27th of June last, should i n their official character as Trustees\\nof said University join the procession and take seats as such on the stage, I\\nwill do myself the honor of accompanying them.\\nI am c.\\nWilliam Plumer.\\nPresident Brown.\\nFor the remonstrance see Appendix E.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 97\\nThere were present many of President Wheelock s friends from\\nabroad. The Patriot announced^ that the company collected\\nat Hanover, especially from other states, as the friends of\\nPresident Wheelock, was numerous and respectable beyond all\\nformer example. The polite attentions paid them by the late\\nPresident and his friends residing at Hanover were such as\\nrendered their visit to the seat of our University highly agree-\\nable and satisfactory.\\nAmong them was General Ripley, and opportunity was taken\\nto make to him on August 29 a presentation of a sword through\\na self-constituted committee consisting of Senator John Durkee,\\nSilas Tenney, W. H. Woodward, James Poole and Amos A.\\nBrewster. Under other circumstances all parties would have\\neagerly joined in honoring so distinguished a native of the village,\\nthough he had been often in town since the war, but in existing\\nconditions the affair took on an entirely partisan and somewhat\\nprivate character. Commodore Bainbridge, who came to town\\nas a companion of General Ripley, won golden opinions from the\\nCollege people by attending the exercises in a prominent position,\\nin the procession, on the stage and at dinner, while the General\\nhimself only ventured incognito for a short time into the crowd\\nnear the door of the meeting house and on being recognized\\nhastily withdrew.^\\nThe University Trustees adjourned to September 17. Before\\ndoing so they laid out upon the recommendation of a committee,\\ncomposed of Messrs. Durell, Woodward, Perkins, Hubbard and\\nWoodbury, the following elaborate and extensive scheme of\\norganization.\\nThe committee appointed to consider the necessary regulations for the\\ngovernment of Dartmouth University and the organization of different\\ncolleges therein respectfully report:\\nThat as only ten of the Trustees of Dartmouth University have taken their\\nseats at the place assigned and notified by his Excellency the Governor to all\\nthe members of the Board now in town, we do not consider it expedient or\\nproper at this time to pass any votes except such as existing circumstances\\nimmediately require.\\nOn examination of the early records of the Institution we discover that\\nalthough at neither of the first two meetings of its Trustees did a majority of\\nthem assemble, yet it was deemed proper by those present to recommend many\\nmeasures promotive of its important interests, and to pass a number of neces-\\nsary votes and preliminary resolves. These proceedings, at a subsequent meet-\\ning, were expressly approved and adopted.\\nI New Hampshire Patriot, September 13. 18 16.\\ni Dartmouth Gazette, September 18, 1816.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "98 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nWe therefore regard it as expedient for those now convened to continue\\nacting in a manner similar to the above and on the different subjects connected\\nwith the University. We also beg leave to propose the following system for\\norganizing Colleges therein, and for governing its various concerns. All which\\nmeasures we recommend for adoption, and indulge the hope that they will be\\napprobated by the Board of Trustees when hereafter convened under more\\nfavorable circumstances.\\nResolved that the ofificers of Dartmouth University shall consist of a Presi-\\ndent, Secretary, Treasurer, Librarian, Steward and Inspector of buildings.\\nResolved that the following Professorships be instituted for the general\\ncourse of instruction in said University:\\n1st Mathematics and Natural Philosophy,\\n2nd Logic Metaphysics and Ethics,\\n3rd Rhetoric Oratory and the Belles Lettres,\\n4th Latin and Greek Literature,\\nand in addition to the foregoing it is highly desirable that the following pro-\\nfessorships should be established so soon as funds can be obtained for the\\npurpose:\\n1st English and other modern Literature,\\n2nd Civil History,\\nResolved that for the particular instruction of those who have made requi-\\nsite progress in a general course of education, the following Colleges shall\\nbe organized in said University so soon as the funds thereof will permit, to\\neach of which shall be appointed a Principal or presiding officer viz:\\nA College of Theology,\\nA College of Medicine,\\nA College of Law,\\nEach of said Colleges shall respectively be under the superintendence of\\nthe President of the University.\\nThat in the College of Theology shall be established the following Profes-\\nsorships:\\n1st Divinity and Sacred Eloquence,\\n2nd Hebrew and other Oriental Languages,\\n3rd Sacred History,\\nThat the College of Medicine shall be organized and regulated as follows\\nthe faculty and officers of instruction in which shall be\\n1st A Professor of the Institutes and practice of Medicine,\\n2nd A Professor of Anatomy and Surgery,\\n3rd A Professor of the Theory and Practice of Physick,\\n4th A Professor of Chemistry and Materia Medica,\\n5th A Professor of Natural History and Botany,\\nThat the College of Law shall be organized under the following Professor-\\nships:\\n1st Civil Law,\\n2nd Natural and National Law,\\n3rd The Science of Government and Political Economy.\\nIn relation to the government of the students of said University we recom-\\nmend that till otherwise directed by the Trustees thereof it should continue\\nunder the particular regulations and the several professors existing in the then\\nDartmouth College before the passage of the acts of June last, and we recom-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 99\\nmend the person designated as treasurer till the event above named to manage\\nthe funds of said University in a provident manner and to take the buildings,\\nlands and other property appertaining thereto under his immediate care and\\ndirection.\\nDaniel M. Durell\\nfor the Committee.\\nVoted that said report be accepted and as far as possible complied with.\\nThe Board of Overseers also lacked one of a quorum. Four-\\nteen^ were in attendance. They resolved unanimously as\\nour opinion that we deem the measures pursued by the afore-\\nsaid trustees highly expedient, wise and dignified; and that\\nthey meet the cordial and unqualified approbation and sanc-\\ntion of the members of the Board of Overseers now present.\\nSo far as we know this was the only official act ever attempted\\nby the Overseers. It does not appear that their board was\\norganized, or made any further serious effort to do so, though\\nwe learn from the contemporary newspapers that several mem-\\nbers of it attended at least the succeeding Commencement in\\n1817.\\nAmong the subjects which required the attention of the Col-\\nlege Board at the June meeting in 1816 was the attitude of their\\nsecretary, Judge Woodward, who adhered to their opponents\\nand declined to attend their repeated summons or to surrender\\ntheir records. When the Board met by adjournment on the\\n27th of September, Mr. Woodward still persisted in his refusal,\\nthe office was declared vacant, and on the 30th Mills Olcott,\\nEsq., was chosen secretary in his stead, and instructed to demand\\nof him the records and the seal, and to take measures to obtain\\nthem by process of law if necessary. The demand was of\\ncourse unsuccessful. In place of the ancient seal withheld by\\nMr. Woodward a new one, having for a device a spread eagle\\nencircled by the same legend as the old, was for the time adopted,\\nbeing improvised by the aid of a half dollar and a circle of type.\\nThis was made to serve the purpose until the restoration of\\nthe old seal, unchanged, in April, 1819.\\nTo secure moral and financial support for the College it was\\nvoted\\nThat immediate application be made to the liberal and benevolent part of\\nthe community for benefactions to the College: that the President be requested\\nHenry Dearborn, B. W. Crowninshield, Paul Brigham, Benj. Greene. Elisha Ticknor,\\nDudley Chase, H. A. S. Dearborn, James T. Austin, Levi Lincoln, Jr., Wm. A. Griswold,\\nAlbion K. Parris, Amos Twitchell, David L. Morrill, Clement Storer.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "100 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nto prepare an address for that purpose preparatory to a subscription and pro-\\ncure printed copies of the same and distribute them among the Trustees and\\nother friends of the College. That each Trustee consider himself a com-\\nmittee and use his best endeavors for the purpose of procuring the benefac-\\ntions contemplated. That President Brown take more particular charge of\\nthis business in the County of Grafton and the northerly part of Cheshire,\\nJudge Niles, Judge Paine and Mr. Marsh in Vermont, Dr. Payson in the\\nsoutherly part of Cheshire, Judge Farrar in the southerly part of Hillsborough,\\nRev. Mr. Smith in the southwesterly part of Rockingham and Dr. McFar-\\nland and Mr. Thompson in the residue of Rockingham and Hillsborough\\nand in the County of Strafford, and that President Brown visit Boston, Salem\\nand Newburyport for the same purpose as soon as practicable.\\nThe College was poor and hard pressed for means to meet\\nordinary current expenses, and the outlook upon what evidently\\npromised to be a bitter, protracted and expensive controversy\\nwas in the last degree discouraging.\\nThere was present at Commencement a merchant of Orford\\nlet his name be ever held in honorable remembrance John\\nB. Wheeler who had learned his letters by light-wood\\ncandles, and was but six weeks in any school until by his own\\nlabor he paid for six months tuition and board at New Ipswich\\nAcademy under Professor John Hubbard, and then axe in\\nhand entered the woods and felled trees for a farm.\\nAfter the exercises of the day were over as he was sitting in\\nhis chair [at the home of Professor Adams where he lodged]\\nand bidding adieu to a professor of the College, he said, If\\nthe Trustees intend to test their rights by a suit at law, and\\nshould want means, I have a thousand dollars at their command.\\nThe offer was instantly communicated to the Board then in\\nsession. It came as the first glimpse of light in the darkness and\\nwas joyfully accepted. But for this unsolicited and unlooked-\\nfor aid it was said that the struggle would hardly have been\\ncontinued. Mr. Wheeler received the formal thanks of the\\nBoard at the next meeting, and in 1905, in grateful memory\\nof his timely aid, the Trustees gave his name to a large and\\nattractive dormitory erected in that year.\\nIn November the following printed appeal was circulated,\\naccompanied by subscription blanks:\\nThe Trustees of Dartmouth College, after much deliberation, have deemed\\nit their duty to make application to the friends of religion and learning for\\npecuniary assistance to the Institution, of which they are the guardians.\\nIf they need any apology for this application, it might be sufficient to mention\\nProceedings of the Alumni, 185s. P- 60.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. loi\\nthe recent example of two sister Institutions, one of them the oldest and best\\nendowed in the United States: if they entertain strong hope of the success\\nof this application, they are justified in it, not only by the liberal aid afforded\\nto Harvard and Middlebury, but by the acknowledged importance of the\\nobject, and by the opinions of numerous friends of the College in every part\\nof the state, and of not a few in the neighboring states. Many, they even\\nfear, begin almost to suspect them of supineness for having delayed the appli-\\ncation to the present time.\\nOn the utility of Dartmouth College as the principal Literary Institution\\nin New Hampshire, as the nursery where are reared so many of that portion\\nof our youth, to whom chiefly the country looks for the defence of her religion,\\nthe interpretation of her laws, and the health of her citizens, it is unnecessary\\nto enlarge. Equally unnecessary is it to speak of the present tranquil and\\nprosperous state of the College, with respect to its internal administration.\\nThese are points generally known and admitted. When, then, it shall be\\nas generally known, that the College is extremely deficient in pecuniary means,\\nand that, unless this deficiency is supplied, its usefulness must be greatly im-\\npeded, will not the lovers of literature, will not the friends of religion and\\ntheir country come forward to its aid?\\nThe aggregate annual income from all the permanent funds (exclusive\\nof room-rent), even if these were free from embarrassment, would scarcely\\nexceed fifteen hundred dollars, a sum, which, if the Trustees are rightly\\ninformed, is not more than half the income of Phillips Exeter Academy.\\nBut of this pittance, insufficient as it is, the College is deprived for the present,\\nby the refusal of its late Treasurer to deliver up the evidences of property in\\nhis hands. The only resource, therefore, remaining to the Trustees, is the\\ntuition bills of the students, together with the rent of rooms in the College\\nbuildings. To this alone they must look for the means, which are to pay\\nthe salaries of the officers, to erect a new edifice, to enlarge the Library and\\nPhilosophical Apparatus, to prosecute and defend suits at law, and to pay\\nevery other expense. Who, with these facts before him, can hesitate to\\nadmit, that a necessity is imposed on them of making an appeal to the gener-\\nosity of the publick? And who, that knows with what munificence most\\nof the other Colleges in New England are patronised, will entertain a doubt,\\nthat this appeal will be promptly met and honourably sustained? While\\nHarvard and Yale, Brown and Williams, Bowdoin and Middlebury are en-\\nriched by public or private benefactions, shall Dartmouth decay merely\\nfor want of necessary funds? Will New-Hampshire suffer her college to\\nlanguish, while her neighbouring sister states are extending to theirs a foster-\\ning hand? Will the alumni of Dartmouth stand aloof from their Alma Mater\\nin the day of her necessity and danger? Will the friends of Zion hear without\\nan effort the call of the Seminary, in which many of the sons of Zion are\\ntrained for her defence, and on which God has so recently and so signally\\nbestowed his blessing? To believe this were to imply a reproach, which,\\nwe trust, is unmerited.\\nAs different individuals may have a preference with respect to the partic-\\nular uses to which their benefactions shall be applied, it may be proper to\\nmention some of the objects, which are deemed most immediately to demand\\nnotice.\\nThe Professorship of Languages is now vacant, and it is indispensable", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "102 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nthat a Professor in that department shall be appointed without delay. To\\ngentlemen, who appreciate the importance of this branch of literature, it\\nis suggested, that they may usefully appropriate a portion of their surplus\\nproperty by founding, or assisting to found, a Professorship of Languages.\\nThe Phillips Professor of Theology receives not more than half his salary\\nfrom the proceeds of the Phillips fund. Other gentlemen, who may prefer\\nto consecrate their gifts specially to Religion, will have opportunity to gratify\\ntheir pious and liberal feelings by completing the establishment of the Theo-\\nlogical Professorship.\\nThe erection of a new edifice has become necessary as well for the publick\\npurposes of the College, as for the proper accommodation of the students,\\nmore than half of whom are now obliged to occupy private rooms. A third\\nclass of Benefactors may find it best to accord with their views to increase\\nthe respectability and usefulness of the College by contributing to the erection\\nof such an edifice.\\nIt is also suggested, that Dartmouth College does not furnish its President\\na dwelling house; a deficiency, which it is believed not to exist at more than\\none similar institution in New-England, and which the Trustees are anxious\\nto see supplied.\\nOther objects might be named; but these are of urgent importance, and\\nmust be provided for with all convenient despatch.\\nWhatever sums may be subscribed without the designation of a particular\\nobject, the Trustees will consider as submitted to their discretionary appli-\\ncation. The will of the donors, where this shall be expressed, shall invariably\\nregulate the application of their gifts.\\nThis address is intended to be made not only to those, whom the Sovereign\\nDispenser of favours has blessed with opulence, and who can of their abun-\\ndance contribute their hundreds or their thousands, but to those also, who,\\nthough not rich, enjoy somewhat more than a competence for their families,\\nand in whom, happily, our country greatly abounds. The smallest sums will\\nbe gratefully acknowledged. And if any, instead of making donations,\\nshould prefer to subscribe an annual sum, to be paid for a given number of\\nyears, this method of affording aid would be perfectly acceptable.\\nIt is requested, that the subscription papers accompanying this address\\nmay be returned to the President by the first of February next. As soon as\\nmay be, after that time, agents will be appointed to receive and transmit\\nto the Treasurer the sums, which may be subscribed, an account of which\\nwill be regularly published in the Dartmouth Gazette.\\nDartmouth College, Nov. 8, 1816.\\nIt being more than doubtful whether the adjournment of the\\nUniversity Trustees to a set date in default of a quorum had\\nany legal effect, no meeting was attempted on the 17th of Sep-\\ntember. But on the i6th the Governor with Messrs. Hall,\\nQuarles and B. Pierce of the Council met by appointment at\\nHanover,^ designing among other things to fill up certain vacan-\\ncies that had occurred in the Board of Overseers by refusal\\n^New Hampshire Patriot, September 3 and 24.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 103\\nof original appointees to serve. Encountering similar doubts\\nas to their powers in that direction, they contented themselves\\nwith requesting on the 19th the opinion of the Supreme Court\\non two questions, one of which would have been more timely\\nbefore the Act was passed.^\\nFirst. Has the Legislature of this State authority to amend the charters\\nor acts of incorporation of literary corporations by increasing the number\\nof trustees, adding boards of overseers, and prescribing modes of visitation\\nin cases where such corporations were established by the present government\\nof this State or by John Wentworth formerly Governor of the Province of\\nNew Hampshire, exercising authority in the name of the British King?\\nSecond. Have the Governor and Council of this State in virtue of an\\nact passed June 27th, 1816, entitled An act to amend the charter, and enlarge\\nand improve the corporation of Dartmouth College, authority to fill any\\nvacancies in the Board of Trustees or Overseers happening since the 26th\\nof August last, there not having been on that day a meeting of a quorum of\\neither of said Boards as prescribed by said act?\\nAnswer was made by Judges Richardson and Bell on Novem-\\nber 25th adverse to the further exercise of power under the\\nexisting law, but declining in view of possible litigation to respond\\nat this stage to the constitutional question.\\nOn the 20th of November, 18 16, while these questions were\\nstill pending before the judges, the General Court convened for\\ntheir winter session. The Governor in his speech rehearsed\\nthe proceedings above related, and added:-\\nIt is an important question and merits your serious consideration whether\\na aw passed and approved by all the constituted authorities of the State\\nshall be carried into effect, or whether a Jew individuals not vested with any\\njudicial authority shall be permitted to declare your statutes dangerous and\\narbitrary, unconstitutional and void: whether a minority of the trustees of a\\nliterary institution formed for the education of your children shall be encour-\\naged to inculcate the doctrine of resistance to the law and their example\\ntolerated in disseminating principles of insubordination and rebellion against\\ngovernment.\\nBelieving you cannot doubt the course proper to be adopted on this occa-\\nsion permit me to recommend the passage of a bill to amend the law respecting\\nDartmouth University. Give authority to some person to call a new meeting\\nof the Trustees and Overseers; reduce the number necessary to form a quo-\\nrum in each Board; authorize those who may hereafter meet to adjourn from\\ntime to time till a quorum shall assemble; give each of the Boards the same\\nauthority to transact business at their first as they have at their annual meet-\\nings, and to remove all doubts give power to the Executive to fill up vacancies\\nthat have or hereafter may happen in the Board of Trustees, and make such\\nother provisions as will enable the Boards to carry the law into effect and\\nrender the Institution useful to the public.\\nShirley, p. 119. S. J. p. 13.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "104 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nA special committee consisting of Young and Shepard of\\nthe Senate and Butler, Clark, R. Woodbury, M. Hale, Miller,\\nWallace, Healey, Wood, Poole and Sawyer of the House, to\\nwhom the matter was referred, brought in a bill which passed\\nthe House by lOO votes to 87, and became a law on the i8th\\nof December.^ The Governor was authorized to call the first\\nmeeting of both boards which was given the validity of an\\nannual meeting. Both boards were authorized, in the lack\\nof a quorum, to adjourn from time to time till one should be\\nobtained, but to facilitate organization by the Trustees nine\\nwere constituted a quorum. On the 26th of December the\\nfirst act was supplemented by a bill of penalties designed to\\nprevent the old ofificers from continuing the contest.^ Any\\nperson assuming to perform the duties of president, trustee\\nor any officer of the College, except in conformity to the Acts\\nof the Legislature, should forfeit for each ofifence $500, to be\\nrecovered by any person who should sue therefor, one half to\\ngo to the complainant and one half to the University. On\\nDecember 27th the medical building, which had been erected\\nat the expense of the State, was by special resolve placed in\\ncharge of General James Poole as agent of the State.^\\nThe denunciation of penalties shook for a time the resolution\\nof some of the College people. Mr. Thompson, then in Wash-\\nington, was, out of regard to the Faculty, at first strongly of\\nthe opinion that they should give up all assumption of college\\nmachinery, and confine themselves to private instruction of\\npupils, in hope of better times, but he seems to have been alone\\nin that opinion. Mr. Marsh especially was earnest against it.\\nAdvice was sought from numerous quarters.\\nNow what shall we do? [wrote the President to Judge Farrar].* One of\\nthese four courses must be taken. We must either keep possession and go\\non and instruct as usual, without any regard to the law, or withdrawing\\nfrom the College edifice and all the College property continue to instruct as\\nthe ofificers of Dartmouth College or relinquishing this name for the present\\ncollect as many students as will join us and instruct them as private but\\nassociated individuals, or else we must give up all and disperse. Will you\\ngive us your opinion what may be our duty or what expedient as soon as\\nconvenient? Particularly will you give us your opinion whether supposing\\nthis oppressive act to be judged constitutional we should be liable to the\\nfine if we instruct as the ofificers of Dartmouth College relinquishing however\\nthe College buildings, the library apparatus, c.\\nStatutes of New Hampshire, p. 74- Statutes of New Hampshire, p. 99-\\nStatutes of New Hampshire, p. 94. Shirley, p. 125.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 105\\nIf we resolve to persevere in our duties as the oflficers of Dartmouth College\\nand to meet the consequences we must have substantial aid or\\nit will be impossible to go on.\\nMr. Marsh wrote to Professor Shurtleff January 16, 18 17:\\nI find myself very much embarrassed in attempting to give any advice\\nrespecting the mode of proceeding in relation to the affairs of the College.\\nOur embarrassments seem to me to be of such a nature that we cannot decide\\nto-day what may be duty to-morrow, but that we must from day to day\\ntrust our Heavenly Father for a mouth and wisdom which our adversaries\\nmay not be able to gainsay.\\nAs to the query which you propose I am persuaded that the new board\\nwill not consent to your tarrying and administering the government of the\\nInstitution on neutral ground. Indeed you cannot take one step in this way,\\nyou must act under the charter or under the new acts of the legislature you\\nmust consider that and make of it a Dartmouth College or the University.\\nJudge Paine wrote to President Brown January 27, 1817:\\nI believe your only way is to persevere fully in the old order, or to submit\\nfully to the new order of things or to abandon altogether. After I left Han-\\nover I went as far as Westminister in Vermont and saw several gentlemen\\nfrom Cheshire County. They were uniformly of the opinion that we ought\\nto persevere or the latter end would be worse than the beginning, or in other\\nwords that since we have put our hands to the plow, which they commend,\\nwe ought not to look back. In August I was governed as one of the Trustees\\nin a great measure by what I understood to be the determination of the College\\nExecutive. I was disposed to consult their feelings and disposition. If\\nthey were not disposed to adhere I knew every effort of the old Trustees\\nwould be fruitless.\\nA letter from the President to Judge Smith elicited a reply,\\ndeclining to advise, but filled with characteristic suggestions.\\nAs to the question [he says], whether the officers of the College would be\\nliable for instructing c. in case they should give up the buildings and other\\nCollege property, it seems to me unnecessary to consider it. The act of\\nsurrendering the property would be a clear admission that they had no right\\nto retain it. With it I think they ought to give up all things, the franchise,\\nname c. which are wholly insignificant. It would be no offence under\\nthe new act to instruct, and it will be as useful without as with the name of\\nDartmouth College. If I were one of the Trustees, at the same time I sur-\\nrendered the property I would ask Governor Plumer s pardon for my error\\nin having treated his authority so ill. I have no doubt he will forgive them.\\nIf their confidence in the course adopted and hitherto pursued remains\\nunimpaired there is no reason for my adding anything to it. If they begin\\nto feel doubts and think of a compromise this is a matter in which the patient\\nmust minister to himself. I never advise. I would not advise to an oppo-\\nsition even to the letter of an act of the legislature. From your letter\\nI conclude that the penal act of the last session had produced the consequence\\nwhich I am confident it was chiefly intended to produce.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "io6 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. x.\\nThe hesitancy was short Hved, courage revived, and not in\\na single instance was an attempt made to put the penalties in\\nforce. Indeed, able and uncompromising as were the majority\\nof the Board of Trust the salvation of the College depended\\nafter all upon the firmness and ability of the executive officers.\\nSurrender was inevitable unless they would take the main brunt\\nof the contest, and conduct it wisely. Fortunately the three,\\nPresident Brown and Professors Shurtleff and Adams, composing\\nthe Academic Faculty were eminent for the qualities necessary\\nfor the struggle, and promptly determined at all hazards of finan-\\ncial loss and inconvenience to see the matter through. Of the\\nthree gentlemen composing the Medical Faculty, Professor\\nMussey adhered strongly to the College, while Dr. Cyrus Per-\\nkins clung with equal ardor to the University, of which he was\\nappointed a Trustee. The only effect of the penal act was to\\ndrive away Dr. Nathan Smith, whom both parties were anxious\\nto retain. He had resigned in 1813, but had again accepted\\nan election from the College Board at the annual meeting in\\n1816 as professor of theory and practice of medicine and surgery,\\nand delivered lectures during the fall of that year, but alarmed\\nby the threatened penalties he again abandoned his position\\nand finally withdrew from the institution.^\\nNathan Smith, son of John and Elizabeth (Ide) Hills Smith, being fourth in descent from\\nHenry Smith who came to this country in the ship Diligent landing August lo, 1638, was born\\nin Rehoboth, Mass., September 30, 1762, and soon after the family removed to Chester, Vt.,\\nwhere he grew to young manhood with very little education. Happening to be present at a\\nsurgical operation by Dr. Goodhue of Putney, Vt., he was seized with the desire of becoming a\\nphysician, and on opening his mind to Dr. Goodhue was told by him that it would be impos-\\nsible without much more preliminary education than he had. He at once devoted himself\\nto acquiring the necessary preparation and then returning to the doctor was accepted as a\\nstudent and after studying began the practice of medicine in Cornish, N. H., where he soon\\nattained a good practice. But being dissatisfied with his attainments he went to Harvard\\nMedical School where he received the degree of M. B. in 1790. taking as the subject of his thesis\\nOn Causes and Effects of Spasms in Fevers. [See Mass. Mag. Vol. 3, 1791. for January,\\np. 33 and for February, p. 81, containing a Review and a Reply by Dr. Smith.] After\\nmaking arrangements to open a Medical School in Hanover he went to Edinburgh in December,\\n1796, and studied there and in London, returning home the next September. He was chosen\\nto organize the Medical School at Yale and became professor of theory and practice of medi-\\ncine there in 1813. In 1820 Maine established a Medical School, which Dr. Smith was invited\\nto organize, and it became the third which owed its organization to him. For five years,\\n1821-25 inclusive, he gave all the lectures except in chemistry and anatomy. He also lec-\\ntured from 1822 to 182s on Medicine and Surgery at the University of Vermont. Between\\n1797 and 1828 he was connected with forty-two general courses and gave instruction in\\ndifferent departments in about one hundred and thirty-eight special courses. To him\\nmore than to any other man, it is believed, may be ascribed the rapid increase in the advan-\\ntages for medical education in America. He was famous as a surgeon and performed in 1821\\nan original operation for ovariotomy, not having heard of the operation by McDowell which\\nwas earlier. He died at New Haven January 26, 1829.\\nThe indefatigable nature of the man and his skill in making use of all means for his advan-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "9/l ^c^^^^^ ^ti ^^^^^^i", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 107\\nIn the midst of these perplexities it was ascertained that an\\ninvitation was about to be given to President Brown to take\\nthe presidency of Hamilton College at a salary of $1,800, a\\nsum nearly double his emoluments at Dartmouth. By a man\\nof different mould the offer would probably have been joyfully\\naccepted as a welcome release from a hopeless burden. Mr.\\nMarsh wrote him from Washington:\\nWithout saying at all what may be duty I will only ask you to take into\\nconsideration the position that with your abandonment will expire the remain-\\ning hopes of the friends of Dartmouth College. I do not know that this should\\ndeter you, as our prospects are already so much clouded. They are however\\nyet such that I am not prepared to abandon the interests of the College though\\nI am much perplexed to know what measures to adopt in order to promote\\nthem.\\nA little later he wrote again:\\nMy own feelings and opinion have been that if you remain with us we\\nought to proceed directly forward as though nothing had happened, and\\npursue the course we marked out to ourselves the last Commencement. But\\nshould you leave us it would be impossible to supply your place so as still to\\ngo on in that way and we must necessarily abandon the pursuit, and can do\\nno more than merely to perpetuate the corporation. Do you not\\nthink that if we abandon, Professor Adams can be provided for at Middle-\\nbury, where it is likely many of our students will repair. If my brethren of\\nthe trustees and the executive choose to proceed I think I shall not hesitate.\\nBut President Brown, like his colleagues, was made of sterner\\nstuff than to surrender or abandon the cause in its direst extrem-\\nity though he did not finally decline the invitation till summer.\\nOn the 1 8th of January he communicated to the Trustees at\\ntage are shown by the following extracts from two letters written to his friend Dr. George C.\\nShattuck. Both are in the possession of Mrs. Allen Penniman Smith of Baltimore.\\nThe first is dated November 28, 1798.\\nI had to struggle with a weight of business and with very ill health for two months past;\\ntill within a very few days I have been wretched and more than half the time have been in\\ntorture with an affection of my stomach, which I have concealed as much as possible that I\\nmight not alarm my class, which is very numerous and respectable, and alarm my friends,\\nbut I had almost determined to yield to the complaint, when on a sudden after taking some\\npretty powerful medicine several days since, my complaint seemed to leave me, and this is\\nthe first evening which I have felt like myself for more than two months.\\nThe second was written December 20, 181 1.\\nI have lately added 52 volumes to my library of historical works, viz, Mavors General\\nHistory, 26 vols., Mavors Voyages, 19 vols, and Hume s England, 8 vols. As my time is\\nso taken up that I cannot read such lengthy works have set two pupils to reading in course\\nand have requested them to fix a kind of index to everything relating to medicine or medical\\nmen to be found in the several works so that I hope to reap some advantage from the books\\ntho they are not medical. Early History of the New Hampshire Medical Institution with a\\nSketch of its Founder, Nathan Smith, by O. P. Hubbard, 1880.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "io8 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nWashington his views of the course to be taken at Hanover,\\nand on the 28th Mr. Marsh thus replies:\\nI was much gratified last evening by the perusal of your letter of the i8th\\ninstant to Mr. Thompson. You seem to me to have arrived at the same\\nconclusion to which my mind has been tending ever since I knew of the passage\\nof the act of your legislature relative to Dartmouth College. I can really\\nperceive no middle course for us to pursue. We must maintain our possession\\nand discharge our duties as though nothing had happened, or at once abandon\\nthe thing altogether. I believe with you that Dr. Wheelock s men regard\\nthis last measure as a device with which to frighten us rather than as a law\\nwhich they can ever execute. I do not well perceive how they can drive\\nus out of possession, they may indeed take forcible possession of the library\\nand apparatus, and drive the students out of college, but they cannot retain\\nthe possession. The students can go out peaceably and immediately return\\nagain and pursue their studies, and the executive may again in due season,\\nshould it be thought expedient, possess themselves of the library. But I do\\nnot think they will dare attempt any such violent measure. Should we\\nabandon and thereby permit the College to be destroyed, and in the course\\nof a few months find that this was unnecessary, and that the public would have\\njustified us in a contrary course, I know not how we shall be able to justify\\nour conduct to ourselves or others.\\nIf the students will adhere to their former instructors as I have no doubt\\nthey will, there can be no difficulty as to the possession. In this case if other\\nofficers are appointed they will have nothing to do, and cannot continue long.\\nI cannot but trust that Divine Providence will so dispose events as that the\\npath of duty may be plain before us. It is an object to keep possession at\\nleast till after another election. The Federalists or a better sort of democrats\\nmay become a dominant party. I am willing to put my feeble shoulder to\\nthe wheel and do whatever I can either in point of property or personal exertion.\\nDr. McFarland wrote from Concord on the 22d of January\\nI am at present disposed to go on under our present charter and take the\\nconsequences. I believe the penal act was intended as a scarecrow, and that\\nit cannot be carried into effect. I believe a strong current has set\\nin against the late College acts, violent measures will not succeed. They\\ndestroy themselves and prove the downfall of those who adopt them.\\nThere are many who feel a deep interest in the College, and I believe it becomes\\na more interesting object daily. I do hope, and I feel some confidence that\\na way of escape will be found for the College. I cannot think that it will\\nbe suffered to fall into the hands of Gov. Plumer and his friends, and this\\nappears to be the prevailing opinion among the pious part of the community\\nhere.\\nJudge Farrar wrote January 26, 1817:\\nIn my present opinion I concur with Judge Paine that it is best to proceed\\nas heretofore without regarding the law at all. We cannot, and I believe\\nnone of us wish to avoid a legal decision of the question whether the State\\nlegislature can destroy or disannul the former charter, and the sooner that", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 109\\nquestion is decided the better it will be for the College. It appears to me\\nthat the same question will arise under the present act as under the former.\\nIf the legislature cannot annul the charter they cannot make it penal to retain\\nthe name, hold the property and pursue the business therein specified. By\\nthe last act no contest can be produced between the State and the corporation.\\nIt gives an action to a common informer to recover a penalty of $500. I\\nthink we can meet with no trouble from that law, unless some individual\\nshould commence an action to recover the penalty. In that case\\nthat would be a civil contest for a sum of money between two individuals\\nthe determination of which would lead to a decision of the question which\\nwe wish decided, and we should be the party defendant, which would place\\nus in as eligible a situation as we could desire.\\nThere was, indeed, a strong and growing feeling among the\\npeople in favor of the College. It was especially marked among\\nthe clergy and the religious portion of the community who\\nwere overwhelmingly on that side. The Hopkinton Association\\nrecommended to their churches to observe the first Tuesday\\nin February, as a day of special prayer for the College. In\\nanswer to the appeal for pecuniary assistance, contributions\\ncame in from unexpected quarters. On February 4, 1817,\\nthe Union Consociation, being in session at the center parish\\nin Hanover, Dr. Asa Burton of Thetford moved to spend an\\nhour in prayer for Dartmouth College.^ He observed that\\nthe institution if overthrown, instead of being a nursery of\\npiety would probably be the reverse, that there was no other\\nresource to defeat the adversary but by prayer to God who\\ncan do all things; and that the Consociation at Hopkinton had\\nset apart this day a portion of time for the same object. The\\nmotion was objected to on account of the ministers going out\\nto lodge, it being half past ten o clock; they then adjourned to\\nthe next morning at sunrise for that purpose. The writer\\nfrom whose letter the foregoing is taken, adds, it is so cold\\nthat the ink freezes in my pen, by a good fire.\\nIn the meantime Mr. Olcott, as directed by the Board, had\\nmade upon Mr. Woodward, October 7, 1816, formal demand\\nfor the College records, seal and other property which Mr.\\nWoodward declined to surrender, claiming to hold them as\\nSecretary and Treasurer of the Corporation only for the use of\\nthe rightful trustees and subject to their orders.\\nIt had been contemplated that an action at law should imme-\\ndiately follow, but it was delayed by the uncertainties bred by the\\nagitation of these new questions. As soon as they were in some\\n1 Letter of J. Freeman, Jr. 2 Shirley, p. 117.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "no History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. x.\\ndegree settled, preparations for commencing the suit were re-\\nnewed. In doing do, as the State Court might be expected to\\nsustain the legislature if possible, there was great anxiety so to\\nframe the pleadings that the cause might eventually reach the\\nSupreme Court of the United States. The following correspond-\\nence betrays the anxiety as to the method which it was best to\\npursue.\\nJudge Paine wrote to President Brown January 6, 1817:\\nIf we are obliged to resort to the courts of Justice to obtain our rights I think\\nthe sooner it is done the better. I have however hoped that if we could be\\nenabled to persevere a year or two in our present situation it would appear\\nevident that the new plan would not succeed and that it would be abandoned\\nas a hopeless project. Although I have no doubt what the law is upon the\\nsubject, yet so many revolutionary opinions have entered into the heads of the\\nbest men of late years, that it is impossible to say what it will be pronounced to\\nbe by the competent tribunal. I have never perceived however that the Su-\\npreme Court of United States have embraced any revolutionary doctrines in\\ntheir public decisions, still if I could get along without an appeal to the law I\\nshould prefer it, but I do not know that it will be possible. I should place full\\nreliance upon Judge Smith s opinion and should advise Mr. Olcott (who is\\nclothed with sufificient authority) to pursue the advice he may give after full\\nconsideration of the subject.\\nMr. Marsh was in much doubt about the form of action, as\\nmay be seen from his letter from Washington to President Brown\\nJanuary 6, 1817:\\nIf any suit should be instituted by us it will be of much importance that it\\nshould be such an one, and instituted and conducted in such a manner as to\\nthe pleadings c. that it may in the last resort be carried to the Supreme Court\\nof the United States.\\nJudge Smith, under date of January 26, 1817, replying to\\nMr. Olcott, refused to advise as to the policy of instituting any\\nsuit, but said, if a suit has been wisely determined on I do not\\nthink from what I have heard of the acts of the last session that\\nany reason exists for abandoning that intention. It\\nseems to me proper by all means, if any suit is to be brought, not\\nto pass by the State courts, for reasons which will readily occur\\nto you. I have not yet ingenuity enough to think of any other\\nform of action but trover for the books, c, and assumpsit for\\nmoney in the name of the corporation. Acting under this\\nadvice Mr. Olcott on February 8, 1817, instituted in the name of\\nthe Trustees an action of trover, in the Common Pleas of Grafton\\nCounty, for the college records, books and seal, laying damages\\nat $50,000. Judge Woodward being himself the presiding judge,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. iii\\nproper pleas were filed to carry the actions directly to the Superior\\nCourt, where it was entered at the May term. The Trustees\\nof the University at their meeting on the 2d of the same month\\nassumed the defense, and authorized the employment of counsel.\\nThe first meeting of the University Board under the amended\\nlaw was held at Mason s hall in Concord on February 4, 18 17,\\nupon notification sent out by the Governor, December 20 pre-\\nceding, promptly after the passage of the enabling act. Several\\nvacancies had occurred among the Trustees. Judge Woodbury\\nhad withdrawn on his accession to the bench; Mr. Jacob had died\\nand Messrs. Josiah Bartlett and Hubbard had resigned. Their\\nplaces were filled by Messrs. John Harris, Moses Eastman, Salma\\nHale and Ichabod Bartlett. A quorum was secured on the 6th\\nand an organization effected, a principal object of the meeting\\nbeing to cast out the opposing members of the Board and execu-\\ntive officers of the College. Charges were brought in by a com-\\nmittee named for the purpose, Messrs. Durell, Harris and Darling,\\nand citation issued for their appearance at an adjourned session\\nFebruary 22 at the same place. The charges against the Presi-\\ndent, the Trustees and the Professors, drawn out in four specifi-\\ncations in each case, varied somewhat in form, but were all to\\nthe intent that the different officers had not submitted to the\\nauthority of the legislature, and in various ways, by refusing\\nsummons to appear at the meetings of the University Board and\\nby proceeding under the old charter, had done certain acts and\\nthings contrary to their duty, by which the University has\\nsuffered great injury.\\nNone of the respondents appeared at the time set, though\\nMessrs. Adams and Shurtleff filed a reply dated February 20\\nand on the same day with President Brown issued an address to\\nthe Governor and Trustees of the University in which, after\\nacknowledging the receipt of the charges against them, they\\nexpressed their doubts as to the validity of the acts of the legis-\\nlature without their acceptance by the charter Trustees, and\\nproceeded as follows:^\\nOur doubts on this subject have arisen not merely from our own under-\\nstanding of the constitution of this State and of the United States, but also\\nfrom the opinion of a very large portion of the community, comprising, as we\\nbelieve, a great majority of the ablest law characters in this and the neighboring\\nStates. These doubts have received no small degree of confirmation from the\\narguments and reasons adduced by the minority of the House of Representa-\\ntives in their Protest against the act of June; from the doubts entertained on\\nWew Hampshire Gazette, March 25, 1817.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "112 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nthe subject by His Excellency the Governor and the Honorable Council as\\nimplied in their application to the Judges of the Supreme Court for their\\nopinion; and from the answer of the said Judges, in which they expressly state\\nthat they had not formed any opinion on the question.\\nWith this view of the subject therefore, we deem it our duty to wait the\\nresult of an appeal to the judicial tribunals, which has recently been made by\\nthe charter Trustees. The Judiciary we consider an essential and independent\\nbranch of the sovereignty, and that branch, which alone is competent to a\\nfinal determination of this question; and to their decision, whenever obtained,\\nand whatever it may be, we shall readily conform.\\nWe have the honor to be\\nYour Excellency s and your\\nHonors most obedient and\\nHumble Servants,\\nFrancis Brown,\\nRoswell Shurtleff,\\nEbenezer Adams.\\nFebruary 20, 181 7.\\nAt the meeting of February 22 Professors Adams and Shurtleff\\nwere removed, also President Brown from both the presidency\\nand the trusteeship, and Messrs. Farrar, McFarland and Payson\\nwere removed from the Board of Trust. For some unexplained\\nreason there was a delay in the case of Messrs. Niles, Marsh,\\nThompson and Paine, but they were likewise removed at the\\nannual meeting in August. Proceedings against the Rev. John\\nSmith were still further postponed from time to time, perhaps\\nwith the hope that he would be reconciled, but when in August,\\n1818, an attempt was made to serve a notice upon him he de-\\nclined to receive the communication and forthwith shared the\\nfate of his brethren.\\nThe President and Professors after their removal from office\\nissued an address to the public in which they stated their attitude\\nwith great clearness and explicitness, and stated more fully the\\nreasons given in their address of the 20th to the Trustees. It was\\ndated February 28, and not only appeared in the public prints\\nbut was circulated as a broadside handbill.\\nAn Address of the Executive Officers of Dartmouth College to the\\nPublic\\nAs the undersigned after the most serious and mature consideration have\\ndetermined to retain the offices which they received by the appointment of the\\nTrustees of Dartmouth College, and not voluntarily to surrender at present\\nany property committed to them, nor to relinquish any privileges pertaining\\nto their offices, they believe it to be a duty which they owe to the publick, no", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 113\\nless than to themselves, to make an explicit declaration of the principles by\\nwhich they are governed.\\nThey begin by stating the two following positions as maxims of political\\nmorality which they deem incontrovertible.\\n1. It is wrong under any form of Government for a citizen or subject to\\nrefuse compliance with the will of the sovereign power when that will is fully\\nexpressed, except in cases where the rights of conscience are invaded or where\\noppression is practised to such an extreme degree that the great ends of civil\\ngovernment are defeated or highly endangered.\\n2. Under a free government, where the Sovereignty is exercised by several\\ndistinct branches, whose respective powers are created and defined by written\\nconstitutions, cases may arise in which it will be the duty of the citizen to\\ndelay conforming to the ordinances of one branch until the other branches shall\\nhave had opportunity to act. If for example the legislative branch should\\ntranscend its legitimate power, and assume to perform certain acts which the\\nconstitution had assigned to the province of the Judicial branch, a citizen\\ninjuriously affected by those acts might be bound, not indeed forcibly to resist\\nthem, but in the manner pointed out by law to make an appeal to the judiciary\\nand to await its decision.\\nThe undersigned deem it unnecessary in this place to detail the provisions of\\nthe acts of the honorable legislature, passed in June and December A.D. 1816,\\nrelating to this institution. These acts are before the public and are generally\\nunderstood.\\nThe Board of Trustees as constituted by the charter of 1769 at their annual\\nmeeting in August last took into consideration the act of June and adopted a\\nresolution not to accept its provisions. They find the law fully settled and\\nrecognized in almost every case which has arisen wherein a corporation, or any\\nmember or officer is a party, that no man or body of men is bound to accept\\nor act under any grant or gift of corporate power and privileges, and that no\\nexisting corporation is bound to accept, but may decline or refuse to accept\\nany act or grant conferring additional power or privileges, or making any\\nrestrictions or limitations of those they already possess: and in case a grant\\nis made to individuals, or to a corporation without application, it is to be\\nregarded not as an act obligatory or binding upon them but as an offer or\\nproposition to confer such power and privileges or the expression of a desire\\nto have them accept such restrictions, which they are at liberty to accept or\\nreject. If the doctrine contained in this paragraph be correct, and of its\\ncorrectness the undersigned after ascertaining the opinions of eminent jurists\\nin most of the New England states, entertain no doubt, the act of June, and of\\ncourse the acts of December, have become inoperative in consequence of the\\nnon acceptance of them by the chartered Trustees, and the provisions of these\\nacts are not binding upon the corporation or its officers. We take the liberty\\nto add that in our opinion the reasons assigned by the Trustees in the preamble\\nbefore mentioned for not accepting the act of June, are very important and\\namply sufficient. Indeed it has even appeared to us that the changes proposed\\nto be introduced into the charter by the acts in question would have proved\\nhighly inauspicious to the welfare of this institution, and ultimately injurious\\nto the interests of literature throughout our country.\\nThe Trustees appointed agreeably to the provisions of the act of June have", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "114 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nhowever thought proper to organize without the concurrence of the charter\\nTrustees, and to perform numerous decisive acts.\\nAt a meeting in Concord on the fourth instant they brought several speci-\\nfications of charges against the undersigned, and at an adjourned meeting\\nholden on the 22nd instant they proceeded to displace, discharge and remove\\nthem from their respective offices in Dartmouth University. A similar pro-\\nceeding was adopted against four of the Trustees acting under the charter.\\nUnless we greatly mistake in the view already expressed of the act of June,\\nthe votes of the University Trustees removing us from office are wholly unau-\\nthorized, and destitute of any legal effect and we are still, as we have uni-\\nformly claimed to be, officers of Dartmouth College under the charter of 1769.\\nThe charter Trustees having resolved to assert their corporate rights, and\\nhaving for this purpose recently commenced a suit against their late Secretary\\nand Treasurer, in the issue of which it is expected the question between them\\nand their competitors will be finally settled, the undersigned being united with\\nthem in opinion, in principle and in feeling, cannot consent to abandon them\\nor to perform any act which may prejudice their claims while this suit is pend-\\ning. They must therefore proceed as officers of Dartmouth College to dis-\\ncharge their prescribed duties. They are sensible of their obligation to render\\nsubmission to the law, and their first enquiry, in the case before them has been,\\nwhat is law? The result is a full conviction in their own minds that the\\ncourse they have concluded to adopt is strictly legal and that no other course\\nwould be consistent with their duty. If they err their error will shortly be\\ncorrected by the decision of our highest judicial tribunals, and with this decision\\nthey will readily comply. In the mean time while the appeal is made to the\\nlaw of their country, and to the constitution of their State and of the United\\nStates, which are the Supreme law, they trust that none of their fellow citizens\\nwill have the unkindness to charge them with a want of respect to the govern-\\nment under which they live. As soon as the will of the government shall be\\nfairly expressed they will render to it a prompt obedience.\\nThe undersigned are placed in a situation singularly difficult and highly\\nresponsible. To them it seems to be allotted, in divine providence, to perform\\na part which in its consequences may deeply affect the interests not only of\\nthis institution, but of all similar institutions in this country. And although\\nthey are fully conscious of their own inability to perform this part in a manner\\nworthy of its importance, yet they are fully resolved, relying on divine assist-\\nance not to shrink from any duty or any danger which it may involve.\\nThe penal act of December they cannot but regard as unnecessarily severe,\\nnor do they see what purpose it was calculated to answer, except to influence\\nthem, by the prospect of embarrassing suits, to an abandonment of their trust.\\nThey are aware that men may be disposed to multiply prosecutions against\\nthem, and to despoil them of the little property they possess: but they believe\\nthemselves called in providence not to shun this hazard as they cannot recon-\\ncile it with their obligation to the institution under their care to relinquish the\\nplaces they occupy until it shall be ascertained that they cannot rightfully\\nretain them.\\nAs the University Trustees have expressed a great regard for the laws the\\nundersigned have a right to expect that neither they nor any agents appointed\\nby them will resort to illegal measures to seize on the college buildings and\\nproperty. Should such measures unhappily be adopted, the undersigned will", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "^/^^-._-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 115\\nmake no forcible resistance, it not being a part of their policy to repel violence\\nby violence. They will quietly withdraw when they cannot peaceably retain\\npossession, and with the best accommodations they can procure will continue\\nto instruct the classes committed to them until the prevalence of other counsels\\nshall procure a repeal of the injurious act, or until the decision of the law shall\\nconvince them of their error, or restore them to their rights.\\nFrancis Brown\\nEbenezer Adams\\nROSWELL ShURTLEFF.\\nFebruary 28, 1817.\\nThe Trustees of the University determined also to present\\ntheir case to the pubHc, and at the meeting of February 22 ap-\\npointed a committee, consisting of Messrs. Harris, Woodward\\nand Allen, to draft an address to the public in the name of this\\nboard, on the present state and prospects of the University and\\nreport the same at the next meeting, and to address in\\nbehalf of this board letters to the several members of College,\\ntheir parents or guardians and to such others as they may think\\nproper, informing them of the present state of things at the\\nUniversity and of the views and intentions of this board so far\\nas they may be interested therein.\\nThe Faculty of the University had been organized at the\\nearlier meeting in February by the appointment of the Rev.\\nWilliam Allen of Pittsfield, Mass., Wheelock s son-in-law, as\\nProfessor of Logic and Metaphysics, and Nathaniel H. Carter\\nas Professor of Languages. At the second meeting, after the\\nremoval of the old Faculty, John Wheelock was named President,\\nand James Dean was chosen Professor of Mathematics and\\nPhilosophy in place of Professor Adams. Mr. Allen, having\\ndeclined the professorship of Logic and Metaphysics, was now\\nchosen Phillips Professor of Divinity in place of Professor Shurt-\\nleff, and as the President was in feeble health the duties of the\\npresidency were devolved upon Mr. Allen during Dr. Wheelock s\\nillness. At the meeting, June 12, Thomas C. Searle was elected\\nProfessor of Logic and Metaphysics, and President Wheelock\\nhaving died, Mr. Allen was made President.\\nPresident Wheelock by a deed of February i, 181 7 conveyed to\\nthe University five farms in Sharon and Strafford, Vt., and two\\nhouses in Hanover and released to it his existing claims. The\\nwhole was valued by his estimation at $20,000. At noon on\\nApril 4 he died, at the age of 63. He had been long afflicted with\\na disorder that the physicians called a dropsy of the chest.\\nFor many months he had been able to rest at night only by being", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "Ii6 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. x.\\nbolstered up in his bed, and for several weeks he suffered from\\na violent cough. He left by his will a considerable amount\\nof other property to the University for the endowment of a\\nProfessorship of Mathematics and Natural and Experimental\\nPhilosophy, and a Professorship of the Languages, or of Logic,\\nMetaphysics and Ethics.\\nBoth deed and will were conditioned to become void in case\\nthe acts of 1816 relative to the University should be rendered\\nnugatory or be altered or repealed at any future time excepting with\\nthe consent of the Board of Trustees as then constituted, and in such\\nan event the property or its proceeds was to pass to the General\\nAssembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, to be\\napplied at their discretion to the use of the Theological Seminary\\nat Princeton, N. J. Claiming the right to nominate by will his\\nsuccessor in the Presidency of Moor s School, he appointed as\\nsuch the President of Dartmouth University for the time being.\\nDr. Wheelock was unfortunate in temper, and in a supreme\\nself-sufificient obstinacy, by which in his determination to have\\nhis own way at all hazards, he excited general hostility. He was\\nfond of money, and careful about interest, which he often exacted\\nat usurious rates, and by means not always irreproachable.\\nEven his veracity was sometimes questioned. He was stern in the\\nenforcement of his rights, and much of the best property in the\\nvillage fell into his hands by foreclosure. Besides the estate\\nderived from his father, he acquired a handsome property by\\nmarriage. This with the gains of his careful management en-\\nabled him to leave a large property in lands and ground-rents.\\nIt will readily be inferred that he was not a favorite with his\\nneighbors; even from his own brothers he was entirely estranged.\\nNor did he retain the love or respect of the students. He affected\\nan involved, pedantic style of speech that exposed him to ridicule,\\nand was sometimes ungrammatical and unintelligible. He had\\nnot been educated for the ministry, and his manner of conducting\\nthe daily chapel exercises furnished no end of amusement to his\\nauditors. Certain of his prayers are commonly quoted to this\\nday. He was accustomed to draw them out to a goodly length,\\nderiving his material from all sorts of extraordinary sources.\\nHaving one day chanced to attend some experiment in the chem-\\nistry of gases he thanked the Lord in his next chapel prayer for\\nthe elements in detail; We thank thee O Lord for the oxygen\\ngas; we thank thee O Lord for the hydrogen gas; we thank thee\\nO Lord for the nitrogen gas and for all the gases. At another", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 117\\ntime he was impressed in the same way by the wonders of anat-\\nomy and expressed his gratitude in like form for the cerebrum,\\nfor the cerebelkim and for the medulla oblongata. The impres-\\nsion made upon those who knew him may be gathered from\\nseveral accounts given by those who were students under him.\\nRev. Stephen Farley of the class of 1804 wrote thus of him:^\\nIt was his habit to speak in a stiff and affectedly elevated style; to assume\\nsome empirical airs of the polite gentleman; to exact attention from others\\nand to pay for them by making superfluous bows, and lighting up his face with\\nsmiles, while he gracefully lifted and waved his tri-cornered beaver. Not-\\nwithstanding the stilt-walking character of his style he acquitted himself well\\nin his lectures, which were always unwritten. He seldom hestitated for a\\nword or uttered an imperfect sentence. His lectures (delivered on Saturday\\nafternoons) were theological and ecclesiastico-historical.\\nHe was exceedingly industrious, and for years labored incessantly in writing\\nvarious works designed for publication, none of which however saw the light.\\nIsaiah Thomas once about 1798 offered him $1,000 for one of his treatises, but\\nthe offer was declined, as he thought he could do better.\\nIn personal presence he made in his prime a good appearance. His stature\\nwas of the average, his shoulders rather broad, and he was very erect. He had\\na light complexion; abundant brown hair, clubbed behind, and parted in the\\nmiddle of the forehead. His nose was large and aquiline; his eyes bright, and\\nhis eyebrows and mouth rather uncommonly elongated.\\nHe wore a dun colored coat as often as a black one; and always small clothes\\nand white stockings; and, when the weather required, a drab double-breasted\\ngreat coat. The barber visited his study twice a week, and so at prayers on\\nWednesday and Saturday evenings he appeared all shaven and shorn with a\\nsprinkling of powder on the crown of his head.\\nSamuel Swift of the class of 1800 thus speaks of President\\nWheelock:2\\nHis instructions were confined to the senior class and he was not regarded\\nby them as a popular or profitable teacher. His knowledge and his instructions\\nwere mostly confined to the book. He was much of a recluse and mingled little\\nin public or private with the world, and seemed to know little of it. He af-\\nfected a stiff dignity towards the students and in all his movements. His walks\\nabroad, across the common or elsewhere, with his three cornered hat, were in\\nslow and measured steps. When I had occasion to call at his study I rapped\\nat the door and for a minute or more no sound was heard within until at last\\ncame the solemn come in and I always found him sitting at his table, generally\\nwith a folio blank book before him.\\nI stood until I had done my errand and heard the reply and the enquiry if\\nI had anything further to say, and walked out.\\nThe Trustees in their arraignment of President Wheelock gave\\nhim the credit for being in the early years of his presidency a\\nThe Dartmouth, 1843, p. 288. 2 The Dartmouth, 1872, p. 399.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "Il8 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nhard student, but they characterized his later methods of instruc-\\ntion as wholly perfunctory, and confined closely to the text book\\nand to such questions as, what does the author say on such a\\npage? and the like, and they charged him with suppressing\\nenquiry by ridicule and sarcasm.^\\nGeorge Ticknor of the class of 1807 made this record in his\\nmemoirs\\nDoctor Wheelock was stiff and stately. He read constantly, sat up late and\\ngot up early. He talked very gravely and slow, with a falsetto voice. Mr.\\nWebster could imitate him perfectly. He was one of the most for-\\nmal men I ever knew. I saw a great deal of him from 1802 to 18 16 in his own\\nhouse and my father s, but never felt the smallest degree of familiarity with\\nhim, nor do I believe that any of the students did. They were generally very\\nawkward, unused to the ways of the world. Many of them when they went to\\nthe President on their little affairs did not know when the time had come for\\nthem to get up and leave him. He was ver covetous of his time, and when\\nthe business was settled, and he had waited a little while he would say, will\\nyou sit longer, or will you go now? It was a recognized formula, and no\\nyoung man that I ever knew of, ever sat longer after hearing it.\\nIt was pleasantly said that he suffered no man to have the\\nlast bow. This it was reported, was put to the test by a person\\nof some assurance who undertook to compete with him in a con-\\ntest of politeness. He accordingly took his leave, bowed himself\\nout of the mansion, and continued to bow as long as he was upon\\nthe premises, but the President followed him to the gate, and\\nremained in possession of the field.\\nPresident Wheelock was energetic, determined and laborious,\\nbut he was not a man of large intellectual powers or great attain-\\nments. He lacked generosity and breadth of view, and regarded\\nall matters as they affected him personally. All with whom he\\nhad to do were considered either as friends or foes, as supporters\\nor opponents. That he was devoted to the College in the earlier\\nyears of his presidency there can be no doubt, but as time went\\non this devotion passed into a sense of ownership, so that to dis-\\nagree with him was to be hostile to the College. He inherited\\nfrom his father an intense will, amounting to a spirit of domina-\\ntion, but what in his father had been relieved by wide sympathies\\nand far reaching plans was in him narrowed to personal and\\nprivate affairs. The narrowness of his purpose was not offset\\nby scholarship or learning. The Sketches, his eulog on Professor\\nSmith, and his youthful essay on Painting, Music and Poetry,\\nVindication, pp. 55, and 81. Life of Dr. A. Alexander, p. 259.\\nVol. I, p. S.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 119\\nhis only extant publications, disclose a mind at once superficial,\\nillogical, and unable to discriminate as to the value of what it\\nused. A show of learning covers an essential weakness of judg-\\nment. It was the misfortune of President Wheelock to be in a\\nposition that demanded larger powers than he possessed, yet he\\nwould have held it to the end of his life, and not without con-\\nsiderable credit, if his contracted sympathies and inability to\\nappreciate an honest difference of opinion had not driven him to\\nantagonize every one who did not fall in with his wishes. His\\nantagonisms were more bitter and more protracted as he ad-\\nvanced in years, so that, as has been seen, for the last twenty\\nyears of his life he was engaged in one public controversy after\\nanother. Yet he had pleasant personal qualities and had some\\ndevoted friends and supporters.\\nThe death of President Wheelock did something to soften for\\nthe time the local asperities of the controversy. His funeral,\\nwhich took place on Tuesday, April 8, was attended by a great\\nconcourse of people from Hanover and neighboring towns. After\\na prayer at his residence by the Rev. Mr. Town of the Center\\nparish, a procession moved to the meeting house where a funeral\\nsermon was preached by the Rev. David Sutherland of Bath.\\nPresident Wheelock was survived by his wife and an only child,\\nMaria Malville, who was the wife of President Allen. Mrs. Wheel-\\nock survived her husband seven years. Removing with her\\nson-in-law to Brunswick, Me., in 1820, she died there February\\n16, 1824, and was brought home to Hanover for burial. Her\\nmaiden name was Maria Suhm, and her father, of a New Jersey\\nfamily, was Christian Suhm, Governor of St. Thomas, W. I.\\nOn March 26, 181 7, the College Trustees convened in special\\nsession at Hanover. Judge Jacob having died in February,\\nMoses P. Payson of Bath was elected in his stead. In calling the\\nmeeting (February 24) President Brown notified Governor Plumer\\nwith the rest. The Governor thus replied\\nEpping, (N. H.) March 5th 1817.\\nSir, Last evening I received your letter dated the 24th of February last,\\nand postmarked Windsor Feby 25, requesting my attendance as trustee of\\nDartmouth college at your dwelling house in Hanover on Wednesday the 26th\\nday of March the next.\\nTo this summons, my respect for you as a private gentleman, induces me to\\nreturn you an explicit but friendly answer. I shall not attend your proposed\\nmeeting, because I consider it illegal. If I should attend act with you upon\\nthe particular subject mentioned in your letter, I think, it would subject me to\\nthe penalty of the law of this State passed December 26, 1816.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "120 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nI indulge the hope, that upon mature reflection, you will form the same\\nopinion yourself, decline further opposition to the laws of your country.\\nYou will, I trust, excuse me from [sic] stating a few considerations that induce\\nthis hope.\\nThe charter of Dartmouth University, or if you please Dartmouth college\\n(for they are only different names for the same institution) requires that an occa-\\nsional or special meeting should be appointed notified by the President or\\nthree trustees one month before said meeting. This notice has not been\\ngiven. I did not receive it a month before the time assigned for the meeting.\\nAt the time when you signed the notice you were not the President of that\\ninstitution. You were, by the trustees, removed from that office on the\\ntwenty second day of February last; of which, I presume, you have before this\\nreceived due notice from the Secretary.\\nThe particular business you assign for the proposed meeting is to supply\\nthe vacancy occasioned in the board of trustees by the death of the Hon.\\nStephen Jacob. That vacancy is already supplied; last December a new\\ntrustee was duly appointed in his place.\\nAs you have appealed to the judicial tribunals to decide the constitution-\\nality of the laws of this State upon this institution, personally pledged your-\\nself to conform to its decision whatever it might be, I did not expect you would\\nhave taken such a course as you now propose.\\nWhatever difference of opinion may subsist between us upon this subject,\\nyou will permit me to assure you, that I am with much personal respect and\\nesteem,\\nSir,\\nyour most obedient\\nhumble servant\\nWilliam Plumer.\\nRev d Francis Brown,\\nHanover, N. H.\\nAt their meeting, February 22, the University Trustees ap-\\npointed Col. Amos A. Brewster, Gen. James Poole and Dr.\\nCyrus Perkins superintendents of the buildings. Till now the\\nCollege had been undisturbed in the occupancy of its buildings,\\nand all had been quiet in the village. But as soon as the Uni-\\nversity Board was organized trouble began. The spring term of\\nthe College was to open on the 3d of March and it was determined\\nto oust it from the possession of the buildings. The following\\naccount of their seizure is taken from the local paper\\nOn the 28th these three gentlemen called on President Brown and demanded\\nthe key of the chapel, which was of course refused. On Saturday March ist\\nthey made a similar demand in writing for the key of the library from Professor\\nShurtleff, who replied, as I received the key of the library from the Trustees\\nof Dartmouth College who still claim a legal existence, and are appealing to the\\nlaws of our country for the defence of their rights, I do not deem it duty at\\npresent to desert them, and therefore cannot comply with your request.\\n^Dartmouth Gazette, March s, 1817.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 121\\nOn the same day with two assistants, one Lemuel Cook a stone layer, the\\nother a joiner, they proceeded to the chapel, introduced one of their number\\ninto a window, forced the door and put on a lock of their own. They then\\nproceeded to the principal College building (Dartmouth Hall), were soon\\nheard at work in the upper story apparently with hammers, augurs, chisels\\nand hatchets, and about half an hour later were found in the bell room, No.\\n10 in the upper story. There were several boys with them, and among others\\nsome or all the aborigines who are in this place for the purpose of acquiring\\ncivilized habits. The implements by which they made their entrance lay near\\nthe door. They put upon the door a lock of their own. Soon after they were\\nfound in the museum to the number of 8 or lo, it is believed they had the key\\nof this room. About this time they sent the demand for the key of the library\\nwhich was, as expected, refused. After securing as they supposed the passage\\ninto the belfry they came down into the middle story forced with a bar of iron\\nthe door of the library, and secured this also with a new lock.\\nAt about midnight on the Sunday night following a hammering was heard\\nin the building, and the same gentlemen were found spiking the key holes of\\nthe Philosophy room, and Society Hall, and completing their work in the\\nupper story, after which Prof. Perkins and Esq. Brewster directed their\\ncourse towards President Wheelock s.\\nThe term began the next day and the College officers being\\nthus driven out of the college buildings promptly procured a\\nhall, then known as Rowley Assembly Rooms, contiguous to the\\nCollege, on the second floor of a building occupied by Mr. Stewart\\nas a hat store. This they made use of as a chapel, and repaired\\nthither on Monday morning, the students being summoned by a\\nhorn, of which they had been notified in advance, as they were\\nshut out from the use of the bell as well as from other accommo-\\ndations. It was a pleasing though solemn sight, said the\\nGazette, to see the students, who before had been accustomed\\nat the return of a season of study to flock to chapel at the welcome\\nsound of the bell, now punctually flocking to this retreat of per-\\nsecuted innocence. The sun had just risen and the morning\\nwas clear and still. The business of the term began and Instruc-\\ntion was given to all the classes as usual. The students num-\\nbered at this time about 130, in addition to the medical students,\\nand, with few exceptions, adhered to the old College, notwith-\\nstanding the special appeal ordered by the University Trustees\\nto be addressed to their parents.\\nThe University term opened on Wednesday evening, March\\n5, with prayers in the chapel, attended by seven persons, viz:\\nProfessor Allen, Professor Dean, Dr. Cyrus Perkins, Gen. James\\nPoole, and one other inhabitant of the place, a stranger acciden-\\ntally here, and one student lately a member of the senior class in", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "122 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nthe College.^ The University party, however, was not disheart-\\nened. On March 19, 1817, Professor Allen wrote to Rev. Dr.\\nJedidiah Morse of Boston:\\nTwo Seminaries are at present in operation. Owing to circumstances and\\nexertions, which I have not time to explain, most of the students attend upon\\nthe former officers, though some, who have expressed their feelings to me,\\nhave gone with a heavy heart. We have each a small class and the college\\nbuildings. There will probably be eight or nine to graduate, even (which is\\nnot to be supposed) should none return to us after the decision of the court,\\npresuming it to be in our favor. Professors Dean and Carter are both emi-\\nnently qualified for their stations. Mr. B. it is expected will be chosen for\\nMiddlebury.\\nAfter the beginning of the term the bell sounded for the Uni-\\nversity but served the College as well, and, notwithstanding the\\ndeep and bitter feeling that pervaded the community, there were\\nno collisions. The recitations of the senior class were heard by\\nPresident Brown in Rowley Hall,^ while the other classes were\\naccommodated at students rooms fitted with proper seats, the\\nfreshmen meeting at Joseph Porter s room in a small one story\\nbuilding that stood north of Professor ShurtlefT s house.\\nThe representative from Hanover Plain to the General Court\\nin 1816 was General James Poole. He was exceedingly active\\nagainst the College, and a determined and successful effort was\\nmade to effect a change. Among other expedients to bring\\nabout this end was the voluntary assistance of the students. A\\nmember of the class of 1820 thus recounts the proceeding i^\\nIt was found on looking at the statutes that the students who were of age\\ncould vote. It had not been claimed. But now there was a strong desire that\\nHanover should send a representative who would promote the interests of the\\ncollege as far as it could be done in a legislature largely in favor of the univer-\\nsity. A rally was therefore made at the March meeting; and while only a few\\ncould claim a ballot, a large number of students went out to the town-meeting\\nto insure protection and fair play. The students were allowed to vote, and\\n^Dartmouth Gazelle, March lo, 1817.\\nThis was a large building which stood just east of the present site of Rollins Chapel and\\nnorth of Wentworth Hall, with its gable toward a lane that led over the crest of the hill and\\nthat was nearly a continuation of the present Wentworth Street. It was built in 1807 by\\nSamuel H. G. Rowley, who used the lower story for a store and the upper story as a hall. When\\nthe College gave it up on recovering Dartmouth Hall it was used for students* rooms. In 1833\\nit was bought by the College for $400, but was sold the next year (the College retaining the land)\\nto Drs. Mussey and Oliver, who moved it to the present site of Wheeler Hall, and fitted it up\\nfor the accommodation of medical students. It was used as a private residence from 1854\\nto 1904. when it was moved to the south side of Elm Street. Down to 1824 it was generally\\nknown as Rowley Hall, though sometimes called Stewart s Hall, from a temporary occupant,\\nand Dartmouth Assembly Rooms. From 1824 to 1837 it was known as Brown Hall, when\\nfor a year it assumed the name of College House, after which it again became Brown Hall.\\nFirst Half Century of Dartmouth College, by Nathan Crosby, p. 47.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 123\\nquiet reigned. Tit-for-tat, however, was the order of the times, and as soon\\nas the May training came round, we found ourselves enrolled in the militia,\\nand warned to appear on parade at East Hanover, armed and equipped ac-\\ncording to law, at nine of the clock A. M., a measure just as unheard of as\\nthe matter of voting. We thought we could get a day s fun out of it, but we\\nhad neither guns, knapsacks, nor canteens. Non-appearance would subject\\nus to a penalty. Appearance without equipments would bring upon us various\\nlittle fines we did not care to bear. We found, however, a provision of military\\nlaw, that if the soldier was unable to furnish himself with the required equip-\\nments, he might apply to the selectmen for a supply; and, if not furnished by\\nthern, upon his appearance on parade without them, fines should not be im-\\nposed. We all applied for arms, but none came. We appeared at roll-call,\\nand took our assigned place in the ranks at the tail end of the company. But\\nwe could not march to their music. We knew our college songs, and could\\nkeep time to them but the drtim and fife, the time and tramp, were too much\\nfor us worse to learn than Greek; as bad as vulgar fractions or Enfield.\\nWhen the captain, up at the head of the company, cried out halt, we crowded\\nup all around him to see what he wanted or what he was going to do, disturbing\\nall rank and file, and getting up a general melee. The captain then took a\\nnew departure and re-formed his company, placing one old soldier and one\\nstudent in succession; but this involved individual bickering, and appeals to\\nthe captain to settle the question whether a soldier should apologize for step-\\nping on the heel of the student forward of him, to the great hindrance of mili-\\ntary improvement by interposing so much complaint and discipline. We had\\nan hour for dinner, and when it was over we began to apply for relief from the\\nafternoon service on account of various illnesses which were alleged, and so\\npersistently insisted on, one after another, and so much time was consumed,\\nthat the captain dismissed his company, and we returned to the Plain with\\ncolors flying, having had a tramp of half a dozen miles and a jolly day.\\nOur voting joke did not end in our military overture, for we were soon no-\\ntified to work our tax upon the highway! We found we had twelve hours each,\\nand the highway led from the college towards East Hanover, up the hill [di-\\nrectly east of the college]. The surveyor was friendly to us; and, having raised\\na few hoes and shovels, out we went in squads of half a dozen, each of us having\\nagreed to work for the other five, reducing our twelve to two hours; and at the\\nend of the two hours, each rendered his account to the surveyor in this form:\\nI have worked two hours, and have had five others working for me two hours\\neach. So the tax was crossed off and we returned to our rooms again. We\\ndid work well the two hours, however, and all parties seemed satisfied.\\nAt the coming in of the legislature in June the seats of the mem-\\nbers elected from Hanover, Benj. J. Gilbert and Augustus Storrs,\\nFederalists and friends of the College, were contested by a mem-\\norial of Silas Tenney and others on the ground that a number of\\nstudents had voted, but as the number was insufificient to affect\\nthe election the committee and the House refused to decide as to\\ntheir right to vote, and the members-elect were seated.\\nThe action against Judge Woodward came up for hearing at", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "124 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. x.\\nHaverhill in May and was argued by Jeremiah Mason and Jere-\\nmiah Smith for the College, and on the part of the University by\\nGeorge Sullivan, the attorney-general, aided by Ichabod Bartlett.\\nThe pleadings being incomplete, and further argument desired,\\nthe case was continued to the September Term of Court at Exe-\\nter. Mr. Mason had in April been applied to by the University\\nparty, but of course would do nothing for them, though he had\\nnot at that time been definitely employed by the College and\\nthough he took occasion to say that he had not been consulted\\nas to the action.^ Some of the board were desirous that the case\\nshould be argued by Mr. Webster, but it was of so much impor-\\ntance fully to enlist the others that he was kept by his own choice\\nin the background.\\nThe proceedings at Haverhill greatly encouraged the friends\\nof the College. From the appearance of things on that occasion\\nthey thought it almost impossible for the judge to render an\\nadverse decision i^ but the counsel knowing better the influences\\nsurrounding the court did not share in that confidence. As Mr.\\nWebster expressed it, It would be a queer thing if Gov. P. s\\ncourt should refuse to execute his laws.\\nBut while the contest was going on in the courts the two rival\\ninstitutions went on with their daily business of instruction with\\nsome show of harmony at least without any open outbreak.\\nThe general adherence of the students to the College served\\ngreatly to encourage its officers and friends, and the paucity of\\nmembers of the University was correspondingly depressing to\\nthose connected with it. The amenities of social life were grad-\\nually and to some extent resumed.\\nThe Fourth of July was celebrated in an especial manner by\\nthe students with the aid of the citizens. An account of the\\ncelebration was given in the Dartmouth Gazette of July 9, 18 17.\\nThe Anniversary of our National birthday was commemorated in this place\\nby the students of Dartmouth College, joined by a number of citizens. The\\nprocession formed at the College Chapel and proceeded to the meeting house.\\nThe Throne of Grace was addressed by the President of the College. An ora-\\ntion was pronounced in a graceful and unaffected manner b} Mr. B. Huntoon\\nof the senior class. It was manly, elegant and literary. A Poem was delivered\\nby Mr. Thomas C. Upham, member of the Junior class which for poetical\\ndiction, strength and vivacity of imagination, and melody of numbers we think\\nhas not been often surpassed by American bards. An original hymn and ode\\nwere sung by the Handel Society.\\n1 Letter of J. W. Putnam to President Brown, April ii, 1817.\\nShirley, pp. 148 and 238.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 125\\nAfter the exercises at the meeting house the procession again formed and\\nmoved to the Dartmouth Hotel where about 80 partook of a dinner handsomely\\nserved up. Mr. White, Tutor in College, ofificiated as President of the day,\\nand Mr. Woodbury, a resident graduate, as Vice President. The company were\\nhighly gratified with an original song written by Mr. Upham and sung by Mr.\\nTemple of the Senior Class. In the course of the entertainment sundry toasts\\nwere given, interluded with music from the band.\\nThere were eighteen regular toasts besides volunteer speeches\\nfrom Mr. Olcott, Maj. J. S. Lang and several others.\\nThe 2 1st of July was also a great occasion at Hanover. Presi-\\ndent Monroe in the course of his journey from Concord westward\\npassed through the place and was received with great eclat by\\nall parties.^\\nThe President had set out from Washington about the first of\\nJune and was well received all along the route. He was met at\\nthe southern boundary of Massachusetts by a military escort and\\nconducted with great pomp to Boston where he was elaborately\\nentertained for a week or more, including the Fourth of July.\\nThe corporation of Harvard College gave him a ceremonious\\nreception in the chapel of the College, with a handsome address\\nby President Kirkland and a Latin oration by Caleb Cushing,\\nthen a member of the senior class, and more formally invested\\nhim with the Doctorate of Laws. Dartmouth (both College and\\nUniversity) in August honored him with the same degree.\\nFrom Boston the President went eastward by carriage toward\\nPortsmouth. It had been expected that our State authorities,\\nnotwithstanding political differences, would be loath to be wanting\\nin like courtesy, but Governor Plumer could not sink his preju-\\ndices. He neither provided an official escort nor honored him\\nwith public recognition. The slight was somewhat relieved by\\nthe spontaneous action of local committees. The Governor was\\nof course roundly criticised, and he made the matter worse by an\\nexplanatory letter mentioning his own ill health and a lack of\\nauthority to command the militia for such a purpose. This\\nunfortunate behavior gave a chance for the cynics to say that,\\nHis Excellency being tenacious of the honor of the State wisely-\\nconcluded that his own non-appearance in public would be at-\\ntended with the least disgrace to his constituents.\\nHanover and its vicinity certainly did what it could to retrieve\\nthe error. The President with a company of three left Concord\\nin a carriage early on Monday morning, July 21, and reached\\n^Dartmouth Gazette, July 23, 1817.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "126 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nLebanon village at four o clock, P. M. He v/as met by a joint\\ncommittee of arrangements from Hanover, Lebanon, Lyme,\\nHartford and Norwich, news of his approach being brought to\\nHanover by a swift horseman, Elijah Kimball, a student of the\\nUniversity. The committee was composed of fifteen members,\\nheaded by Mills Olcott, and William H. Woodward, representing\\nthe College and the University respectively. With the committee\\nwas a numerous cavalcade consisting of two companies of cav-\\nalry (Capts. Page and Hodgdon), commanded by Major J. S.\\nLang of Hanover, with all the officers of the 23d Regiment under\\nLt. Col. Cyrus Perkins (senior professor in the Medical School),\\nand a great number of private citizens, all under the direction of\\nCol. James Poole of Hanover as Chief Marshall. At six o clock\\nthe noise of cannon, placed in the fields east of the College, an-\\nnounced the approach to Hanover. The President left his car-\\nriage and made his entry on horseback, in a cloud of dust, amid\\na great throng of spectators gathered from all the surrounding\\ncountry. He was received by Capt. Converse s company of\\nlight infantry, and saluted by Capt. Carpenter s company of\\nartillery. Near the meeting house Monroe dismounted and\\npassed to the Hotel through a line extending quite across the\\nCollege Green. This line was composed in part, besides stu-\\ndents and others, of a beautiful group of young misses and\\nmasters fancifully ornamented with garlands of evergreen and\\nroses. The artillery followed along behind, firing while in\\nmotion. The hotel was elegantly decorated and fitted up for the\\noccasion. The President soon appeared on the balcony fronting\\nthe common, where he was formally addressed by Col. Brewster,\\nand replied at some length. He afterwards called at the house\\nof Esq. Olcott, and attended a party given by Mrs. President\\nAllen at the old Wheelock Mansion, then in the height of its\\nglory on the spot now occupied by Reed Hall. The President\\ntook tea and passed the evening there in the midst of a large and\\nbrilliant circle of ladies. He somewhat romantically renewed with\\nMadam Wheelock an acquaintance begun years before her mar-\\nriage, when he, then a lieutenant in the Revolutionary army, and\\nwounded at the battle of Trenton, enjoyed her kind offices as\\nvolunteer nurse. At ten o clock the same evening the entire\\nparty were received in becoming style by President Brown in\\nhis temporary residence (burnt a half century since), which stood\\non College Hill midway between the Observatory and Wentworth\\nHall, and finished the evening with conversation and music.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 127\\nNext morning at seven the President resumed his journey to\\nBurlington, and for two days his progress in Vermont was plainly\\nindicated here by the roar of distant cannon.\\nCommencement was celebrated by both parties on Wednesday,\\nAugust 27. Both of course claimed the right to occupy the meet-\\ning house; and as it was understood that many gentlemen from\\nabroad, prominent in literature and in politics, would be present\\nto swell the ranks of either side, questions of time and place\\nbecame of some importance. The pewholders of the meeting\\nhouse where the exercises were regularly held were divided\\nin their sympathies, though the majority adhered to the College.\\nThe danger of an unpleasant collision was considerable, especially\\nas military gentlemen of the place (Gen. Poole and Cols. Brewster\\nand Perkins), being of the University party, threatened to call\\nout their companies in support of its claims. As early as Sunday\\nit began to be rumored that they intended to take possession of\\nthe building, and the students of the College, not to be out-gen-\\neraled, at once garrisoned it in force (the Patriot says the garrison\\nnumbered sixty), and held it for three days and nights. It is\\ncertain that the students were the main actors in the affair, acting\\nby regular reliefs and having their headquarters over the store of\\nGen. Poole, one of the chief University sympathizers. They were\\naided by several of Dr. Mussey s medical students, and by three\\nstout men in the employment of Mr. Lang and Dea. Long.\\nSeveral sympathizing graduates also gave assistance. Friends of\\nthe University came down in considerable numbers from the\\neastern part of the town during the first days of the week with a\\nview, as was supposed, to attempt a rescue; but after viewing the\\nsituation retired without making an attack. The garrison made\\nno secret of their preparations for defence. Every lower window\\nwas guarded by one or more with canes or clubs, and stones\\nwere carried to the upper windows and the belfry.\\nPresident Brown for the sake of peace opened negotiations\\nwith President Allen for an arrangement by which both might\\nuse the house at different hours. He offered on behalf of the\\nCollege to begin at nine o clock and end at one, but as the Uni-\\nversity people insisted on having the precedence, which, as the\\nCollege people were in possession of the meeting house, they were\\nunable to enforce, no treaty was established. The College pro-\\ncession, under the direction of Maj. Lang, moved at nine o clock\\nto the meeting house from President Brown s residence on the\\nI Gazette, September 24, letter from Brown to Allen and reply.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "128 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nhill, and that of the University, marshaled by Col. Brewster,\\nformed at President Allen s at eleven, and marched ten or twelve\\nrods to the chapel in the College yard, which afforded them ample\\naccommodations. From the College thirty-nine were graduated\\nand eight from the University. Eleven medical students re-\\nceived the degree of M.D. from the College, having exhibited\\ndissertations on the previous Monday evening in the College\\nchapel (Rowley Hall). The University conferred the same\\ndegree upon nine, but two of whom, it v/as said, were present.\\nThe exercises of the University consisted of seven spoken orations,\\ntwo in Latin, one in Greek, and four in English, followed by a\\neulogy on President Wheelock by Hon. Samuel C. Allen of Massa-\\nchusetts. A letter of the time says that the state of public\\nfeeling and curiosity drew from all parts of New England an unu-\\nsual number of strangers, but that the popular feeling of the\\nmoment was so much in favor of the College as to leave to the\\nUniversity no materials for a procession, and not spectators\\nenough to fill the Chapel.\\nThe usual society anniversaries took place Monday and Tues-\\nday, in the meeting house and in the new chapel of the College.\\nThe reports of these exercises in some of the newspapers, as if\\nthey appertained to the University, drew forth a remonstrance\\nwherein it is stated that^ not a single student of the University\\nwas a member of the Phi Beta Kappa Society, or of the Handel\\nSociety, and but one of the Theological Society; and that the\\nfew students of the University who were members of the United\\nFraternity and Social Friends had no share in the offices or exer-\\ncises of those societies.\\nThe clerical and other friends of the College were present in\\nstrong force. Rev. Daniel Dana delivered the concio ad clerum\\nin the College chapel and on Commencement day at a numerous\\nmeeting of the alumni and other friends. Rev. Asa Burton being\\nChairman and Daniel Dana, Secretary, a subscription paper was\\nprepared and signed, and printed copies of the same were ordered\\nto be circulated by the Chairman among the alumni and friends\\nof the College abroad, as extensively as convenient, with a re-\\nquest that they would employ all practicable exertion to promote\\nits important and interesting object. At a collection taken in\\nthe church on that day there were received $58.67.\\nThere was present also a considerable number of prominent\\ngentlemen friendly to the University, among them were Governor\\nPortsmouth Oracle, copied in Dartmouth Gazette, October 8, 1817.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 129\\nGalusha and Lieutenant-Governor Brigham of Vermont, Hon.\\nB. W. Crowninshield, secretary of the United States Navy,\\nJudge Judah Dana of Fryeburgh, and Benjamin Austin, Esq.,\\nof Boston.^ The Trustees had a quorum for business; but the\\noverseers still lacked a number sufficient to organize.\\nThe local paper thus notices the opening of the fall term:^\\nIn the College under the direction of the old board of Trustees there are at\\npresent ninety five students; twenty six of whom have entered the two lower\\nclasses since Commencement. In the University there are at present fourteen\\nstudents, four of whom have entered the two lower classes since Commence-\\nment. It is a fact worthy of notice that of these four not one of them belongs\\nto this State, notwithstanding the legislature has passed several acts for en-\\nlarging and improving the corporation. Between fifty and sixty students,\\nexclusive of the members of College, are attending the lectures of the Medical\\nSchool.\\nThe disparity of numbers was such that the University stu-\\ndents avoided issuing a catalogue; that of the College appeared\\nin due season, as usual at the expense of the sophomore class, on\\na large broadside sheet, and beside it, for the sake of ridicule, a\\ncatalogue of the University, printed by the college boys on a\\nlittle sheet about ten inches square, which, though perfectly\\naccurate and straightforward in its matter, had from its size of\\nsheet and its numbers all the appearance of a burlesque, and cor-\\nrespondingly enraged the university boys. This catalogue gave\\nthe names of twelve enrolled students, but four were absent,\\nleaving eight in actual attendance. The medical students occu-\\npied an independent position, since neither the College nor the\\nUniversity collected any fees from them except the fee for gradu-\\nation, the regular fees for the lectures being the perquisites of the\\nprofessors, yet in a way they claimed a connection with one or\\nthe other institution. In the catalogues of the Dartmouth\\nMedical Institution for 181 7 and 181 8 there were five in each\\nyear who are classed as members of the University, though\\nonly three of them were in the university classes. The feeling\\namong the students is suggested by a letter from a medical stu-\\ndent who was graduated in 1819.^\\nThe University officers have attended the two public lectures. And a\\ncircumstance worthy of notice is that when Prest. B. enters the lecture room,\\nthe students rise instantly but when Prest. Allen comes they stick to\\n^Dartmouth Gazette, September 17, 1817.\\nDartmouth Gazette, October 15, 1817.\\n3 John Rogers to S. Fletcher, October a, 1817.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "130 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\ntheir seats like clods, not a person rises though his own pupils are present.\\nWhen I see the two sets of officers in the lecture room, on the same\\nseat (am I correct? or is it fancy?) I seem to behold in the countenances of the\\none a manly independence, self-approbation, perseverance and intrinsic merit;\\non the other hand, envious inferiority, self distrust, hesitating trepidation and\\na fear of approaching ill.\\nOn Friday, October 31, the officers and students of the College\\ncelebrated the Centennial Jubilee of the Reformation by Martin\\nLuther, at 2.30 P. M. in the meeting house with an address by\\nPresident Brown and appropriate music and other religious\\nexercises.\\nThe College cause came on again at Exeter, September 19 and\\n20, and was argued anew for the College by Messrs. Mason and\\nSmith, who occupied two hours and four hours in their several\\npleas, and for the University by Messrs. Bartlett and Sullivan\\nwho together took three hours. Upon the urgent request of\\nhis colleagues, Mr. Webster closed on the part of the College in\\nless than two hours. President Brown, Professor Adams and\\nMr. Olcott were present, as were also many lawyers from Essex\\nCounty, Mass., and a large number of the clergy. The general\\nfeeling of interest and pride in the meeting of such eminent coun-\\nsel was expressed by the Exeter Watchman of September 27.^\\nWe can say with proud assurance that it was upon the whole an\\nexhibition of professional ability which has reflected an honor to\\nour native State not easily to be sullied, nor soon to be forgotten.\\nThe cause was continued for further advisement to the Plym-\\nouth term, November 6, when decision was rendered adverse\\nto the College by all the judges. Although Judge Woodbury\\njoined in the decision, it would appear from the dockets that he\\ndid not sit in the case, as would, indeed, be expected, since he\\nhad been himself one of the first Trustees of the University and\\nvery active in its behalf. The college officers nevertheless went\\nquietly on with their instruction. They had pledged themselves,\\nit is true, to submit to the determination of the courts, and their\\nenemies now most unfairly reviled them for a violation of their\\npromises, and for an unseemly and illegal comtempt of the tri-\\nbunals of the State. But they had never promised to submit to\\nany decision short of the final determination of the highest author-\\nity in the land, and had, as their letters abundantly showed,\\nstarted out with the expectation of being driven to the court of\\n^Dartmouth Gazette, October 29, 1817.\\ns Dartmouth Gazette, October i; Shirley, p. 174; Webster s Priv. Cor. I., 265.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 131\\nlast resort at Washington. The cause from the first was con-\\nducted by both parties and by the court with that understanding.\\nThe decision of the State court had little effect on the students\\none student only was thereby drawn over to the University; a\\nson of Judge Bell had been previously transferred by his father,\\nwhile on the other hand a nephew of Judge Woodbury remained\\nin the College in spite of the judge s earnest remonstrance. His\\nfather, though a good Democrat, even contributed to help the\\nCollege carry on the contest. The boys, after all, were in a\\nfair way to determine the controversy, as Mason had shrewdly\\npredicted. But the friends of the University were naturally\\ndelighted at the favorable decision. Governor Plumer wrote\\nfrom Epping to Dr. Parish, November 29, 1817:^\\nThe decision of the Superior Court in the suit against the University is an\\nimportant and correct decision. It is what I confidently expected from the\\ntime I first heard of its commencement. My confidence was founded on a\\nknowledge of the law and the talents and integrity of the Judges. It is said\\nBrown Co. intend carrying the suit by writ of error to the Supreme Court\\nof the U. S. I should not think they would adopt such a course, had I not seen\\nso many instances of men suffering passion, wounded pride and resentment to\\nusurp the place of sound discretion and judgment. I think they can have no\\nrational grounds to hope for success in the National Court, that the friends\\nof the University have nothing to fear from the result, but the expense and the\\nevils which proceed from a state of suspense.\\nDr. Parish, one of the Trustees of the University, and Dr.\\nWheelock s former candidate for the professorship of languages\\nin the College, had previously written to the Governor on hearing\\nof the decision :2\\nIt is for you, my Dear sir, to say, The University shall rise, it will rise\\nwith new splendor. The historian will date its brilliant era from the adminis-\\ntration of Gov. P r. But for this, exertions must be made, a liberal, energetic\\npolicy must be pursued. Then will Dartmouth be a youthful cedar of Lebanon,\\nwatered by the dews of heaven, diffusing its fragrance around; but a feeble\\nilliberal policy will render it a feeble consumptive plant, the mortification of\\nits friends, the scorn of its enemies. One measure imperiously re-\\nquired is a Professor of Theology. Among his other felicities of character he\\nought to be well known in the State, and otherwise, in the popular sense of the\\nword. A Professor of Divinity who is well known, and a popular\\npreacher, who should travel through the State, and preach in the principal\\ntowns, would sway the public mind the people would be secured.\\nA few days after the decision was known at Hanover, and no\\ndoubt as a consequence of it, the university Faculty precipitated\\nPlumer Correspondence, Congressional Library. ^Ibid.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "132 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nthe most serious conflict of the whole controversy by an attempt to\\ntake possession of the Hbraries of the two great Hterary societies,\\nthe Social Friends and the United Fraternity, commonly known\\nas the Socials and the Fraternity or Fraters, which had\\nthus far been suffered to remain in the hands of the students to\\nwhom they belonged. The library of the Fraternity was kept\\nin a small front room in the second story of Dartmouth Hall\\nimmediately above the northwest entrance, that of the Socials in\\nthe corresponding room above the southwest entrance. These\\nrooms had been devoted to the use of the societies and had been\\nfitted up by them. A rear room on the lower floor extending from\\nthe middle passage to the sojath passage had been appropriated\\nto the ,u6e of the societies and the Phi Beta Kappa society for\\ntheir stated meetings.\\nThe College library consisting of about 4,000 volumes, many\\nof them, however, being obsolete text books and duplicates, had\\nalready, as we have seen, been seized by the University eight\\nmonths earlier. The societies warned by that act had ever since\\nbeen apprehensive that their libraries, which together were about\\nequal in numbers to that of the College, would not be left undis-\\nturbed. The Fraternity, as soon as the College library was taken\\nin March, appointed a Committee of Safety, consisting of mem-\\nbers of the graduating class, and the Socials, on May 2 1 appointed\\na similar committee, consisting of C. F. Gove, F. Vose, and A.\\nGordon of the graduating class, with Cyrus P. Grosvenor, John\\nAiken, B. G. Tenney and Rufus Choate, of the other classes,\\nwho, being invested with discretionary powers to take care of\\nthe Library in the approaching difficulties, considered themselves\\nresponsible to the Society for the books. Nothing was done by\\neither committee until after the decision at Plymouth. Their\\nfears then being excited anew, Mr. Choate, the librarian of the\\nSocials, procured a room near his own in the back part of Profes-\\nsor Adams s house prior to November i i,and had secretly removed\\na large part of their books thither, and packed the remainder in\\ntrunks ready to be taken as occasion should serve. The Fraters\\non the evening of November 9 took out about 800 volumes of\\ntheir books in a similar manner. Some hint of these facts coming\\nto the ears of the university Faculty, on the evening of November\\nII, they appointed Henry Hutchinson inspector of buildings and\\ndirected him to take possession of the library room of the socie-\\nties.^ Mr. Hutchinson immediately gathered a party consisting,\\nDar/moM /i GozeWe. November 19, 26; December 3, 1817; January 7. i8i8.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 133\\nbesides himself, of Professors Dean and Carter and five students\\nof the University with Isaac Bissell, Jr., Lemuel Cook and eight\\nother villagers, and between 7 and 8 o clock the same evening\\nproceeded from the house of Dr. Perkins (the original part of\\nwhat is now Sanborn Hall), to the College, going first to the\\nroom of the Social Friends. They had not the key, nor had they\\napplied for it, but attempted to force the door by stepping back\\nacross the hall and running against it. This failing, Professor\\nDean ordered Cofhn, one of the assistants, to cut the door down\\nwith the axe, while others stood guard with clubs uplifted. It was\\na firm double door, and many blows by a strong laboring man were\\nnecessary to open a place large enough for them to crawl in.\\nThe noise aroused the students rooming near, and also the mem-\\nbers of the United Fraternity, then in session in the hall below,\\nwho instantly adjourned and rushed in a body to the rescue.\\nFinding their opponents armed, they also supplied themselves\\nwith clubs from a pile of firewood that lay in the hall. One of their\\nnumber, H. K. Oliver, blessed with a powerful voice, taking\\nposition in front of the building shouted: Turn out Social\\nFriends, your library is broken open, in tones heard all over\\nthe premises. The bell also sounded the alarm. Judge Nesmith,\\nthen a sophomore, roomed with Judge Woodbury s nephew,\\nLuke, in the north east corner, second story of Dartmouth hall.\\nHe says:\\nWe heard Oliver s ringing voice distinctly at our room. Chamberlain (after-\\nwards professor) who was then librarian of the Fraternity and roomed directly\\nover me, was soon in my room, seeking a light, at the head of the body of his\\nsociety, who immediately commenced the labor of removing the remaining\\nbooks of their library to the hall of Dr. Alden, I was soon at the scene of action\\nat the other end of the building, where we found Coffin still cutting away the\\ndoor, and Hutchinson giving orders. Professors Dean and Carter were also\\npresent, with Bissell and Cook and three shoemakers and others unknown to\\nfame. The first sensible speech I heard was from one of the shoemakers who\\naddressed his associates saying, it appears to me we are in a cursed poor scrape.\\nI had rather be in a nest of hornets than among these college boys when they\\nget mad and roused up.\\nBy the time the students had generally assembled the attack-\\ning party had got into the library and were defending the hole\\nwith the axe with which they had made it. The passageway was\\nsoon filled with students and the entrance closed Professor Dean\\ntestified, they thronged us. Some of the University party\\nThis hall was over a store, which stood on the site now occupied by the north half of the\\nDavison block, and was torn down in 1903.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "134 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nthreatened the students with uplifted axe, and one of the students\\ndeclared that no one should bring out a book alive, but fortu-\\nnately self control prevailed on both sides and no blows were\\nstruck. Some profitless argument ensued, in the course of which\\nProfessor Carter said that he had $15 in the library and wanted\\nhis share of it, though soon after he observed to the same person\\nthat he was sensible he had got into a bad scrape and desired\\nassistance to be extricated from it. The University party finding\\nthat they were hopelessly outnumbered permitted themselves\\nto be conducted across the entry to the southeast corner room,\\nthen number 12, where they were detained twenty or thirty min-\\nutes, until the students had completed the removal of the books,\\nand they were then one by one, having satisfied the students\\nthat they had no books about them, escorted to the south front\\ndoor of the College, the passage to which was lined on both sides\\nby a great crowd of students, medical students, villagers and boys,\\nwhom the novelty and noise of the occasion had called together.\\nThey were all dismissed, as soon as they were out of the building,\\nexcept Professor Carter, who having lost his cane and showing\\nsigns of fear was attended by two yourig men quite to his lodgings,\\nwhere he politely expressed his thanks for the civility; all then\\nimmediately dispersed, The professors and Hutchinson were\\nsuffered to leave without any demonstration, but the others were\\nmade to pass sub jugum, under clybs crossed over their heads.\\nProfessors Dean and Carter were members of the Society of\\nSocial Friends. At the meeting of the society on the following\\nday, a committee was appointed to request of them 3,n explana-\\ntion of their proceedings. No answer being given, the committee\\nwere directed to address them on the subject, the next day, in\\nwriting. This was done in a respectful manner by the committee\\nwho were again insulted, and the very existence of such a society\\nas the Social Friends contemptuously denied. The society\\nafter further consideration of the case, with the concurrence of\\ngraduate members whom they were able to call in expelled both\\nthe professors. Three students of the University who took part\\nin the attack were also expelled, two by the Socials, J. S. H. Durell\\nand William Kelly, and one, Samuel Whiting, by the Fraters,\\nand President Allen, a member of the Social Friends, was debarred\\nthe use of the library. President Allen aware that these extra-\\nordinary occurrences would be widely known and likely to bring\\ndiscredit upon his party, hastened to send forth on the 12th an\\n^Dartmouth Gazette, November a6, 1817.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 135\\naddress to the Public, in which he stated the reasons for their\\naction substantially as already given, and alluded to the college\\nstudents as the pupils under the private instruction of the Rev.\\nMr. Brown, and Messrs. ShurtlefT and Adams, formerly officers of\\nDartmouth College. This address was privately printed and\\nsent abroad but not distributed in Hanover. It came back in\\nthe columns of the Vermont Journal. The committees of the\\nrespective societies also issued circular letters to their graduate\\nmembers, by whom their action was generally and heartily\\nsustained.^\\nAs threatened by President Allen in his circular, on Monday,\\nNovember 17, nine of the college students were arrested on a\\ncharge of riot, made by Professor Dean. They were taken before\\nJohn Durkee, justice of the peace, a resident of the east part of\\nHanover, late senator, and a strong friend of the University, and\\nafter examination were bound over in $150 each to the Grand\\nJury at the May term at Haverhill. Ebenezer Brown of Nor-\\nwich appeared for the prosecution, and Benj. J. Gilbert for the\\ndefence. The next week, not without many misgivings on the\\npart of the friends of the College as to the wisdom of such a\\ncourse, a counter charge of a similar nature was brought against\\nProfessors Dean and Carter, Henry Hutchinson, Isaac Bissell,\\nJr., and a number of others. The complainant was Cyrus P.\\nGrosvenor, a student in the College, class of 18 18, and one of the\\nrespondents in the previous prosecution. The respondents were\\nbrought before James Wheelock, Esq., a justice, who called in as\\nassociate magistrates Stephen Kendrick and Thomas Waterman\\nof Lebanon. Messrs. Olcott of Hanover and Britton of Orford\\nappeared for the State, Mr. Gilbert being absent, and Messrs.\\nHubbard of Windsor, Brown of Norwich, and Smith of Hanover\\nappeared for the respondents. Messrs. Joseph Bell of Haverhill\\nand Jeduthan Wilcox of Orford were desired, but they did not\\nwish to appear in the affair.\\nAfter testimony and lengthy argument on both sides and an\\nadjournment for consideration, the respondents were bound over\\nThe foregoing account is derived partly from the manuscript reminiscences of Judge G. W.\\nNesmith, a member of the class of 1820, and from the First Half Century of Dartmouth College,\\na pamphlet published by Judge Nathan Crosby, a member of the same class, but mainly from\\nthe contemporaneous statements published by the committees of the societies, from items in\\nthe papers, and from reports of the evidence taken at the several trials which ensued. A manu-\\nscript letter of President Brown gives substantially the same account.\\n2judge Nesmith, of the class of 1820, says that the following were arrested: W. B. Adams,\\nC. P. Grosvenor, R. Choate, B. G. Tenney, W. C. Boyden, James Shirley, all of whom were\\nSocials, and William Shedd who was a Frater. The records of the Socials show that S. H. Archer\\nwas also arrested, and a memorandum includes C. S. Hinckley, a Frater. in the list.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "136 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nin the same penalty to the same court as their opponents. Both\\nparties appeared before the Grand Jury under the charge of\\nGeorge SulHvan, attorney general, and stated their case, but no\\nindictments were found, though it is said that seven of the jury\\nvoted for a bill against the university party. It was, however,\\nagreed by all the attorneys that the main question then pending\\nshould not be clouded or belittled by such unworthy side issues,\\nthat could only foster bad blood and bring trouble. The only\\nparty punished was Esq. Wheelock, whose commission as justice\\nof the peace, then about expiring, the Governor did not renew.\\nGrowing out of the animosities begot by these proceedings still\\nanother action was instituted in March, 1818, in the name of the\\nUniversity, by Henry Hutchinson, the inspector of buildings,\\nagainst Calvin Cutler, a member of College of the class of 1818,\\nfor removing the university bellrope.^ The fact was that Cutler\\nhaving the care of the bell and finding a new rope necessary,\\npurchased the rope in question, paying forty-two cents of his\\nown money, and when he left the care of the bell took the rope\\nwith him. The case was entered before Col. Brewster as justice\\nof the peace, April 25, and as soon as the facts were made known,\\nsummarily dismissed. It furnished food for much ridicule, one\\nirreverent newspaper suggesting that the proceeds, when received,\\nshould be used to found an institution under the wing of the\\nUniversity.\\nThe affair as a whole damaged much the cause of the University\\nabroad, while assurances of countenance and approval came to\\nthe students from all sides. Rev. Asa Burton of Thetford wrote,\\nNovember 25: All, except a few Democrats, are clear, lawyers\\nas well as others, that Professors Dean and Carter and their\\ncomrades are the rioters and that the students did no more than\\nwhat duty required, and they are astonished, though much grati-\\nfied, that they did not do something in the sudden ferment,\\nwhich would have been blamable in them. The College this way\\nhas lost no credit by that affair, but the University conduct is\\ndespised. Mr. Burton also took President Allen to task in a\\nbrief but caustic article prepared for the press, for his way of\\nspeaking of Professor Shurtleff. Why does he refuse to give\\nProfessor Shurtleff the title of Reverend? Did he not know that\\nProfessor Shurtleff was regularly ordained by the Orange Asso-\\nciation? or did he suppose that no ordination is valid\\nif the person ordained is opposed to Dartmouth University? If\\nDartmouth Gazelle, March 25; May 13. 18 18.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 137\\nthis is his opinion there are but few valid ordinations in our na-\\ntion, for the great majority of them are opposed to Dartmouth\\nUniversity.\\nRichard Fletcher writing to President Brown, December 8,\\n1817, assured him that\\nThe attempts upon the libraries certainly admit of no justification or excuse.\\nThe defence of them was just and manly. Nothing can be necessary but to\\ndisseminate correct information of the manner and object of collecting the\\nbooks to procure a general censure of the assailants who would have taken\\nthem without right, and commendation of the owners who rightly defended\\nthem. The interests of the College [he added] have my best wishes and con-\\nstant solicitude. If this institution is finally beaten down by this blow, certain\\nit is we shall have nothing permanent among us but our follies and our vices.\\nThe ground on which the College will stand before the U. S. Court will be much\\nnarrower than that on which it stood before our State Court, but I hope there\\nwill still be sufficient to afford it support.\\nAside from these episodes matters moved on quite harmo-\\nniously. The scholars remained friendly, and the officers were\\nmutually respectful. Both presidents were remarkable for genial\\ndispositions and courteous manners, noble Christian gentlemen,\\nand were fully impressed with the sharp and serious conflict\\nbefore them. We all followed the one bell; and for two long\\nyears a hundred or more students were crossing the plain, at\\nevery ringing of the bell, to their chapel and various recitation\\nrooms, while a dozen University students were crossing our\\npaths in other directions, giving ample opportunity to crack a\\njoke and chaff each other.\\nIn the spring of 181 8 a flutter was produced in the societies by\\nan advertisement which appeared in various papers in March and\\nApril, addressed to the members of the Social Friends. It was\\ndated at Worcester, but was without signature. Stating that\\nthe difficulties at the College had raised the question of the owner-\\nship of the library of the society, and that it was understood that\\na proposition had been made to distribute the books among the\\nmembers of the society resident at the College it called for a\\nmeeting of the society on the 13th of May at Hanover, to deter-\\nmine what disposition shall be made of the property. No one\\nat the College appearing to father the notice, the society at its\\nmeeting, April i, appointed a committee with powers to act as\\nthey thought best with respect to the advertisement. The com-\\nmittee, therefore, inserted in the papers over their signatures\\na notice to the effect that no such proposition as had been stated\\n1 First Half Century of Dartmouth College, by Nathan Crosby, p. 44.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "138 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nfor the distribution of the books had ever been made. The\\nlibrary, said they, will remain as it ever has been, open under\\nconstitutional restrictions, to all members, and that at the next\\ncommencement of the College the final destination of the books\\nmay be considered in full meeting of the Society. A general\\nattendance was requested for that meeting. When it came,\\nhowever, nothing was done. It was proposed, if the safety of\\nthe library required it, to summon a meeting of the graduate and\\nhonorary members, to determine the fate of its interests, but\\nthis did not meet the approval of the graduates on account of\\nthe impression, said they, which it might give that we en-\\ntertained the least doubt of the final decision s being in favor of\\nthe Old Board. There seemed to be an unlimited confidence\\namong the graduates present that the decision would be in favor\\nof the College, and they all expressed their entire approbation\\nof the measures adopted by the active members.\\nTo return to the development of the action against Mr. Wood-\\nward: The opinion of the State court was based upon a state-\\nment of facts, which was, by previous agreement, to be turned\\ninto a special verdict at the request of either party, in order to\\ncarry the cause to the United States Supreme Court. It was the\\nwish of all connected with the College that Mr. Webster should\\ntake charge of the argument in that forum, and in response to\\nsuch a suggestion he wrote to President Brown on the 15th of\\nNovember\\nI have not heard from you or any body else respecting the appeal to Wash-\\nington since the decision. As some little conversation was had on the subject\\nat Exeter, and as Mr. Thompson and myself had also a little conversation on\\nthe same subject a few days ago here, I have thought it possible you would\\nwish my attention to the cause at Washington. The object of this is to say,\\nthat I shall determine by the 25th or 30th of this month, whether I shall go to\\nWashington this winter, or not, and this decision will depend in a great measure\\non what may be wished in relation to this cause. I have no other great occa-\\nsion to go, and you will judge whether it will be better that I should go, prin-\\ncipally, on this account, or whether better services cannot probably be had at\\na cheaper rate. I should choose to associate with me some distinguished\\nCounsel. Mr. Thompson and myself have mentioned Mr. Hopkinson of\\nPhiladelphia. He is well known to us, and I think him capable of arguing this\\ncause as well as any man in the United States.\\nI am aware, that there must be great difficulty in obtaining funds, on this\\noccasion. I wish you therefore to write to me, very plainly, what can be done,\\nand what cannot, and I will give you my advice as plainly in return. I think\\nthat I would undertake, for a thousand dollars, to go to Washington, and\\nargue the case, and get Mr. Hopkinson s assistance also. I doubt whether\\nI could do it for a much less sum. Mr. Hopkinson will be very competent to", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": ",,B^ei^^^:^,^i^^^ ^^^^t^^^^^..^.\\nof \u00e2\u0080\u00a2^^iA.t^^^^e-\\nTill COLLKCE COUXSKL.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 139\\nargue it, alone, and probably would do so for something less; tho no counsel of\\nfirst rank, would undertake this cause at Washington probably under six or\\nseven hundred dollars.\\nYou will excuse this, and as my arrangements must be made soon, let me\\nhear from you as quick as possible.\\nOn the next day he wrote to Mr. Hopkinson, who replied on\\nthe 20th:\\nI have your favor of the i6th inst. and enlist most cheerfully and heartily,\\nunder your banner, in the cause you mention; whether in business or pleasure;\\nin social or professional intercourse, I know none with whom I would prefer\\nto associate. From the little knowledge the newspapers gave us of your con-\\ntroversy, I confess, I am greatly surprised at the result, unless, indeed, some-\\nthing besides the justice and argument of the cause has found its way into the\\ndecision. For such things do happen even in tribunals of the law from the\\nhighest to the lowest; sometimes without a consciousness of their influence\\nand sometimes more culpably.\\nMr. Marsh was highly pleased with Mr. Webster s acceptance\\nof the case, and on the 22d wrote to President Brown:\\nI am happy to find that Mr. Webster is likely to go to Washington and if he\\nis to go principally on account of our action and will pay Mr. Hopkinson out of\\nthat sum, $1000 is not an unreasonable compensation. I am however sorry\\nthat he would not have gone independently of attending to this suit. I am\\nacquainted with Mr. Hopkinson and think it better to employ him with Mr.\\nWebster than any other man of my acquaintance who will be likely to attend\\nthe court. There seems but little reason to hesitate if the money can be\\nraised. You do not mention having written to Yale College. That institution\\nseems to have as great a stake in the controversy as any one and perhaps as\\nlikely to meet with the same troubles.\\nThe University did not secure its counsel till quite a little\\nlater. At a meeting of the Trustees at Hanover, December 31,\\n1817, it was voted to invite Mr. John Holmes to take charge of\\nthe case for the University, and Mr. Hale was authorized to see\\nhim, and in case of his refusal to secure, with the advice of the\\nfriends of the University in Washington, some other counsel.\\nMr. Hale was not favorable to Mr. Holmes, and on February 15\\nhe wrote to Mr. Woodward from Washington:\\nWere you sensible of the low ebb of Mr. Holmes reputation here, you would,\\nI think, be unwilling to trust the cause with him. It might in the end be decided\\nright, but a lawyer of high standing would be much more likely to persuade the\\ncourt to take it up out of order, as it must be decided this term.\\nMr. Woodward was much more favorable to Mr. Holmes and\\nwrote of him, January 18, to Mr. Hale: I have thought him", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "140 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nextremely ready of sound mind and [a] good lawyer, inferior to\\nD. W. only in point of oratory. And again a month later he\\nwrote: I adhere still to my first impression as to Webster and\\nHolmes, but with you should place Judge Hubbard [of Vermont]\\nabove not only Holmes but Webster also. Mr. Holmes accepted\\nthe case, but Mr. Hale and his advisers were not content to leave\\nit in his hands alone. Writing to Governor Plumer in January,^\\nMr. Hale suggested the employment of Mr. Wirt, the attorney\\ngeneral of the United States, who, he said, will, it is supposed,\\nask $500. Without waiting to receive the Governor s reply,\\nwhich was entirely favorable, Mr. Hale with the unanimous\\nadvice of our Senators and representatives, the Secretary of the\\nNavy and Gen. Ripley, engaged Mr. Wirt as an associate of\\nMr. Holmes. He was disturbed by the report that either Mr.\\nSullivan or Mr. Bartlett was coming to Washington to take part\\nin the case, thinking it a needless expense, and wishing only the\\nlist of authorities which they had cited in the New Hampshire\\ncourt. The Governor, while promising the list, assured him that\\nneither of them would attend at Washington, and expressed his\\nsatisfaction at the employment of Mr. Wirt, as he also did in the\\nfollowing letter to Mr. Storer, one of the Trustees of the Univer-\\nsity and then United States Senator, in a letter dated February\\n23, 1818.2\\nI think that it was a proper and prudent measure to engage Mr. Wirt as\\ncounsel in the cause of the University, and I am confident that the board of\\ntrustees will repay all money that shall be advanced to him for performing that\\nduty; but considereing my peculiar situation, I think it would be improper\\nfor me as an individual to advance or promise any moneys for fees it would\\ncause our political enemies to blaspheme. It would more effectually promote\\nthe interest of the republican cause for me to advance $100 to the University\\nfor the support of its instructors than double that sum to fee counsel in the\\npresent law suit.\\nIt was hoped to get a decision at the ensuing term; and to that\\nend promptness in filing the record was very essential. Messrs,\\nSmith and Mason set themselves to that task forthwith, Mr.\\nBartlett was reported as saying that they would not agree, on the\\npart of the University, to a verdict in such a form that it might\\nbe removed, and the first attempt to agree with him seemed to\\njustify that report; but he finally turned the matter over to Mr.\\nSullivan, who was less exacting, and the verdict as drawn by\\n1 Plumer Correspondence, Congressional Library.\\nPlumer Correspondence, Congressional Library.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 141\\nJudge Smith was assented to December 25, the writ of error hav-\\ning been allowed on the 22d, and the whole reached Washington\\nby the hand of a special messenger on the 29th, in ample time to\\nsecure a hearing at that term. But the narrow range of inquiry\\npermissible on the pleadings in this shape occasioned much anx-\\niety to the friends of the College, and particularly to Mr. Webster.\\nWhile the supposed repugnance of the acts to the consitution\\nof the United States had been from the first urged and relied on,\\nyet much the larger part of the arguments at Exeter had been\\ndevoted to other points which, though all the counsel regarded\\nthem with greater confidence, would technically be excluded from\\nview at Washington. This disadvantage was inherent in the or-\\niginal plan deliberately adopted by the advice of Judge Smith, of\\nnot seeming to avoid the Courts of the State. But this delicacy\\nhad now passed away, and Webster urged immediate steps to\\nenlarge the field of argument. He wrote from Boston simul-\\ntaneously to the President and to Messrs. Marsh, Mason and\\nSmith, saying that he thought of this the more, from hearing of\\nsundry sayings of a great personage, presumably Judge Story.\\nFrom Boston he wrote to Mr. Marsh, December 8, 1817.^\\nYou are aware that in the College Cause the only question that can be\\nargued at Washington is whether the recent acts of the legislature of N. Hamp-\\nshire do not violate the constitution of the U. S. This point, though we trust\\na strong one, is not perhaps stronger than that derived from the character of\\nthese acts compared with the Constitution of N. Hampshire. It has occured\\nto me whether it would not be well to bring an action which should present\\nboth, and all our points to the Supreme Court. This could be done by bringing\\nthe action originally in the Circuit Court. I am a good deal inclined to favor\\nthe proposition of bringing such a suit. Although I now mention it only for\\nconsideration. Suppose the Trustees should sue for the Wheelock lands in\\nVermont? or suppose they should lease portions of the N. Hampshire lands to\\na citizen in Vermont? In either of these cases an action might be brought in\\nthe courts of the U. S., in which all the questions could be considered. I have\\nsuggested this idea to Mr. Mason and Judge Smith (and nobody else). If\\nthey should think the hint worth considering I shall probably hear from them\\nand in that case I will write you again. Such a suit would not of course at\\nall interfere with our present proceedings.\\nMr. Marsh found practical difficulties in the way and President\\nBrown himself had doubts about the propriety of this course,\\nbut on visiting Mr. Webster at his house in Boston in January,\\n1 818, they were removed and Mr. Olcott was requested to forward\\nthe needful preparations.\\nI Shirley, p. s.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "142 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nMeanwhile circumstances of an extraordinary character came\\nto the ears of the friends of the College which threw them into\\nnew perplexities. As the material facts have already been made\\npublic they require some notice at our hands, though of a delicate\\nnature. It had been hoped that, as the principles contended\\nfor by the State of New Hampshire would, if established, strike\\nat the foundations of every institution of this kind, other colleges\\nwould make common cause and join in meeting the heavy ex-\\npenses of the litigation. Application having been made, among\\nothers, to Harvard College, through Hon. David A. White of\\nSalem, that gentleman, on November 26, 1817, informed Presi-\\ndent Brown that while President Kirkland was in full sympathy\\nwith Dartmouth, yet funds were lacking with which to give\\nsubstantial aid.\\nBut [he added] the principal reasons suggested are of a more important\\nnature and if well founded may be deserving of attention. Some of my friends\\nhere who sincerely wish success to the cause of your College, have yet a strong\\nwish that it should not be carried to Washington, from an apprehension that,\\neven should the U. S. Court take up the cause at large and consider it in all\\nits points, there would be an influence among them which would probably\\nconfirm the present decision and thereby increase an hundred fold the weight\\nof its authority. Others suppose that the court would either evade a decision\\nof the cause at all, or would consider only the point upon which it is carried up,\\nand this latter thought, they say, is suggested from high authority among us.\\nShould this course be taken it is supposed that the merits of the cause will not\\nbe brought into view, and that the result of a hearing at Washington would\\nbe worse than leaving the cause where it is so far at least as respects our\\nInstitutions, the authority of the decision of your court being so inconsiderable\\nunder the circumstances of the case.\\nMr. T. J. Murdock, a graduate of the College and then a\\nstudent in Andover Theological Seminary, wrote to President\\nBrown, December 27, 1817, giving a discouraging report of the\\neffect of these rumors in that section\\nThe fact is the folks in this region are frightened. Dr. Worcester, Judge\\nWhite and Mr. Pickering, it is said, begin to talk of a compromise, because\\nit is ascertained that Judge Story with the assistance of Mr. Clay c is the\\noriginal framer of the law you are opposing.^ They suppose that on this\\naccount the cause is hopeless before the Sup. Ct. of U. S. This is, however,\\nreport. But the same report says that Judge Story is the one who proposes\\nthe conipromise.\\nThe position of Judge Story, if this was true, was calculated\\nto give just cause for alarm. Mr. Hopkinson wrote Mr. Marsh,\\nDecember 31, 1817:2\\nIf he was the draftsman it is surprising that the act was so defective.\\nShirley, p. 274-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 143\\nAlthough the attempts of the defendants in this case to excite a prejudice\\nin the public mind by newspapers and party representations is vile and unjust,\\nit is likely they will be able to produce less effect by these means upon a court\\nthan a jury. The situation in which, if you are not misinformed Judge Story\\nhas placed himself is much more alarming to us, and so disreputable to him\\nshould he sit in the case, that I confess I am inclined to believe that your in-\\nformation in his respect must be mistaken. Should it however be otherw^ise\\nand he is about to sit as a judge in a cause in which he has been a feed counsellor\\nI should have no hesitation in resorting to any legal and proper means to pre-\\nvent such an abuse of power and office. The influence of the judge with the\\ncourt in general cases is I think considerable, and will probably be very great\\nin one like the present. If therefore the judge has committed himself in the\\nway you mention it will never do to hazard so important a case on a question\\nof delicacy to him.\\nJudge Story was known as an old friend and confidant of Gov-\\nernor Plumer. He had even been appointed an overseer of the\\nUniversity, though he did not accept the appointment. It was\\nnow ascertained that, even if he did not draft the act, he had, at\\nall events, advised about it and with his usual industry and in-\\ndiscretion examined it at an early stage and avouched its legality,\\nand the University people felt secure.^ The friends of the College\\nafter all they had been called on to endure, had been looking\\nforward hopefully to a tribunal out of the reach of local politics\\nand bias only to find it (as it now appeared) tainted with the same\\nmalign influence. They were naturally discouraged. But as\\nwe hear no more of impeachment, it is evident that means were\\nfound to convey to Judge Story in a friendly way (apparently\\nthrough Mr. Mason whom the Judge held in high esteem) the\\nsentiments of Mr. Hopkinson s letter, and to obtain assurances of\\nimpartiality. Lingering doubts and fears respecting him har-\\nassed them to the last, but he faithfully preserved a judicial\\ntemper, and, convinced at last of the justice of their cause, gave\\nit an unwavering support to the surprise and confusion of the\\nUniversity people.\\nMr. Webster s views as to the necessity of beginning new\\nactions in the United States courts, in order to get up the broad\\nquestion whether by the general principles of government as well\\nas by the United States and State constitutions the State was\\nnot restrained from diverting vested rights, being approved by\\nthe other counsel, and the doubts of the President removed by\\npersonal conference with Webster at Boston in January, the\\nTrustees were called together February 19, 1818. Declaring it\\n1 Shirley, p. 239.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "144 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nexpedient, because of failure of income from rents and otherwise,\\nto dispose of some of the College properties, to meet current\\nexpenses and costs of litigation, they directed Mr. Olcott to sell\\nthe Commons Hall, and certain lands in Hanover, formerly\\nleased to Richard Lang, and any other New Hampshire lands.\\nIt was also voted to sell the College library for not less than $2,100\\nsince it is highly important that the officers and students of the\\nCollege be furnished with books suitable for the purposes of\\ninstruction and study, and whereas the books composing the\\nlibrary belonging to the College are many of them ancient,\\ninjured and defaced and not so well suited to answer the said\\npurpose as others which might be selected: and it is therefore\\ndeemed expedient to make sale of the said books to raise money\\nto purchase a more complete assortment of useful books for the\\nsaid officers and students. The Board also requested the\\nPresident to publish a statement of the views of the trustees\\nrelative to the present situation of the affairs of this college and\\ntheir intended operations during the existence of the embarrass-\\nments under which they at present labor, These votes were\\ndrafted by Mr. Marsh, and on the 28th of February the following\\nwas issued in circular form, and in the newspapers:\\nThe Trustees of Dartmouth College consider it due to the publick, and\\nespecially to the members of the Institution and their friends, explicitly to\\nmake known the course they design to pursue, and their opinion relative to the\\nstate and prospects of the College.\\nThe Trustees commenced the suit at law, which is still pending, from a full\\nconviction, that this measure was demanded of them, as the constituted guar-\\ndians of this valuable seminary, and as friends to the literature and the literary\\nestablishments of their country; and it is their fixed determination to prosecute\\nit, and to avail themselves of every constitutional expedient for protecting the\\nCollege, till the question in controversy shall be tried on its merits and decided\\nby the highest judicial tribunal of this nation.\\nThey have an undiminished confidence, that the decision will be in favor of\\ntheir rights, as secured by the charter; and that they shall again be put in\\npossession of the buildings and other property, of which they have been de-\\nprived. If, however, the decision in the last resort should be against them,\\nthey will no longer claim a corporate existence, and Dartmouth College will\\nhave been effectually destroyed. In that event, the students, should they\\ndesire it, will be recommended to either of the Colleges in New-England; and\\nfrom what is known of the opinions and feelings of the Trustees and Instruc-\\nters of these Institutions, full confidence is entertained, that the students, thus\\nrecommended, will be readily received. Nor is there any ground for a doubt,\\nthat the diplomas conferred by this Corporation, so long as their rights\\nremain a subject of judicial inquiry, will be recognized as valid by all literary\\nand professional bodies throughout the country.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the U?iiverstty. 145\\nThe Trustees avail themselves of this opportunity to present their thanks to\\nthe numerous publick-spirited individuals in New Hampshire, Vermont, and\\nMassachusetts, who, in the present exigency of the College, have afforded it\\nprompt and effectual aid. And they are happy to announce to the publick,\\nthat, through the munificence of friends in Boston, the Professor of Mathe-\\nmaticks, and Philosophy will be furnished, the ensuing season, with a good\\nelectrical apparatus, an Air Pump with accompanying instruments, an elegant\\nTelescope, a new Solar Microscope, and a common Microscope, which, together\\nwith other articles in his possession, will enable him to exhibit the most impor-\\ntant experiments in all the branches of Natural Philosophy.\\nIt would be unjust in the Trustees not to acknowledge their obligations to\\nthose parents, who have afforded countenance and encouragement to the\\nCollege, under its numerous embarrassments, by committing their sons to its\\ninstruction and guardianship. This is a species of aid essential to its respecta-\\nbility, and highly important to its success; and the Trustees hope, that none\\nwill be deterred by the difficulties, in which it is involved, from affording similar\\naid in future. These difficulties, they can assure the publick, are wholly\\nexternal. The internal state of the College, including the moral and literary\\nhabits of its members, and their proficiency in all the branches of literature\\nand science, has at no time been better than it now is. Nor have the advantages\\nafforded them ever been greater, with the single exception, that they are\\ndeprived of the use of the College Library. And even this deprivation is the\\nless to be regretted, as they are well supplied with books from the Libraries of\\nthe two Literary Societies in College, each of which consists of about eighteen\\nhundred well chosen volumes.\\nFrom the members of the Institution the Trustees cannot withhold an\\nexpression of approbation for their close attention to study, and for their\\nuniformly correct and manly deportment in circumstances, some of which\\nmust be allowed to have been peculiarly tr^ ing. They trust the students will\\ncontinue to maintain their fair reputation, and to reflect honour on the College,\\nby a course of elevated conduct and diligent application and they believe, that,\\nafter a few more months of trial, the great object of pursuit will be achieved.\\nThe Trustees cheerfully commit the College, its officers, and its students\\nto the care of that wise and gracious Providence, which has hitherto preserved\\nit, and which is able to make its severest trials occasions of its greater prosperity,\\nhonour, and usefulness.\\nFrancis Brown, President.\\nIn behalf and at the request of the Corporation.\\nDartmouth College, Feb. 20, 1818.\\nAfter much discussion among the counsel as to the forms of\\nactions most suitable to the present purpose, and as to the pre-\\nliminary details necessary to obtain a standing in the court,\\nthree conveyances were made by Mr. Olcott, viz: i. To Dr.\\nHorace Hatch of Norwich, Vt., two lots of land in Greensboro\\ndistrict, Hanover, formerly leased to Richard Lang; the deeds\\nbeing dated February 28 and March 5. 2. To Job Lyman of\\nWoodstock, Vt., March 24, the Commons Hall and lot the same\\non which Rollins Chapel now stands. 3. To Charles Marsh of\\n10", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "146 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nWoodstock, Vt., March 5, a lease for six years of the land on\\nwhich the College buildings stood, including of course the build-\\nings themselves.\\nAfter the necessary preliminaries of demand, etc., three actions\\nwere entered in the United States Circuit Court at Portsmouth,\\nas follows:\\n1. Horace Hatch vs. Richard Lang, writ of entry (for $3,000)\\nfor forfeiture for non-payment of rent, dated March 9.\\n2. David Pierce of Woodstock, Vt., ex dem., Job Lyman vs.\\nBenj. J. Gilbert (casual ejector) in ejectment (for $2,000), writ\\ndated March 27. (The University Trustees were vouched in, in\\nAugust.)\\n3. Charles Marsh vs. William Allen, Henry Hutchinson and\\nAhimahaz B. Simpson, also for ejectment (for $3,000), writ\\ndated March 27.\\nThese all related to lands. Mr. Mason had advised basing\\none of the actions upon a bona fide sale of personal property of\\nadequate value to support jurisdiction, and the sale of the library\\nwas devised for that object, but upon several attempts, at Ando-\\nver and elsewhere, no purchaser could be found, and this feature\\nof the plan was abandoned. The University at the October term\\nappeared by counsel in all the actions and was admitted to\\ndefend.\\nMr. Webster, from Washington, lost no opportunity to urge\\non the preparation of these cases with all despatch. But it was\\nnow evidently impossible to advance them so rapidly as to get\\nthem to Washington before the argument of the Writ of Error\\nvs. Woodward. The latter was in fact called in the Supreme\\nCourt March 10, before any one of the new causes was even\\nentered in the Circuit Court. But Webster had determined,\\nnevertheless, to endeavor to argue this also upon all the points,\\ninforming the court, if necessary, that the other actions were\\nbrought or contemplated; and he fully carried out that inten-\\ntion. He opened the case for the College, plaintiff in error, on\\nMarch 10, with one of the most remarable speeches of his life.\\nMessrs. John Holmes of Maine and William Wirt of Washington\\nfollowed for the defendant, and on the third day, March 12\\nMr. Hopkinson closed for the College.^ All spoke extempo-\\ni John Holmes was a native of Rhode Island and a graduate of Brown University. He was\\na born politician, and settling in the District of Maine represented it in the Massachusetts\\nHouse as a Federalist in 1802, and in the Senate as a Democrat in 181 1. He was a United States\\nrepresentative in 18 18, and, having had a prominent part in establishing the State of Maine, was\\nits first senator from 1820 to 1827. He had a rare gift of humor and a conversational talent", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the U^iiversity. 147\\nraneously, and the arguments as afterwards printed, being written\\nup for that purpose, lack of course the fire and brilliancy that\\ncharacterized them in utterance. Aside from any question of\\nmerit the weight of talent was on the side of the College, and the\\nresulting impressions of listeners favorable to their position. Mr.\\nHopkinson wrote to President Brown, March 13, I believe every\\ngentleman of the bar who attended the argument has a clear\\nopinion in our favor. Webster wrote to Mason, I believe I\\nmay say that nearly or quite all the bar are with us.\\nThe case was widely known, and of great importance to other\\ninterests besides those at Dartmouth. The other colleges recog-\\nnized their vital interest in it by active sympathies, and by sub-\\nstantial assistance as far as they were able, and by attendance at\\nthe argument. Chauncey A. Goodrich, then professor of oratory\\nat Yale went from New Haven to listen on Yale s behalf, and to\\nhis vivid report written in 1853 to Rufus Choate we are indebted\\nfor the only circumstantial account of the occasion. The speech\\nof Mr. Webster was the one feature of absorbing interest, by\\nwhich all the others were dwarfed and overshadowed. He spoke\\nnearly five hours almost the whole of one sitting of the Court.^\\nMr. Webster [wrote Professor Goodrich] entered upon his argument in the\\ncalm tone of easy and dignified conversation. His matter was so completely\\nat his command that he scarcely looked at his brief, but went on for more than\\nfour hours with a statement so luminous, and a chain of reasoning so easy to\\nbe understood, and yet approaching so nearly to absolute demonstration, that\\nhe seemed to carry with him every man of his audience, without the slightest\\neffort or uneasiness on either side. It was hardly eloquence, in the strict sense\\nof the term: it was pure reason. Now and then for a sentence or two his eye\\nflashed and his voice swelled into a bolder note, as he uttered some emphatic\\nthought, but he instantly fell back into the tone of earnest conversation, which\\nran throughout the great body of his speech. A single circumstance will show\\nthe clearness and absorbing power of his argument. I observed Judge Story\\nalmost unrivalled, unbounded confidence in himself, together with coolness and self pos-\\nsession, but he was more of a politician than a lawyer. He died July 7, 1843, at the age of 70.\\nWilliam Wirt was born in Maryland in 1772 of a Swiss father and a German mother. Enter-\\ning on the practice of law in Virginia he moved to Washington on his appointment as United\\nStates Attorney General by President Monroe in 1817. He was a man of culture and ability,\\nof whom Judge Story said that he was among the ablest and most eloquent of the bar of the\\nSupreme Court. He was a writer of the rhetorical school, from whose productions many\\nselections were taken for readers and books for declamation. His name still lingers among\\nthose which occupy the borderland between greatness and passing popularity. He was the\\ncandidate for the presidency of the Anti-Masonic party in 1833, but received the vote only of the\\nState of Vermont. He died February 18, 1834.\\nJoseph Hopkinson was a celebrated lawyer of Philadelphia, born in 1770, a graduate of the\\nUniversity of Pennsylvania and, at the time of the College case, a representative in Congress.\\nHe was judge of the United States Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania from 1828\\ntill his death in 1842. He was the author of the national song, Hail Columbia.\\n1 Brown s Life of Rufus Choate, I, siSf.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "148 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nsit, pen in hand, as if to take notes. Hour after hour I saw him fixed in the\\nsame attitude; but- 1 could not discover tliat he made a single note. The\\nargument ended, Mr. Webster stood for some moments silent before the court\\nwhile every eye was fixed intently upon him. At length, addressing Chief\\nJustice Marshall, he said,\\nThis, sir, is my case. It is the case, not merely of that humble institution,\\nit is the case of every college in our land. It is more. It is the case of every\\neleemosynary institution throughout our country, of all those great charities\\nfounded by the piety of our ancestors to alleviate human misery, and scatter\\nblessings along the pathway of human life. It is more. It is, in some sense,\\nthe case of every man who has property of which he may be stripped, for\\nthe question is simply this: Shall our state legislature be allowed to take that\\nwhich is not their own, to turn it from its original use, and apply it to such ends\\nor purposes as they, in their discretion, shall see fit? Sir, you may destroy this\\nlittle institution: it is weak; it is in your hands! I know it is one of the lesser\\nlights in the literary horizon of our country. You may put it out: but if you\\ndo, you must carry through your work! You must extinguish, one after another\\nall those great lights of science, which, for more than a century, have thrown\\ntheir radiance over the land It is, sir, as I have said, a small college, and yet\\nthere are those that love it.\\nHere the feelings which he had thus far succeeded in keeping down, broke\\nforth. His lips quivered his firm cheeks trembled with emotion his eyes were\\nfilled with tears; his voice choked, and he seemed struggling to the utmost,\\nsimply to gain the mastery over himself which might save him from an unmanly\\nburst of feeling. I will not attempt to give you the few broken words of tender-\\nness in which he went on to speak of his attachment to the college. The whole\\nseemed to be mingled with the recollections of father, mother, brother, and all\\nthe privations through which he had made his way into life. Every one saw\\nthat it was wholly unpremeditated, a pressure on his heart which sought\\nrelief in words and tears.\\nThe court-room during these two or three minutes presented an extraordinary\\nspectacle. Chief Justice Marshall, with his tall, gaunt figure bent over as if\\nto catch the slightest whisper, the deep fUrrows of his cheek expanded with\\nemotion, and eyes suffused with tears; Mr. Justice Washington at his side,\\nwith his small emaciated fk ame, and countenance more like marble than I ever\\nsaw on any other human being, leaning forward with an eager, troubled look;\\nand the remainder of the court at the two extremities, pressing, as it were,\\ntoward a single point, while the audience below were wrapping themselves\\nround in closer folds beneath the bench to catch each look, and every movement\\nof the speaker s face. There was not one among the strong-minded\\nmen of that assembly who could think it unmanly to weep, when he saw stand-\\ning before him the man who had made sucli an argument melted into the tender-\\nness of a child.\\nMr. Webster having recovered his composure, and fixing his keen eye on the\\nChief Justice, said, in that deep tone with which he sometimes thrilled the heart\\nof an audience,\\nSir, I know not how others may feel (glancing at the opponents of the col-\\nlege before him, some of whom were its graduates), but, for myself, when I see\\nmy alma mater surrounded, like Caesar in the senate house, by those who are", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 149\\nreiterating stab upon stab, I would not, for this right hand, have her turn to\\nme and say, et tu quoque mifili! and thou too, my soni\\nHe sat down: there was a death-like stillness throughout the room for some\\nmoments: every one seemed to be slowly recovering himself, and coming grad-\\nually back to his ordinary range of thought and feeling.\\nMr. Holmes for the defence followed Mr. Webster the same\\nafternoon and finished the next morning. He was not familiar\\nwith the case, and fell into several fatal errors which showed that\\non some points he misconceived it entirely. This, with the\\nterrible disadvantage of an atmosphere of feeling created by-\\nWebster s eloquence, such as Professor Goodrich describes, made\\nhis effort worse than useless. Webster himself in a letter to\\nMason, characterized Holmes s argument as the merest stuff\\nthat was ever uttered in a County Court. I had a malicious\\njoy, he wrote to Judge Smith,^ in seeing Judge Bell sit by to\\nhear him, while everybody was grinning at the folly he uttered.\\nBell could not stand it. He seized his hat and went off.\\nAttorney General Wirt followed on the same side, but ruined\\nthe effect of what he might say by an apology that, overwhelmed\\nwith official duties he had not had time to study the case, and\\nhardly thought of it till it was called on. The unfavorable impres-\\nsion was intensified by the success of a bold stroke of Webster s.\\nWirt was arguing (what was a vital point in the defence) that\\nWheelock was not the founder of the College. In the miidst of\\nit, Webster had his attention called to the recital in the charter\\nwherein he is so designated in respect to the School, and W^irt\\nnot understanding the distinction upon which the clients relied,\\nwas dumbfounded and abandoned the point. He then went\\noff into the fields of declamation and fine speaking, and break-\\ning down before he was done, asked the favor of an adjournment.\\nOn the third day Wirt finished and Mr. Hopkinson closed the\\ncase for the College with a calm and able argument, keeping\\nstrictly to the law, and winning admiration from all parties. Mr.\\nHolmes ventured to ask if a decision might be expected at the\\npresent term and was told that it was improbable. The next\\nmorning the Chief Justice announced a continuance, some of\\nthe Judges having as yet no opinion, and others differing. It\\nwas understood, though not with certainty, that Marshall and\\nWashington were for the College, Duvall and Todd perhaps\\ninclined to the University, and the other three holding up. Web-\\nWebster s Priv. Cor., I, 275. Shirley, p. 233-\\nWebster s Priv. Cor., I, 277.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "150 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nster wrote, in the letter to Mason already quoted, I cannot have\\nmuch doubt but that Story will be with us in the end, and I\\nthink we have much more than an even chance for one of the\\nothers.\\nOf course the University looked anxiously, but hopefully, upon\\nits case. Mr. Hale, one of the Trustees, and then a representa-\\ntive from New Hampshire in Congress, reported its progress to\\nPresident Allen by daily letters, and was greatly pleased with the\\npresentation of the case for the University, and hopeful of the\\nresult. On March 10 he wrote: Mr. Webster has delivered his\\nspeech, which made no little impression. Mr. Holmes spoke\\nabout an hour. The employment of Mr. Wirt appears\\nto me every day more and more correct. On the next day,\\ndescribing the progress of the case, he wrote: Mr. Wirt was\\npowerful. Yesterday Mr. Webster was very disingenuous, and\\nit cost me almost the night s labor to furnish Mr. Wirt with facts\\nand authority to put him down. I would not have had his\\nfeelings today for half his fame yea the whole. The report on\\nthe I2th continued: About two hours ago Mr. Wirt closed a\\nvery able argument in our cause. His peroration was eloquent.\\nThe ghost of Wheelock was introduced exclaiming to Webster,\\nEt tu Brute. A great majority here take an interest\\nfor us, and have decided in our favor. Mr. Hopkinson\\nis now speaking. He is laboring hard. The point\\ninsisted on here was not taken at Exeter. We have therefore\\nbeen taken by surprise which has thrown great labor on Mr.\\nWirt and myself.\\nOn the same day Mr, Holmes wrote to President Allen his\\naccount of the trial:\\nThe hearing commenced on tuesday, by an opening by Mr. Webster which\\nwas very able lasted about three hours. He was followed by myself about\\none hour until the adjournment the next day, yesterday, I resumed occu-\\npied the court from two to three hours more. I was followed by Mr. Wirt who\\nyesterday this day, closed, very eloquently the defence in about two hours\\non the whole. He was followed by Mr. Hopkinson in a very able argumenta-\\ntive speech of about an hour a half. I have only to add that your counsel\\nendeavored to do their duty that Mr. Wirt did his verry sucessfuUy. The\\nevent it is impossible to predict. But I assure you, that I entertain very little\\ndoubt of success. Mr. Wirt your humble servant are of opinion that some\\nfees ought to be provided.\\nIn reporting the case to Governor Plumer on March 12, Mr.\\nHale wrote\\nPlumer Correspondence, Congressional Library.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 151\\nMr. Webster was as usual able very able but also disingenuous Mr.\\nHolmes was below our moderate expectations Mr. Wirt grasped the cause\\nwith the mind of a giant, and made Webster lower his crest sit uneasy. I\\nhave been occupied day and night during the week, in searching for facts\\ndocuments, am almost exhausted. Mr, Wirt could not find time to reflect\\noji the cause till Monday evening, and considering his want of preparation\\nspoke with great ability.\\nThe general confidence of the University party, which was so\\ngreat as to give the beUef at times that the decision would be\\nunanimous in its favor, was sometimes shaken by rumors. On\\nthe 2d of April President Allen wrote to Mr. Hale in distress that\\nit was reported that Mr. Webster had written to President Brown\\nthat his own feeble services were not of half so much benefit\\nto the College as the speech of Mr. Wirt, and that Mr. Wirt had\\nexpressed his persuasion that the College ought to prevail.\\nMr. Hale believed that Webster had written the letter, saying\\nIt is another proof of his littleness want of principle, and he\\nwas so much disturbed by the report that, though he repeated\\nhis belief that the chances of success for the University were as\\n5 to 2, with an even chance of 6 to i, he sent the report to Mr.\\nWirt, who immediately replied that if his argument for the\\nUniversity had aided the College it was high time for [his]\\nfriends to seek an asylum for him in a mad house, and added\\nwith an instinct of manhood that did him credit, I cannot\\nbelieve that Mr. Webster has so represented it. I think too\\nhighly of his candor honor to believe him capable of such a\\nstatement; it would have been a trick not only below the pride\\nof character, which I attribute to Mr. Webster, but below the\\nhumblest and most hopeless member of the profession. The\\nstatement that the College ought to prevail, of course, he denied,\\nsaying, that some compliment to Mr. Webster may have led\\nto this statement. He opened the case with great ability, I\\nremember to have said that I wished him all the success which\\nhis cause deserved, but not all that his argument merited, by\\nwhich I meant to convey the impression that his argument was,\\nin my opinion, much better than his cause.\\nA case of such importance and so well known could not fail\\nto be much discussed among lawyers and others all over the\\ncountry. The turning point of the whole was Webster s argu-\\nment, and there was a general desire in the profession to read it,\\nin which some of the judges also shared. The argument was\\naccordingly written out as nearly as practicable, and a limited", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "152 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nnumber printed. It was given out in a small way to such as\\nwished it, and on request, to the adverse party, but agreeably\\nto the professional ethics of that time it was reserved from\\npublication.\\nI send you [wrote Webster, July 27, to Jacob McGaw of Bangor] with great\\ncheerfulness a sketch of our view of the question about D. College. I have\\nnever allowed myself to indulge in any great hope of success; but if even a few\\nsuch men as Judge Wilde should think we had made out our case it would repay\\nthe labor. If you should think there is any merit in the manner of this argu-\\nment you must recollect that it is drawn from materials furnished by Judge\\nSmith Mr. Mason, as well as from the little contributed by myself. The\\nopinion of the N. H. Court had been a good deal circulated, and I was urged\\nto exhibit in print our view of the case. A few copies only were printed, and\\nthose have been used rather cautiously. A respect for the court, as well as\\ngeneral decorum, seem to prohibit the publishing of an argument while the\\ncause is pending. I have no objection to your showing this to any professional\\nfriend in your discretion, I only wish to guard against its becoming too publick.\\nWhile the case was under advisement the friends of the Col-\\nlege were treated in July, 1818, to a further experience of under-\\nground tactics which threatened serious results. It happened\\nthat Chancellor Kent, traveling through this region in a chaise\\nwith his wife, visited Windsor where he was entertained by\\nMessrs. Dunham, Jacob and other strong partisans of the Uni-\\nversity. Under their auspices he also made a trip to Hanover\\nwhere he was introduced to the University Faculty, but not to\\nthe officers of the College. The opinion of the State Court on\\nthe college case which had been printed by Isaac Hill and spread\\nbroadcast over the State and elsewhere was brought to his notice,\\nand without any critical examination received casual expressions\\nof approval. When these facts came, as they did before long,\\nto the knowledge of the friends of the College, the latter were\\njustly alarmed. It was known that Justices Johnson and Liv-\\ningston of the Supreme Court were yet halting in their judgment\\nupon the case. In the words of one whose sympathies were with\\nthe University party That Kent s opinion would have great\\nweight with Justice Johnson, and his opinion and influence with\\nthat of Governor Clinton were potential with Justice Livingston\\nwas obvious to all who understood the relations of these men,\\nand he makes it clear by numerous citations. It is more than\\nimplied by the same writer that Kent was to write Mr. Justice\\nJohnson s opinion, and the story had been diligently propagated\\nall through the country that Kent had, after an examination of\\nShirley, p. 253.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 155\\nthe case, given a decided opinion in favor of the University. It\\nis not surprising that the university party were confident and\\nMr, Webster in despair. It was necessary that prompt measures\\nshould be taken to counteract the scheme, so that if the decisions\\nwere, indeed, to hang on the opinion of the chancellor he should\\nat least have the information requisite to enable him to form\\nan impartial judgment. Mr. Marsh accordingly transmitted to\\nhim on the 22d of August a copy of Mr. Webster s argument\\nand the charter, with a statement of the case which Kent frankly\\navowed gave a new complexion to it, so that he declared that if\\nhe were to study it he should probably come to a different con-\\nclusion, though his hasty impressions one way or the other were\\nof little value.\\nThe matter was so important that early in September President\\nBrown, in the course of a vacation trip undertaken for the help\\nof the College, stopped at Albany, where he dined with Kent\\nand conferred upon college matters. Kent at once expressed\\nregret for the hasty expression he had used at Windsor, and said\\nthat Mr. Webster s argument had thrown a different light upon\\nthe case. President Brown learned also that Justice Johnson\\nhad formally requested Kent s opinion.\\nThe college party was very desirous that the facts in the case\\nshould come into the possession of the judges and of the opposing\\ncounsel. In December, 1817, Mr. B. J. Gilbert of Hanover went\\nto Richmond on business, but made the journey a means of\\ngiving information about the College. He made an attempt to\\nsee President Day of Yale at New Haven, but without success,\\nand left papers for him and a letter from President Brown solicit-\\ning the assistance of Yale in the prosecution of the suit. Mr.\\nGilbert missed Mr. Hopkinson at Philadelphia and again at\\nWashington. He pushed on to Richmond in the hope of finding\\nMr. Wirt, but he had just left for Washington, and Mr. Gilbert\\nwas content with putting into the hand of a friend copies of the\\ncharter of the College and of the acts of the legislature to transmit\\nto him. He hoped to meet Chief Justice Marshall, who was at\\nhis farm, but found many delays. I find Richmond, he wrote\\nto President Brown, the worst of all places that I was ever\\nacquainted with to do business in no one regards an appoint-\\nment except to dinner. Unable finally to meet Judge Marshall\\nhe yet managed to get into his hands a copy of the charter and\\nnewspapers giving accounts of the case.\\nThe argument of the principal cause was not allowed to delay", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "154 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nthe auxiliary action. Mr. Webster had given the Supreme\\nCourt reason to expect that a case would be presented at the\\nCircuit Court raising the question in its amplest form, and told\\nhis colleagues that he should be mortified if it were not so.\\nThe question he decided to raise was,^ whether by the general\\nprinciples of our governments the State legislatures be not re-\\nstrained from diverting vested rights? This of course inde-\\npendent of the constitutional provision respecting contracts.\\nOn general principles, he adds, I am ver confident\\nthe court at Washington would be with us. If we get\\nup one of these cases in due form, we shall defeat our adversaries.\\nI am particularly glad, he wrote at another time, that an\\nejectment is brought. It is just what should be done. The\\ncases were duly entered the last of March, and came before Judge\\nStory at Portsmouth the first of May. Mr. Marsh, to whom\\nthe conduct of these cases was entrusted by the other counsel,\\nwas in attendance. He wrote to President Brown from Boston,\\nMay 2d:\\nI have just returned from Portsmouth where I have been two days past-\\nThe actions are all continued, but the court made the most positive injunction\\non the defendants to plead in season and be prepared for trial early the next\\nterm, and it was suggested that an adjourned term would be holden for their\\ntrial if necessary in order that some one or more of them might be entered in\\nthe Supreme Court at next term. The Judge intimated that this was of great\\nimportance as the action now there did not perhaps present all the questions\\nthat would naturally arise out of the controversy and as it was time the con-\\ntroversy should be finished, the judge assured the parties that nothing should\\nbe wanting on the part of the court to place the actions in such train as would\\ninsure their final decision. Thus I think our reasonable expectations will be\\nanswered for a full and candid hearing, and an impartial decision is all that we\\nought to desire and this I think without doubt we shall have. The judge was\\nvery ready in every question moved, and conducted with much propriety and\\ndignity, and on a considerable acquaintance which I had an opportunity of\\nmaking with him I have much reason to feel an increased degree of confidence\\nin his ability and integrity, and this whether we win or lose our particular\\ncase or causes is to me a great consolation.\\nHe wrote from further Woodstock, May i8:\\nAppearances on the part of the Court were much as you had predicted.\\nThey seemed disposed to pursue the most liberal course in respect to the actions,\\nand expressed much satisfaction that they had been commenced. The\\nCircuit Judge [Story] expressed particularly his approbation of the action of\\nejectment brought in the English form which he was happy to see introduced,\\nas being in many cases more useful and better calculated to try the rights of\\nWebster s Priv. Cor., I, 278. Ibid, i, pp. 274 and 2S3.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 155\\nparties in disputes relative to real property. It was evident that\\ndefendants counsel did not feel much confidence in their defense, and that they\\nare sensible their cause is declining and cannot be maintained.\\nAt the sitting of the legislature in June President Allen of the\\nUniversity preached the annual election sermon, and President\\nBrown of the College delivered a discourse before the ecclesiasti-\\ncal convention assembled at the same time in Concord, a circum-\\nstance that id.\\\\r\\\\y illustrates the different constituencies of the\\nparties. In April, 1818, a College Congress was projected\\nand President Brown was invited to join in it. The first meeting\\nwas held at Boston, May 26, 181 8, at which eight colleges were\\nrepresented, including, besides Dartmouth, Yale, Harvard,\\nBowdoin, University of Vermont, Middlebury, Williams, and\\nAndover Theological Seminary. President Allen was not invited.\\nThe finances of the University were already in great distress.\\nThose of the College were sufficiently precarious, but students\\nquarter bills and subscriptions from abroad kept it alive, while\\nthe University was like to perish from inanition. It derived very\\nlittle income from Wheelock s gift (none at all as it resulted), and\\nhardly any from the tenants of the college lands, who wisely and\\nonly too readily displayed a reluctance to pay to either party\\npending the controversy. It had no resources in the hearts of\\nthe people and no subscriptions. Students in the University\\nwere too few to afford relief by their quarter bills, while the execu-\\ntive machinery v\u00c2\u00bbas planned upon a scheme quite out of propor-\\ntion to either the number of students or its pecuniary resources.\\nThe income was not adequate even to cover the charges of litiga-\\ntion and the ordinary contingent expenses.\\nAs we have seen, the trial had hardly closed at Washington\\nbefore the counsel began to call for their fees, and Mr. Hale\\nwrote to President Allen that Mr. Wirt, while declining to name\\nhis fee, said that the minimum fee for the case in the Supreme\\nCourt was $300, and this case was a very important one and had\\ncalled for considerable labor and might require more. Mr. Hale\\nthought that Mr. Wirt ought to have $500, but as no money,\\ncame from Hanover, Mr. Hale paid him in April $200, and Gen.\\nRipley added $100, both with the expectation of being reimbursed\\nby the University. President Allen was at his wits end for money,\\nI have reason to think, he wrote to Mr. Hale in April, that\\nthe funds are not in a good state, for I have received nothing for\\nmy services, more than a year, and in fact, payment of salaries\\nwas out of the question, so that some of the professors began to", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "156 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nbe seriously distressed. He and Judge Woodward talked of\\na solicitation, but it offered no hope and they turned to the\\nlegislature, the author of the University, to sustain it. Appli-\\ncation for assistance was made to the General Court at its June\\nsession, and after considerable difficulty $4,000 were obtained,\\nbut then only as a loan payable in one year with interest, and\\nsecured by a bond of the Trustees in their corporate capacity.\\nThe sum was sufficient to pay but a part of the debts already\\nincurred, especially as in August Mr. Hale called for $1,500 to\\npay our counsel in Washington.\\nIn place of the customary celebration of Independence Day\\nthe Handel Society, with the Hubbard Musical Society of Pier-\\nmont and Orford, aided by select performers from abroad, gave\\nan exhibition of sacred music in the meeting house on Thursday,\\nJuly 2, commencing at ten o clock in the forenoon, and at three\\no clock in the afternoon.^ The prospectus announced that,\\nIn order to defray the expenses incident thereto (the members of the socie-\\nties taking no compensation for their services) and to assist those societies in\\nreplenishing their libraries with the works of the great Handel Hayden, which\\nare now reprinting in this country, it is proposed that the price of admission\\nto the house be twenty five cents for each person. The words set to\\nthe different pieces of music will be printed for distribution in the house. It\\nhas heretofore been contemplated that these Oratorios should take the place\\nof the less solemn interesting and instructive method of celebrating the day\\nwhich gave birth to our civil freedom, but as the 4th of July falls this year on\\nSaturday it is thought advisable to fix on a day further removed from the\\nSabbath.\\nR. D. MussEY 1 Committee\\nNoah Smith of the Handel\\nSamuel Long J Society.\\nThe only instrumental accompaniment was the double bass\\nviol, owned by the Handel Society, which was managed on this\\noccasion with rare skill. The whole met with the highest praise\\nfrom a respectable and appreciative audience. An address by\\nDartmouth Gazette, June 3, 1818.\\nFollowing was the order of exercises: Chorus, We praise thee. O God. Christmas. Air,\\nComfort ye my people: Chor. The Lord gave the word Air, How beautiful: Chor. Their\\nsound is gone out: Air, How beautiful: Chor. Break forth into joy: Anthem; Rejoice O ye\\nrighteous. St. Martins. Air. He shall feed his flock Chor. Behold the Lamb of God Chor.\\nHe gave them hailstones for rain: Chor. The Heavens are telling: Air, He was despised\\nChor. Surely he hath born our griefs. Worms. Chor. Moses and the children of Israel:\\nAir. When the sun: Anthem. When winds breathe soft. Psalm XCVII: Anthem, Teach me,\\nOLord. Old Hundred. Anthem. I waited patiently: Anthem, Hear my prayer: Air, Behold\\nand see: Chor. Worthy is the Lamb: Chor. Hallelujah, OJudah, rejoice: Anthem, Who can\\nexpress? Chor. Hallelujah, for the Lord God Omnipotent reigneth. Dartmouth Gazette,\\nJune 3. 1818.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 157\\nRev. James W. Woodward upon the importance and duty of\\nsacred music in divine worship constituted a portion of the\\nexercises.^\\nEven the heavens contributed to the excitement of the season.\\nOn the evening of July 17, 1818, at about half past nine o clock\\na remarkable meteor was observed simultaneously at Hanover\\nand at Middlebury, Montpelier, Topsham and Newbury, Vt.\\nA careful account of its appearance at Middlebury was published\\nby Professor Frederick Hall.^ It appeared of different magnitude\\nto different persons. It was observed by one person from the\\nzenith down. He noticed it three times so violently agitated as\\nto cause it to roll over and emit for the instant an increased light,\\nthough each time diminishing in bulk, and sending out scintilla-\\ntions which continued luminous to some distance. Several\\nminutes later, after it had disappeared, three explosions were\\nheard, likened to cannon fired in quick succession, by which\\nhouses were jarred. Its apparent diameter was estimated by\\ncareful observers at one third or one fourth that of the moon;\\nand the intervals between the flashes and the explosions at two\\nand one half minutes. It was visible at Hanover but a few\\nseconds, and its direction from a point about 40 degrees above\\nthe horizon was towards the northeast. It was spoken of as a\\nbrilliant and sublime sight. The observations indicated that it\\nprobably fell near Newbury or Topsham, and some persons in\\nTopsham were so confident that they went in search of it, but\\ndid not find it.\\nOn the 9th of August the University met with a severe loss in\\nthe death of Judge Woodward at the early age of 43.* He had\\nbeen in failing health for some time and had practically given up\\nhis duties as treasurer, which had devolved upon Professor Per-\\nkins, who was afterward chosen as his successor. His adherence\\nto the University had been injurious to the College, but the\\ninjury was one of inconvenience rather than of absolute loss, for\\nif he had remained steadfast to the College he would not have\\nDartmouth Gazette, July 22, 1818.\\n^Dartmouth Gazette, August 5. 1818.\\nIbid.\\nWilliam H. Woodward (the H. was adopted In 1807), the oldest son of Bezaleel Woodward\\n(Vol. I, 269), was graduated from the College in 1792, and studying law settled in Hanover,\\nwhere he acquired an extensive practice. In 18 13, when the State was divided into two districts\\nfor the Court of Common Pleas, he was appointed judge of the western district, and he held this\\noffice till his death. He was treasurer of the College from 1805. He was a man of a very gentle\\nnature, yet of much reserve. He was very prominent in the Masonic order, and was also very\\nfond of farming, and made many careful experiments in his attempts to learn the best methods,\\nand kept full accounts of his experiments. Eulogy on W. H. Woodward by Cyrus Perkins, M.D.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "158 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nthereby made tenants and leaseholders any more ready to pay\\ntheir dues to the College, as long as doubt existed as to which\\nboard had the lawful title. His restraint of the books and papers\\ngave to the old Trustees a favorable chance to test the legality\\nof the acts of the legislature by a suit against him.\\nTaught by the experience of the previous year, the Trustees at\\ntheir meeting in February, in order to avoid all collision re-\\nspecting the place for the public exercises authorized holding\\nCommencement, if necessary, one week earlier than usual, viz.,\\non August 17, the third Wednesday of the month instead of the\\nfourth Wednesday as formerly. There was no building in which\\nthe College could hold its exercises except the meeting house,\\nwhile the chapel was large enough to accommodate the Univer-\\nsity, as it had done the year before. Early in June President\\nBrown wrote to President Allen, calling his attention to this fact\\nand asking the assurance of the University that there would be\\nno interference with the exercises of the College in the church.\\nAt the same time he stated that rather than risk the possibility\\nof a collision the College would hold its Commencement a week\\nearlier than usual. As President Allen declined to give the de-\\nsired assurance, on the gounds that the Trustees of the Univer-\\nsity had not considered the question. President Brown, in behalf\\nof the Executive Officers, gave public notice of the change in\\nthe newspapers about the 20th of June.\\nThe Commencement of the College came, therefore, on the\\n17th of August, when twenty-six were graduated to the first de-\\ngree in arts and twelve doctors in medicine, and the exercises\\nwere concluded by a splendid ball in the evening at the hall of\\nthe Dartmouth Hotel, which was ornamented with all the ele-\\ngance and brilliancy that female beauty could impart. The\\nUniversity adhered to the established date and the two anni-\\nversaries accordingly passed ofT quietly, a week apart. The\\nexercises of the University comprised a poem, and, as before,\\nseven orations, two members of the graduating class perform-\\ning twice, and two candidates for the master s degree having\\nparts. A eulog} on William H. Woodward by Dr. Cyrus Per-\\nkins brought the exercises to a close.\\nThe academic year of the College opened anew September\\n21 with the accession of thirty-eight students. The University\\nbegan a week later with a freshman class of four, all natives of\\nHagnover.^\\nDartmouth Gazette, August 19 and September 23, 1818.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 159\\nIn October the new cases came on before the United States\\nCircuit Court at Exeter. Mr. Marsh was again in attendance,\\nand wrote Mr. Olcott, October 3, from SaHsbury on his way-\\nhome:\\nAll things succeeded to a charm at Exeter. Defendants counsel were per-\\nfectly well disposed towards consenting to special verdicts in all the cases.\\nUnder the general agreement to insert any other matters or thing as the court\\nor counsel may think proper at Washington they propose to insert a copy of Dr.\\nWheelock s will and all the acts of legislature which either relate to the Col-\\nlege or Moor s School. By the will they intend to show that John Wheelock\\nwas appointed President under the charter and by the will, and could not be\\nremoved by the Trustees, and also that as heir at law of the founder he could\\nperhaps assent to the passing of the late acts and by the other acts, that\\nMoor s School was always a distinct affair, a private corporation, while the\\nCollege was a public one. Our lawyers think all this nothing, but propose\\nby way of set off to show that Radulphus Wheelock was the eldest son [and as\\nproposed by Judge Smith, then alive and the most worthy i and that Dr. J.\\nWheelock was removed by the Trustees before passing the late acts.\\nCopies of these papers and others, in all numbering thirty,^\\nwere presented to the college counsel in December and admitted\\nas duly authenticated. The special verdicts were drawn by\\nJudge Smith and settled during the same month of December, and\\nwent up from the Circuit Court with the causes on a pro forma\\ncertificate of division of opinion as of the October term.\\nThe University people were wholly dissatisfied with the presen-\\ntation of the former case in Washington, and during the vacation\\nlaid their plans to have it reargued by William Pinkney of Bal-\\ntimore. Early in November Mr. Pinkney notified the College\\ncounsel of their purpx)se, and in January Doctor Perkins spent\\na week in conference with him at Baltimore, to familiarize him\\nwith the case. But it was at best a forlorn hope.\\nIt cannot be expected (wrote Mr. Hopkinson to Webster November 17,\\n1818] that we shall repeat our argument merely to enable Mr. Pinkney to\\nmake a speech, or that a cause shall be reargued because, after the argument\\nhas been concluded, and the court has the case under advisement, either party\\nmay choose to employ new counsel. I think if the court consents to hear Mr.\\nPinkney it will be a great stretch of complaisance and that we should not give\\nour consent to any such proceeding. But if Mr. Pinkney on his own applica-\\ntion is permitted to speak we should claim our right of reply. The court can-\\nShirley, p. 282.\\n*Mr. Mason wrote, December 11: Mr. Bartlett has called with the papers in the Coll.\\ncases. He Is very urgent to have the newly discovered papers admitted. But I\\nbelieve we shall get rid of him without making any important admissions except that his oflSce\\ncopies are duly authenticated. Shirley, pp. 284 and 286.\\n3 Webster s Priv. Cor.. I, 288-89.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "i6o History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nnot want to have our argument repeated; and they will hardly require us to\\ndo it for the accommodation of Mr. Pinkney.\\nIt was insisted by both Mr. Webster and Mr. Hopkinson that\\nif reargument de novo were ordered it must be done by other\\ncounsel, but the selection was postponed to see the event of the\\napplication. It was Pinkney s intention to put the case on the\\nground that all the power of Parliament belongs to the N. H.\\nlegislature, and it was generally expected that he would be\\nheard. Judge Story s correspondence shows that as late as\\nDecember 9 he expected it and looked for a splendid display of\\nargumentative power. The court met on Monday, February i.\\nIt is most probable, perhaps, wrote Webster that day,^\\nthat Pinkney will succeed in his motion, although I do not\\nthink it by any means certain; not a word has fallen as yet\\nfrom any judge on the cause. They keep their own counsel.\\nAll that I have seen however looks rather favorable. I hope to\\nbe relieved of further anxiety by a decision for or against us in\\nfive or six days. I d not have another such cause for the College\\nplain and all its appurtenances. The next morning Mr. Pinkney\\nwas in court to present his motion. No other counsel for the\\nUniversity was present. Instantly upon the opening of the Court\\nChief Justice Marshall forestalled his purpose by announcing, as\\nusual at the opening of the Court, opinions formed during vaca-\\ntion. The first so announced was that in the College cause, read\\nby the Chief Justice himself and favorable to the College view.^\\nMr. Justice Duvall dissented, without giving reasons, and Jus-\\ntice Todd was sick and absent. The University people were in\\nconsternation. They had confidently expected a reargument and\\namong other things were dumbfounded to find Judge Story\\nagainst them. Their partisans did not hesitate, as openly as they\\ndared, to insinuate unworthy motives in the Court and to berate\\ntheir counsel in New Hampshire.*\\nWebster to Mason, December 22, 18 18. Manuscript in New Hampshire Historical Society\\nLibrary.\\ns Shirley, p. 243.\\nMr. Shirley tells us on the authority of Mr. Duncan, that Mr. Olcott used to relate how on\\nthis occasion the old Chief turned his blind ear toward Pinkney, greatly to his discom-\\nfiture and the amusement of the bar. Although no argument was made the University paid\\nMr. Pinkney I3S0 for his services.\\nThe New Hampshire Patriot drew pointed attention to the fact that during the pendency\\nof the cause (in which all institutions of learning were equally interested) the degree of Doctor\\nof Laws had been conferred by other colleges upon Justices Livingston and Johnson, and that\\nJustice Story had been chosen a member of the Corporation of Harvard College. The subject\\nwould be worth not even a passing notice were it not that Mr. Shirley in his valuable mono-\\ngraph on the college causes, without impugning in the least the honesty of the judges, goes great", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 161\\nDr. Perkins, who was in attendance at Washington, wrote to\\nPresident Allen a bitter letter of disappointment, declaring\\nthat there had been monkery in the case, and laying the blame\\nfor defeat upon its management at home. How unfortunate\\nwe are, he wrote, in not having our case properly prepared in\\nNew Hampshire for this Court. The failure he believed was\\ndue to an improper statement of facts, which ought to have been\\nfound by the jury in New Hampshire ^and I know could have\\nbeen with such documents as we had at command, but for the\\nnumbskulls we had for counsel. Three days later, February\\n14, he wrote again: Mr. Pinkney is most prodigiously vexed\\nwith the management of the cause in New Hampshire, and says\\nthat if it should be lost it will be lost by the very slovenly man-\\nner in which it has been conducted. He hoped for a restate-\\nment of facts and proposed it to Mr. Webster, but he would\\nadmit nothing. Advising on the course to be pursued at\\nHanover he urged the officers to hold on, as the college officers\\nhad done, to retain the donations of Wheelock and perhaps later\\nmove to Concord, where more funds could soon be obtained than\\nthe College had. He thought it important that Hill should know\\nthat they had lost their case by the misstatements and tricks\\nof the Octagon s counsel taking new ground at the U. S. Court,\\nwhen our counsel could not be furnished with the necessary facts\\nto put down the impudent falsehoods which were palmed on the\\nCourt. Something of this sort may be necessary for the safety\\nof the pending election for no expedient will be untried by those\\ncreatures to carry their purpose.\\nlengths In suggesting by the skillful use of italics and otherwise the exertion of improper influ-\\nences by the friends of the college. His insinuations are impartially distributed upon all\\ndistinguished men who had a hand in the case on the college side. He makes much of a de-\\nstruction of papers by Judge Smith in 1824, and of the influencesconfessedly broughttobearupon\\nJudge Story and Chancellor Kent, though he declares that it is no discredit to Story that he\\nchanged his opinion but the contrary. At the same time he himself tells us, with no word of\\nreproach, of the means used by the University people to fix the two New York judges through\\nChancellor Kent and of their enticing Judge Story into being their counsel in advance. He\\nseems to ignore the fact that the charge, which he more than insinuates, is, if true, doubly dis-\\ngraceful to Chancellor Kent and to the justices themselves\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to their judicial purity, if they were\\nconsciously influenced, and to their mental capacity if they were so unwittingly. The truth is,\\nas Mr. Shirley himself conclusively shows, that the impartiality of the court was in fact endan-\\ngered, in the manner above related, by the acts of some restless friends of the University in a\\nv/ay that compelled the officers of the College to counteract their schemes. But there is no hint\\nof any thing else to be inferred from anything that the writer has been able to find. It is fair\\nto remember that, even without the letters and papers destroyed by Judge Smith, of whose\\ncontents we are ignorant, we have laid open to the public eye the intimate correspondence, in\\nhundreds of letters, of all the eminent men on the college side; nothing is withheld so far as\\nknown, while on the part of the University but little of that sort is open to us. Mr. Shirley\\nin one instance (p. 270) implies a withholding of certain letters of Webster s, but an examination\\nof the letters themselves, which have since come into the hands of the writer, reveals that the\\nextract furnished him and published comprises everything in them that relates to the subject.\\n11", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "1 62 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nThe disappointment of others was equally keen though ex-\\npressed with less bitterness. The chief responsibility in Washing-\\nton had rested upon Mr. Hale and he had already wearied of it.\\nHe was not fearful of an adverse decision but he foresaw the\\ndifficulties that beset the University. Early in January he wrote\\nto Governor Plumer:^\\nMy feelings in relation to our University are the same as yours. I fear we\\nshall make nothing of it. I accepted the office of trustee, as you know, reluc-\\ntantly, and only because, at that moment, the board could not do without me.\\nIt is my purpose to resign as soon as the cause is decided in our favor, and in\\nthis manner I trust I shall show that if the public have done much for me I have\\nrepaid them in part.\\nAgain on the 29th of March he wrote:\\nOf the college cause I do not yet despair. Upon the facts before them the\\nCourt decided that the old charter was a contract with the individuals who made\\nthe donations. If it should be found that the State made all or nearly all of\\nthe donations, some new foundation for such an opinion must be discovered.\\nIn my opinion the Court would go far to find it. What monstrous strides they\\nmade, at the last term, to restrict the power of the States!\\nThe Governor was equally disappointed in the decision and in\\nthe haste with which it was made, without waiting for a second\\nargument, and saw in it the assumption of jurisdiction on the\\npart of the Court, warranted neither by the constitution nor\\nstatute law, and tending toward the consolidation of the States.\\nHe believed that it would be soon reversed.\\nThe college people, on the other hand, were correspondingly\\nelated. The opinion, as Webster wrote, went the whole length\\nand left not an inch of ground for the University to stand on.\\nMr. Hopkinson wrote to President Brown: The Court goes\\nall lengths with us, and whatever trouble these gentlemen may\\ngive us in future in their great and pious zeal for the interests\\nof learning they cannot shake the principles which must and will\\nrestore Dartmouth College to its true and original owners. I\\nwould have an inscription over the door of your building,\\nFounded by Eleazar Wheelock, Refounded by Daniel Webster.\\nAt another time he wrote: The cause had in itself everything to\\ninterest the feelings and stimulate the exertions of your counsel,\\nand our success is an honorable monument of the justice of our\\nlaws, and the independence with which they are administered.\\nPlumer Correspondence, Congressional Library.\\nIbid.\\nWebster s Priv. Cor., I, 301.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 163\\nTo avoid the technical inconvenience occasioned by the death\\nof Mr. Woodward, Mr. Webster moved for judgment as of the\\npreceding term. This was granted on February 23, 1819, not-\\nwithstanding the opposition of Messrs. Pinkney and Wirt, who\\nclaimed delay till the other causes should be heard. These\\ncauses, which a little while ago had been so ardently urged, were\\nnow in the way, and the Court, having already decided the main\\nquestion, could do no more with the supplementary causes than\\nremand them to the Circuit Court for further proceedings in the\\nlight of the principles thus established. The University party\\nwas very anxious that Messrs. Pinkney and Wirt should argue\\none of them on the ground of new facts, but aside from the per-\\nsonal estrangement of the two men, which rendered it difficult\\nfor them to work together, there were difficulties in the case, as\\nindicated in a letter from Webster to Judge Smith, February\\n28, 1819.1\\nAs to the other causes, Messrs. Pinkney and Wirt have been very much\\npressed by the agents and partizans here to argue one of these causes upon the\\nground of the new facts. By the time, however, that we approached near the\\ncauses they saw difficulties, and their zeal began to cool. It was impossible\\nto agree on definite facts. It was hardly possible to expect any different result\\nthan had already taken place from another argument without new facts. Some\\nof the opinions of the judges appeared to go so far as to be decisive against\\nthem, even taking the new facts for granted. At the same time we heard\\nhere the echoes of the clamor in New Hampshire that the cause had not been\\nheard on its true facts. I called up the subject a day or two before we should\\nhave reached the causes, and desired to know, from the Counsel, whether it\\nwas expected to argue one of those causes. This brought on a conversation\\nbetween Bench and Bar, which finally terminated in this: that the causes\\nshould be remanded by consent; that Defendants might, in Circuit Court,\\nmove to set aside this Verdict, if they should be so advised, when the opinions\\nof the judges in Woodward s case should be read and known I found this\\ncourse would be agreeable, and adopted it at once. In truth I did not want a\\nsecond argument here upon an assumption of facts. If I do not misjudge, we\\nshall have no difficulty in the Circuit Court.\\nIntelligence of the decision of the court at Washington reached\\nHanover February 9, during the winter vacation and naturally\\noccasioned hearty rejoicing. The expressions of joy were ex-\\ncessive. The officers of the College entreated the inhabitants\\nrepeatedly to desist, but to no purpose cannon were fired\\nby them that evening and also the next m.orning. On Mon-\\nday, March i, the spring term began. President Allen an-\\nShirley, p. 244.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "164 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X-\\nnounced that the course of instruction in the University was\\nindefinitely suspended, and though he declined to surrender\\nthe keys, suffered the officers of the College to take quiet\\npossession of the chapel and college building, excepting the\\nlibrary which the latter avoided entering lest they should\\nrelieve President Allen from responsibility for the books,\\nwhich it was supposed had been largely removed or lost.\\nProfessors Dean, Carter and Searle had already departed,\\nand Dr. Perkins set about arranging his affairs preparatory to\\nremoval, announcement being made that the students of the\\nUniversity would be received into the college classes on the same\\nterms as from any other college.^ Six availed themselves of the\\nprivilege, and the remainder vanished, but others came in so\\nthat the number of students, reduced the previous year to less\\nthan 100, was restored at the opening of the fall term to the\\nnormal average of about 150. The abandonment of the Uni-\\nversity was rather ungraciously set forth in the following notice:^\\nNOTICE.\\nThe students and friends of Dartmouth University are informed that its\\nimmediate officers have resolved to suspend the course of instruction in that\\nseminary. It is due to the public that the cause of this resolution should be\\nexplained. A few days ago the Rev. F. Brown requested me to give him pos-\\nsession of the Chapel c A request with which of course I could not comply\\nthe legal controversy being yet unsettled. Last evening I received from him\\na note, saying the government of the College after consulting gentlemen of\\nlegal information have concluded to occupy the Chapel tomorrow morning.\\nAccordingly this morning the Chapel which was under lock and key was\\nentered and wrested from the University by force. In like manner have been\\ntaken the tutors rooms and other apartments. I have nothing to say in regard\\nto the motives which induced this determination to outstrip the steps of the\\nlaw and to retake by force the buildings for the recovery of which a suit against\\nme, by way of writ of ejectment has been brought by Charles Marsh Esq. of\\nVermont (the lessee of this very property under The Trustees of the College\\nso-called) and is still pending in the Court of the United States. But being\\nthus deprived of the Chapel and other conveniences, the officers of instruction\\nin the University are reduced to the necessity of suspending the discharge of\\nthe duties in which by authority of the State they have been engaged.\\nWilliam Allen, President.\\nDartmouth University\\nMonday March 1st, 1819.\\nThe position here taken was calculated to work serious injury\\nto the College by keeping up the uncertainty in the public mind,\\nand prolonging the difficulties of college administration. The\\n1 Dartmouth Gazette, March 3, 1819. New Hampshire Patriot, March 9. 1819.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 165\\nmost sanguine supporter of the University could hardly have\\nimagined, in view of the sweeping decision at Washington, that\\nthe issue of the auxiliary causes could essentially benefit the\\ncondition of the University, or lessen the security of the College.\\nThe most that could be effected was friction for the College, but\\nit was perhaps too much to expect that the bitterness of defeat\\nshould be accepted in silence. As it was the three auxiliary\\ncauses, devised with so much trouble and ingenuity, and so\\nurgently pushed, thus became a source of embarrassment to\\ntheir promoters, and the problem was how soonest to be rid of\\nthem. The only way was to force them to an immediate issue.\\nTimely notice was, therefore, given by Mr. Marsh to President\\nAllen to be ready for trial at the May term. But Mr. Allen\\ncraved delay.\\nHanover April 15, 1819.\\nHon. C. Marsh:\\nSir, On the 8th or 9th inst. I received notice from you that the plaintiff\\nin the suit remanded to the circuit court would insist upon a trial in May.\\nWe had no expectation of a trial at that time and had made no preparation for\\nthat event, supposing that a postponement this year as last year would be\\na matter of course. Our papers were left at Washington, and although we\\nhave written for them since your notice, yet know not that they will be\\nreceived in season for the trial. They cannot be received in season to be\\nstudied by counsel. It is therefore to be hoped that you will not insist upon\\nthe trial until October that you will put yourself to no trouble in regard to\\na trial in May. To you it can make no difference, as there will be an appeal,\\na new argument next winter at Washington.\\nYours c,\\nWm. Allen.\\nMr. Marsh thus responded\\nW ODSTOCK 22 April 1819.\\nRev. William Allen:\\nSir, I received by the last Tuesday s mail your letter of 15th instant in\\nwhich you say that you could not be ready for trial at the next term of the Cir-\\ncuit Court in the cause remanded to that Court from the Supreme Court of\\nthe U. S., and add that to you it can make no difference as there will be an\\nappeal and a new argument next winter at Washington.\\nIt may with propriety be observed that the Special Verdict in the case The\\nTrustees of Dartmouth College vs. Wm. H. Woodward embraced all the\\nfacts which ever ought or which ever can have any effect in deciding the real\\nmatter of controversy between the College and University, or between those\\nclaiming rights or property under them respectively.\\nThe legislature of N. H. in passing the Acts of June and December 1816\\nassumed the broad principle that allowing the corporation to be such an one as\\nthe charter seemed to make it they had a right to alter the charter and to asso-\\nciate others with the former trustees to share with them the franchises of the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "1 66 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\ncorporation. You Sir and all those acting under the authority of those acts\\nhave adopted the same principle.\\nNow Sir let me ask how after this principle has failed you by a solemn decis-\\nion of the Court you can now reasonably desire to have the controversy decided\\nupon an entirely different principle by a recurrence to some antiquated papers\\nand circumstances which were never taken into consideration by the legisla-\\nture, and which never entered into the views of the parties.\\nAgain Sir let me ask whether you can possibly persuade yourself that the\\nnature of the corporation and the extent of the powers and privileges of its\\nmembers can ever be ascertained except by a recurrence merely to the terms\\nand a sound construction of the charter by which it was erected? Can you\\nbelieve that the nature of a charter of fifty years standing is now to be deter-\\nmined by something ah extra, which might have happened at about the time it\\nissued; the evidence of which rests in loose unrecorded and indefinite narratives,\\nletters or pamphlets to which the charter does not even refer; or that the\\nnature of the corporation can ever be altered by any donation made to it after\\nits establishment, by the government or individuals?\\nIf Sir you can answer any of these questions affirmatively I can only express\\nmy surprise that an honest and well informed man should entertain such an\\nextravagant opinion. I am confident that no sound lawyer ever has given or\\never can give any advice to this efTect.\\nYou have only to recur to a principle familiar to every man in common life,\\nthat a deed must be explained by itself unless it refer to something without,\\nand in such case you can only prove what the thing referred to is, or which of\\nseveral things was intended by the reference. If I am correct in this your\\npapers would be of no consequence if here, and if the Circuit Court is of that\\nopinion they will not continue a cause for the production of papers which they\\ncould not admit if produced.\\nI do not think delay in these causes of so little consequence as you seem to\\nimagine. The expense is very considerable and the real and only question in\\ncontroversy being decided, there should now be an end to contention. With\\nthese views of the subject I cannot consent to a continuance. You must\\ntherefore proceed to trial or obtain a continuance byanapplication to the Court.\\nWe shall also insist that if you move a continuance you shall in your affidavit\\nfor that purpose inform what the nature of the papers, on account of the ab-\\nsence of which you wish a continuance, is, that the Court may judge of the\\npertinency to the question at issue.\\nI am c.\\nCharles Marsh.\\nOn the opening of the Circuit Court at Portsmouth, May i,\\n1819, Judge Story delivered an opinion, disposing of the auxiliary\\ncauses in conformity to the opinion of the Supreme Court in the\\nmain action, but, on request, granted delay until the session of\\nhis court in Boston a few weeks later to enable the defendants\\nto produce the nev/ facts that they relied on. This was done by\\nJames T. Austen of the Board of Overseers on May 27, but\\nnothing appeared to change the aspect of the cases, and judg-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 167\\nment entered for the plaintiffs as of the same term, celebrated\\nthe final obsequies of the University, and made an end of the\\nposthumous litigation.^\\nIt has since been whispered that there were in truth other facts\\nnot brought out that would have been decisive against the Col-\\nlege. There is even a tradition, which we must think mistaken,\\nthat Webster once made such a statement to Choate, but the\\nnature of these terrible facts has not been disclosed. It has been\\nsurmised that they bore on the original validity of the charter as\\nbeing beyond the power of Wentworth to grant, but it is not easy\\nto see how this can be so. Webster s confidential letters give no\\nhint of such a danger. He wrote to President Brown: I have\\nno fear of any evil resulting from using any extracts from Boston\\nor elsewhere. I had before heard of their intentions\\nrespecting introducing the correspondence of Dr. Wheelock c.\\nI flatter myself, he wrote to Mr. Mason April 10, 1819,^ the\\nJudge will tell the defendants that the new facts which they talk\\nof, were presented to the minds of the judges at Washington, and\\nthat if all proved they would not have the least effect on the opin-\\nion of any judge that unless it can be proved that the King did\\nnot grant such a charter as the special verdict recites, or that the\\nN. H. General Court did not pass such acts as are therein con-\\ntained, no material alteration of the case can be made.\\nPresident Allen and the University people were thoroughly\\nfamiliar with all the historical details, and their New Hampshire\\ncounsel were of the keenest. It is inconceivable that any point\\nof such importance should escape them. The correspondence\\nbetween President Allen, Dr. Perkins and their counsel at Wash-\\nington has much to say about new facts, but these new facts all had\\nto do with the attempt to show that Dr. Wheelock was not the\\nfounder of the College, a point that had already been under dis-\\ncussion, and they proved to have no bearing on the matter. It\\nis true that Governor Wentworth s commission nowhere con-\\nferred upon him the power to erect a corporation of this de-\\nscription. The charter never having been confirmed by the Crown\\nmay perhaps have been open to question at the beginning, but\\nit is hard to believe that the infirmity, if any, was not cured\\nsubsequent to the Revolution, by the repeated recognition of the\\nCollege as a legal body in numerous acts of the State legislature,\\nAs they are nowhere else to be found, the enrollment and degrees conferred by the Univer-\\nsity are, for the sake of preservation, inserted in Appendix C\\nShirley, p. 304.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "i68 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nby the acts of 1789, and 1807, which changed the constitution\\nof the corporation as to lands given by the State, and even by the\\ncontroverted acts of 181 6 themselves. If this were not enough the\\nact of February 8, 1791, in regulating towns and describing cor-\\nporate powers expressly declared, That all trustees of colleges,\\nacademies, schools, and proprietors of common and undivided\\nlands, grants and other estates or interest, be, and hereby are\\nempowered to sue, prosecute and defend any action and to ap-\\npoint an agent or agents, attorney or attornies to appear for them\\nand in their behalf.\\nTo gratify the wide-spread interest in the college cause, and\\ndraw the public into closer sympathy with the College, the pub-\\nlication of the pleadings, arguments and opinions in book form\\nwas undertaken by Mr. Timothy Farrar, Jr., then a lawyer of\\ngrowing eminence at Portsmouth, son of the trustee of the same\\nname, and one of the college counsel, under the active encourage-\\nment of the college authorities and of Webster and the other\\ncounsel.^ The idea had been suggested after the argument at\\nExeter two years before in 181 7, but the work was not actively\\nundertaken until the final decision at Washington. It was then\\npushed forward as rapidly as possible in the hope of having it\\nout by midsummer. Shorthand was not then in use, and the\\nwork involved the difficult task of writing out the arguments\\nfrom memory. Counsel on both sides wrote out their arguments\\nor furnished their minutes to Mr. Farrar. There were also short\\nnotes of the Exeter arguments taken down at the time by Mr.\\nWebster. Judge Smith prepared the report of his own, and Mr.\\nWebster, besides his own, wrote out also Mr. Hopkinson s from\\nminutes furnished by the latter, all but about two pages added by\\nMr. Hopkinson himself. The book of 406 pages was published\\nin 1 8 19 and made available for common knowledge in exact form\\nnot only the arguments in the case but also the decision itself,\\nwhich, says Chancellor Kent in his commentaries, did more\\nthan any other single act proceeding from the authority of the\\nUnited States to throw an impregnable barrier around all rights\\nand franchises derived from the grant of Government, and to\\ngive solidity and inviolability to the literary, charitable, religious\\nand commercial institutions of our country.\\nThe collapse of the University brought into clear view the\\nMr. Shirley has given an interesting account of its progress and mode of compilation.\\nChapter XI.\\nKent s Commentaries, Vol. I, p. 392.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University. 169\\ndisastrous state of its finances. From the beginning it had been\\nliving on the expectation of funds that belonged to the College\\nand of aid from the State. The entire expense of maintaining it\\nfor two years, from March 4, 1817 to March i, 1819, including\\nthe expense of litigation, had been about $8,000, and aside from\\nthe $4,000 received from the State as a loan in 18 18 its cash\\nreceipts from students quarter bills, its only source of revenue,\\nhad amounted by March, 18 19, to not quite $300. A nearly\\nequal amount was due from students on their notes or bonds, but\\nthis of course was not collectible, though about $100 were paid\\nwithin a year,^ so that the total amount ultimately accruing to the\\nUniversity from students was not far from $400. Upward of\\n$500 was, indeed, received from the rents of the lands given by\\nPresident Wheelock, but the gifts themselves becoming void\\nby the conditions, these rents were in the end claimed by\\nMrs. Allen, heir of President Wheelock, and were paid over\\nto her. From the lessees of the college lands nothing at all was\\nderived, or from the funds of Moor s School or from the Scotch\\nfunds. The loan from the State had quickly disappeared in the\\npartial payment of overdue salaries, in necessary expenses and\\nin the fees of counsel, leaving a considerable load of debt, which\\nsteadily increased.\\nThe first, and in fact the only, question before the Trustees of\\nthe University after the final decision against them, was how to\\nobtain the money with which to pay their debts, especially the\\namounts due those who had accepted their invitation to pro-\\nfessorships and had carried on the work of the University. They\\nhad no funds and no income, nor could they expect any gifts\\nexcept from the legislature, in carrying out whose acts they had\\ncontracted their debts. When, therefore, according to adjourn-\\nment from the last annual meeting, they came together in\\nMason s hall in Concord on June 4, their only business was to\\nappoint a committee, Messrs. Darling, Eastman and Hale, to\\nsettle the accounts of the treasurer. Adjourning to the 9th\\nthey met again at Hutchins s Hotel in Concord, the last meeting\\nof which there is a record, and appointed a committee to meet\\na committee of the Legislature, should one be appointed, and\\ndisclose to them the state of the concerns of the Corporation and\\nthe amount of its debts, dues and claims. Mr. Darling was\\nchosen treasurer in place of Dr. Perkins, who resigned, and a\\nvote was passed, though it was recognized as wanting in validity,\\nLetter of President Allen to Committee of Legislature.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "170 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nfixing the salary due Mr. Allen, as President and Professor of\\nTheology, at $1,200 a year for his two years of service.\\nIn the discharge of its duty the committee presented to the\\nlegislature in June the following petition which is in the hand-\\nwriting of President Allen\\nThe undersigned, in behalf of the Trustees of Dartmouth University beg\\nleave respectfully to represent that under the acts of your honorable body,\\namending the charter of Dartmouth College, passed in the year 1816, the cor-\\nporation was duly organized notwithstanding the refusal of the former Trustees\\nof the College to submit to those acts; that the necessary ofificers of the Uni-\\nversity were appointed; and that the course of instruction under this new\\norganization commenced in March 181 7, amidst peculiar difficulties, which are\\ntoo well known to require explanation, the Institution was supported, and the\\nnumber of students was increasing with rapidity, when circumstances occurred,\\nwhich in March last, constrained the immediate officers of the University to\\nsuspend the course of instruction.\\nSoon after it was known that the Supreme Court of the U. S. had expressed\\nan opinion on the suit brought by the former Trustees of the College, these\\nofficers were forcibly dispossessed of the buildings belonging to the Seminary,\\neven while suits for the recovery of those buildings were still pending in the\\nCourt of the U. S. Thus deprived of the necessary buildings the officers of\\nthe University permitted the students to seek an admission into other literary\\ninstitutions. Since this period the Executrix of the late Treasurer has deliv-\\nered to the former Trustees all the records and evidences of property which\\nhad been sued for; this delivery by agreement of parties being accepted instead\\nof the damages recovered. By this event, resulting from the decision of the\\nSupreme Court of the U. S. your memorialists have been deprived of all the\\nancient funds of the Seminary, from which they have derived no benefit, and\\nby the same decision the liberal donation and bequest of the late President\\nWheelock may be forfeited, they being made in consequence of the acts of\\n1 8 16, and liable to become void in case those acts should be rendered nugatory.\\nThese unexpected occurrences have deprived your memorialists of the means\\nof fulfilling their pecuniary engagements to the officers whom they have em-\\nployed in the various departments of the Seminary- entrusted to their care,\\nand who have labored diligently and with reputation in the discharge of their\\nrespective duties.\\nIt was in the faith that the Acts of your honorable body, designed to improve\\nwhat was thought to be a public institution, and what all the authorities of\\nN. H. have declared to be such, were valid, that your memorialists in fulfilling\\nyour wishes pertaining to the interests of literature and science solicited the\\nservices of these officers; and it is in the perfect confidence that the honorable\\nlegislature of N. H. in their justice and wisdom and liberality will provide for\\nthe reward of those services, and will shield from loss, at least in some degree,\\nthe men who have acted under your authority, that your memorialists present\\nthis subject to your consideration.\\n^Sta^tefdeiS-.New Hampshire Patriot, }\\\\x\\\\v is. 1 819.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "1815-1820/\\nThe College and the University.\\n171\\nAs your Agents the Trustees of the University are ready to exhibit a state-\\nment of the expenditures of the said institution as your honorable body may\\nrequire.\\nJoshua Darling\\nThomas Beede\\nJohn Harris\\nCommittee of the Trustees of Dartmouth University.\\nConcord, June 6th, 1819\\nThis petition was referred on the nth, to a committee of ten,\\nto which the Senate joined two,^ and on the 17th the committee\\nmade a report without recommendations but with a clear state-\\nment of the financial affairs of the University. Its receipts and\\nexpenses were given as follows\\nDARTMOUTH UNIVERSITY.\\n1817-1819.\\nReceipts\\nLoan from the Legislature $4000.\\nRents of lands given by\\nJ. Wheelock 517-56\\nTuition of students 297.32\\n$4814..\\nExpenses\\nPaid to Mrs. Allen, heir of\\nof J. Wheelock on fail-\\nure of his gift by ad-\\nverse decision $517-56\\nCounsel fees at Washing-\\nton 750.\\nIchabod Bartlett, Coun-\\nsel 108.\\nSalaries:\\nPrest. Allen $500.\\nProf. Dean 500,\\nCarter 740.\\nSearle 100.\\n1840.\\nPrest. Allen, Sundries 92.70\\nProf. Dean, expenses of\\ndefending suit on acct.\\nLibraries 33.\\nProf. Carter ditto 59-65\\nTreas. Woodward sund. 165.45\\nCyrus Perkins 200.00\\nExp. to Washington 233.20\\nComet, dinner c. c. 480.73\\nBal. in hand Treas. 334-69\\n$4814.88\\nHubbard, Bellows, Baker and\\nMessrs. Toppan, Parrott, Pierce, Hall, Evans, Thayer, H.\\nBlodgett of the House, and McClary and Durkee of the Senate.\\nH. J., pp. 344-351- There Is an error of lo cts. in the footing of the expenses, the correct\\naddition being $4,814.98. The mistake was in stating some item, but there is no means of\\ndetermining in which item the error lies. During the summer the balance was still further\\nreduced by the payment of Jioo to George Sullivan, the other New Hampshire counsel.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "172 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. X.\\nThe debts and assets made a bad showing.\\nDebts\\nA ssets\\nTo Wm. Allen, salary\\n$1460.17\\nDue from students\\n$290.09\\nProf. Dean,\\n723-35\\nBal. in Treas hands\\n334.69\\nCarter,\\n403-85\\nSearle,\\n500.\\nW. H. Wood-\\nward\\n412.41\\nNot provided for\\n3000.\\n$3624.78 $3624.78\\nThe legislature seemed to recognize its obligation to pay the\\ndebts of the University and the next day a committee of three\\nmembers from the House and one from the Senate was ap-\\npointed with instructions to report the requisite resolves for\\nsettling the concerns of said institution. On July i, the com-\\nmittee introduced resolves to pay Mr. Allen $1,247.80; and $125\\non account of Moor s School, and to the three professors the sums\\nmentioned in the report. As a substitute for these resolutions a\\nmotion to appoint a committee of three to audit the claims, and\\nallow what they thought just and reasonable and authorizing\\nthe payment of the audited claims by the Governor was lost,\\n87 to 73, but the same persons were appointed a committee to\\naudit all accounts against the University and to make a specific\\nand particular report at the next session of the General Court\\nwhat sum is due to each officer, and for what particular service,\\nand the full amount requisite to discharge said claims, by a\\nvote of 80 yeas to 79 noes.\\nThis committee reported, June 22, 1820, that there were due\\nto\\nPresident Allen for salary $899 07\\nPresident Allen for Moor s School 125.00\\nProfessor Dean for salary 692 00\\nProfessor Carter for salary 460 00\\nProfessor Searle for salary 500 00\\nMr. Woodward s estate 785 28\\nMessrs. J. Pitman, M. Brown and Cogswell from the House and Dan Young from the Senate.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2John Bell, Jr., and Richard H. Ayer, members of the Council, and William Pickering the\\nState treasurer.\\nH. J., p. a6o. The reduction in the sum proposed for President Allen was due to a credit\\nof $483.37 which he gave the University (see his letter to the committee) for various items, and\\nto the throwing out of his claim for interest. It was generally thought that f 1,200 were a large\\nsum for his annual salary.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "1815-1820.] The College and the University, 173\\nThere were also other unknown claims, and in the judgment of\\nthe committee it would require $3,461.35 to meet existing claims.\\nNo action was taken on the report, but at the November session\\nit was taken up on the 23dS and on the next day Mr. Hubbard\\nof Charlestown introduced a resolution to pay Professor Dean\\n$692, which was carried, no to 63. On the 28th2 resolutions to\\npay Professors Carter and Searle the sums mentioned in the report\\nwere offered and refused. In the afternoon the resolution to pay\\nProfessor Searle was again called up and passed, 94 to 83, and\\nalso one to pay Professor Carter was passed, 92 to 68. Two days\\nlater a vote to pay the estate of Mr. Woodward $785.28 was lost,\\nbut later in the day the vote was reconsidered and it was referred\\nto a committee, which reported favorably, December 6, but after\\nseveral amendments were proposed and lost, the original motion\\nwas lost, 74 to 114. On the 12th of December the Senate pro-\\nposed to reduce the payments to Professor Dean to $500, to\\nProfessor Carter to $184, and to Professor Searle to $300.\\nThese proposals were all accepted by the House, but Governor\\nBell withheld his assent, saying that he had not gathered from\\nthe acts and proceedings of the legislature any evidence that it\\nwas the intention to guarantee the payment, and could not,\\ntherefore, consider the claims as debts due from the State. If\\nregarded as donations on account of a loss resulting from an unex-\\npected judicial decision, he believed them inexpedient at a time\\nof general pressure and embarrassment. On the reconsideration\\nof the question after the Governor s veto the necessary two-\\nthirds majority was obtained in the Senate, but not in the House,\\nthe vote there being yeas 98, nays 78. But three years later a\\nresolution passed both houses to pay to Professor Dean $500,\\nand he only of the University officers received anything from the\\nlegislature. To them, therefore, the result was that for two\\nyears services President Allen received in money and accounts\\n$983.37, Professor Dean received $1,000, Professor Carter $740,\\nand Treasurer Woodward nothing. Professor Searle, for one\\nyear s services and for expenses and losses occasioned by remov-\\ning to Hanover from Maryland, received $100. He died soon\\nafter, leaving a family in needy circumstances, and in June, 1824,*\\nMr. Olcott applied to the legislature anew in behalf of the widow,\\na sister of the late Treasurer Woodward, but the matter was\\npostponed to the autumn session and then dropped. At the\\nH. J., p. 93. S. J., p. 160; H. J., p. 254; 1823.\\nH. J., p. I23f. H. J., pp. 94, 103, 126, June; 69, November.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "174 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. x.\\nsame session a joint resolution of December i, somewhat tar-\\ndily cancelled the bond given by the Trustees of the University\\nfor repayment of the loan of $4,000.^ A resolution for the par-\\ntial payment of Professor Carter passed the Senate in June, 1824,^\\nbut was lost in the House (73 ayes to 120 noes), though reported\\nfavorably from the committee by Mr. Durkee of Hanover. In\\n1825 another ineffectual attempt to get payment out of the\\nLiterary Fund was the last echo of University affairs in the\\nlegislature.\\n\u00c2\u00bbH. J., pp. 86. 94- *Ibid\\nIbid p. 108, 1824; pp. 201. 324; 1825.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "^2: ^i^ t:^-^^^^", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XL\\n1820-1828.\\nTHE COLLEGE UNDER PRESIDENTS DANA AND TYLER.\\nUPON the final determination of the great controversy there\\nwas equal anxiety among the friends of the university stu-\\ndents as to the treatment they were to expect from the successful\\nBoard, and among the friends of the College abroad that the\\nvictory should be received with moderation. Both were grati-\\nfied with the spirit displayed by the college Trustees. Announce-\\nment was made that the students of the University would be\\nreceived on the same terms as from any other New England\\ncollege, and most availed themselves of the privilege.^ The\\nfew citizens of Hanover that had adhered to the university party\\ngenerally accepted the result with good nature. Col. Brewster,\\nwho had been one of President Allen s most active and influential\\nsupporters, now threw all his weight in favor of harmony, and\\nhearty good will to the College, and in 1820, he then being high\\nsheriff for Grafton County by the appointment of Governor\\nPlumer, served as marshal at Commencement. The influence\\nof President Allen himself was cast in the end in the same direc-\\ntion, and by 1820 the feelings of all were so far soothed that on\\nthe invitation of Professor Shurtleff he preached in the College\\npulpit, but he took for his theme the life of Stephen as an illus-\\ntration of the persecution suffered by good men. He continued\\nto reside in the Wheelock mansion for about a year, until he was\\ncalled to the presidency of Bowdoin College. The other members\\nof the university Faculty lost no time in seeking a more congenial\\natmosphere. Professor Dean returned to Burlington, Vt., where\\nin 1822 he resumed the professorship of mathematics in the\\nUniversity, which he had given up to come to Hanover .2 Pro-\\nfessor Carter became the editor of the New York Statesman\\nDartmouth Gazette, March lo, April 21, 1819.\\nJudge Nesmith of the class of 1820 describes Professor Dean as short and fat with very short\\nlegs set near together so that his knees rubbed when he walked, and he had them padded on\\nthe inside with leather. He was bom in Windsor, Vt., and was graduated at Dartmouth in\\n1800. He was prominent as a mathematician, the author of some small publications in mathe-\\nmatics and, in 1808, of a Gazetteer of Vermont. He died at Burlington, Vt., January ao, 1849,\\naged 73.\\n175", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "176 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nin Albany, N. Y., and Professor Searle, the only one of the three\\nwho was married, died October 15, 1821.^\\nMr. Hill and the Patriot found it hard to be reconciled. In\\nthe New Hampshire Register for 18 18 and 1819, published by\\nMessrs. Hill and Moore, the roster of the University only had\\nbeen given, no allusion whatever being made to the College. In\\nthe issues for 1820 and 1821 the College resumes its place, with a\\nbrief account of the recent legislation and decisions, and the\\nfollowing bitter comment: By this decision it is to be under-\\nstood that the people of New Hampshire as a State have no\\nlonger an interest in Dartmouth College. A similar spirit\\nprevailed, as we shall see, to a large degree in the official circles\\nof the dominant party for several years, till time and the wise\\ndiscretion of the college fathers disarmed hostility.\\nAt the time of the decision at Washington (February, 181 9)\\nthe college Trustees were under adjournment to the 28th of\\nApril. Governor Plumer was notified of the meeting but de-\\nclined to attend, as a difference of opinion exists between us\\nas to the question of right to hold it, and as those who claim the\\nauthority to adjudicate on that question have not made a final\\ndecision. On assembling, the first act of the Trustees was to\\naccept the resignation of ex-Governor Gilman, that was ten-\\ndered in the following friendly terms:\\nExeter, April 8,1819,\\nSir, I hereby resign my office as a member of the Board of Trustees of\\nDartmouth College.\\nThis would have taken place some years ago if I had thought it would have\\nbeen beneficial to the College, or was wished for by the board; but I had\\nreasons to think otherwise, which are certainly known to some, and probably\\nto all the members of the board. Please to present my respects to them. With\\nbest wishes for the prosperity of Dartmouth College, and for your health and\\nhappiness. I am, c.\\nJ, T. Oilman.\\nRev. Francis Brown.\\nPresident of Dartmouth College.\\nJeremiah Mason was chosen as successor to Governor Gilman,\\nbut declined the ap^jointment because of his inability to perform\\nthe duties of the office.\\nCommittees were next appointed to demand from Rev.\\nWilliam Allen the library and apparatus, and to settle with\\nMrs. Woodward, executrix of the late treasurer defendant. Mrs.\\nProfessor Carter left Albany In 1822, and later, after traveling abroad published Letters\\nfrom Europe in two volumes. He died of consumption at Marseilles, France, January a,\\n1830.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 177\\nWoodward gladly surrendered the records and the seal, the care\\nof which had caused her deep anxiety. Fearing their loss or\\ninjury by violence she had kept them for a long time hidden in a\\nbin of grain. The ancient seal was immediately restored to\\nuse. In addition to a committee to address the public there\\nwas a hint of vengeance in the appointment of a committee to\\nbring in at the next meeting charges against Professor Perkins,\\nof the Medical Department. But their services were not required.\\nThe Doctor had volunteered in the contest with so much ardor\\nthat he himself recognized the propriety of a separation by a\\ngood-natured resignation in June, and he removed to New York\\nCity where he became a successful physician.\\nThe Commencement of 18 19 was naturally an occasion for\\ngreat rejoicing, and there was an unusual concourse of the friends\\nof the College to celebrate its triumph. There was no formal\\nrecognition of victory, but the presence of Mr. Webster was a\\nsufficient reminder of the fact, and at a dinner of the Phi Beta\\nKappa Society at the Dartmouth Hotel after the public exercises\\nof the society on Thursday, at which the address was given by\\nAugustus Peabody of Boston, a congratulatory vote was passed\\nfor his success in the college case. At the exercises of Com-\\nmencement day the valedictory, with an oration on The Fine\\nArts as Affecting the Republican Character, was given by\\nRufus Choate. He was also to have given an address before the\\nSocial Friends Society, but was prevented by illness.^ The\\nTrustees at their meeting passed votes of thanks to the eminent\\ncounsel for their services in the college cases, and asked them\\nto sit for their portraits, to be painted by Steward. The por-\\ntraits are now in the possession of the College but it was several\\nyears before they were secured.\\nThe finances of the College were only less disorganized than\\nthose of the University. During the struggle it had received\\nno income from its property and depended wholly upon the re-\\nceipts from students quarter bills and from subscriptions. In\\nboth these things it was more fortunate than the University.\\nThe average number of students was about a hundred and brought\\nin a nominal annual income of over $2,300, from which, however,\\nthere was always considerable loss in uncollectible accounts.\\nSubscriptions were diligently pushed by President Brown, Pro-\\nfessors Adams and Shurtleff and the Trustees, throughout New\\n1 Dartmouth Gazette, August 25; Portsmouth Oracle, August 28, 1819. Choate s Valedictory\\nwas printed in full in The Dartmouth, September 1872, p. 315.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "178 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xi.\\nHampshire, in eastern Massachusetts, and in Vermont and New\\nYork. Besides the $1,000 given by Mr. Wheeler there were\\nreceived between 181 7 and 181 9, in sums ranging from a few\\ncents to $500, various subscriptions amounting to $3,885.10,\\nof which about $1,450 were contributed in Boston. In addition\\nto these receipts a subscription was made of $1,000, of which\\nMills Olcott subscribed $600, to pay a part of what was due the\\ncollege officers in case the suit should be determined against the\\nTrustees, but, of course, it was not called for in the event. The\\nrevenues of the College from all sources combined were entirely\\ninsufficient to meet its expenses, and like the University it was\\noppressed with a heavy load of debt, so that the Trustees nat-\\nurally turned for relief to the legislature whose acts had brought\\nthem into such straits, and a committee, consisting of Messrs.\\nPaine, Payson and Olcott, was appointed with discretionary\\nauthority to apply to that body for aid and indemnity.\\nThere was no lack of losses upon which to base a claim for\\nindemnity, however improbable of allowance by the legislature\\nin its existing temper. The actual expenses of litigation were\\nestimated at not less than $6,000.^ In counsel fees for the suit\\nin the State court there were paid Jeremiah Smith $150, Jere-\\nmiah Mason $100, Daniel Webster $50, and for the action at\\nWashington, there were paid Webster $1,000 and Hopkinson\\n$500, The loss of the use of buildings and apparatus for two\\nyears had occasioned great inconvenience and some pecuniary\\ndamage; but the shrinkage of tuition fees from djiminution of\\nstudents, and the loss of rents of rooms and of lands were by far\\nthe most tangible and formidable items. The tenants of the\\nlands, having tasted immunity from rents, were not easily brought\\nagain to payment. In Wheelock, which was then a principal\\nsource of income, each party having forbidden payment to the\\nother, no rents at all were collected for more than four years.\\nThe tenants, lawless at best and now freed from control, and\\nbelieving themselves freed forever, did their pleasure in waste\\nand dilapidation. 2 The College was driven to the courts, and\\nin many cases obliged to compound for half the arrears. The\\nlosses in Wheelock alone were estimated at five or six thousand\\ndollars, and a statement prepared for the Trustees by Professor\\nDartmouth College and the Slate of New Hampshire, p. i6. This pamphlet of 23 pages\\nwas a reprint of articles by a citizen of New Hampshire and a citizen of Vermont, published\\nm the New Hampshire Statesman, and the Concord Register, between November 28, 1828; and\\nApril II, 1839.\\nDartmouth College and the State of New Hampshire, o. 6.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 179\\nAdams in May, 1819, estimated the damage from other causes\\nat $8,771.50.\\nSince the experience with a hostile member from home, in the\\nlegislature of 1816, the college district in Hanover had taken\\ncare to be represented by a friend. This year it was Mr. Olcott.\\nHis colleague from the eastern section was Augustus Storrs,\\nwho was also a friend to the College. On the 14th of ^une Mr.\\nOlcott, acting on the discretion given to the committee, laid in\\nthe memorial of the college Board.\\nTo the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of the State of New\\nHampshire now convened at Concord:\\nThe Trustees of Dartmouth College respectfully represent that the Honor-\\nable legislature of this State in the year i8l6 passed sundry acts relating to\\nsaid College in consequence of which great damages and expenditures have been\\nsustained. For a great part of these damages and expenditures your mem-\\norialists deem themselves to have a good and valid claim against individuals,\\nbut it would better accord with their wishes, and as they trust with the honor\\nand dignity of the State that other provision should be made for remuneration,\\nand as this subject is now before this Hon. legislature your memorialists pray\\nyour Hon. body that his Excellency the Governor be authorized and requested\\nto appoint a committee to ascertain the amount of said damages and expendi-\\ntures, who shall as soon as may be make report to him thereon and that his\\nExcellency on receiving said report be authorized and requested to make an\\norder on the Treasurer of the State in favor of the Treasurer of said College\\nfor the amount reported by said Committee.\\nAnd as in duty bound will ever pray\\nthe Trustees of Dartmouth College\\nby Mills Olcott their Treasurer.\\nThis memorial was referred to the committee that had in\\ncharge the similar request of the University. The House de-\\nmanded a single report on both petitions, but the Senate disa-\\ngreed to that order.^ A report, made on the 17th, was laid on the\\ntable, and a second committee reported on the 30th, that they\\ndid not find in the memorial any definite statement of facts\\nand principles to guide them in the recommendation of any reso-\\nlutions, and at their request were discharged from its further\\nconsideration. At the June session, 1820, the college memorial\\nwas referred to a new committee (Thomas Whipple, Ichabod\\nBartlett and Henry Hubbard of the House, all recognized parti-\\nsans of the University), and the whole subject went over to\\nNovember. At that session by the adoption of the report of\\nthe committee, which was made December 22, the prayer of the\\n1 H. J., p. 148; S. J., p. 368. H. J., p. 177.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "l8o History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xi.\\nTrustees for indemnity was definitively refused.^ In the lan-\\nguage of the report, their losses and expenses having been in-\\ncurred in consequence of voluntary resistance to acts which were\\ndeclared by the competent judicial authority of the State to be\\nvalid, the petitioners are not entitled to indemnity, nor can the\\nState consent to its payment without abandoning principles on\\nwhich its institutions are based.\\nIn October, 1820, nearly five thousand dollars were due to the\\nCollege officers for unpaid salary, and not only were there no\\ncertain means of payment, but the current annual expenses\\nexceeded the estimated income by nearly five hundred dollars.\\nA careful estimate at that time of the resources and liabilities of\\nthe College showed that the latter exceeded the former by $2,924-\\n.95. To make matters worse. President Allen and Mrs. Wheelock,\\nas executors of President Wheelock, made peremptory demand\\nin August, 1 8 19, for payment of the balances due the estate,\\nand brought suit for notes, interest and accounts amounting to\\nabout $7,900,2 fQj. $10,000 additional for the work, labor,\\ncare and diligence of Wheelock as President of the College. All\\nthese claims President Wheelock had released to the University\\nin his will, but they were now revived against the College, and\\npushed with ardor. The College had no means of payment and\\nthe idea was at first entertained of resisting the collection in\\nreliance upon the release to the University. Judge Smith was\\nretained as counsel to defend the suit, but after examining the\\ncase he reported that he could find no valid defence, and acting\\non his advice a settlement was agreed upon at the May term of\\ncourt, 1820, in favor of the plaintiffs, for $7,886.41 and costs of\\n$17.72, in all $7,904.13 and execution was issued May 30, 1821,\\nfor this and interest amounting to $8,385.84.^ The obligation\\nwas for many years a heavy burden on the College treasury\\nand was only discharged in 1832, practically from the results of\\nthe subscription then raised.\\nBut other anxieties than those for money beset the College. It\\nwas hardly to be expected that so strong a feeling as had existed\\n\u00c2\u00abH. J., p. 373-\\nThese notes were for arrears of salary, and the interest, which, when not paid, was com-\\npounded into new notes. The first, dated September 2, 1809, was for J3, 144-58, payable in\\nseven annual instalments beginning in 18 13. No payments were made, and the interest\\nfalling into arrears was settled together with new arrears of salary by a note for |6or.S2, on\\nSeptember r, 1812. A similar note for 1433-66 was given in September, 1815, when there was\\nan additional acknowledged claim of 12,027.70. In 1819, when the settlement was made, the\\nvarious items amounted to $7,886.41.\\nRecords of Court.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. l8l\\nduring the contest should subside without some expression of\\nhostility, and the natural form for it to take was encouragement\\nto rival institutions. Some of the strongest partisans of the\\nUniversity lived in Vermont, and it was perhaps in the hope of\\nenlisting their support, as well as of profiting by the dissensions\\nin New Hampshire, that Capt. Alden Partridge, late of the United\\nStates engineers, who had resigned his office and the superin-\\ntendency of the Military Academy at West Point in consequence\\nof disagreement with his superior officers, estabUshed at Norwich,\\nVt., his native place, an American Scientific, Literary and\\nMilitary Academy, intended to some extent as a rival to the\\nUnited States establishment. Funds were subscribed and\\nbuildings capable of accommodating 160 students were projected\\nin April 1819. The first bricks were laid on August 6 of that\\nyear, with appropriate ceremonies, the Academy was opened to\\nstudents in September, 1821, and the catalogue, issued the\\nensuing November, carried the names of 117 cadets. Though\\neccentric, Capt. Partridge was an excellent manager and the\\nAcademy under his care was very prosperous, and undoubtedly\\nworked to the disadvantage of the College. In 1834 it was\\nincorporated by the Vermont legislature as Norwich University.\\nIn the spring of 1866 it suffered the loss by fire of one of its build-\\nings, and becoming reduced in numbers it was removed in the\\nfall to Northfield, Vt., under the name of Lewis College, but it\\nsubsequently resumed the name under which it was incorporated.\\nThere was a similar threatened rivalry in New Hampshire in\\nconnection with the Medical College. An eccentric anatomist,\\nDr. Alexander Ramsay,^ of Fryeburg, Me., opened a school of\\nmedicine on an extensive plan, in August, 1819, at Concord,\\nintending to keep it open till June, from regard for the wishes\\nof the Medical Society respecting his settlement there, and\\nDr. Alexander Rapisay was a tJMented Scotchman, born about 1760, who came to this coun-\\ntry from Edinburgh. During the Waj of 1812 he took refuge in the Old Country, returning\\nhere when it was over. He settled at Fryeburg, Me., and at North Conway, N. H., where he\\nmaintained at his own expense a school of anatomy, extending his lectures also to Quebec and\\nMontreal and to other places in the States. He lectured at Dartmouth in 1798, and made over-\\ntures for a permanent connection, which being declined occasioned some bitterness on his part.\\nHe had a very large and valuable collection of charts, and specimens wet and dry, by the use\\nof which he obviated, according to his system, the necessity of dissections by his students.\\nHe was very small of stature and deformed, occasioned by his nurse falling down stairs with\\nhim when he was a child. He was accustomed to express regrets that it did not instead break\\nthe nurse s neck. He was truly possessed of great learning, and was a most skillful anatomist.\\nThough eccentric to the last degree he was kind and generous in the same proportions. He\\ndied at Fryeburg or at Parsonsfield, Me., November 24, 1824. aged about 64. New Hampshirt\\nPatriot, June is, 1819; Allen s Biographical Dictionary; The Idler. published at North Con-\\nway, July, 1 880.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "1 82 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XL\\nexpecting some decisive measures for placing his school on a\\nfooting with other colleges, failing v\u00c2\u00bb hich he intended to retire\\nas a private teacher to Conway. On the 17th of the next\\nJune he presented to the legislature, then in session, a petition\\nfor aid from the State, which was referred to a committee for\\ninvestigation. 2 Three days later the committee reported that\\nDr. Ramsay asked that the State furnish him with suitable\\nrooms, consisting of a theater or museum, where he may safely\\ndeposit his invaluable establishment, a public dissecting room,\\nand a private dissecting room for the use of practitioners that\\nDr. Ramsay proposed to take personal charge for some years,\\nbut to introduce some American gentleman who should learn\\nhis method and becomie his successor, by which means no young\\nman can be sent ignorant from the College which he proposed to\\nestablish under the auspices of the legislature, and that he\\nfurther intimated that he would probably endow the seminary\\nwith his invaluable establishment and spend the residue of his\\nlife therein, rendering it all the aid and service in his power,\\nprovided that he could receive from the State a certain annuity\\nfor his support. Upon this proposition the committee re-\\nported that when they consider the expenses which must\\nattend the establishment and support of the proposed seminary,\\nand that the medical department of Dartmouth College not\\nonly leaves us not entirely destitute of an institution of this kind,\\nbut has heretofore contributed and is still contributing much\\nto the improvement and dissemination of medical science, they\\nare constrained to say that it is not expedient at present, if ever,\\nto adopt and prosecute the plan proposed by your petitioner.\\nThe report was accepted, putting an end to the project, and in\\nAugust following Dr. Ramsay returned with his school to North\\nConway. He announced his intention of selling his anatomical\\ninstitution, estimated at $15,000 to the Trustees of Dartmouth\\nCollege, but nothing ever came of it.^\\nPrevious to the opening of Dr. Ramsay s school at Concord a\\nmovement was made looking toward the control of the Medical\\nCollege at Hanover. A bill was privately drawn for the separate\\nincorporation of that institution under the control of Doctors\\nJosiah Bartlett of Stratham, Daniel Adams of Mount Vernon,\\nM. Spaulding of Amherst, J. H. Pierrepont of Portsmouth, Amos\\nNew Hampshire Regisler, p. io8; New Hampshire Patriot, June IS. 1819.\\nMessrs. T. Brown, A. Howe and J. Knight, H. J., pp. 192. aio.\\nNew Hampshire Patriot, July 4, 1820.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana arid Tyler. 183\\nTwitchell of Keene, Reuben D. Mussey and Cyrus Perkins of\\nHanover, and Thomas Whipple of Wentworth, and their asso-\\nciates, not to exceed twenty-five in all, with power to appoint\\nprofessors and confer degrees. To them was to be committed\\nthe building erected by the State and the apparatus, and they\\nwere to make annual report to the State authorities. Mr.\\nThompson believed that it was a contrivance of Perkins to\\ncontrol the establishment. But whatever its origin, the project\\nwas never brought to a vote. While it was under consideration\\nan attempt at conciliation was made by the Trustees that may\\nnot have been without its effect. Dr. Twitchell was invited to\\nthe chair of Anatomy and Surgery in the College, and though\\nhe declined, it was after long consideration and on financial\\ngrounds.\\nThe medical building was the property of the State. In 1809,\\nin response to a petition of Dr. Nathan Smith, the legislature\\nappropriated $3,450 for the construction of a suitable edifice at\\nHanover for the use of the Medical Institution, on condition that\\nhe would convey to the State a half acre of land near the College\\nand all of the anatomical museum and chemical apparatus that\\nwas his private property.\\nDr. Smith more than met the condition by conveying not only\\nhis part of the museum and apparatus, estimated as worth $1,500,\\nbut an acre of ground on what is now Observatory Hill, on the\\nsouthwest corner of which the building was erected. It was a\\nbrick structure 75 feet long, 32 feet wide, and three stories high,\\ninstead of two as originally planned. It was completed in 181 1,\\nand naturally cost more than the appropriation. For the excess,\\nLetters of H. Bond and T. W. Thompson to President Brown.\\nH. J., pp. 64, 72.\\nOn the 14th of May, 1810, Dr. Smith wrote to his fiiend, Dr. George C. Shattuck, of\\nBoston: I have at length determined to leave Hanover, but at present have not concluded\\non any certain place of future residence. The political parties are so very jealous of each\\nother and so near a balance that I have nothing to expect from either as some ignorant person\\nmight be offended at any grant or assistance voted by the Legislature to promote what they\\nterm the cutting up of dead bodies. No one will choose to advocate the measure and I\\nexpect they will, if not deemed too unconstitutional, revoke the grant made for that purpose\\nlast vear, and if that cannot be effected they will enact laws which will inflict corporal punish-\\nment on any person who is concerned in digging or dissecting. If the thing should take this\\ncourse it will afford me a good pretext for leaving the college and state, a thing which will not\\nbe disagreable to me. The proposal I made the State of giving land and the whole of my\\nmuseum and apparatus was too much to give, but while engaged in promoting the school in\\nthis place I felt willing to go all lengths in sacrificing on the Esculapean altar, but the conduct\\nof people and parties has cooled my ardor for laboring in my avocation in this place and de-\\ntermined me to sell my talents in physics and surgery to the highest bidder. [Letter in the\\npossession of Mrs. Allen Penniman Smith of Baltimore, Md.]", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "184 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\n$1,217.14,* Dr. Smith became personally responsible and in\\n1812 he petitioned the legislature to reimburse him, but though\\nthe committee, to which the matter was referred, reported in his\\nfavor the legislature declined to assume the debt by a vote of 58\\nto 96.2\\nOn the renewal of his petition in 1813 the legislature recognized\\nthe obligation, but went only so far as to vote that he should\\nreceive the rents of six rooms in the medical building to be applied\\nin payment of the interest and the principal of the debt of the\\nState. During the year Dr. Smith resigned his professorship\\nand went to New Haven, and Henry Hutchinson was appointed\\nthe agent of the State to care for the building, receive the rents\\nand to pay them to Dr. Smith The rents of the rooms, however,\\nwere not sufficient to meet the interest and make needed repairs,\\nmuch less to diminish the principal. In 1816 Dr. Smith again\\npetitioned the legislature for the payment of the money which\\nhe had advanced to complete the building, of which the State\\nhad the title, and on the 26th of December* Gen. James Poole\\nwas authorized to have an accounting with Dr. Smith and Mr.\\nHutchinson for all the moneys they had received in rents, and\\nafter these sums, which were to go to Dr. Smith, had been de-\\nducted from the $1,109.52 originally advanced by Dr. Smith, the\\ntreasurer was directed to pay him the balance with interest from\\nJanuary i, 1812. The amount of $1,449.55 was paid under this\\nvote in March, 1817.^ The care of the building for several years\\nwas in the hands of Gen. Poole, who annually turned into the\\ntreasury of the State the trifling sum coming from the rents.\u00c2\u00ae\\nAt the June sessions of 1819 and 1820 committees were ap-\\npointed to report on the relation of the State to the building,\\nbut nothing came of them. In November, 1819, a fire in the\\nupper story of the building caused no great damage, but gave\\npoint to a petition of the resident medical professors to the legis-\\nlature, then in session, that the rents of the building might be\\napplied to secure it against fire and for other purposes. The\\ncommittee to which it was referred, Messrs. Olcott, Whipple and\\nAllen, reported in favor of making the petitioners the agents of\\nIn 1813 the committee of the legislature reported the sum paid by Dr. Smith as li.iog.sa.\\nH. J., p. 93.\\nH. J., p. 82.\\nH. J., June 33, 1814. p. 176.\\nH. J., p. 248.\\nAccounts of the State Treasurer.\\nFor the nine years ending with 1826, the year of the last payment, the average sum paid the\\nState was 123.47-\\nH. J.. 1819, p. 108; H. J., 1820, p. 105.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "MEDICAL BUILDIXC, i8i", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 185\\nthe State to rent the rooms of the building and to apply the\\nrents in making it secure against fire and more convenient for the\\nuse of the museums and apparatus, and in case any surplus\\nshould remain of dividing it equally between the Medical Insti-\\ntution and the New Hampshire Medical Society, to be expended\\nin the purchase of books, but the report was not agreed to, 58\\nto 97. The ownership of the building by the State was of un-\\ndoubted value to the College, as it was an added reason for the\\nunwillingness to establish a literary institution in some other\\nplace than Hanover, and thus separate the interests of the State.\\nGovernor Plumer retired at the beginning of the session of\\n18 19 with a farewell message of much self-laudation, but contain-\\ning no allusion to the College or the University. His successor,\\nGovernor Samuel Bell, of the same political party, was a grad-\\nuate of the College in 1793, and from 1808 to 181 1 a member of\\nthe college Board of Trust. As associate justice of the Supreme\\nCourt he had concurred with Judges Richardson and Woodbury\\nin upholding the university acts, and had transferred to the\\nUniversity his son then a member of the junior class in College.^\\nIn his message he made general allusion to the importance of\\nthe interests of literature which cannot be neglected without\\nendangering alike the cause of religion, morality and freedom.\\nThis clause was referred to a special committee^ consisting of\\nMessrs. Brodhead of the Senate, and J. Pitman, D. Gale, Barrett,\\nHeald and Olcott of the House. The hand of the last is readily\\nsuspected in the report, brought in June 30.^\\nThat they perceive with much satisfaction that the interests of literature\\nas stated by his Excellency partake of the common prosperity, and they trust\\nthat it will be no less the pleasure than it is made the duty of this and every\\nfuture legislature to cherish interests so essential to the preservation of a free\\ngovernment. Your committee are not aware of any particular legislative\\nprovision which is required for the encouragement of literature, and not em-\\nbraced in the subjects already committed to other committees, and which have\\nbeen or may be presented for the consideration of the legislature. From the\\npresent dispassionate state of the public mind, it may reasonably be expected\\nthat those exertions will be crowned with abundant success, which will promote\\nuseful knowledge and sound learning in the community.\\nOn June 19, however, a committee was appointed to consider\\nthe expediency of establishing a public literary institution in this\\nLetter of President Brown, Shirley, p. 291, explained by G. W. Nesmith.\\nH. J., p. 135; S. J., p. 120.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2H. J., p. 336.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "1 86 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XL\\nState, and report suitable measures for that purpose.^ By their\\nrecommendation on July 2, a joint resolution was passed referring\\nthe subject to a special committee therein named, of which Presi-\\ndent Allen was chairman, to consider the expediency and prac-\\nticability of establishing a public literary institution in this\\nState; in what place it would be proper to locate the same; to\\nascertain what funds can be obtained for that purpose; to digest\\na plan for establishing and organizing said institution, and to\\nreport thereon to the legislature at their next session.\\nNothing came of this action, however, as President Allen, much\\nto his honor, declined to have anything to do with the matter,\\non the ground that one college was enough for the State, though\\nhe suggested the establishment of a Board of Overseers with the\\nconsent of the Trustees, a suggestion which, as we shall see, was\\nalso in the mind of the Board.\\nHanover, March 3, 1820,\\nWm. Pickering Esq.:\\nDear Sir, I understand, though I have received no official notice of the\\nappointment, that I am Chairman of a committee, of which you are a member,\\non the subject of a public literary institution for New Hampshire. As Chair-\\nman you may expect some communication from me on the subject of our com-\\nmission; but as I am preparing to remove from the State, and as it may not\\nbe in my power to meet with the committee, I think it proper and necessary\\nthat my duties should devolve on Judge Vose, whose name stands next to\\nmine \u00c2\u00a9n the list of the committee.\\nIt has occurred to me that if a board of overseers could be constituted for\\nD. College, consisting either of some of the principal officers of government,\\nor of gentlemen chosen by the legislature, the result would be more favorable\\nto the interests of literature and science than if a new college should be created.\\nAnd I should hope the Trustees would now feel the importance of legislative\\npatronage, and would be willing that the State should acquire this control\\nover the seminary which has received repeated grants from the legislature,\\nand which must need other grants.\\nI merely suggest this project. Perhaps it will occur to the committee, or\\nthey may devise a better one.\\nI am Dear Sir, very respectfully,\\nYour friend and servant,\\nWm. Allen.\\nThe committee consisted of Messrs. Young and Brodhead of the Senate and from the House,\\nMessrs. Pitman, Toppan, Pierce, N. Taylor, W. Whitman. T. Brown, Dan Hough, Kneeland,\\nWhipple and Webster, H. J., p. 200; S. J., p. I73-\\n2 The committee consisted of Rev. William Allen, Hanover, Roger Vose, WalpoU, George B.\\nUpham, Claremont, Rev. Nathan Packer, Portsmoulh, Stephen Moody, Gilmanton, William Pick-\\nering, Concord, Joshua Darling, Henniker, Richard H. Ayer, Dunbarton, Thomas Whipple,\\nWentworlh, and John P. Hale, Rochester. Five of these had been members of one or the other\\nof the University Boards. H. J., p. 362.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 187\\nThe next year, June, 1820, the message of Governor Bell\\nalluded rather more pointedly to the duty of a liberal encourage-\\nment of the higher seminaries of education adding that the\\nlaw should afford them ample support and adequate security\\nagainst the intrusion of unqualified persons into the important\\ntrust of instructing youth. The subject was referred to a\\ncommittee of which Isaac Hill was chairman, which reported\\nJune 17:^\\nThat after making all due enquiries they are unable to suggest any distinct\\nproposition on which it would be expedient to act the present session. They\\nhad anticipated from a committee appointed at the last session a communica-\\ntion on the practicability and expediency of establishing a public literary Insti-\\ntution in this State which should deserve the countenance and patronage of the\\nLegislature which should be worthy of the guardian care of a government\\nthat has always been liberal in proportion to its means. That such an insti-\\ntution will sooner or later go into operation under the high auspices of the\\npeople of New Hampshire cannot be doubted. The embarrassment and want\\nof funds resulting from the peculiar times will not admit the commencement\\nof such an Institution at the present period; yet prudent and enlightened\\nlegislators ought not to lose sight of the object.\\nAt the session of the legislature in June, 1821, two measures\\nindicated the still unsettled state of opinion in connection with\\nthe College. In his message Governor Bell recommended con-\\nferring upon the Superior Court a chancery jurisdiction with\\nspecial reference to the regulation and control of the trustees\\nof funds devoted to religious, literary and charitable purposes,\\nand in accordance with his suggestion a bill to that end was passed\\nJune 21.^\\nOn June 29 an act was passed for the establishment of a Lit-\\nerary Fund, to be derived from a stamp tax imposed on bank\\ncirculation, and devoted and pledged to the future endowment\\nand support of a college for instruction in the higher branches\\nof science and literature in the State; with a proviso that it should\\nnever be applied to the benefit of any institution which was\\nnot under the direction and control of the State. The fund was\\nentrusted to the governor, secretary and treasurer to manage\\nand invest the annual receipts which were to accumulate for\\nthat object alone.\\nBefore this was done, Mr. Olcott, who again sat in the House\\nfor Hanover, perceiving the drift of matters there, in concurrence\\nS. J., p. 134. H. J., p. 31. Pamphlet Laws. p. 379-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "l88 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nwith some other friends of the College, formed a plan to turn the\\nwould-be hostile movement to the advantage of the College in\\nthe manner formerly proposed to the legislature in 1816 by Messrs.\\nThompson, McFarland and Paine, and later suggested by Presi-\\ndent Allen, in his letter to Mr. Pickering, the establishment of a\\nBoard of Overseers. Before broaching it, however, he took the\\nprecaution to consult Mr, Webster.\\nSome of the friends of old D. College who are here have thought that her real\\ninterest might be subserved by some legislative arrangements at this tim.e,\\nwhereby not only State patronage, but State funds, should be obtained. They\\nhave thought of a board of overseers, say of 20, to include the president\\nof the Senate, the speaker of the House, the others to be appointed by the\\nGovernor Council, to have a vote upon the appointment, c., of the trus-\\ntees, afterwards fill up their own vacancies themselves, to be somewhat on\\nthe footing of Cambridge. A tax is expected to be raised for the State treas-\\nury this session from banks, from this fund have say $5,000 annually for\\nten years appropriated for D. C. There is no real college man in the Legis.,\\nexcept Bro. Ez. my humble self, we cannot have the benefit of consulting\\nwith trustees.\\nI therefore take the liberty to ask your advice as to the policy of attempting\\nthis or any thing of the kind, more especially of the best way to bring Mason s\\ngiant abilities influence into hearty strenuous exercise. He can do here\\n(as he can almost everywhere) what he chooses to set himself about in earnest.\\nHe has been consulted, I believe is sincerely well disposed; but unless he is\\nthe prime mover, so that it acquires its momentum from him in the first in-\\nstance, I should hardly expect success in effecting anything. Some influential\\nrepublicans profess to be pleas d with a reconciliation, though it has only been\\nwhispered to a few.\\nWill you take the trouble to give me your views of what is advisable on this\\nsubject as early as may be. You may rely on its being strictly confidential, if\\nyou wish it.\\nMr. Webster s reply was conclusive in its opposition to the\\nproposition\\nI wish I had more hope of good than I have to the College from the Legis-\\nlature. Of course you know best the feeling on such subjects at present\\nexisting, but for myself I do not believe the College could get a dollar from the\\nGenl. Court. They would be very likely to accept the proposition to appoint\\noverseers, but as to the money part of the bargain I do not think they would\\ngive a cent. Besides, I do not think the present a favorable moment to create\\na board of overseers by executive appointment, with power afterwards of\\nfilling their own vacancies. It is easy to see what sort of men would be first\\nappointed, what sort of men they would perpetuate. All would be political\\nnothing literary. My own impression is, that if the College must die, it is", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "i82o-i8\u00c2\u00ab8.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 189\\nbetter that it should die a natural death. A board of overseers, such as would\\nprobably be appointed, would negative every important nomination of the\\ntrustees. Of this I have no sort of doubt. There are reasons not applicable\\nto D. College, to such a board as you would create, which alone prevented\\nelsewhere the utmost embarrassment.\\nI have given my opinion, as you request, beg you to treat it as entirely\\nconfidential. I have no room to state reasons at large. At any rate, I should\\nnot think it expedient to move in the matter without much circumspection,\\na previously arranged plan, which should have reed, the approbation of the\\ntrustees. Is there any reliance to be placed in the quarter from which the\\nfirst appointments would proceed? My own judgment opinion do not\\nanswer that question favorably.\\nIn the College itself the close of the controversy was the signal\\nof change. Even before it was ended, and in the darkest hour,\\nfatal illness laid hold of President Brown. His constitution,\\ndelicate at best, was impaired by his unremitted labors and anx-\\nieties, and soon after Commencement in 18 18 he began to show\\nsigns of pulmonary disease. A slight hoarseness was followed\\nby hemorrhages from the lungs, and he was obliged to give up\\npublic speaking. He preached his last sermon at Thetford,\\nOctober 6, 18 18, and, recognizing his danger, he strove to meet\\nit by rest and change. A journey to western New York in the\\nautumn gave no relief, and a second tour was undertaken in\\nOctober of the next year (1819) to the South. As he was then\\ntoo weak to go alone his wife accompanied him, driving a horse\\nand chaise, and in this manner they made the journey to Rich-\\nmond, Va., and Salisbury, N. C. The means for the journey\\nwere provided by a gift of $900 made to President Brown by seven\\nor eight gentlemen at the Commencement in August. They\\nwere accompanied on horseback by David L. Nichols, a graduate\\nof the class of 1816, himself out of health, who was obhged to\\nleave them at Richmond on the return, and was replaced by a\\nyoung colored boy, named Mitchell, who came home with them\\nand remained an inmate of the family after Dr. Brown s death.\\nIt was, indeed, a forlorn hope and few expected the President s\\nreturn. Dr. Nathan Smith, being absent from home when he\\npassed through New Haven, did not see him, but wrote to\\nMr. Olcott that from the reports brought to him he was appre-\\nhensive that there must have been some insanity on the part of\\nhis friends in Hanover or they would not have suffered him to", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "190 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XL\\nset out on such a forlorn hope. Those who saw the most of him\\nhere do not think that he will reach South Carolina.\\nThey returned, nevertheless, safely to Hanover in June fol-\\nlowing, but without benefit to President Brown s health. As he\\napproached Hanover the news of his coming spread among the\\nstudents and they wished to go out to escort him home, but\\nthough he was affected to tears he declined the honor, saying\\nthat he had need of pall-bearers rather than a triumplial proces-\\nsion, and coming to his home he prepared to die. During his\\nlast days it was his purpose to bring each class to his bedside\\nthat he might bid them a personal farewell, but his strength\\nfailed when he had met but two of them. His death, which had\\nbeen hourly expected, occurred at one o clocjc in the afternoon of\\nJuly 27, 1820, a day of unusual summer beauty and stillness,\\nand was announced to the sorrowing village by the tolling of the\\nbell. His funeral was attended four days later in the church,\\nwhen the Handel Society sang the anthem that was composed\\nfor the funeral of the Princess Charlotte.\\nIn person President Brown was unusually dignified and com-\\nmanding, yet natural and graceful in carriage. His large, full\\nhazel eye, and genial, beaming face invited confidence, but his\\nexpression was so penetrating and sagacious as to forbid decep-\\ntion, and repel familiarity. When the occasion required he could\\nbe terribly severe, but this severity had nothing of personal anger\\nin it. To govern young men was natural and easy to him. He\\nrarely used the language of command. A wish, or request\\nexpressed in the mildest form was with the students equivalent\\nto a command, and was promptly regarded. He was both hon-\\nored and loved. The discipline of the College was never more\\nperfect than during the years when the laws of the College were\\nstript of authority, when the officers were under the ban of the\\nlegislature and when each student knew that his course might\\nend without academic honors. The main influence in holding\\nthe College together was the personality of the President. The\\nsense of duty, which led him to decline the presidency of Hamil-\\nton College, was imposed upon the students and made them re-\\nsponsive to his will.\\nHis talent for teaching was not inferior to his talent for govern-\\ning. From his accession until Commencement, 1819, except\\nduring his temporary absences, he gave the entire instruction to\\nthe senior class, and for the last three years he heard each day\\none recitation of the junior or sophomore class. He made it a", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 191\\npoint to be himself thoroughly prepared. From the nature of\\nthe case at his age, with his occupations and many cares Presi-\\ndent Brown was not a deeply learned man, but he had scholarly\\ntastes, a vigorous and cultivated mind, with power of insight,\\nanalysis and generalization, so that if a topic was started with\\nwhich he was not familiar he would by sagacious questions draw\\nout what the student knew of it, and then be able to discuss it in\\na way to satisfy the student, who furnished the material, that\\nhe had understood the matter better than did the student himself.\\nHe had at the same time executive talent, and legal acuteness of\\nhigh order. He conducted the intricate and delicate interests\\nof the College through the whole crisis with admirable tact, ability\\nand discretion, and drew the high praise from the eminent counsel\\nof the College, that none of them were better versed in the law\\nof the case than he. Mr. Mason often declared that the President\\nunderstood the case thoroughly and could have argued it with\\ngreat ability.^\\nThe death of President Brown in the prime of his life, at the\\nage of thirty-six, was a misfortune to the College, made espe-\\ncially disastrous by the condition of uncertainty that followed.\\nIf it had occurred before the final appeal at Washington it would\\nprobably have caused the abandonment of the college case;\\nas it was, though not fatal in its effect upon the College, it greatly\\nadded to the difficulties of the situation. After so long a struggle,\\nand under the general and local conditions it was inevitable that\\nthere should be many changes, in the Board, which had held\\ntogether for so long, in the Faculty, which needed reinforcement,\\nand in the general ordering of the College. These changes had\\nnow to be made not by the President, who had successfully guided\\nthe College during the storm, but, as it proved, in the interval\\nbetween administrations and during an administration which\\nwas rendered ineflfective by sickness. The Trustees, however,\\nset themselves at once to the task of reconstruction.\\nFrancis Brown, the son of Benjamin and Prudence Kelly Brown, was bom in Chester, N. H.,\\nJanuary ii, 1784. His father, a country merchant, was unable to meet the expenses of a college\\neducation for his son, but he married for his second wife (his first having died when the son was\\nten years old), Mary Lunt, who cared for the boy as if he were her own child and out of her\\nprivate fortune provided for his education. From Atkinson Academy he entered the freshman\\nclass at Dartmouth in the spring of 1802, and was graduated in 1805. Passing the year after\\ngraduation as a private tutor in the family of Judge Paine in Williamstown, Vt., he returned to\\nHanover as a tutor in the College, and remained there three years with great acceptance, study-\\ning divinity In connection with his teaching, so that in 1809 he was ordained to the ministry\\nand on January 11, 1810, was settled as pastor at North Yarmouth, Me., where he remained till\\nhis election to the presidency of the College. Letter of Hon. John Aiken, Proceedings of Alumni\u00c2\u00bb\\ni8ss. p. 62; Sketch of President Brown, by Rev. Henry Wood, 1834.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "192 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nAt the ensuing Commencement, August 22, Hon. Thomas W.\\nThompson presided and conferred the degrees. At their annual\\nmeeting the Trustees resumed formal control of their property,\\nwhich had been alienated in connection with the suits in the Cir-\\ncuit Court, by ordering their Treasurer to cancel and return to\\nJob Lyman, Charles Marsh and Horace Hatch the notes which\\nthey had given for the purchase of various bits of college prop-\\nerty, on the release of their several claims. With the purpose of\\nputting the finances into better shape and of diminishing the great\\narrearage and consequent loss in the payment of students bills,\\nthey determined that thereafter any student who was more than\\none year in arrears in the payment of his quarter bills should be\\ndismissed from college, and that any candidate for a degree who\\nhad not paid all his college bills by the Monday before Com-\\nmencement day should not receive his degree. Proceeding to the\\nwork of reorganization they first gave attention to the Medical\\nFaculty, to which they were urged by the movements at Concord\\nalready referred to. After the final departure of Dr. Nathan\\nSmith in 1816 there were but two instructors in medicine, Pro-\\nfessors Mussey and Perkins, whose allegiance was divided between\\nthe College and the University. They had occasional assistance\\nof a temporary kind, but the resignation of Dr. Perkins left Dr.\\nMussey as the sole officer. The Trustees now determining to\\nrender the Faculty definite and effective gave it a formal organi-\\nzation of five members: the President, a Professor of Surgery,\\nObstetrics and Medical Jurisprudence, one of Theory and Prac-\\ntise of Physic, Materia Media and Botany, one of Chemistry,\\nMineralogy and the Application of Science to the Arts, and a\\nfourth of Anatomy and Physiology. Dr. Mussey was trans-\\nferred at his own request from the chair of the Theory and\\nPractise of Physic to that of Surgery and Obstetrics Dr. Daniel\\nOliver,^ a graduate of Harvard, was elected professor of the\\nDaniel Oliver, third son of Rev. Thomas Fitch Oliver, a graduate of Harvard in I77S, and\\nan Episcopal rector, was bom at Marblehead, Mass., September 9, 1787. After graduating\\nfrom Harvard in 1806 he studied law with Joseph Story, his brother-in-law, but soon left it for\\nthe study of medicine under his uncle. Dr. B. Lynde Oliver of Salem. Attending medical lec-\\ntures at the University of Pennsylvania in 1809 he took his degree in the spring of 1810, and in\\nJuly of 1811 he formed a partnership with Dr. R. D. Mussey. In 1815 he lectured here on\\nchemistry. In 1819 he gained much reputation by engaging with Hon. John Pickering in the\\npreparation of a Greek lexicon, which became a standard text book. After his appointment\\nhe removed to Hanover in 182 1. In addition to his duties in the medical Faculty he was pro-\\nfessor of intellectual philosophy from 1823 to 1837. in the spring of which year he resigned and\\nremoved to Cambridge, Mass., though he lectured here that year. In 1840 he joined Dr. Mus-\\nsey in a course of lectures at Cincinnati on materia medica, but, his health giving way, he re-\\nturned to Cambridge, where he died June i, 1842, aged 55. He was handsome, dignified,\\ngrave, going but little into society, though very genial in his own home; he practised but little\\nin Hanover, only in emergencies in Dr. Mussey s absence. See eulogy on him by C. B. Haddock.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 193\\ntheory and practise of physic, Dr. James F. Dana/ also a gradu-\\nate of Harvard, was elected professor of chemistry, etc., and Dr.\\nUsher Parsons^ of the United States Navy, was elected professor\\nof anatomy and physiology on the condition, proposed by him-\\nself, that he furnish $1,000 with which to begin a museum of\\nhuman and comparative anatomy, and that if after a trial of a\\nyear, he should prove unsatisfactory he should retire and leave\\nJames Freeman Dana, the oldest son of Luther and Lucy (Giddings) Dana, was born at Am-\\nherst, N. H., September 23, 1793. Preparing for college at Phillips Exeter Academy he was\\ngraduated from Harvard in 1813, and after graduation studied medicine with Dr. John Gorham,\\nprofessor of chemijtry at Harvard, but probably gave especial attention to chemistrj*. as he I3\\nsaid to have become a good practical chemist. In 1815 he was sent by Harvard to London to\\nbuy chemical apparatus, and while there pursued his studies with Frederick Aecum, operative\\nassistant to Sir Humphry Davy and dealer in apparatus. On his return he became assistant\\nto the professor of chemistrj and was graduated in medicine in 1817. He lectured on chem-\\nistry at Dartmouth from 1817 to 1820, and on his appointment as professor, removed to Han-\\nover in 1821, where he remained till 1826, when he was appointed professor of chemistry in the\\nCollege of Physicians and Surgeons in New York City. While at Hanover he was deeply inter-\\nested in electro-magnetism and prepared apparatus to exhibit it. After settling in New York\\nhe became acquainted with S. F. B. Morse and explained to him the principles of the electro-\\nmagnet, and pubhcly demonstrated the facts relating to it. (See Life of Morse, pp. i62f.) In\\nthe winter follovving liis going to New York he was greatly afflicted by the loss of a favorite\\ndaughter, and being attacked by erysipelas he died April is, 1827. He was a very superior\\nlecturer, and took the Boylston prize in 1815 and 1816. He had a fine personal appearance,\\nattractive manners, and enjoyed the attachment of all who knew him. With a social, genial\\nand generous nature he was laborious, patient and conscientious as a physician. Dr. Dixi\\nCrosby was his pupil and always spoke of him with great admiration. He married January\\ni8i8, Marilda, third daughter of Samuel Webber, D.D., President of Harvard College, who\\nlong survived him.\\n2 Usher Parsons, the youngest of nine children of William and Abigail Frost (Blunt) Parsons,\\nwas born at Alfred, Me., August 18, 1788. He had little early education and till he was twenty-\\none he was a clerk in several stores. He then determined to study medicine, and by diligent\\nattention secured a knowledge of Greek and of Latin, and studying with various physicians, was\\nadmitted to the practice of medicine by the Massachusetts Medical Society in February, 1812.\\nAfter some delay he secured, through the aid of Dr. Josiah Bartlett, M.C., the position of sur-\\ngeon s mate in the navy. Ordered to New York to join the corvette John Adams, he volunteered\\nfor service on Lake Erie. That winter he was in charge of the hospital at Black Rock, near\\nBuffalo, and during the next summer, owing to the sickness of others, he was the only physician\\nin Perry s fleet. During the battle and after the victory, September 10, he had charge of the\\nwounded on the Lawrence, and spent the whole day of the nth operating on them. On the\\n1 2th he did the same for the wounded on the other vessels, having about 200 patients under\\nhis care. He had charge of the hospital at Erie, Pa., for nine months, and received a silver\\nmedal from Congress, and a share of the prize money, with which he paid his debts. He became\\nsurgeon, April 15, 1814, and in December was transferred to the Java at the special request of\\nPerry, who was in command. He sailed for the Mediterranean, but, returning in 1817, he at-\\ntended medical lectures at the Harvard Medical School where he received the degree of M.D. in\\nMarch, 1818. In the following July he sailed for Russia and the Mediterranean on the Guerriere,\\nbut, leaving the ship at Gibraltar, he made a tour of Europe and returned to America in 1820,\\nin which year he received the appointment at Dartmouth. He gave but one course of lectures,\\nin 182 1. The next year he was elected professor of anatomy and surgery at Brown University.\\nThe connection with the University lasted four years, but he remained in Providence forty-six\\nyears, till his death, December 19, 1868. He married Mary Jackson Holmes, a sister of Oliver\\nWendell Holmes, September 23, 1822. He had an active mind, was a great traveler, interested\\nIn seeing the work of his profession in many places, but he was fond of controversy, and could\\nhandle the caustic pen as well as the scalpel or saw. Life of Usher Parsons by his son, Charles\\nW. Parsons, 1870.\\n13", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "194 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nhis specimens with the College at a price agreed upon. To help\\nin bringing the institution into closer connection with the pro-\\nfession throughout the State the Board voted to accept the prop-\\nosition of the New Hampshire Medical Society that it should\\nsend two delegates to attend, and take part in, the examination\\nof candidates for medical degrees, and as representatives of the\\nSociety to sign the diplomas, provided such arrangement should\\nbe without expense to the Board. Nearly sixty years later in\\n1878 a similar relation was established with the Vermont Medical\\nSociety and since that time the diplomas issued by the Medical\\nCollege have been signed by the delegates of both societies. The\\nLatin form of the diploma now in use was adopted in 1821.\\nThe most serious work of the Board was the election of a suc-\\ncessor to President Brown, but fortunately their course seemed\\nplain, as the general feeling pointed to the Rev. Dr. Daniel Dana\\nof Newburyport, Mass., a graduate of 1788, and a firm and active\\nfriend of the College during its troubles. Dr. Dana s qualifica-\\ntions for the position were so marked that not only had President\\nBrown expressed the hope that he might be his successor, but\\nPresident Appleton of Bowdoin, who died in 18 19, had wished\\nthat he might be chosen to the presidency of Bowdoin. The\\nTrustees, heartily acquiescing in the general view, unanimously\\nelected him to the position, attaching to it the salary of $1,000\\na year, and the use for one year at a rental of $200 of the house\\nwhich they had bought of Dr. Perkins for $3,600. Messrs.\\nChurch and Putnam were appointed a committee to notifiy Dr.\\nDana of his election.\\nThe ties of a long and successful pastorate were not easily\\nbroken, and in addition to doubts about his fitness for the new\\nposition Dr. Dana hesitated to leave his church. But after much\\ndiscussion both he and the church decided to follow the judg-\\nment of the Presbytery that was asked to give advice in the\\nmatter. The Presbytery met at Bradford, Mass., September 26,\\n1820, the committee of the Trustees being present to urge the\\nclaim of the College, and after careful consideration advised\\nalmost unanimously that the invitation be accepted. Their\\nadvice was conclusive, and on the 3d of October Dr. Dana wrote\\naccepting the presidency of the College and saying that he would\\nbe in Hanover on the fourth Wednesday of the month to be inau-\\ngurated. The ceremony took place at the appointed time, the\\nexercises being a prayer by Mr. Church, music, reading of the\\nvote of election and the letter of acceptance, declaration that", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 195\\nDr. Dana was now President, his inaugural address, music, and\\na concluding prayer by the President.^\\nAt the meeting of the Trustees at the time of the inauguration\\nplans were laid for the new administration. The first need of\\nfunds was to be met by a general appeal for benefactions through\\na committee of which the President was chairman. The internal\\ncondition of the College, which during the struggle had naturally\\nbecome somewhat disorganized, with special reference to the\\nduties of each college ofhcer and to the conduct of his ofiEice, was\\nreferred to a committee to report the next year. But the high\\nhopes which were formed were doomed to disappointment.\\nEven before he left his pastorate Dr. Dana s health had been\\nseriously impaired, and the mental and physical strain incident\\nto a change and to assuming new responsibilities proved too\\ngreat. Immediately after his inauguration he returned to New-\\nburyport to settle his affairs there and to bring his family to\\nHanover, but he had no sooner established himself in his new\\nhome than he suffered a nervous breakdown, resulting in phys-\\nical debility and depression of spirits, which incapacitated him\\nfor work. On the advice of his physician he tried the experiment\\nof a journey. A slight benefit was followed by a relapse, and a\\nsecond journey resulting in no improvement, he determined,\\nagainst much urging, to resign.\\nIn his letter of resignation, after referring to his deep and\\nhabitual dejection of spirit, which he could not explain or throw\\noff, he wrote The College needs a President, not only of powerful\\ntalents, but of strong nerves and vigorous health; one who can\\nenterprise much and accomplish much one whom labors cannot\\neasily exhaust nor difficulties embarrass, nor trials depress. In\\nreference to all these particulars I have a painful consciousness, I\\nwill not say of deficiency, but of contrast. The Trustees at their\\nmeeting in July, called to consider his resignation, urged him to\\ndelay, but he wished it regarded as absolute and final. A third\\njourney extended as far as Ohio in a visit to a brother brought so\\nmuch improvement that the Trustees unanimously requested\\nhim to recall his decision, but, though gratefully acknowledging\\ntheir kindness, he would not consent and immediately withdrew\\nfrom the College. His term of office was so short and so broken\\nthat it had little effect upon the College, though on his coming\\nhe made a very favorable impression and it can hardly be doubted\\nthat if his health had continued his sensitive nature and efficiency\\nCollege files.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "196 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nof action, which gave him success in his pastorates, would have\\nhad similar results in the College.^\\nIt was found impossible to carry into effect the vote of the year\\nbefore in regard to the payment of college bills. The confusion\\nresulting from the disturbed condition of the past few years was\\nso great and had made such accumulation of arrears, and the\\npoverty of the students was so pressing that the enforcement of\\nthe action was delayed for one year and then for another, and\\nnotes for college bills were taken from students at graduation as\\nbefore. An attempt was made to diminish the expenses\\nof graduation by a recommendation to the graduating class and\\nto the Literary Societies not to incur much expense for music\\nCommencement. The poverty of the students, however, did\\nnot keep them from philanthropic interests, for in that year they\\nrented a field to cultivate, with the intention of devoting all the\\navails of the venture to the cause of missions. William Goodell\\nand Daniel Temple, afterward famous in the missionary work in\\nTurkey, who were graduated in 181 7, had taken graduate work\\nin medicine in preparation for missionary labor and had perhaps\\nhelped to waken a general interest in the cause throughout the\\nCollege. The professors in the medical college offered free at-\\ntendance upon their lectures to those intending to be missionaries,^\\nand the impulse toward the service of the church was so strong\\nthat out of the 157 graduates between 18 16 and 1820, inclusive,\\nfifty-seven became ministers and four became missionaries.\\nIn the spring of 1821 an important move was made for the\\nwelfare of the village in the formation of the Hanover Aqueduct\\nAssociation. A charter for a company under that name, with a\\ncapital of $5,000, was secured and the meeting for organization\\nunder it was held at Curtis s Hotel February 26, 1821* Mr. Gil-\\nbert, Mr. Olcott, Mr. Brewster and Professor Adams being prom-\\ninent in the movement. The original water supply of the village\\n1 Daniel Dana, the son of Rev. Joseph and Mary (Staniford) Dana was born in Ipswich, Mass.,\\nJuly 24, 1771. After graduating from College he taught three years in Phillips Exeter Academy\\nand after studying divinity with his father became the pastor of the First Presbyterian church\\nof Newbury port, Mass., in November, i794. where he remained till he came to Hanover. After\\nresigning the presidency of Dartmouth his health improved and, returning to the ministry, he\\nwas settled over the Second Presbyterian church at Londonderry, N. H., Januarj i6, 1822.\\nwhere he remained until May, 1826. He then returned to Newburyport as pastor of the Second\\nPresbyterian church, and held that relation till the infirmities of age led him to resign in Novem-\\nber, 1845. He lived in that city till his death, August 26, 1859. He was a trustee of Andover\\nTheological Seminary over fifty years, from its beginning in 1804 to his resignation August 2,\\n18S6.\\n^Dartmouth Herald, May 9, 1821.\\n^Dartmouth Herald, November 8, 1821.\\n4 Dartmouth Herald, February 7, 182 1.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 197\\nhad been wells and cisterns, but in long dry times these proved\\ninsufficient and more than once water had to be hauled from Mink\\nBrook. In 1805 several persons united to bring water in wooden\\nlogs from a spring near the top of the hill east of the village and\\nsouth of the present road, but the supply was inadequate and\\nvariable, and the logs decayed, so that it was determined to find\\na larger and more permanent supply. A half acre of ground was\\nbought at the foot of the hill on the south side of Mink Brook in\\nthe Greensborough district about two miles east of the village,\\nand the water, which oozed from the ground and which proved to\\nbe of unusual purity, was gathered in a well and furnished an\\nabundant supply for many years. An inch and a half lead pipe\\nwas laid as a main to the village where the water was distributed\\nthrough smaller laterals. But as the village grew the supply,\\nin times of drought, was insufficient even for domestic purposes,\\nand in 1880 more land was bought, the original lot having been\\npreviously enlarged, additional wells were sunk, and a two inch\\npipe replaced the first one. The character of the water is such\\nthat it forms an insoluble coating in the pipe, so that when the\\nold pipe was removed, after being in use for sixty years, it was\\nfound, except for external corrosion, to be as perfect as when it\\nwas laid. Even after its enlargement the acqueduct was unable\\nto meet the general wants of the village and a much more abun-\\ndant supply was brought in from another source in 1893, though\\nthe acqueduct still is used for domestic purposes.\\nWhen it became evident that President Dana s resignation\\nwas final the question of a successor was considered informally\\nand the Rev. Gardner Spring of New^ York City was fixed upon\\nfor the vacant chair. A committee of the Board sent to confer\\nwith him received, as they understood, such assurance of his\\nwillingness to accept that without hesitation he was elected at\\nthe meeting in July, and the 21st of August set for his inaugura-\\ntion. But at the annual meeting in August the Trustees were\\nsurprised by an unexpected refusal. Mr. Thompson being absent\\non account of his infirmities, Judge Paine acted as President of\\nthe Board, but Professor Adams presided at Commencement\\nand conferred the degrees. He had, in fact, performed most of\\nthe duties of President since the death of President Brown, in\\naccordance with a vote passed in August, 1820, that in the absence\\nor disability of the President the senior professor should perform\\nhis public duties, a practice which continued till 1892. In the\\nconduct of the exercises of the chapel, however, according to a", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "198 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap, XI.\\nvote of August 21, 1 82 1, the professors were to take charge in\\nrotation one week at a time, except that the tutors were to officiate\\nonce a week in rotation, and the Professor of Theology was to\\nperform in the Chapel every Saturday evening. This custom\\npassed away as appointments to the Faculty came to include those\\nwithout ministerial training, and was definitely abandoned in\\n1892.\\nThe refusal of Mr. Spring, especially in the way it came, left\\nmatters in a bad shape, and great difficulties were experienced\\nin finding a suitable successor to the presidency. No election\\nwas made at the annual meeting, or at an adjourned meeting in\\nOctober. The students began to be impatient and the friends\\nof the College uneasy. The thoughts of some turned toward\\nChancellor Kent, notwithstanding his age, and Dr. Daniel Oliver\\nwas mentioned, but eventually the choice lay between the Rev.\\nEbenezer Burgess of Dedham, Mass., and the Rev. Bennet Tyler,\\npastor of a church in South Britain, a parish of Southbury, Conn.\\nThe latter was strongly recommended by Dr. Porter of Andover\\nand by others, and was chosen at an adjourned meeting of the\\nTrustees, February 13, 1822. Mr. Tyler had been settled at\\nSouth Britain in 1808 and, while unusually successful in building\\nup his church, had, after the fashion of the day, prepared young\\nmen for college, and given to others instruction in divinity.\\nJudge Paine was appointed to convey the invitation to Mr.\\nTyler, and President Moore of Amherst College, formerly pro-\\nfessor in Dartmouth, was requested to represent the College\\nbefore the Consociation. Mr. Tyler was greatly surprised at\\nthe invitation and hesitated to accept it, but after receiving\\nthe advice of his friends and the Consociation he wrote as fol-\\nlows to Mr. Olcott:\\nSouthbury, March 7th, 1822.\\nDear Sir, Yours of the 14th. ult. announcing my election to the Presi-\\ndency of Dartmouth College was received on the 19th, and followed by the\\narrival of Judge Paine with the official notice on the 21st. The subject has\\nbeen taken into serious and deliberate consideration and referred to the proper\\nboard for decision. The Consociation convened yesterday and decided that\\nit was my duty to accept of the appointment, and accordingly dissolved the\\nconnexion between me and the church and people in this place. I take this\\nopportunity to notify you and through you the Trustees of the College that I\\naccept of the appointment, and that I intend by the leave of Providence to\\nbe at Hanover with a view to be inaugurated at the time proposed.\\nWith much affection,\\nI am yours, c.\\nBennet Tyler.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "^-Ci^,\\n^i^^^-^", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 199\\nThe inauguration took place on the 27th of March and drew\\ntogether a large number of the friends of the College. The\\nexercises consisted of a prayer by Rev. Mr. Church, the induction\\ninto office of the new President by Judge Paine, an address by\\nthe President, which was characterized as sound, luminous and\\nelegant, and music by the Handel Society.^ In the evening\\nthe public buildings and dwelling houses were brilliantly illumi-\\nnated. Mr. Tyler was not able to begin work at once, but after\\nreturning to Connecticut for his family took up the duties of his\\noffice in the following June. He found the College in the full\\nmovement of change. In the uncertainty of the succession the\\nTrustees, at their meeting in October, 1821, had asked the pro-\\nfessors to co-operate with a committee of their own number,\\nMessrs. Marsh, Payson and Paine, in preparing a revised code\\nof laws for the College. Their report, made and adopted at the\\nmeeting in the following February, prescribed with great minute-\\nness the direction of college life.\\nThe hours of study preceded by one recitation, prayers and\\nbreakfast, began at eight o clock in summer, and at other seasons\\nat nine, and continued till eleven. Beginning again at two they\\nheld till evening prayers except Saturday afternoon. Morning\\nprayers, consisting of invocation, reading from the Bible, and\\nprayer came daily at five o clock, or, there being no provision\\nfor artificial light in either chapel or recitation rooms, as early\\nas the President could well see to read in the Bible. These were\\nimmediately followed by the first recitation except on Monday.\\nThe second recitation came daily at eleven in the forenoon, and\\nthe half hour between recitation and dinner was usually taken\\nfor football on the common. At three or four in the afternoon\\nthere was a recitation or a rhetorical exercise except on Saturday.\\nEach member of a class had a declamation and a composition\\nevery four weeks and on Wednesday the four classes declaimed\\nin turn before the whole College in the chapel. Evening prayers\\nclosed at six or as late as the light permitted and were the same\\nas in the morning, except that a hymn was sung by the Handel\\nSociety, and on Tuesday were followed by a dissertation by one\\nof the seniors.*\\nOn Sunday the students were required to attend morning and\\nevening prayers in the chapel and two services in the college\\nchurch. Students were required to be in their rooms during\\nNew Hampshire Patriot, April r, 1822.\\nMemorial of College Life: Class of 1827, by A. Crosby, 1870: pp. 8, 9.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "200 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nstudy hours and after nine p. m. and to abstain from all loud\\nconversation, singing, playing on musical instruments, and from\\nall other noise which may tend to interrupt, and on the Sabbath\\nevery student was to remain in his chamber unless the duties\\nof public worship or acts of necessity or mercy called him\\nelsewhere, and no one was to attend to any secular business or\\ndiversion, or unnecessarily walk in the fields or streets. Keeping\\nor playing with cards or dice was punishable with a fine of $5,\\nand persistence in either by rustication, and under similar penal-\\nties students were forbidden to be present at a treat or enter-\\ntainment in which spirituous or fermented liquors were used.\\nThe Faculty was particularly and earnestly recommended to\\ninform themselves concerning each one s moral and literary\\ncharacter, and to this end was directed to make weekly visits\\nto the room of each student.\\nThe government of the College was put into the hands of\\nall the officers acting jointly, and an elaborate system of penalties\\nrunning through fines, private reproof, reproof before the govern-\\nment of the College, public admonition, probation with notice\\nhome, degradation, suspension, rustication and dismission, to\\nexpulsion. Suspension was the withdrawal of college privileges\\nfor a period less than a year, and a suspended student was put\\nunder the care of some person, usually a minister, who directed\\nhis studies and accredited him on his return to college. Rustica-\\ntion was removal from college for a year, during which thestudent\\nwas his own master, but on returning to college he was not al-\\nlowed to re-enter his class. A dismissed student might be restored\\nby the Faculty, an expelled student only by the Trustees.\\nThe college year of thirty-seven and a half weeks began in\\nSeptember after a vacation of four weeks following Commence-\\nment, which was changed to the last Wednesday but one of\\nAugust. The winter vacation extended seven weeks from the\\nfirst Monday in January, and the spring vacation was for two\\nand a half weeks beginning on the Thursday before the last\\nWednesday in May. There were two public oral examinations\\nduring the year, the first one for the seniors coming on the third\\nTuesday of March, and for the other classes, one day each, on\\nthe next three successive days. The second examination for\\nthe seniors was on Wednesday, six weeks before Commencement,\\nafter which a senior vacation of five weeks was given the\\nclass to allow the members to go home, get their new clothes\\n(often homespun) and make other preparations, and for the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 201\\nother classes on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday before Com-\\nmencement. The appointments for Commencement speakers\\nwere assigned to not more than twenty seniors four weeks before\\nthe spring vacation. The quarter days were for the seniors\\nthe second Wednesday of November, for the juniors the first\\nWednesday of April and for the sophomores the last Wednesday\\nbefore the May vacation.\\nThe requirements for admission were increased by the addition\\nof English grammar, Greek and Latin prosody, arithmetic be-\\nyond square root, and geography, so that it was required of a\\ncandidate for admission that he be well versed in the Grammar\\nof the English, Latin and Greek Languages, in Virgil, Cicero s\\nSelect Orations, Sallust, the Greek Testament, Dalzel s Collec-\\ntanea Graeca Minora, Latin and Greek Prosody, Arithmetic,\\nancient and modern Geography, and that he be able accurately\\nto translate English into Latin. These requirements for\\nadmission, the course of study and the estimated expenses of a\\nstudent were first published in the catalogue issued in October,\\n1822, and indicate the definite purpose of advance on the part of\\nthe Trustees. By the course of study Greek was carried through\\njunior year, Latin only through the first term of that year, as\\nalso was mathematics, which was followed for two terms by\\nnatural philosophy. History had one term in sophomore year,\\nrhetoric one each in freshman and sophomore years, while natural\\ntheology and moral philosophy were taken in the last two terms\\nof junior year. Senior year was occupied with Locke, Edwards\\non the Will, Butler s Analogy, Stewart s Philosophy, Evidences\\nof Christianity, Law and the Federalist, while composition and\\ndeclamation had a part in every year. The annual expense of\\na student was estimated at about $100, of which the tuition was\\n$26, room rent $6, and board from $1 to $1.75 a week.\\nAt this meeting in February Mr. Olcott resigned his position\\nas secretary and treasurer and took his seat in the Board, to\\nwhich he had been chosen in the preceding October in the room\\nof Mr. Thompson, deceased. Timothy Farrar, Jr., was elected\\ntreasurer and secretary in his stead, and entered on his duties\\nat the ensuing Commencement.\\nA new era had now fairly set in. Of the old Board that had\\ncarried the burden of the long and painful controversy, ex-\\nGovernor Gilman resigned in 181 9; Rev. Dr. Seth Payson died\\nFebruary 26, 1820; Rev. John Smith, having removed to Bangor,\\nresigned in August, 1820, as did Mr. Niles, by reason of age and", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "202 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XL\\ninfirmity. Mr. Thompson died in October, 1821, leaving to the\\nCollege property in Bristol, estimated as worth $4,000, for the\\nbenefit of the chair of Greek and Latin, and Dr. McFarland re-\\nsigned in August, 1822, There were now left of the original\\nOctagon only Messrs. Farrar, Paine and Marsh, with Moses\\nP. Payson of Bath, who came into their counsels in the midst\\nof the troubles in the stead of Mr. Jacob. The new members\\nwere Ezekiel Webster of Boscawen, Rev. John H. Church of\\nPelham, Mills Olcott of Hanover, Rev. Israel VV. Putnam of\\nPortsmouth, Samuel Prentiss of Montpelier, Vt., and Rev.\\nNathan Lord of Amherst, N. H.\\nThe academic Faculty likewise underwent a change. Since\\n181 5 it had consisted (besides the President and two tutors) of\\nonly Professors Adams and Shurtleff. The chair of Languages\\nhad been vacant since the resignation of Professor Moore in\\nthat year, and till the decision of the controversy at Washington\\nno attempt was made to fill it, the instruction in that department\\nbeing given by Professor Adams, in addition to his own duties as\\nprofessor of mathematics and natural philosophy. But as soon\\nas the case was decided plans were made to reinforce the Faculty.\\nIn 1819 the Rev. James Murdock of Burlington, Vt., was offered\\nthe chair of Languages, but after some delay declined it. The\\nnext year William Chamberlain of the class of 1818 was elected\\nto the place, but as he shrank from the comprehensive title of\\nProfessor of Languages, it was changed to that of Professor\\nof Greek and Latin Languages, and he accepted the position\\nunder that name. As a condition of his acceptance, however,\\nhe asked that considerable additions should be made to the library\\nin that department, and the Trustees put $400 at his disposal for\\nthis purpose. He was inaugurated at the following Commence-\\nment and gave an address in Latin immediately preceding the\\nregular exercises of graduation.^ In the further enlargement of\\nthe Faculty the Trustees, following the precedent of Harvard and\\nYale, established at their annual meeting in 1819 the chair of\\nRhetoric and Oratory, but it was a venture about which they were\\nby no means sure, for in the vote defining the duties of the incum-\\nbent they recognized that his work was in the nature of an experi-\\nment, and in committing to him the instruction of the two higher\\nThe property was devised to the College, the New Hampshire Missionary Society and the\\nAmerican Education Society as joint legatees. It greatly depreciated in value and. being sold\\nIn 1829, yielded to the College but J 1,689.\\nPortsmouth Journal, August as, i8ai.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 203\\nclasses in belles lettres they carefully stated that after the expira-\\ntion of the ensuing year the duties of the professor would be\\nmore specifically defined. They elected as professor the Rev.\\nCharles B. Haddock, a nephew of Daniel Webster, who had\\ngraduated at the head of his class in 18 16. He was a highly\\naccomplished gentleman, of peculiarly handsome person and\\nelegant manners, and during all his connection with the College\\ndeservedly enjoyed great popularity among the students. His\\ninfluence was at once apparent in the stimulus given to prog-\\nress in his department. The old quarter days were enlivened\\nwith a new interest, and through his instrumentality, and with\\nthe hearty support of President Brown and his successors, prizes\\nto the amount of $50 a year for excellence in oratory were author-\\nized by the Trustees, in October, 1820, to be competed for on\\nthe day after Commencement. There were to be fifteen speakers\\ndrawn from the graduating class and the two highest classes of\\nundergraduates, three from each class, chosen by the classes in\\nthe presence of their instructors, and two volunteers from each\\nof these classes, approved by the Professor of Rhetoric.^ The\\nrequisite funds were provided by a subscription headed by Joseph\\nBell, Richard Fletcher and John Hubbard with $50 each. There\\nwere to be two prizes of $15 and two of $10, and award was to\\nbe made by a committee appointed by the Board. The first\\nexhibition was on August 22, 1821, but as no one was thought\\nworthy of the first prize four awards of $10 were made. Either\\nthe standard of excellence was high or the performances were\\npoor, for there was no first award till 1824, when Solyman Heath\\nand James C. Alvord received first prizes.\\nIn the same connection two new societies devoted to extem-\\nporaneous speaking, the Adelphian and the Phi Sigma, were\\nestablished among the students, and both of the principal\\nliterary societies were stirred into new life. All the societies,\\nincluding the Phi Beta Kappa, which at that time received mem-\\nbers in the latter part of their junior year, held weekly meetings\\nin Society Hall, which was on the first floor of Dartmouth Hall.\\nMonday evening was given to the Theological Society, Tuesday\\nevening to the Fraternity, Wednesday to the Socials, while the\\nAdelphian and Phi Beta Kappa met on Thursday and the Handel\\non Friday. Saturday evening was reserved for a religious meet-\\nRecords of Trustees.\\nA. Crosby, Memorial, etc., p. i6. S., Phi Sigma, were the initials of two Greek words\\nsignifying Assembly of Debaters.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "204 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XL\\ning in the village, conducted by the students and dating back\\nto the revival of 1815. The Phi Sigma was originally restricted\\nto members of the class of 1827, but in their senior year similar\\nassociations in the other classes united with it, and thus formed\\na general college society having four branches, but both it and\\nthe Adelphian were soon disbanded.^ In 1825 the Trustees\\nput two rooms in Dartmouth Hall at the disposal of the two older\\nsocieties; the Fraternity used theirs as a reading room, and in\\ntheirs the Socials established, doubtless under the influence of\\nProfessor Chamberlain, a philological library, whose object was\\nto obtain the best aids to the critical study of the Greek and\\nLatin classics. For this purpose a heavy tax was laid upon the\\nSociety and the library gave a marked impetus to classical schol-\\narship, but the books were ultimately incorporated into the\\ngeneral library of the Society. The opening of the reading\\nroom and the library was accompanied by a greater activity in\\nthe use of the other libraries. The College librar which occu-\\npied a narrow room extending across the middle of the building,\\nin the second story, contained few books of any practical value\\nand was opened to students only once a fortnight. The Society\\nlibraries, which, containing about 6,000 volumes, were their\\nmain dependence, were given larger rooms and were now opened\\ndaily, instead of twice a week, for the delivery and return of books,\\nand were kept open most of the day for consultation and reading.\\nThe societies vied with one another in their attempt to enlarge\\nand improve their libraries, and many of the most valuable books\\nin either library were added during that period.^ In order the\\nbetter to secure their possessions the societies were duly incor-\\nporated in 1 826-1 827, It was the custom for the several societies\\nto celebrate their public anniversaries at Commencement time,\\nwhen an oration would be given by some member of the Society,\\nusually in the graduating class, as in 1801 Daniel Webster gave\\nthe oration before the United Fraternity on The Influence of\\nThe dissolution of these societies was doubtless hastened by the following vote of the Faculty\\npassed April 9, 1829:\\nVoted, that in the opinion of the Faculty the multiplication of Literary Societies in college,\\nby dividing the attention and consuming the time of the students and in other ways, is in danger\\nof injuring not only the character of the ancient and valuable and Rival Societies, but the\\ngeneral interests of the Institution and of learning; that it be therefore recommended to the\\nmembers of the Phi Sigma and Adelphian Societies deliberately to consider the expediency of\\ndissolving these Societies by mutual consent, after their next anniversaries; and that the de-\\ncided and unanimous opinion of the Faculty in favor of such dissolution be communicated to\\neach of said Societies.\\nA. Crosby, Memorial, p. 21.\\nA. Crosby, Memorial, p. 22.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "1 820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 205\\nOpinion, and in 1819 Rufus Choate was to have addressed the\\nSocial Friends, but was prevented by illness, and in 1828 Clement\\nLong gave the oration before the Adelphian.^ It was not till\\n1837 that the two older Societies united in inviting an orator\\nfrom abroad, when they secured George S. Hilliard to give the\\naddress.\\nIn 1823 a further change was made in the Faculty by the\\nintroduction of Dr. Oliver as professor of intellectual and moral\\nphilosophy, who added the duties of his new chair to those which\\nhe already had as professor of materia medica and therapeutics,\\nand the distinction then drawn in the catalogue for the first\\ntime in that form between the Medical Department and the\\nAcademical Department, gives a hint of more ambitious\\nideas, similar to those that afterward took shape under President\\nLord and President Smith. These various changes in the gov-\\nerning boards of the College were attended with minor changes\\nand movements that gave character to the new administration.\\nUp to 1822 the only means of heating Dartmouth Hall had been\\nfire places, which were both unsafe and insufficient, but in that\\nyear the Trustees voted that they should all be bricked up, and\\nstoves were substituted for them. Two years later, in 1824, the\\nrecitation rooms, which had heretofore been provided by the\\nseveral classes, were taken over by the authorities and from\\nthen on were provided and equipped by them.\\nAmong the reforms, the catalogue, first issued in 1802 as a\\nprivate venture of the sophomore class and hitherto but a list\\nof names, printed as a hand bill upon one side of a sheet, took in\\n1820 the form of an octavo pamphlet of 15 pages. In 1822 for\\nthe first time it contained a statement of the terms of admission,\\nthe course of study and an estimate of expenses, but it was still\\nthe private venture of the sophomore class. In 1823 it pre-\\nsented, likev/ise for the first time, the names of the officers of\\nthe State, ex officio members of the corporation in relation to\\nfunds given by the State. This, though a small matter, may be\\naccepted as an acknowledgment of the return of good feeling in\\nthe State toward the College and the desire of the college au-\\ni Dartmouth Gazette, August 29, 1801. Dr. A. Alexander, who was present at that Com-\\nmencement strangely says that Webster s theme was Recent Discoveries in Chemistry, Life, p.\\n260. The address was printed in full in the Dartmouth Phoenix for March, 1857. It disappeared\\nfrom the collections of the Society, where a copy had been placed, and after Mr. Webster s\\ndeath a letter was found among his papers asking that it might be published. This had met a\\nperemptory refusal, but after Mr. Webster s death it was published in a New York paper and\\nlater in the Phoenix.\\nDartmouth Gazette, August 25, 1819: Portsmouth Oracle, August 28, 1819.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "2o6 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XL\\nthorities to cultivate it. The happy change found expression\\nin various ways. In that year the Governor, Levi Woodbury,\\nresumed official relations with the College by taking his seat in\\nthe Board, and Messrs. Brewster and Poole, the most influential\\nmembers of the university party in Hanover, subscribed $ioo\\neach to the fund which President Tyler was raising.\\nAs has been said, great inconvenience had been experienced\\nof late on account of the inability of many students to pay their\\ncollege bills, and in 1823 the Board remitted half their tuition to\\na number of indigent students, not exceeding four in each class,\\nat the discretion of the Faculty, and also authorized their treas-\\nurer to hire ten or more rooms in the Tontine, a large building on\\nthe main street, to be occupied by students gratuitously, at the\\ndiscretion of the President, but even then it was beset with\\nappeals for credit. To gain relief President Tyler, in 1823 and\\n1824, applied himself successfully to obtaining subscriptions\\nthroughout the State for a fund of $10,000, to be devoted to the\\nassistance of undergraduates studying for the gospel ministry.\\nThis was long known as the Charity Fund, but is now called\\nThe Ministry Scholarships. The President did not avoid\\nthe old opponents of the College in his solicitations, but took the\\nopportunity to make special efforts to recover their favor. In\\nConcord he called upon Mr. Isaac Hill himself to head the sub-\\nscription, and got not only a subscription of $50, but the per-\\nsonal friendship of that gentleman.\\nIn 1823 Professor Dana, being a member of the Legislature\\nfrom Hanover, wrote from Concord to Col. Brewster, on June\\n16:\\nThere is a disposition generally prevalent among the members of the legis-\\nlature to patronize Dartmouth College, but it is not likely that anything will\\nbe done by them their present session. The committee to whom was referred\\nthat part of the Governor s message relating to Literature have decided not to\\nreport unless called upon by the House. Yet they would be willing to report\\nin our favor if any memorial on the subject should regularly come before them.\\nWill it not be well for the President, yourself and some others to present such a\\nmemorial? If it is done it must be done quickly. Many persons not con-\\nnected with the legislature are in our interest for example Judge Durell,\\n1 Some of the subscribers to this fund instead of money gave bonds, which are known to the\\nrecords as Charity Bonds. Over $2,000 of the subscriptions, including about $900 of the\\nbonds, failed, so that the amount actually realized was about J8,ooo. Appropriations from\\nthis fund were for many years made upon the express written obligation that if the recipient\\nfor any reason should not enter the ministry he should restore the amount to the fund, an obli-\\ngation which, unhappily, was generally violated. The fund has, however, in the course of\\ntime increased by unexpended accumulations to $14,000.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 207\\nMr. Cilley of Deerfield, Mr. Butler, c. c. The President has been chosen\\nVice President of the Historical Society of N. H.; Woodbury Vice President\\nalso; and old Governor Plumer is President.\\nIt does not appear that Professor Dana s suggestion bore\\nfruit at that time, but it was not lost upon the Trustees, for\\nat their meeting in 1824 they considered it expedient to apply\\nto the Legislature for help from the Literary fund of the State,\\nwhich at that time amounted to about $10,000, and on their\\nbehalf the President, at the session of 1825, personally solicited\\naid for the College from this fund.^ The petition was referred\\nto a committee of fifteen, headed by Mr. H. Hubbard of Charles-\\ntown, a former Trustee of the University, which reported leave\\nto withdraw, a bare majority declaring that they would not\\nunder any circumstances make a grant to Dartmouth College.\\nLater in the same session Mr. Hubbard brought in a bill appropri-\\nating to the College one half the fund then accumulated and\\none half of the future receipts for ten years, conditioned on an\\namendment to the charter, erecting a Board of Overseers with\\npowers substantially like those given to the overseers of the\\nlate University. The bill was quickly put to death by the usual\\npostponement to the next session.^ In the following year\\nGovernor Morrill, who had been an ex officio member of the Over-\\nseers of the University, recommended that the College receive\\nsome part of the Literary fund, with a veiled suggestion of a\\nchange in the charter, but the Legislature took no action.^\\nAt the June session, 1827, the Literary fund having accumu-\\nlated to almost $50,000, Governor Pierce recommended that\\nsome disposition be made of it. A resolution, introduced into\\nthe House by William Claggett of Portsmouth, supported by\\nMr. Gregg of Unity, declaring the expediency of establishing a\\nuniversity under the control of the State was, after two days\\ndiscussion in committee of the whole, indefinitely postponed by\\n145 votes against 65.^ Hanover was represented by Dr. Oliver\\nin the College district, and Mr. Miller from the eastern section;\\nboth voted with the majority. In the meantime a bill to the\\nlike effect establishing, out of the Literary fund, in Merrimac\\nCounty, a State institution to be styled the New Hampshire\\nUniversity passed the Senate, of which Messrs. Isaac Hill,\\nH. J., pp. 60, 164.\\n^New Hampshire Patriot, June 20, 1825.\\nH. J., pp. 171, 234; Ne-di Hampshire Patriot, June 20, 27, and July 4, 1823.\\nS. J., p. 20.\\nH. J., pp. 18, 77, 85, 161.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "2o8 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nMatthew Harvey and William Plumer, Jr., were members, and\\ncame down to the House where it was forthwith rejected on the\\nfirst reading by a vote of 121 to 58.^ Such was the change which\\na few years had effected in the temper of the House. This was\\nthe last attempt to establish a rival institution to the College.\\nIn 1824 the question of color distinction came up at the College\\nin a practical form. Edward Mitchell, a young man of irre-\\nproachable character, a native of Martinique, W. I., partly of\\nAfrican blood, who had accompanied President Brown on his\\nreturn from the south in 1820, and had remained in his family\\nafter the death of the president on equal terms with his children,\\napplied for admission to the freshman class. He was examined\\nand approved by the Faculty, but the Trustees fearing that his\\npresence would be unacceptable to the students, at first refused\\nto receive him, and he left the place, but the students hearing\\nof it held meetings and through a committee requested that he\\nbe admitted. The committee was headed by C. D. Cleveland\\nof the class of 1827, whose complexion was dark for a Caucasian,\\nand he is said in pleading for Mitchell to have used the argument\\nthat if color excluded from the College he himself could not be a\\nmember. The Trustees reversed their action, Mitchell was sent\\nfor, and, being received into College, passed through the course\\nwith credit and was graduated in 1828.^ The precedent thus\\nestablished has from that time governed the College, which has\\nshown an unfailing hospitality to the negro, even when the doors\\nof other institutions were closed against him. Many of that\\nrace have entered here, and many have been graduated none of\\nthem have been treated by the students otherwise than with\\ncourtesy and respect, so far as deserved, indeed the tendency has\\nbeen toward an overkindness that has sometimes done injury to\\nthe recipient. Some seventeen years earlier in 1807, a young man\\nof color, Prince Sanders by name, came here to study, under the\\npatronage of Col. Oramel Hinckley of Chelsea, Vt. He was\\nadmitted as a student in Moor s School and provided with a\\nroom in Commons Hall, and remained several years. Still\\nearlier, under the first President, occurred the case of Caleb\\nWatts, already referred to in a former page.\\nA college uniform was at that time something of a fad. In the\\nsummer of 1820 the students of Yale adopted one, with a view\\n1 S. J., pp. 58. 77; H. J., pp. 145, I9S.\\n^Dartmouth Centennial, p. 3S; A. Crosby, p. 22.\\nVolume I, p. 300.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dafta and Tyler. 209\\nto promote economy in dress the following winter Union\\nfollowed suit,^ forming the Franklin Society, whose object\\nwas to use only goods of American manufacture, and perhaps\\nunder this influence the students here in a general meeting March\\n15, 1825, recommended the adoption of a uniform. It consisted\\nof a single-breasted black frock coat with rolling collar, having\\non the left breast a sprigged diamond three and a half inches\\nlong and three inches wide and on the left sleeve half a sprigged\\ndiamond for freshmen, two halves placed one above the other\\nfor sophomores, three for juniors and four for seniors; with black\\nor white pantaloons, stockings, vests and cravats. It received\\nthe approbation of the Faculty and that of the Trustees in the\\nform of a recommendation for its use, but without compulsion.\\nIt was, in fact, quite generally adopted, but survaved no longer\\nthan the first suit lasted.^\\nProfessor Alpheus Crosby, who entered College in 1823 and\\nwas graduated in 1827, has left us an interesting account of\\ncollege life at this period, from which the following details are\\ntaken\\nThe college buildings comprised only the old chapel and Dart-\\nmouth Hall.^ The latter was divided into thirty-six rooms, of\\nwhich about twenty-five were open to the occupation of students,\\nbut these were so unpopular that most of the students roomed\\nat private houses. The libraries of the college and of the socie-\\nties were housed in this hall, and also the philosophical appara-\\ntus, which was small and inexpensive. There was no chemical\\napparatus excepting in the Medical Department, nor any cabinet\\nof mineralogy or natural history. The mineralogical collection\\ngathered by one of the students, while in college, was the largest\\nin Hanover.^ The students were of moderate means, most of\\nthem defraying their expenses by teaching school, and their\\nexertions taught them to spend frugally what they had gained\\nso laboriously, and to appreciate highly privileges purchased\\nwith so much effort. There was among them great plainness of\\ndress and furniture, and great freedom from all the forms of\\n^Dartmouth Herald, January lO, 1821.\\nTrustees Record; A. Crosby, p. 23.\\n\u00c2\u00bbA. Crosby, Memorial, passim.\\n4 The village at that time consisted of about seventy houses with a population in 1821 of 633.\\nAccording to Farmer and Moore, Gazetteer of New Hampshire, p. 132, there were in that year\\nonly three deaths in the village, and for the preceding sixteen years the annual mortality had\\nbeen about seven, perhaps as healthy as any place of its size in New England.\\nThis student was Forrest Shepard of the class of 1826, but a graduate of Yale in 1827.\\n[Statement of Professor O. P. Hubbard.l\\n14", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "210 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nexpensive amusement and dissipation. There was a strong\\npublic sentiment among the students in favor of good order,\\nstudiousness, virtue and piety.\\nAccording to the custom already noticed, recitations were\\nheld in students rooms, supplied with plain movable furniture\\nat the expense of the class, consisting of a chair and table for the\\ninstructor, a small blackboard in one corner, a stove, and on\\ntwo sides of the room a double row of long unpainted pine benches,\\nwhich had usually served previous classes. Professor Crosby s\\nclass recited in successive years in rooms on the first floor of Dart-\\nmouth Hall, The College as it was then commonly called.\\nProfessor Crosby tells us that his first recitation in college was\\nprepared at a table made by piling one trunk on the top of an-\\nother, and by a light struck from flint and steel, matches being\\nunknown.\\nThere was then no college clock, and the bellman s watch was\\nthe sovereign standard of time for college and village. This\\ntrusty official was appointed from the junior class and the middle\\nroom on the east side of the third floor of Dartmouth Hall was\\nset apart for his use. For prayers the bell tolled six minutes.\\nSupper immediately followed evening prayers, and good house-\\nwives carefully watched for the first egress from chapel that\\nthey might set on their warm dishes and be ready to welcome\\nimpatient appetites. At a later day the more merciful rule\\nprevailed that the first bell in the morning (fifteen or twenty\\nminutes before the tolling) should never be rung earlier\\nthan five o clock, and the custom sprang up of ringing instead\\nof tolling during the last minute of the second bell, to warn those\\nwho were lingering that the time had almost expired. The\\nmerry tinkle of this terminal ring, when first heard, seemed to\\nsome irreverent.\\nIt is a deep problem in philosophy, writes Professor Crosby,\\nhow our ears learned to distinguish so accurately even in sleep\\nthe tones of the first and second bells. Some of us for weeks\\nor even months together slept uniformly through the norsy\\nringing of the first bell, but were waked at once by the gentle\\nstrokes of the second, sprang out of bed, threw on our clothes,\\ncaught up books, and though we might have to cross the common,\\nwere in our chapel seats before the six minutes had expired.\\nThose who roomed near could spend even part of the six minutes\\nin bed.\\nThese hours for prayers continued to be observed till the end", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 211\\nof the college year in 1856, when morning chapel was put after\\nthe breakfast hour, at 7:50. The earlier custom was, indeed,,\\nbarbarous and the occasion, no doubt, of much injury to health\\nin the more inclement seasons. It gave occasion likewise for\\nmany laughable incidents. Attendance was expected at prayers,\\neven though, as sometimes happened for certain classes, no\\nrecitation followed. It was not unusual in such cases, and in\\nsummer weather, for students to rise from bed at the last moment\\nand, without giving themselves the trouble to dress, to attend\\nin their places, wrapped from shoulder to feet in the long wide\\ncloak then in fashion, ready to return to bed till breakfast.\\nThere is an authentic record of one who suffered the misfortune,\\nwhen thus habited, of becoming involved in a rush, and being\\npitched headlong down the chapel steps and out of his cloak.\\nThe following letter, written in July, 1825, by E. O. Hovey,\\na freshman, tells the busy life of a student in those days:\\nTo give you a short history of a week when you have this you have the\\nhistory of my life at present. To begin, I rise at the ringing of the bell, about\\nsunrise. In fifteen minutes 1 repair to the chapel for prayers. On Mondays\\nwe have no recitation in the morning, breakfast at half past six by the way\\nI board at one end of the plain and room at the other. At eleven I have a\\nrecitation in Webber s Mathematics; dinner at half past twelve; recitation\\nin Webber at three; theological Society at four, spend from an hour to an\\nhour and a half, at six evening prayers and immediately after, tea. So much\\nfor Monday.\\nTuesday begins with a recitation immediately after morning prayers, another\\nat eleven; at three composition in the class. Wednesday, mathematics in\\nthe morning and at eleven; public speaking at tvv o, and meeting of the Social\\nfriends at four. Thursday three recitations in Mathematics. Friday, recita-\\ntions in the morning and at eleven; speaking in the class at three, meeting\\nof the Handel Society at four. Saturday, two recitations, afternoon for\\nexercise and recreation except one [hour] in the Alpha Delta Society, and a\\nlecture in the chapel at six.\\nSunday, prayers as usual, meeting of the Theological Society at half past\\nnine; public worship at half past ten, and at half past one.\\nFor a failure in the performance of any one of the above exercises we are\\nliable to a fine of from five to twenty five cents allowed, however, one recita-\\ntion and two prayers per week free from fines. Now if you dont think the\\ncollege life a busy one then think again.\\nThe Nation s guest [Lafayette] was at Windsor on Tuesday about a half\\nthe students went from here to see him. I would gladly have gone but the\\npinching hand of poverty prevented.\\nThe increase in the academic Faculty, already mentioned, by\\nthe appointment of Professors Chamberlain and Haddock and\\nthe partial transfer of Dr. Oliver to it, was made still more marked", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "212 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nin 1 823 by the action of the Board in directing Professor Dana to\\ngive instruction in chemistry to the students of the College.\\nFor this service he was to be given $350, one half a professor s\\nsalary, and the juniors and seniors were to attend his lectures\\nin that subject. It was found, however, that the funds of the\\nCollege could not sustain the added charge, and in August, 1825,\\nthe Board directed that the seniors and juniors should attend\\nthe lectures in chemistry and the seniors those in anatomy, and\\nthat the seniors should be charged one dollar and thirty-three\\ncents and the juniors sixty-seven cents on each term bill for the\\nbenefit of the Professor of Chemistry.\\nThe first effect of the new appointments was to give relief to\\nthe overburdened members of the Faculty who had for so long\\ncarried the whole load of instruction, but they also tended to\\nenlarge and unify the course of study. It had been the practice,\\nas far as possible, for one man to give all the instruction to a\\nparticular class, but in 1826 the separation of the departments\\nof instruction was more definitely made. The sophomore tutor\\nwas discontinued and for the first time that class was put in\\ncharge of a professor. To Professor Chamberlain was given the\\ndischarge of all duties in relation to languages, to Professor\\nAdams those relating to mathematics, while Professor Shurt-\\nlefif attended to the English studies of the junior and senior\\nyears, and Professor Haddock to those of the sophomore and\\nfreshman years.\\nAttempts were also made to render the library more service-\\nable. In addition to the $400 spent for classical books by Profes-\\nsor Chamberlain, $400 were spent in 1822 for books in chemistry\\nand $200 again in 1827, when Professor Hale was requested to\\ntake charge of the establishment of a mineralogical cabinet. In\\nthe following year, in answer to the representation of Professor\\nHale that on assuming his duties he had not been able to find\\nin the library a single book of value in the subjects of geology\\nand mineralogy, it was voted to spend $100 to meet the need.\\nTo bring the Board into closer touch with the working of the\\nCollege a prudential committee was established in 1824, consist-\\ning of Messrs. Marsh, Olcott and Payson, whose duty was to\\nconsult and give advice to the Executive Government in all\\ncases of exigency, to attend the examinations of the students,\\nto advise with the treasurer on financial affairs, and in general\\nto devise ways and means for the welfare of the College.\\nIn order to consider all possible measures for the advancement", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana afid Tyler. 213\\nof the College the Board at its meeting in August, 1826, appointed\\na committee, consisting of the President with Messrs. Lord,\\nWebster and Putnam, to take into consideration the whole\\ninternal afifairs of the College and report thereon. Their report,\\ndrafted by Mr. Lord, was presented at an adjourned meeting in\\nJanuary, 1827, and was the starting point of many changes.\\nTo begin with, a question of meeting the demand for a college\\nof more central location by removal to some point in the Merri-\\nmack valley, which was advocated by some, was considered and\\nanswered unequivocally in the negative. Equally chimerical\\nwas declared to be the hope of receiving the patronage of the\\nLegislature on any terms that could be accepted. At the same\\ntime it was regarded as improbable that any rival institution\\ncould be established. Premising, then, that the College must\\nwork out its own destinies where it was, and that the great\\neffort of its governors should be to raise its character in public\\nestimation as a school of sound learning and of pure morals\\na resort truly honorable and safe for the youth of our land, the\\ncommittee proceeded to recommend various reforms of admin-\\nistration. Among other things it was proposed that fines for\\nnon-attendance at recitation should be abolished, as punishing\\nthe parent rather than the student; that every lesson should be\\nrecited and marked, and a report made to the Trustees at the\\nend of the year of the work of each student; that students should\\nbe admitted only above the age of fourteen years, and be exam-\\nined for entrance by three of the executive officers; that for one\\nterm each student should be on probation as to his disposition\\nand habits, his aptness to learn, and the probabilities of his be-\\ncoming a respectable member of College and useful in profes-\\nsional life, and that the rules should be rigidly applied without\\nfavor or affection.\\nAs to college studies the committee expressed a doubtful\\nopinion, not formulated into a recommendation.\\nThat an undue proportion of time is devoted to classical learning. It is\\nnot easy [said they] to conceive that the study of any language can be materi-\\nally important except for inducing habits of mental application, or for the\\nideas which it communicates, or as a help to the intercourse of life.\\nIn reference particularly to the Greek language it is believed that this neither\\nso much exercises the mind, nor increases knowledge nor assists conversation,\\nexcept in the case of those who contemplate the profession of Divinity, as\\nmany other branches of study. To a very large proportion of graduates Greek\\nin a few years is entirely lost, and with it the time devoted to it at college,\\nwhich might have been improved more usefully for purposes connected with", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "214 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\ntheir professions. This may be owing in part to inadequate methods of instruc-\\ntion, but more, it is apprehended, to the fact that the language itself subserves\\nno practical use. It is scarcely called for in the course of life.\\nThe Committee would enquire whether the study of the Greek may not be\\nmade, like the Hebrew, a voluntary exercise in college, or confined to those\\nwhose intended profession requires an acquaintance with it, and whether in-\\ncreased facilities may not be afforded to such as may pursue this study, while\\nadditional advantages are afforded to others in studies accommodated to\\ntheir respective pursuits.\\nThe recommendations of the report being approved by the\\nBoard, a new committee, of which Mr. Lord was the leading\\nmember, was appointed to prepare a new code of laws in sub-\\nstantial conformity with the recommendations, and the report\\nof this committee was presented and adopted at a meeting in\\nJanuary, 1828. By this code the name of Faculty for the\\nofficers of instruction was substituted for the former title of\\nExecutive Authority, but the discipline was still declared to\\nbe parental. The requirement of frequent visitation of students\\nrooms during study hours was continued, and the oversight of\\ntheir attendance made more exact. No student might be absent\\nover night without permission of the President or of one of the\\ninstructors on the written request of his parent or guardian, and\\na weekly report of attendance and proficiency on a scale of marks\\nwas to be made by each instructor to the President, from which\\nwas to be made up the annual report to the Board. To prevent\\ncontamination of morals and the rise of sympathetic opposition\\nany student who should associate with a suspended, dismissed\\nor expelled student, without leave of the President, was liable\\nto severe punishment. Fines were still continued as penalties\\nfor failure to perform exercises in speaking and composition and\\nfor absence.\\nInstead of an annual fee of $2, for the use of the library a\\ncharge was made according to the books taken out, ten cents\\nfor a folio, eight cents for a quarto, six cents for an octavo and\\nfour cents for a i2mo. It is not surprising that the librarian\\nreported at the next Commencement that there was a decrease\\nin the number of books drawn, and recommended that the library\\nbe open but one hour a week instead of two hours as before.\\nTuition was changed from $26, due in quarterly payments, to\\n$27, due in three payments, one in each term, with $1, for inci-\\ndentals, and a library charge according to its use. For tlieir\\nmutual advantage instructors were required to attend occasionally\\neach others recitations. In place of the performance of the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "1 820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 215\\nProfessor of Theology at Saturday evening chapel, given up on\\nthe resignation of Professor Shurtleff, a bibhcal exercise was\\nprescribed for Sunday evening or Monday morning, which was\\nto be a substitute for one of the required exercises of Monday.\\nThe suggestions of the first committee as to the restriction or\\ndropping of Greek as a requirement do not seem to have met with\\nfavor, but on the contrary the President was requested to cor-\\nrespond with other colleges on the expediency of introducing\\nHebrew as a language to be studied in college.\\nThe modification of the course of study made by the new code\\nwas still further eft ected by the changes which took place in the\\nFaculty about that time. In August, 1826, Professor Dana\\nresigned the chair of chemistry and in the following January the\\nRev. Benjamin Hale, a graduate of Bowdoin and Principal of\\nthe Gardiner Lyceum, was chosen as his successor, but as a mem-\\nber of the academic Faculty, with the title of Professor of Chem-\\nistry, Mineralogy and Legal Medicine. At the same meeting\\nProfessor Shurtleff, whose strength was unequal to the arduous\\nduties of the chair of Divinity combined with those of ministering\\nto the College church, surrendered his chair and was immxcdiately\\nchosen to that of logic and metaphysics, which under a change\\nof title in the following August to moral philosophy and political\\neconomy, he carried with distinguished success for ten years.\\nThe resignation of Professor Shurtleff and the coming of a new\\nProfessor of Theology again opened the question of the relation\\nof the village church to the College. This professor preached\\nto the students, but in the house owned mainly by members of\\nthe church, who by virtue of his preaching to them in their house\\nregarded him as their pastor, and yet by vote of the Trustees,\\npassed in 1806, were precluded from doing anything for his\\nsupport. They wished to bring this anomalous condition of\\naffairs to an end, and on their request at the coming of Professor\\nHowe, that they might have some share in his support, the Trus-\\ntees promptly rescinded their former vote and allowed the church\\nto assume its proper share in the support of their pastor. The\\nRev. George Howe, a graduate of Middlebury, was chosen to suc-\\nceed Professor Shurtleff as Professor of Divinity, but the duty\\nof preaching was divided between him and the President. To\\nprevent confusion with the new chair of Professor Shurtleff,\\nDr. Oliver s was changed to intellectual philosophy.\\nIn January of 1826 the College was threatened with a serious\\nloss by a robbery. Judge Farrar, the College treasurer, was", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "2i6 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI.\\nholding court at Portsmouth, and in his absence his desk was\\nbroken open and rifled of about $i,ooo belonging to the College.\\nDiligent investigations threw suspicion upon a young man named\\nWilliam H. Ropes, who was living in the family of the judge,\\nand who on being arrested confessed the theft and restored all\\nthe money. He was committed to jail and at the May term of\\nCourt pleaded guilty and was sentenced to two years in the\\nState prison.^\\nAmong the changes of this time was the requirement that the\\nPresident should make to the Trustees a written annual report\\non the condition of the College with such recommendations as\\nhe and the Faculty might wish to make. President Tyler s\\nfirst report was made at the annual meeting in August and gave\\na favorable account of the result of the changes. The Faculty\\nhad been apprehensive of the requirement that all omitted\\nexercises should be made up and that weekly reports should be\\nmade of the work of the students, shrinking somewhat from the\\nextra work thrown upon them, but the requirement had been\\neffective and was popular with the students. The abolition of\\nfines worked well, though it had tended to increase absence from\\nprayers. The President thought that too many fines were still\\nretained in the penal code, and he recommended that more power\\nbe given to the President in the matter of discipline, as the details\\nof executive business occupied more time in the meetings of the\\nFaculty than any person without experience would be likely\\nto imagine, as subjects of comparatively trifling importance\\noften led to protracted discussions that interfered with the\\ndispatch of business.\\nTwo recommendations of the Faculty did not meet the approval\\nof the Trustees, one that students entering College should be\\nrequired to state that they had read the laws of the College and\\nwould fully obey them, and the other that, owing to the unpop-\\nularity of the biblical exercise among the students, the Faculty\\nbe authorized to modify or discontinue it at their discretion.\\nThe permission which was then refused was granted in the fol-\\nlowing year, and under it the Faculty put the exercise on Sunday\\nafternoon, attendance being voluntary, and during the summer\\nterm it was merged in a general religious meeting. In course\\nof time it was found that most of the students avoided it, and in\\n1833 the Faculty advised an order of compulsory attendance.\\nThis was accepted and under such direction the exercise con-\\n1 New Hampshire Patriot, January 23 and 30, 1826; Court files.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "1820-1828.] Presidents Dana and Tyler. 217\\ntinued in one form or another, as an exercise in the Greek Testa-\\nment, or in the EngUsh Bible, or as a lecture, till it was finally\\nabandoned in 1892. It was never an exercise which commanded\\nthe interest of the students and from the outset its character\\nand the method of conducting it were questions of active dis-\\ncussion. The whole subject of Biblical instruction, said\\nPresident Lord, in his report in 1831, is one of no ordinary-\\nembarrassment, on which our theoretical reasonings are not\\nalways found to bear well and safely in their applications.\\nWhether the Bible should be put on a level with the classics as\\na text book for study, whether it should be like other studies\\nrequired of all indiscriminately; and to what extent and in\\nwhat form it should be used for purposes of literary or moral\\ninstruction are all questions which benevolence will be more\\nready to answer than discretion.\\nIn the midst of these changes came the resignation of President\\nTyler. The active duties of a pastor had always been very\\ncongenial to him. He had surrendered them with great reluc-\\ntance, and only under a sense of unavoidable obligation of duty\\nto accept the call to the presidency of Dartmouth at a critical\\ntime, and he cherished a longing to be again at his favorite tasks.\\nThe failing health of Professor Shurtleff had cast upon him the\\nprincipal care of the College church from the summer of 1825,\\nand his preachijig was accompanied, in 1826, with a deep and\\nremarkable revival in the College and the village. But the\\nofficial cares grew each year more irksome, and an invitation,\\ncoming to him in May, 1828, to assume the pastorate of the\\nSecond Congregational Church in Portland, Me., revived his\\ndesire for ministerial and pastoral work too strongly to be re-\\nsisted. It seemed to him that he had fulfilled the most pressing\\nduties that had devolved upon him here, and that the circum-\\nstances of the College no longer demanded that he should further\\nsacrifice his preferences. He, therefore, determined to accept\\nthe call, and resigned the presidency in the following August.^\\n1 Bennet Tyler, the son of James and Anne (Hungerford) Tyler, was born in Middlebury,\\nConn., July 6, 1783. He was graduated at Yale in 1804 and studied divinity with the Rev.\\nAsahel Hooker of Goshen, Conn. From his first pastorate at South Britain, Conn., he came to\\nthe presidency of Dartmouth. On leaving the College he was installed at Portland in Septem-\\nber, 1828, but after holding that position for six years he became President and Professor of\\nChristian Theology at the Theological Institute at East Windsor, Conn. Resigning in 1857,\\nhe died May 14, 1858. He is described as of a tall, stout figure, of fair complexion, of a lively,\\nintelligent blue eye and an open benevolent expression, free from stiffness or affectation of\\nmanner, and of genial and sympathetic nature.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII.\\n1828-1863.\\nTHE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT LORD.\\nCIRCUMSTANCES pointed irresistibly to the Rev. Nathan\\nLord as President Tyler s successor. Aside from his\\npersonal qualifications, the intimate knowledge that he had\\ngained of the affairs of the College in the discharge of his duties\\nas trustee for the two preceding years gave him peculiar fitness\\nfor the position, and it happened also that a difficulty of the\\nthroat, impairing his voice, had prevented him for some time from\\ndischarging the active duties of his pulpit at Amherst. Notwith-\\nstanding he expressed great reluctance to undertake the task, he\\nwas immediately and unanimously elected, but it was only after\\ntwo months of hesitation that the urgent advice of his friends\\nand an improvement in his health led him to accept the appoint-\\nment, and he was inaugurated October 28, 1828, with the most\\nflattering prospects which were not belied by the result. His\\nhealth improved and he was able for thirty-five years to exercise\\na controlling influence upon the affairs of the College. His\\naccession may fairly be said to mark the beginning of the recent\\nhistory of the College.\\nThe period of almost fifty years before him witnessed the hero-\\nism and romance of its founding, and also the struggle for\\nexistence under the second Wheelock, changing in his later ad-\\nministration to internal controversies and the conflict with the\\nState which called out the loyalty and sacrifice of President Brown,\\nwhile the administrations of Presidents Dana and Tyler, limited\\nin their activities by the exhaustion resulting from what had\\nimmediately preceded, were occupied in holding fast the things\\nthat remained, in recovering friendships, in soothing alienations\\nand in preparing the way for the development that might be\\npossible under more favorable conditions. Under President\\nLord the development was realized and the College entered on\\nthe course by which under successive presidents it has reached its\\npresent state.\\nI Nathan Lord, the son of John and Mehitabel (Perkins) Lord, was bom in South Berwick,\\nMe., November 28, 1792. Fitting for college at the academy in that village he was graduated\\nfrom Bowdoin College in 1809. After two years as a teacher at Phillips Exeter Academy he\\nstudied for the ministry and after being graduated from Andover Theological Seminary in 1815\\n218", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 219\\nThe immediate burden of the new administration, descending\\nto it from the past, was the financial one. By special vote Dr.\\nLord was appointed the financial agent of the Board to raise\\nmoney in the execution of plans already made. In the preceding\\nJanuary the Board had determined to attempt to raise a sub-\\nscription of $50,000, to become binding when $30,000 had been\\nsubscribed, to place the Institution on a broad and permanent\\nfoundation, to secure to it an elevated character, and to furnish\\nit with all those advantages which will comport with the im-\\nprovements of the age, and had appointed a number of agents,\\nmostly ministers of New Hampshire and neighboring states, to\\ndirect and hasten the work. President Tyler had immediately\\nset the project on foot, and on the ist of February had so earnestly\\npresented the matter to the alumni of Boston at a meeting in the\\nExchange Coffee House, and on the evening of the 5th to a similar\\nmeeting in Nev/buryport that he secured subscriptions from sixty\\nalumni am.ounting to $6,000. A printed appeal was sent out in\\nthe same month, but without much result, except to awaken\\ninterest. The agents appointed accomplished little and most of\\nwhat was done was by the personal efforts of President Tyler in the\\nvacations.\\nThe hope was again entertained by some and found public\\nexpression that the State might now come to the help of the\\nCollege with the Literary fund, which by this time amounted to\\n$53,000, but the hope was doomed to disappointment.\\nAt the November session of 1828 Governor John Bell devoted\\nseveral pages of his message to the subject of education. Allud-\\ning to the College as by private munificence (with the aid of\\ndonations from the State) in possession of considerable\\nfunds and enjoying a considerable degree of prosper-\\nity, and declaring that such is the number and character of\\nsimilar institutions in New England, neither the public interest\\nrequires, nor is it desirable on any account to increase them,\\nhe recommended the permanent appropriation of the incom.e of\\nthe Literary fund and bank tax to be distributed among the towns\\nfor the support of the common schools. At the same time he\\nsuggested the establishment by the State at public charge of an\\nhe was settled as pastor in Amherst, N. H. He was President of Dartmouth till July 1863.\\nwhen he resigned, living thenceforth quietly in Hanover till his death, September 9, 1870.\\nIn person Dr. Lord (Bowdoin made him a D.D. in 1828) was of medium height, of vigorous\\nphysical powers, of massive features making a strongly marked face, keen blue eyes, shrouded\\nin later life, owing to their weakness, with green glasses, a pleasant expression, and of rare and\\nunfailing courtesy of manner.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "220 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nexperimental farm and Agricultural School. The Governor s\\nviews as to the disposition of the Literary fund were made oper-\\native by an act of December 31, 1828, but his other proposition\\nwas rejected without a division.^\\nThe resignation of President Tyler naturally tended to retard\\nsubscriptions, but Dr. Lord on his accession took up the work with\\nvigor. The subscription had been made payable in five annual\\ninstallments, if the subscriber so desired, and was not to be\\nbinding unless the minimum of $30,000 had been subscribed by\\nAugust 25, 1829. Notwithstanding the utmost efforts, the re-\\nquired amount had not been reached as that day approached,\\nand the whole subscription seemed likely to be lost, but when on\\nthe 24th it reached only $29,600, President Lord added $400 to\\nthe subscription of $300 which he had already made and thus\\nsaved the whole. He was afterward relieved of about $300 by\\nbelated subscriptions.\\nThis subscription was the beginning of a new era for the Col-\\nlege. It did not remove all its difficulties or lift all its burdens,\\nbut it gave the relief that was necessary and helped morally as\\nwell as financially. There were still jealousies and enmities in\\nsome quarters, but it showed that there was a large and devoted\\nconstituency on which the College could depend, and that the\\ncurrent of feeling was setting toward and not against it. Finan-\\ncially it relieved the College of a burden of debt that, added to\\nits other necessities, was almost crushing, for it provided the\\nmeans, as has been previously told, of paying the debt to the\\nestate of John Wheelock in 1832, when for the first time the Col-\\nlege became free from debt except to its own funds, and there\\nwas, for that year, nearly a balance between income and expenses.\\nIt also afforded the means for the construction of much needed\\nbuildings and improvements.\\nIn the last year of President Tyler s administration there had\\nbeen a decrease in the number of students, in itself not regarded\\nas a serious fact,^ as the number of undergraduates, 134, was\\nlarger by seven than the number that New Hampshire sent to\\nall colleges, and the decrease was explained partly by the rise of\\nother colleges, but more by the impression extensively prevailing\\nthat the college buildings were decayed, and that accommodations\\nwere inferior to those provided in the other institutions. The\\nCollege was not able to provide rooms in Dartmouth and Brown\\nH. J., 94 and 321. 2 President s Report, 1828.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 221\\nHalls, with those which it rented in the Tontine, for more than\\nhalf the undergraduates so that the other half and the medical\\nstudents were obliged to find quarters as best they could in pri-\\nvate houses, which were generally open to them. To remedy this\\ncondition the Trustees, at their meeting in January, 1828, voted\\nto repair the College and the chapel and to erect a new wooden\\nbuilding at an expense of $3,000. The oversight of the work\\nwith authority to make contracts, under the advice, as to form,\\nof Ira Perley, was given to a committee consisting of Professors\\nChamberlain and Hale, although nearly all of the burden came\\nupon Professor Chamberlain. He had been elected treasurer in\\n1826, on the resignation of Judge Farrar to accept the appoint-\\nment of judge of the Court of Common Pleas, and as treasurer,\\nin addition to his duties as professor of languages, he was to\\nact as financier, and inspector of museum and of college build-\\nings at a salary of $375.\\nHe did not learn of his appointment as the director of the\\nnew construction till after the adjournment of the Board, when\\nhe expressly declined to act, on the ground that his duties were\\ntoo heavy to be performed properly by one man, but after con-\\nferences with several of the trustees, in which they recognized\\nthe justice of his claims, under the necessities of the situation\\nhe consented to begin the work. But it was greater than had\\nbeen anticipated. On carefully going over the situation it was\\nfound that the proposed improvements were entirely inadequate\\nto meet the needs of the College. The building committee,\\ntherefore, acting under the advice of President Tyler and Messrs.\\nMarsh and Lord, the prudential committee of the Trustees,\\ndetermined to abandon the proposed scheme and to adopt a\\nlarger one that had previously been under consideration by the\\nTrustees. This was to repair thoroughly and to paint the Col-\\nlege, to put blinds upon it, and to make a large central room in\\nit for a chapel in place of the building to be removed, and to erect,\\ninstead of one wooden building, two buildings of brick, seventy\\nfeet by fifty and three stories high, to be used as dormitories.\\nIt was also proposed to define the college yard by erecting a fence\\nabout it. The estimated expense of the buildings was $12,000,\\nand it was to be met by temporary loans, if necessary, but ulti-\\nmately by the proceeds of the new subscription.\\nA decision having been reached and the plans of the new build-\\nings, made by Captain Ammi B. Young, having been approved,\\nProfessor Chamberlain threw himself with all his might into the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "222 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nnecessary preparations. He spent the remaining part of the win-\\nter and the spring in making arrangement for materials and\\nworkmen and in securing proposals and making contracts, so\\nthat early in May the workmen were collected, and so rapidly\\ndid the work progress under Professor Chamberlain s personal\\nand constant supervision that by Commencement the old chapel\\nwas moved, the ground was leveled and the foundations of the\\nnew buildings were completed. They were called, when finished,\\nThornton and Wentworth Halls in honor of the early benefactors\\nof the College, John Thornton and Gov. John Wentworth.\\nThey were completed in the summer of 1829, ready for occupancy\\nin the fall, but Thornton Hall was erected in the fall of 1828 and\\nWentworth in the ensuing spring. Thornton partly covered\\nthe site of the old chapel which was removed to give it room.\\nThe chapel was transferred to the northwest corner of the com-\\nmon to the site for many years occupied by the Hubbard House\\nand now by the Administration Building, where it was used for\\na time as a vestry by the church, but later it was again moved to\\nthe northern part of the village and became a barn.\\nIt began its journey on the loth of May, drawn, as tradition\\nsays,^ by forty yoke of oxen, and, unless tradesmen s receipts are\\nmisleading, under circumstances of good cheer, for on that day\\nthere were delivered to the Trustees of the College through their\\ntreasurer, who was superintending the work of removal, i\\nBbl. cider, 17 soft Buisquet, 20 loaves of Bread, 100 Crackers, 21\\nlbs. cheese, 6 tumblers, 3 gal. A gin, 3 do. N. Rum, i^ do. molasses,\\nwhich were supplemented on the 12th by two more quarts of\\ngin, three of rum and a pint of molasses. That there was some\\ncarelessness seems to be indicated by a charge made on the loth\\nby Dr. Alden of thirty-four cents for two broken quart bottles.\\nSimilar refreshment was later furnished at the raising of the\\nfloors.\\nBefore the buildings were begun contracts had been made for\\nall that was necessary. Benjamin and Nathaniel Hall of Lebanon\\ncontracted to furnish 390,000 brick of proper quality at $3 a\\nthousand, and 5,000 tiles; the underpinning of granite came from\\nChurch and Ball of Lebanon at 25c. a foot, while John B. Annis\\nof Orford delivered on the bank of the Connecticut in Lyme all\\nthe dressed stone for sills and caps for the windows, and jambs\\nand lintels for the doors at 54c. and thresholds at 50c. a foot.\\nCrosby Memorial, p. 28. Receipts in files of Treasurer.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 22t,\\nHewn sticks of spruce and white pine were bought for $9, and\\nhemlock for $5 a thousand. Shingles were $2 a thousand, but\\nthe price of everything that had to be brought from a distance\\nwas correspondingly high. Nails cost 7c. a pound, glass, 8 by\\n10, cost 8|c. a light, white lead 9\u00c2\u00a7c. to I2\\\\c. a pound and linseed\\noil from 75c. to 85c. a gallon. All this was in Boston and freight\\nwas $1 a hundred. Labor was abundant and ordinary laborers\\nwere paid 75c. to $1, and stone and brick masons $1.50 a day.\\nThe workmen were boarded by Abigail Dewey and Sophia Barton\\nfor $i.62| a week for a time, and later for $1.75. The contract\\nto do the brick work on the two buildings was let May 31, 1828,\\nto Willard and Chapin of Windsor, Vt., who offered to lay brick\\nfor $1.22 a thousand or to do all the brick work on the buildings\\nfor $567.\\nBut, notwithstanding all the care of preparation, there was\\ndelay. The brick furnished were of an inferior quality and were\\nnot delivered at the time agreed upon. There was a delay also\\nin delivering the lime, so that as the winter came on, though the\\nfirst building was erected, the second had not risen above the\\nfoundations. The difficulty about the bricks was remedied by\\nsecuring a new supply from Thomas Potter of Lebanon, who\\nfurnished 130,220 brick at $3.83 a thousand. The work of the\\nbuilders was satisfactory, but for some reason the contract with\\nWillard and Chapin, who received $487.16 for their work on\\nThornton, was cancelled and on March 23, 1829, a new one for\\nthe second building was made with Alpheus Baker and Philo\\nSprague of Lebanon, who were to lay all the brick and stone\\nabove the underpinning stone thereof, and to make their own\\nmortar and stagings and tend themselves, the materials being\\nfurnished and conveniently delivered by the Trustees, and to\\ncomplete the work before the 20th of June, for $350. The work\\nwas done promptly and satisfactorily and the contractors further\\ndid the plastering and setting the hearths in Wentworth Hall for\\n$165.\\nWork on the alterations and repairs of Dartmouth Hall was\\nbegun as soon as that on the new buildings. In accordance with\\nthe plan to devote part of it to a chapel, in place of the building\\nremoved, a large room was constructed in the center of the edifice\\noccupying the entire width, and, by the removal of the second\\nstory floor, gaining the height of two stories. It was entered\\nthrough a vestibule by a single door in the middle of the western\\nfront, and the platform and desk were on the east side. Other", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "224 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\npublic rooms were constructed and the building was otherwise\\nthoroughly repaired. The rooms remaining for students were\\nrefitted and those in the middle and lower stories renumbered.\\nFour of the largest chimneys, which were considered unsafe, were\\ntaken down and rebuilt at an expense of $105; the cornice which\\nhad been left imperfect on the south and east was now completed\\nthe building was painted inside and out with three coats of paint,\\nblinds were put on the windows of the front, and to make it more\\nperfect the gable of the west front was for the first time made\\nalive by the dial of a clock, A new bell of a remarkably sweet\\ntone, weighing 720 pounds, the result of a subscription of $250\\nraised for the purpose in the village, was hung in the belfry, and\\nfor nearly forty years, till it cracked in 1867, called the succes-\\nsive generations of students to daily prayers and recitations.\\nThe clock was likewise a gift and came under peculiar circum-\\nstances. While the repairs were under way a gentleman wrote\\nto Professor Adams saying that he dreamed that a clock would be\\nof use to the College, and if it was so, he would be willing to make\\na gift of one. Naturally he was informed that such a gift was\\ngreatly desired, and in due time he gave the clock which was\\nthe college time piece till the burning of Dartmouth Hall in 1904,\\nthough in its later years it was very erratic. After the work on\\nthe buildings was completed the college yard was graded and sur-\\nrounded with a sufficient fence.\\nThe expense of the repairs upon Dartmouth Hall was about\\n$3,000, which with the cost of the two new buildings brought the\\nexpenditures for construction and repairs to $16,200, a little\\nmore than $3,000 above the original estimate, and about $300\\nwere spent for furniture and stoves.^ All the work was done\\nand the buildings were ready for occupancy in October of 1829,\\nbut the last months had been months of great anxiety. Reliance\\nhad been placed upon the new subscription to furnish funds for\\nthe new construction and when, as the summer advanced, the\\nsubscription was incomplete, the very progress of the work and\\nthe expected advantage from it seemed the promise of crushing\\ndisaster. But, happily, the subscription did not fail, the build-\\nings were paid for, the burden of debt was lifted, and a new aspect\\nwas given to the College. The buildings were for the first time\\ninsured, Dartmouth for $7,000, and Thornton and Wentworth\\nfor $6,000. Probably with a view to saving the library it was\\nReports of the Treasurer for 1829 and the President for 1830.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 225\\nvoted to buy a dozen two-bushel baskets to be used in case of\\nfire.\\nThe labor involved in the oversight of the construction of the\\nbuildings, added to the financial responsibility, was too much\\nfor the strength of Professor Chamberlain, who had never been\\nrobust. Consumption followed upon a cold resulting from ex-\\nposure and he died July 16, 1830. He had become responsible\\nfor $250 toward the new subscription, of which he had paid $10,\\nbut before his death he filed a paper with the Trustees asking\\nthat his services should count as an offset to his subscription.\\nIn it he said that with the exception of the help of Capt. Ammi B.\\nYoung, who had been hired both summers to oversee the carpentry\\nwork, there had come upon him, in addition to the whole care\\nand responsibility of making contracts and settling accounts,\\nthe devising of ways and means. In the course of this busi-\\nness, he wrote, I have obtained and paid out from loans and\\nsubscriptions about five thousand\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and from other sources of\\nthe College, principally old debts, about eleven thousand dollars,\\nhave kept a register of every separate day s work (joiners excepted),\\nhave critically examined and paid every account, executed and\\nfiled receipts and discharges, about 1,400 in number, have kept\\na diary journal and ledger account with the vouchers annexed\\nwith the whole concern. For clerical assistance and incidental\\nexpenses he had expended, without charge to the Trustees, $105,\\nand he asked that this amount and his services in supervising\\nconstruction might be regarded as balancing his subscription of\\n$250, a sum, said he, for which no man of business would\\nhave given up his time and services as I have done for the past\\ntwo years, and which the Trustees could not have hired for twice\\nthe amount. The Trustees recognized the justice of this re-\\nquest and offset the subscription by continuing his salary to the\\nend of the year.\\nIra Perley was chosen as treasurer to succeed Professor Cham-\\nberlain, and his election, coinciding with the payment of the\\nsubscription of $30,000 and the increase of the college plant, marks\\nthe beginning of the modern period of the college treasury. In\\n1830 for the first time books were opened on a regular system of\\ndouble entry, and in accordance with the suggestion of President\\nLord a careful inventory was made of the college property, by\\nwhich it appeared that the nominal assets were $85,752.30 and\\nthe liabilities were $20,562,95, including $5,424.38 borrowed\\nfrom the Charity fund. The lands and buildings, on the basis", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "226 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nof rental value, together with the equipment, including the li-\\nbrary, apparatus and mineralogical cabinet, estimated at $5,000,\\nwere rated at $47,762.50. In that year $3,600 were due the Col-\\nlege on unpaid rents, and the estimated annual incomewas$6,700,\\nand the estimated expenses were $7,300. Thanks to the sub-\\nscription a change soon took place, and in 1832-33 for the first\\ntime in many years the College was free from debt, except that\\nto its own funds, which amounted to $4,668, and then first began\\ninvestments on mortgage security.\\nThere was still, however, a great uncertainty about the income.\\nTuition was $30 a year, but there was always a considerable\\narrearage, and the rents from leases continued to be difficult to\\ncollect, especially in Wheelock, from which in 1832 only $250 were\\nrealized. This town, since the tenajits had tasted the sweets\\nof freedom from paying rent during the uncertainty of ownership\\nin the conflict with the University, had presented a continuous\\nseries of vexatious delays in the payment of rents. The original\\nsurvey of the town gave to the College as its share, besides several\\nsmall gores, one hundred and fourteen lots of one hundred acres\\neach. Of this amount about one thousand acres were deemed\\nunfit for use, one hundred and fifty acres were reserved for the\\nuse of the minister and the school and a considerable part had\\nbeen bought outright, so that in 1823 a little over eight thousand\\nacres v/ere under lease with a nominal rental of about $550.\\nThe amount of rent and capital unpaid with overdue interest at\\nthat time was $3,891.37. Ejectment for non-payment of rent\\nproved unavailing, as tenants, after allov/ing rents to accumu-\\nlate, gave up the land and had nothing that could satisfy the\\ndamages awarded against them. The difficulty of collection was\\nincreased by speculators who became assignees of large tracts\\nof land and underleased it to others for short periods from whom\\nthey received rent, without paying or intending to pay anything\\nto the College, and directing their tenants to surrender the\\npremises to the college agent whenever a call should be made for\\nrent.\\nThe disaffection toward the Trustees was shown by the refusal\\nof the town to assume any responsibility for the lots reserved for\\nthe support of the minister and of schools and assigned to the\\ntown by the Trustees, or to receive the rents arising from them,\\nand they were considered as lawful plunder by all living near\\nthem and stripped of most of their valuable timber. If an appli-\\nReport to Trustees, 1824.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 227\\ncant appeared for the lots he was referred by each party to the\\nother, but at last the Trustees made a lease assigning the rents to\\nthe town for the purpose specified and holding them, when paid,\\nsubject to the order of the town. Before 1823 the Trustees had\\nemployed an agent in the town to take charge of their affairs,\\nbut after that year they put them into the hands of the treasurer,\\nwho made several visits a year to the town to make collections.\\nIn 1828 he reported that having been able to visit the town but\\nonce during the year the rents collected were but about half the\\naverage amount for the four years previous. Matters did not\\nmend, and three years later the new treasurer, Mr. Perley, re-\\nported, after a visit to the town, that the Trustees were princi-\\npally known to that part of the country as distrainers of rent\\nand were not entirely free from the odium which usually attaches\\nupon that character. He said that the tenants complained that\\nthe rent was an annual drain of money out of the place which did\\nnot come back in any shape, that it constituted a perpetual in-\\ncumbrance embarrassing the sale and transfer of their property,\\nand that as such tenure of land was not common in this country,\\nit seemed a kind of servitude and they could hardly look upon\\nthemselves as free men, as long as they were bound by it, and\\nconsequently, he said, that they paid the rent less cheerfully as\\nit was taken for the support of a foreign institution. He, there-\\nfore, recommended that the rents be capitalized and sold out-\\nright, as this would encourage the payment of arrearages, and\\nalso that tenants might be allowed to subdivide their holdings.\\nIn accordance with these recommendations the Trustees, after\\nsome delay, took action in 1834 by which tenants, who were not\\nin arrears, might within two years extinguish the principal of\\ntheir leases, except for a nominal rent which should not be less\\nthan one dollar, or might by surrendering their leases, receive new\\nleases of portions of the original allotment, running to different\\noccupants, provided that the rents of all the portions equalled\\nthe former rental of the whole, and that no parcel should be leased\\nof less quantity than twenty-five acres. Tenants, who were not\\nin arrears, were also allowed to surrender their leases and to\\nreceive new leases of the pitched land for the terms of the\\noriginal lease, at proportionate rental, provided they gave by\\nsurrender, or otherwise, a good title to the draw land.\\nThe terms pitched land and draw land arose from the method of assigning lands\\nWhen the town was opened to settlers it was divided into lots of one hundred acreseach, and three\\nlots constituted a right, which was the smallest amount for which a lease was given. As\\nthe land throughout the township was not of equal value, it was divided, except about 2,000 acres", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "228 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nBut the question of rent was complicated with the question of\\ntitle, raised by parties in Vermont in connection with Moor s\\nSchool, and it was not till October of 1834 that the Trustees,\\nafter sending Mr. Parker of their own number together with their\\ntreasurer to Wheelock to examine into the state of affairs there,\\ndefinitely adopted measures looking toward the capitalization\\nof rents and the sale of lands in fee simple, and also permitting\\nthe division of leases with proportionate rents, provided that no\\nlease should be given for less than twenty-five acres.\\nThe interests of Moor s School, involved with those of the Col-\\nlege, were of minor importance but were still more confused.\\nThe College and the School each owned one moiety in Wheelock,\\nbut though the School had an independent organization yet its\\ntenants were only too willing to withhold the payment of their\\nrents till the question between the College and the University\\nshould be decided. The School was in further difificulty over a\\nquestion that arose as to its rights in the Scotch fund, the logical\\nsequence of the position taken by the Society in 1771. The\\nScotch fund was confessedly exempt from the jurisdiction of the\\nwhich, lying on the mountain and remoter skirts of the towTi was left as improper for occu-\\npancy, into two parts. The first was considered the more valuable and comprised about two\\nthirds of the township, while the second contained the other and less desirable third. A settler\\nwas allowed to choose two one-hundred-acre lots in the first part, and this was called his pitch,\\nbut the third one hundred acres necessary to complete his right he drew by lot from the second\\npart, and this was his draw land, This portion of his right was often remotefromhis pitched\\nland, and an encumbrance rather than a help, as rent was charged upon it as upon the better\\nportion and yet cultivation or improvement of it was difficult. The feelings of the settlers were\\nexpressed in a petition to the Trustees in 1820:\\nWe the subscribers for and in behalf of the inhabitants of the town of Wheelock Beg leave\\nto Represent to your Honors that in Consequence of the Dispute between you and the State of\\nNew Ilampshre Respecting the ownership of Dartmouth College the Rents on the Lands In said\\nWheelock have become large and in many Instances the Land is connected with Furriners who\\nDont pay any Rent for it in consequence of its not being of much Value which subjects the In-\\nhabitants in Wheelock that own lands leased with them to pay the Whole Rents or become Liable\\nto lose the whole as in a number of leases the Letters have been sued Subjected to a bill of Costs\\nand quit the land, which Now Lays Common the buildings and fences are gone and the farms are\\ngrowing up with bushes which many of these Inhabitants were Industrious working men and\\nwould have been Able to pay the rents on the land that they owned Could they have been released\\nfrom the other or Draw Lands, So Called for there generally is one third of the Land In a Lease\\nLand that was Drawed by a Draught and the Most of that is poor and owed by People in Differ-\\nent parts of the Country and many of the Inhabitants of Wheelock are now connected in that\\nway and must be subjected to Bills of Costs and themselves and Families turned out of Doors\\nwithout anything unless your Honors will take the matter into Consideration and grant them\\nRepreave in Some way that will Incourrage them that they Can pay Rents for what Lands they\\npossefgs] or at least cast of Some of those Draw Lands or say if they will pay for the pitched\\nLand that they shall be discharged from the other and give them a reasonable time to settle\\nup for money at this time is so Scarce that it is not Possible for them to pay all the back Rents\\nand Interest in one Season if you Sue the Whole but we favourably Hope that the Land is not\\nwhat you wish for we believe that what has been forfeited has not been of any use to you and we\\nthink that it will not unless you will lease it in smaller leases we Cheerfully hope that your Honors\\nwill take the above under Consideration and Grant Some Relief in Some way as we are in duty\\nbound will ever pray.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 229\\nCollege Trustees. It was expressly excluded from the operation\\nof the charter of 1807, and President John Wheelock claimed to\\ncontrol its expenditure in his own right as the proprietor, under\\nthe will of his father, of Dr. Wheelock s Indian Charity School,\\nand at his death bequeathed it to the President of Dartmouth\\nUniversity. The Society was disinclined to accept that view and\\nin March, 1817, recommended the dismissal of the four Indians\\nthen on the fund until the controversy should be determined.\\nThey were accordingly sent home, and we hear of no others till\\nPresident Tyler s time, but the School, which since 181 1 had been\\nunder the care of Mr. Joseph Perry, as Preceptor by appointment\\nof President Wheelock, continued under his charge till 1818 with\\nthe tacit acquiescence of President Brown. In August of that\\nyear the Trustees advised President Brown to appoint a master,\\nand Mr. William Chamberlain was employed.\\nAt the death of President Wheelock the School came to his\\nsuccessor burdened with a debt of about $1,200 and charged with\\nan annual salary of $200 to the President for the time being and\\nof $150 to the Preceptor. For several years after taking office\\nPresident Wheelock made no charge for his services in conducting\\nthe School, but in 1805 he secured a certificate, signed by several\\nof the Trustees of the College acting as a committee of examina-\\ntion, that the President was entitled to $200 a year for his services,\\nand from then on that sum continued to be the salary of the Presi-\\ndent of the School till the election of President Smith in 1863.\\nBy reason of the withholding of the rents by tenants in Wheelock\\nthe debt of the School increased and could not be reduced while\\nthe School was in operation. It was, therefore, suspended on\\nthe advice of the Trustees in 1829 by President Lord, who found\\non his coming a debt of nearly $1,300, a building dilapidated\\nand ruinous, insufficient for its purposes, and unworthy of repair,\\nthe School without available resources and wholly insolvent for\\nthe time being.\\nIn November of 183 1, in order to simplify the administration of\\nmatters in Wheelock as well as to apply more effectively whatever\\nreturns might come from there, it was, with the consent of the\\nPresident, proposed by the Trustees to the legislature of Vermont\\nto transfer to the College all the interests of the School in Wheel-\\nock on the assumption by the College of all the obligations of the\\nSchool. Mr. Charles Marsh attended the session of the legis-\\nlature at Montpelier in support of the petition and secured favor-\\nLetter of President Lord to Trustees, 1864.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "230 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nable action from the Assembly, but the Council refused to concur,*\\non the ground that the lands granted to the School might be\\nforfeited to the State through no?i-user, and that it would not\\nthen be wise to grant them to an institution outside the State.\\nUnder the authority of a resolution passed by the House in con-\\ncurrence with the Council the Governor appointed, as an agent to\\ninvestigate the question of forfeiture. Judge Asa Aikens of Wind-\\nsor, who made a long report in October, 1832,^ in which, after\\nreviewing the history of the School and the circumstances of the\\ngrant, he concluded that no legal cause of forfeiture had oc-\\ncurred, and that the interest of the College, the School and the\\nacademies in that part of Vermont would be furthered by the\\ntransfer of the grant to the College. The Assembly immediately\\npassed an act in conformity with the report, but the Council again\\nfailed to concur, and in the following year united with the Assem-\\nbly in passing a resolution for the appointment of an agent to bring\\na suit-at-lawor in chancery for the recovery of the lands inWheel-\\nock belonging to Moor s School.^ Nothing being done, the propo-\\nsition was renewed two years later, but the title was too secure\\nto be disturbed and the agitation came to an end by 1837.\\nAs would be expected the uncertainty of legislation but in-\\ntensified the trouble with the tenants, and more suits for non-\\npayment of rent were instituted and contested, and in course of\\ntime again decided in favor of the School. The continued sus-\\npension of instruction having in the meantime an unfavorable\\ninfluence, the President was, in 1834, advised by the Board to\\nemploy an instructor and reopen the School, but the advice was\\nnot acted upon until after the final decision of the court in 1837.\\nIt was not possible to occupy the old building, which by that\\ntime was past recovery, and as, in consequence of the decision in\\nthe suits, a considerable amount of back rents had been received,\\nit was determined to erect a new one. The old building was ac-\\ncordingly sold and moved away and a new one of brick, which was\\nlong known as the Academy, was erected, and in the same year\\n(1837) the School was reopened after a suspension of nine years.\\nThe cost of the building, about $3,500, was greater than after-\\nward seemed expedient, as it was not then sufficiently understood\\nhow nearly impossible it was that such a school could be supported\\nwithout large funds under the shadow of a college, where the ex-\\nVt. H. J., 1831, p. 139; Vermont Governor and Council, Vol. VIII, p. 41.\\n\u00c2\u00bbVt. H. J.,pp. 183-189.\\n\u00c2\u00bbVt. H., J. 1833, p. 186.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 231\\npense to other than boys from the vicinity must necessarily exceed\\nwhat was usual in the other neighboring academies.\\nPresident Lord attempted to secure Indian pupils, visiting St.\\nFrancis and Lorette, near Quebec, for that purpose with but little\\nsuccess,^ and after twelve years of financial loss the School was\\nsuspended in 1849, it having become clear that it could receive few\\nor no students from abroad, that the expense of supporting it for\\nthe mere accommodation of a few families of the village could not\\nbe justified, and that instruction for the few Indians who came\\ncould be secured more efficiently and more economically by other\\nmeans. At that time the old debt had increased to more than $2,-\\n500, which for many years was carried by loans from different par-\\nties on the personal indorsement of President Lord in addition to\\nhis obligation as President of the School. To aid in the payment\\nof the debt the Academy building was rented in 1852 for $175 a\\nyear to the Visitors of the then recently organized Chandler\\nSchool and by this rental, with the receipts from Wheelock, the\\ndebt was greatly reduced at the time of the resignation of Presi-\\ndent Lord and was due wholly to him, as on the demand of the\\ncreditors for their money, in the lack of available funds of the\\nSchool, he had met the demands from his private means.\\nThe Academy building, proving too small for the use of the\\nChandler School, was remodelled and enlarged in 1871, partly\\nfrom the funds of the Academy but partly by contributions for\\nthat purpose from the friends of the Chandler School, and has since\\nbeen known as the Chandler Building. It underwent a second\\nenlargement in 1898 made possible by the bequest of over $28,000\\nby Frank W. Daniels of the class of 1868, and since that time has\\nbeen devoted to the use of the department of mathematics and\\ngraphics. The accumulation of the funds after the payment of\\nthe debt allowed, after 1893, the employment of a preceptor,\\nin accordance with the terms of the foundation, in connection\\nwith the village high school. The original object of aid to Indian\\nyouth was, however, never lost sight of, and during nearly all\\nthe time, either in the College, or in the village school, or in\\nneighboring schools, or at times under private instructors, Indian\\nboys were aided toward an education by the funds of Moor s\\nSchool. The question of transferring these funds to the College\\nas a means of greater usefulness, which was presented to the\\nlegislature of Vermont in 1831 and negative by them as far as\\nWheelock was concerned, was also presented to the Scotch Board\\nLetter to the Scotch Board, April 30. 1838.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "232 History of Darimouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nwith a like result. This fact, as well as the condition of the School,\\nwas brought out in a letter to the Trustees written by President\\nLord after his resignation, under date of July 20, 1864:\\nBut it may be well for me to state that the Corporation designated and\\nknown by the Charter as The President of Moor s Charity School, has never\\nceased to be vital and active during my administration. For, although the\\nSchool, as to an order of public instruction, was suspended while the tenants\\nheld their rents in abeyance, and afterward, as at present, it has been in con-\\nstant operation, and has so claimed successfully in a controversy with the\\nLegislature of Vermont, as far forth as it is an Indian Charity School. There\\nhas been little or no time when I have not had more or fewer Indian youth under\\nmy care as Pres\u00c2\u00bb. of the School, and procured instruction for them accordingly\\nunder accredited teachers, or when I have not maintained communication,\\ndirectly or through their Board of Commissioners at Boston, with the Society\\nin Scotland for the Propagation of the Gospel, and been recognized by them as\\ncarrying out satisfactorily its design. When the Academy building was\\nrented to the Visitors of the Chandler School it was with the distinct under-\\nstanding that the teachers of that School should be also the teachers of any\\nIndians that I should see fit officially to put under them as Pres of Moor s\\nIndian School, and that such pupils should be chargeable for tuition only at\\nthe rates which had been always ordered when the School had been opened to\\nthe public.\\nI have held that Moor s Indian Charity School cannot cease while the Cor-\\nporation known as the President of that School exists and exercises the respon-\\nsible care of Indians in a course of instruction at Hanover under such teachers\\nas he may appoint.\\nAs to the usefulness of maintaining this Indian Charity or any School at\\nHanover in connection with it as compared with the benefit of having the\\nScotch Fund and the School Rents at Wheelock appropriated to the general\\nuse of the College, I have long had serious doubts. But during this generation\\nit would be impossible so to impress the Society in Scotland, or the Legislature\\nof Vermont. Before experience, many years ago, I expressed these doubts to\\nthe Society in Scotland. The consequence was that a delegation of two\\ndistinguished officers of that Society came immediately to this country to see\\nif there were not some Jesuitical design to misappropriate the Indian fund,\\nor otherwise frustrate the purpose of its donors. I was able to satisfy them\\nfully in that respect, but not to persuade them that the objects of their charity\\nwere not paramount, or that its original intention was not simply the advance-\\nment of the College. Of course I did not hesitate to use afterward the proceeds\\nof the fund for the end which larger experience has still more led me to judge of\\ncomparatively little and doubtful benefit, viz. the education of Indians at\\nHanover. And so of the Wheelock grant: Vermont would be likely to move\\nfor its revocation if asked to consent to any application of it to the general\\nuses of the College. However important a different direction of the School\\nproperty may seem, time only can effect it.\\nIt took a little less than fifty years from the time of writing\\nthis letter to bring about the change in the attitude of the Ver-\\nmont legislature desired by President Lord. In the spring of 1912", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 233\\nthe Trustees of the College, having considered the possibility of\\nmaking the property of the Moor s School more serviceable than\\nit had been for a long time by its transfer to the College, ap-\\npointed a committee, consisting of Messrs. Powers, Chase and\\nMathewson, to see how it could be brought about.\\nThis committee reported at a meeting of the Trustees on March\\n7, 1913, that in view of the grant of lands in Wheelock that had\\nbeen made by the State of Vermont jointly to the School and the\\nCollege, it had seemed advisable to secure the consent of that\\nState to the dissolution of the School and the transfer of its inter-\\nests to the College. Accordingly an act in the shape of a joint\\nresolution of the two houses of the legislature giving the desired\\nconsent had been prepared and introduced at the winter session\\nof the legislature. The resolution had passed both houses and\\nhad received the approval of the Governor under date of February\\n5, 1913-\\nOn receiving this report the Trustees, acting as Trustees of\\nMoor s School, took the following action:\\nWhereas the necessity and expediency of maintaining Moor s Charity\\nSchool have long since ceased, and consequently the reason for longer con-\\ntinuing the existence of the corporation known as The President of Moor s\\nCharity School, incorported in the year 1807 by the legislature of the state of\\nNew Hampshire, has also ceased; and\\nWhereas the said corporation now owns an undivided half interest in lands\\nin the town of Wheelock and State of Vermont, by virtue of the grant to it\\nand the Trustees of Dartmouth College by the State of Vermont of the town-\\nship of Wheelock, on the 14th day of June, 1785, and also certain funds derived\\nfrom leases and sales of said lands heretofore made and from income accruing\\nthereon, the same constituting the entire property now belonging to the said\\ncorporation; and\\nWheress the legislature of the State of Vermont, by a joint resolution\\napproved February 5, 1913, gave the consent of said State to the transfer of all\\nthe real and personal estate of every kind now belonging to the corporation\\nknown as The President of Moor s Charity School, from said corporation to\\nthe Trustees of Dartmouth College, to be hereafter held for their exclusive\\nuse, and also consented to the dissolution of said corporation; and\\nWhereas .he charitable purposes for the promotion of which the corporation\\nknown as the Trustees of Dartmouth College was incorporated, are closely\\nrelated to the charitable purposes for the promotion of which the corporation\\nof The President of Moor s Charity School was created:\\nTherefore, Resolved,\\nI. That the corporation known as The President of Moor s Charity School\\nconvey by a good and sufficient deed or deeds, all its property of every kind and", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "234 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\ndescription wherever situated to the Trustees of Dartmouth College to be\\nthereafter held by them and their successors for their exclusive use.\\n2. That this corporation be dissolved after completing the transfer of its\\nproperty to the Trustees of Dartmouth College as aforesaid.\\nTo give legal effect to the above votes in the dissolution of the\\nSchool and the conveyance of its property to the Trustees of the\\nCollege, Messrs. Mathewson and Chase were appointed a com-\\nmittee for such proceedings in court as might be necessary.\\nPerhaps before this volume shall appear Moor s School will have\\nclosed its corporate existence.\\nBut other interests than the financial called for the attention\\nof the new administration. Within its opening year three\\nvacancies occurred in the Board of Trust, and all among its\\nolder members. Moses P. Payson, who came into the Board in\\nthe thick of the contest with the University, died in the fall of\\n1828 and Ezekiel Webster in the following spring, while in the\\nsummer of 1829 Elijah Paine, one of the original Octagon,\\nowing to the infirmities of age, resigned. Their places were\\ntaken by Samuel Hubbard, a lawyer of Boston, William Hall,\\na merchant of Rockingham, Vt., and George Sullivan of Exeter,\\none of the former counsel for the University, whose election\\nclearly indicated the restoration of good feeling in the State.\\nOf these three Mr. Hubbard retained his connection with the\\nBoard for nearly twenty years, but Mr. Hall died in 1831 and was\\nsucceeded by John Aiken, a lawyer of Manchester, Vt., and Mr.\\nSullivan, resigning, was succeeded by William Reed, a merchant\\nof Marblehead, Mass., in 1834, in which year also Rev. Z. S.\\nBarstow of Keene, N. H., was chosen in place of Dr. Tyler.\\nMany changes followed in quick succession so that by 1845 Charles\\nMarsh was the only one remaining who was a member of the\\nBoard on the accession of Dr. Lord, and his death occurring in\\n1849 removed the last member of that powerful group that had\\ncarried the College through the great struggle with the State.\\nTo him more than to any other member of the Board was due the\\nsuccessful result of that struggle, as both from his ability and his\\nnearness to the College he was the foremost adviser of the then\\ncollege officers.\\nChanges in the Faculty equalled those in the Board of Trust.\\nOn the death of Professor Chamberlain the chair of Greek and\\nLatin, after being informally offered to Theodore D. Woolsey,\\nlater the eminent President of Yale College, was taken by the\\nRev. Calvin E. Stowe. On his resignation in 1833 Alpheus Crosby\\nwho had been tutor from 1828 to 1831, was recalled as full pro-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "1 828-1 863-] Admmistration of President Lord. 235\\nfessor, but the duties of the chair becoming too heavy for one\\nman, the chair was divided in 1837, when Professor Crosby kept\\nthe Greek, and Edwin D. Sanborn, who was tutor in 1835 and\\nthen had been made an associate in the department in 1836,\\nbecame professor of latin. In 1833 Professor Adams, who had\\nborne so long the heavy burden of instruction and temporary\\nadministration, gave up the active duties of his professorship to\\nhis son-in-law, Ira Young, and became professor emeritus.\\nProfessor George Howe, who had succeeded Professor Shurtleff\\nin the chair of Divinity soon found, as he had feared, that his\\nstrength was not equal to the demands upon it, and he resigned\\nin 1830. But as he was unable to preach for nearly a year before\\nhis resignation the labor of supplying the pulpit fell almost wholly\\nupon the President, till it became apparent that neither his\\nstrength nor the demand of other duties would allow him to con-\\ntinue that service. It was also evident that the difficulties con-\\nnected with the system of uniting a college officer and a village\\npastor in one person were too great to be overcome; a sacrifice\\nof both relations occurred. To separate the College and the\\nvillage would be to the disadvantage of both, and, as the Presi-\\ndent said in his report of that year, would make the village a\\nscene of sectarian warfare, neutralize and destroy the proper in-\\nfluence of the College over it as a Christian institution, and\\nperpetuate vexatious feuds and contentions to the common\\ninjur and disgrace.\\nTo prevent such a result the President devised a plan whereby\\nthe College should attend the ministrations of the village pastor,\\nand not, as heretofore, the village share by sufferance the preach-\\ning of the professor of divinity. He organized in 1830 the Dart-\\nmouth Religious Society, composed of members of the Faculty,\\nthe church and the community, for the support of a common\\npastor. This organization was to unite with the church in the\\ncall of a pastor, was to be responsible for his salary, toward which\\nthe College was asked to contribute $300, at that time three\\nsevenths of the pastor s salary. In return for this contribution\\nthe students were to attend the services of the church and to\\nhave seats provided without further charge to the Trustees, but\\nas some difficulty still continued about the seats the Trustees in\\n1835, in connection with plans of general improvement in the\\nmeeting house, directed the purchase of pews by the College\\nand their division into slips. This plan was to the mutual ad-\\nvantage of church and College, as by it the church assumed its", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "236 History of Dartmouth College. (Chap. xil.\\nrightful relation to its pastor and gained a position of dignity\\nin relation to the College which it had hitherto lacked, while\\nthe College secured all the benefits, as far as the services of the\\nchurch were concerned, which it had had before, and saved a little\\nmore than half of the salary which it had paid to the professor of\\ndivinity. With minor changes, relating especially to the amount\\nof the contribution of the College, this arrangement has continued\\nsubstantially in good working order to the present day.\\nThe new administration had other difficulties to meet than those\\nwhich came from appointments. It was put to the test on the\\nside of discipline, as is almost always the case with a new execu-\\ntive. The relaxation of discipline incident to a change in the\\npresidency, and especially in the interval before the coming of\\nthe new president, the excitement connected with the removal\\nto the new dormitories, and the unaccustomed opportunities for\\nintercourse between the students, led to various irregularities\\nand disturbances which the ordinary influences of authority could\\nnot prevent. During the spring term several of the worst\\noffenders were severely dealt with, and only the resolute atti-\\ntude of the administration, aided by the timely coming of a\\nvacation, checked a general outbreak. William H. Duncan,\\nof the class of 1830, referring in later years to the threatened\\nrebellion of the College, said: Some will recollect the electric\\neffect of a speech of Dr. Lord s to the students who were moved\\nto rebel. They had threatened to leave college en masse (as they\\noften do if their wishes are not complied with). One sentence\\nfrom Dr. Lord went like a loaded shell into their ranks. It was\\nthis: Go, young gentlemen, if you wish; we can bear to see our\\nseats vacated, but not our laws violated. This was said with\\nsuch regal decision and dignity that no man of those classes\\nspoke of deserting the college. As often happens, a season of\\ndisturbance was followed by one of corresponding calm, and the\\nnext term was reported by the President as one of uncommon\\nstillness and sobriety and decorum, with a decided turn in the\\nthoughts of the students to serious things.\\nBut permanent good order was not secured, and in the spring\\nof 1832 another rebellion broke out in the freshman class. The\\nstove in their recitation room smoked and after ineffectual com-\\nplaints the class threw it into the river, and all were suspended\\nuntil they apologized. They protested in a round-robin, but met\\nthe conditions and were restored, yet they cherished so joyous a\\nBoston Journal, September ii, 1870.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 237\\nmemory of their rebellion that they celebrated its anniversary\\nin the following year with such riotous demonstrations that one\\nof their number was temporarily removed from college. One of\\nthe class, Reuben Peaslee of Plaistow, gave to the affair a humor-\\nous turn by a poster giving a description of it in verse. Another\\ncollege disturbance is shown by the following extract from a\\nstudent s letter.^\\nWe have had rather squally times here this term. The difficulties arose in\\nand have been chiefly confined to the Sophomore class. They were assembled\\nat a student s room and made some noise, and one of the Tutors went in rather\\nabruptly and imprudently ordered silence c, when some of them insulted him.\\nFor this two were suspended for three months. At this some of the class were\\nmuch offended, and on the night following some individuals took a large cannon\\nfrom the gun house in this village, drew it up near the college building about\\nunder the oflfending tutor s window, and fired it with such tremendous charge\\nas to break about three hundred and twenty squares of glass from the college\\nbuildings. It jarred the houses in most distant parts of the village, was heard\\nseveral miles distant and supposed to be an earthquake. The rogues soon\\nreturned but the Faculty were on the alert immediately, went to the students\\nrooms to see whose shoes were wet (for it had rained some) and tried some into\\nthe tracks where they drew up and fired the cannon, and found the boots of\\none to fit some of the tracks. With this and some little other evidence they\\n[sic] faculty expelled him. They could not detect any others. At a meeting\\nof the students upon case of the expelled one a classmate of [sic] made a speech\\nso outrageous against the Faculty that they dismissed him for a year, but after\\nhe had made a very humble acknowledgement they received him back. All\\nquiet now.\\nThe restless activities of the students sometimes found means\\nof expression that were not so objectionable, even if violent.\\nIn 1833 at the southern end of the village, on the brow of Negro\\nhill, was a house known as the Seven Nations. It acquired\\nthe name from the motley character of its inhabitants, for it\\nwas used as a tenement and was uniformly occupied by rough\\ncharacters and families of unsavory reputation. It fell into a\\nvery dilapidated condition, which made it an eyesore to the\\ncommunity, and the character of its tenants, who were often\\ndisorderly, made it a public nuisance. It was owned by Col.\\nBrewster who indicated to the students, perhaps in response to\\na request, that he would be glad to have it torn down. Acting\\non the suggestion they proceeded one night in a body to the\\nhouse, expelled the tenants and razed the building to the ground.\\n1 Extract from a letter of Solomon Laws of the class of 1836, written two weeks before his\\ngraduation to his brother, Nathaniel F. Laws of Peterborough, N. H. For the oflFence which\\nhe describes one student was publicly expelled, the Faculty expressing the hope that this\\npenalty would be sufficient to maintain the authority of the laws.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "238 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII-\\nThe depression of ihe cellar was never fully leveled and may\\nstill be seen on the left of the road descending toward Mink\\nbrook.\\nAmid the pressure of questions of restricted finances, of im-\\nperilled title to property, of new construction and of discipline,\\nthe consideration of the scholarly interests of the College was\\nnot lost sight of. The vital importance in which they were\\nheld was shown in the report of the President in 1833, who\\ndeclared his conviction,\\nThat it is becoming more and more important to provide for the highest\\npossible advantages of instruction in the college, for the most efficient and\\nfaithful administration. Any failure in these respects may soon turn the\\ncurrent of popular opinion unfavorably to its reputation and advancement.\\nThe college is already under the disadvantage of reproach as being solely\\ncontrolled by alleged sectarian influences, but few public men have any con-\\ncern in its affairs, many ol the most considerable among the professional\\nclasses of the State were educated at other Institutions and their attachments\\nhave never been transferred; it has no patronage of wealth and power and\\nstands unfavorably in all these respects to meet the spirit of competition which\\nis so manifestly impelling other kindred institutions of the country, so that\\nany defectiveness in its interior organization, or any unequal working of its\\ndepartments may occasion material and permanent loss, which\\ncan in no wise be prevented except by keeping the college in the best possible\\nattitude and in the highest credit to which it can fairly be entitled.\\nTo ascertain whether the most was being secured with exist-\\ning resources the President was requested in 1829 to prepare\\nan exhibit of the work done by the several classes and by each\\nmember of the Faculty. The schedule which he presented\\nshowed that at least on paper the College had no occasion to be\\nashamed of the diligence of its students. The freshman class,\\nfor instance, in addition to the biblical exercise on Sunday had\\nsixteen exercises a week, in which in the course of the year it\\nwas able to read five books of Livy, supplemented by Roman\\nantiquities taught by subjects, the odes, carmen saeculare, a\\nbook and a half of the satires, eleven epistles and the ars poetica\\nof Horace; in the Graeca Maiora portions of Herodotus, of the\\nAnabasis and the Cyropaedia of Xenophon, of Theophrastus,\\nPolyaenus, Aelianus and Homer, and all this was attended with\\nwritten translations and metrical exercises. Arithmetic was\\nreviewed in twenty exercises under the professor of intellectual\\nphilosophy and political economy, algebra was given an exercise\\na day for two terms, while in rhetoric Porter s Analysis was\\nPresident s Report, 1830.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "1 828-1 863.] Administration of President Lord. 239\\nstudied for twenty exercises, and thirty-five exercises were\\ngiven to compositions and an equal number to reading and\\ndeclamation. The schedules of the junior and sophomore classes\\nwere nearly if not quite as full, the senior only being somewhat\\nlighter. That English composition was more than a name is\\nindicated by the report of the professor of rhetoric, who stated\\nthat during the year he had examined 1,472 compositions, had\\nheard 124 dissertations and declamations, and besides rehearsals\\nhad listened to fifty performances for exhibitions and Commence-\\nment.\\nIn presenting to the Board this statement of work, so abundant\\nfrom the side of the student, the President felt called upon to\\noffer excuse for the Faculty. It will probably be thought,\\nsaid he, that the several instructors perform but a small and\\ninadequate amount of daily service. It is, however, to be con-\\nsidered that the preparation for college exercises, the hearing\\nof private recitations, and the necessarily frequent meetings\\nof the Faculty occupy no small portion of time, and that some\\nof these duties are exceedingly vexatious and oppressive, far\\nmore so than I have been prepared to expect, or than any in-\\ndividual unaccustomed to the service can well conceive. Yet\\nthe Faculty, he went on to say, was about to form a new arrange-\\nment of studies which would increase the amount of instruction\\nand other labor and contribute to raise the character of their\\nseveral departments.\\nBut notwithstanding the apparent diligence of the students, in\\nwhich the President believed the College came behind no\\nother, he still thought that there was to the mass of the\\nstudents an immense waste of time, an evil inherent in the whole\\nsystem of college instruction, arising from the want of more\\nthorough instruction, and the insufficient stimulus now afforded\\nby mock examinations and the demoralizing influence of the\\nSystem of encouragements and rewards. He, therefore, pro-\\nposed a S} stem of examinations that should be a terror to the\\nlazy and inefficient and a stimulus to the diligent. Three\\nor four weeks of the summer term were to be set apart exclusively\\nfor examinations which were to be conducted, in the presence of\\nintelligent committees from abroad, in such a way as to task\\nthe powers of every student and to exhibit the results of all\\nthe studies of his course. It is not surprising that the Board\\nhesitated to adopt the recommendation in so heroic a form,\\nbut it did consent to the principle and, in place of the semi-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "240 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. Xll.\\nannual examinations of one day for each class heretofore existing,\\nestablished annual examinations extending over two weeks\\nor more, and authorized the Faculty to appoint a committee\\nwhich at the close of the examination should report on the merit\\nof each student with a recommendation that he be advanced\\nor degraded.\\nThe experience of a single year was sufficient to show that\\ntwo weeks were not needed for the examinations, and in 1832\\nthe time was cut down to not less than ten days. Four ses-\\nsions were held on each of the ten days. The seniors and fresh-\\nmen stood the brunt of the examinations, twelve sessions being\\nassigned to the seniors, of which the moral department had six,\\nthe physical two, the classical three, and the rhetorical one,\\nwhile the juniors were finished in seven sessions, the sopho-\\nmores in ten and the freshmen in eleven. Longer trial proved\\nthat the system was not productive of the results desired and\\nafter a reasonable time a return was had in 1845 to the method\\nof two examinations, one at the end of the fall term and one\\njust before Commencement, a method which, with some varia-\\ntions corresponding to varying arrangement of terms, has continued\\nto the present. The examinations were all oral and so continued\\ntill 1874 when written examinations were introduced, but the\\npublic oral examination at the end of the year in the presence of\\na committee, on which in later years a member of the Board of\\nTrust was expected to sit and sometimes found it convenient\\nto do so, was continued till 1893.\\nThe examining committee, as it was called, was continued\\ntill the same date, but was steadily shorn of authority. Instead\\nof a recommendation that a student be advanced or degraded\\nit was soon asked merely for an opinion as to his merits, and\\nthe Faculty was allowed to give such weight to the opinion as\\nit saw fit, and even to ignore it altogether. The examiners\\nwere usually taken from ministers of New Hampshire or Vermont,\\nand, as the college course broadened, it became increasingly\\ndifficult to secure men who were competent to give a discriminat-\\ning judgment upon the subjects presented. Examiners, who,\\nthough besought to ask questions, sat through successive\\nexaminations without apparent knowledge of a subject, or ex-\\nhibited total ignorance of it, as when one examiner in German\\nheld his book upside down during the whole exercise, brought\\ndiscredit upon the system and became themselves objects of\\nridicule.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 241\\nThe attempt to improve the scholarship of the College was\\nsupported by the enlargement of the means of instruction. In\\n1 83 1 $1,000 were devoted to the purchase in London of books\\nfor the library, and in the next year $400 were added for books\\npublished in America. In 1833, $1,000 were spent in enlarging\\nthe physical apparatus, and $200 were voted for the purchase\\nof a cabinet of minerals, but the latter expenditure was delayed.\\nThe improvement of the outward appearance of the College\\nby the erection of the new buildings and the fencing of the college\\nyard was so marked that it brought the desire for further im-\\nprovement and led in 1831 to the leveling of the common, and\\na few years later, in 1836, to its fencing. In 1832 the graduating\\nclass was brought into closer touch by being admitted for the\\nfirst time to the Commencement dinner, but the expense thereby\\nincurred was met by the charge of eight cents upon the quarter\\nbills of each student.\\nBy the rearrangement of the course of study in 1 830 the after-\\nnoon recitation hitherto largely a matter of form was made\\ncompulsory and substantial, and a system was introduced of\\nmarking scholarship on a scale of i to 5, of which i was the\\nhighest mark. In this arrangement the importance of providing\\ninstruction in modern languages was seriously felt. Though no\\nsuch instruction had been provided by the College the students\\nhad found means to secure it, and two years before the Faculty\\nhad allowed seniors to substitute a recitation in French for\\ntheir afternoon exercise in Greek or Latin. In 1830 students\\nof the two upper classes secured a Mr. Ely, who had resided in\\nFrance, to give instruction in French, and in the following year\\nthe President reported that twelve weeks instruction in French\\nhad been given to nearly all the members of the College by a\\nMr. Linberg, a gentleman of highly respectable qualifications,\\nand that the College had paid about fioo toward his compensa-\\ntion. He clearly saw that so small an appropriation would not\\nlong be satisfactory to the students, particularly in view of the\\nfact that at almost every other college in New England instruction\\nwas given in modern languages as a thing of course, and he\\nrecommended the consideration of the appointment of a professor\\nof modern languages.\\nThe Board had just found it inexpedient to appoint a pro-\\nfessor of chirography, and while they were more ready to ap-\\npoint a professor of modern languages, yet, though the matter\\nwas brought to their attention year after year and they appointed", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "242 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\na committee to consider ways and means for so doing, and,\\nindeed, announced in the catalogue that they had made ar-\\nrangements for regular and permanent instruction in Modern\\nLanguages, they could not make an appointment. The result\\nwas that other teachers followed Mr. Linberg in a similar capac-\\nity and that optional instruction in French was furnished quite\\nregularly, but not recognized in the catalogue as a subject of\\nstudy till 1 85 1. For the next two years there was an instructor\\nin modern languages, but a permanent appointment was not\\nmade till i860, and since that time those languages have received\\ntheir full share of attention.\\nPerhaps the most important change of the time was in the\\nmatter of college honors. Besides the grand anniversary of\\nCommencement there had been observed from early times\\nthree other public exhibitions of original oratory by the three\\nupper classes, that for the seniors taking place in November,\\nthat for the juniors in March and that for the sophmores in\\nMay. Each term thus witnessed one of them, which with the\\nCommencement marked off the year into four nearly equal\\nperiods and were hence called quarter days. Before the\\nintroduction of the marking system distinctions in scholarship\\nwere indicated only by assignment of parts for these occasions.\\nThey naturally fostered a spirit of rivalry that gave rise to\\nviolent excitements and jealousies and to endless trouble, which\\nfor some years prior to 1832 the Faculty attempted to ameliorate\\nby inviting from the classes a preliminary vote upon the rank\\nof their members. The sophomore quarter day, last observed\\nin May, 1823, was especially troublesome, partly because the\\nburden of the appointments always rested upon one of the\\nyounger members of the Faculty, the sophomore tutor, and it\\nwas, therefore, the first to be discontinued, and the day ap-\\npropriated to the juniors. President Lord was soon convinced\\nthat the system of honors as then administered was productive\\nonly of evil, and in 1830 urged the abolition of the remaining\\nquarter days, so that the honors of college should be gathered\\nonly once at the time of graduation, thus destroying the\\nrivalry and competition coming from invidious appointments\\nfor exhibitions of questionable utility. This was accordingly\\ndecreed in 1832. But the Commencement honors were in fact\\nno less objectionable, and in October, 1834, at the solicitation\\nof the President, supplemented by a petition of a large majority\\nof the students, to whom he had persuasively presented the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 243\\nsubject, it was decided that all college distinctions on that occasion\\nlikewise should be entirely abolished. The annual contest for\\nprizes in declamation that had been held on the day after Com-\\nmencement by the two upper classes was also discarded in 1839\\nin obedience to the same rule.\\nSubject to the principle of equality it was left to the Faculty\\nto arrange the exercises at their discretion. For the next four\\nyears, 1835 to 1838 inclusive, parts were assigned to the entire\\nclass, numbering from 35 to 61, and the whole day was consumed\\nin listening to their efforts. The burden of this was intolerable\\nto all parties, and tended to make the occasion ridiculous. As\\nthe classes increased in numbers the plan became simply impossi-\\nble of execution. The Trustees expressed a willingness to extend\\nthe exercises over two days, if ^ecessary, but relief was first\\nsought by excusing many from actual performance, and in 1839,\\nby resort to the lot, no other method suggesting itself that would\\nat the same time check the torrent of eloquence and preserve\\nthe impartiality which the rule demanded. But the effect upon\\nthe appearance and reputation of the rhetorical department\\ncan well be imagined. Aside from the President and one or\\ntwo others, the Faculty had not fully favored the new system,\\nand upon the accession in 1840 of Professor Brown as the new\\nhead of the department of rhetoric a strenuous effort was made\\nby the Faculty for its modification, but they were not able to\\ncarry their point against the President and one professor who\\nstood against the modification. It is true that after a while\\nmeans were found to evade the stringency of the system by\\nallowing the poorer scholars, on whom the lot had fallen, to\\nresign and to select as their substitutes such as would perform\\ntheir parts with credit.\\nAt the annual meeting of the Trustees in 1834 the college\\nyear was rearranged with special reference to the convenience\\nof the students who were absent from Hanover in the winter\\nfor the purpose of teaching. Commencement day was brought\\nback from the last Wednesday but one of August to the last\\nWednesday of July, and the opening of the fall term, following\\na vacation of four weeks, from the latter part of September to\\nthe last of August. The term was made to close about the 25th\\nof November instead of the last of December, and the former\\nwinter vacation of six and a half weeks, which had always been\\nthe longest of the year out of regard to the severity of the winter\\nand the consequent expense of residence, was extended to fourteen", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "244 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII-\\nweeks for those students who were engaged in teaching, and to\\nseven weeks for others. Teachers were thus allowed to be absent\\nfor three months, the ordinary length of a winter s school, with-\\nout interrupting the regular course of study, while the students\\nwho did not teach returned to Hanover for a short term,\\nas it was called, in which the studies were arranged without\\nreference to the other parts of the college course. At first fresh-\\nmen and sophomores, and juniors and seniors recited together,\\nbut later all recited together in two or three subjects which\\nwere assigned, or which they selected from several offered for their\\nchoice. At the end of the short term the teachers, having fin-\\nished their schools, returned, and the college as a whole took up\\nagain the regular subjects after an interval of fourteen weeks.\\nThe teachers had nothing to make up, while those who stayed\\nin Hanover had, as the catalogue stated, a gain of an additional\\ncourse of study. The list of subjects for the winter term, first\\ngiven in the catalogue of 1837, included philosophy of the moral\\nfeelings, commentary on American law, physical geography,\\nQuintilian and French exercises. The next year rhetoric, mete-\\norology, modern history and Xenophon s Memorabilia were\\noffered. As a rule two, but sometimes three, members of the\\nFaculty were detailed to teach in the short term, though at other\\ntimes they were selected by lot, and as they served in turn the\\nshort term was for the majority a long winter vacation, which\\nwas greatly valued.\\nThis arrangement of terms continued practically unchanged\\nfor thirty years, for though from 1840 to 1846 the expression\\nwinter term was omitted from the catalogue, the statement\\nwas continued that students whose circumstances required them\\nto teach in the winter would be allowed an absence of fourteen\\nweeks. The elimination of the short term and the establish-\\nment of a continuous course of study covering three terms took\\nplace in 1866. Students were still excused to teach, but were\\nobliged to make up on their return the work pursued by their\\nclasses during their absence. The labor involved in this making\\nup tended to diminish absence, and at the same time the numbers\\nthat engaged in teaching were lessened by the gradual change\\nthat took place in the schools. The establishment of high schools\\nand the increased amount of schooling given even in rural com-\\nmunities called for a more continuous service than could be given\\nby a teacher engaged only for a term, and this fact, together with\\nthe crowding of women into the work of teaching, diminished", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 245\\nthe number of schools that called for student teachers in the\\nwinter. But for several decades Dartmouth was really a teacher s\\ncollege, and every winter a large majority of the students taught\\nin the district schools of Vermont, New Hampshire and eastern\\nMassachusetts, especially in those on the Cape, being sought\\nby school committees not merely for their ability to impart\\nknowledge but for their physical prowess by which they were\\nable to hold in check scholars whose main object in going to\\nschool was to throw the teacher out.\\nThe scanty records of the Faculty between 1835 and 1865 do\\nnot enable us to determine exactly how many students went out\\neach year to teach. All who wished to do so were excused and\\nmany found other reasons for avoiding attendance during the\\nshort term, so that generally not more than perhaps thirty per\\ncent of the students were present during the winter. In course\\nof time it began to be used as an argument against the College\\nthat its course was really shorter than that of other colleges,\\nand it was partly to avoid this imputation that the short term\\nwas abolished and the course of study made continuous.^\\nReturning teachers brought back with them the money which\\nenabled them to meet their college. expenses and also experiences\\nthat were both valuable and interesting. Most of them taught\\nin schools where boarding round was the regular practice\\nand the teacher went from family to family according to a defi-\\nnite system determined by the number of children going to school,\\nand as each family usually kept the annual killing of the pig\\ntill the coming of the teacher his customary meat diet through\\nthe term was fresh pork and sausage. It was no uncommon\\nthing for a student to break his own road through the snow\\ndrifts to the school house and to build the fires. The conditions\\nof his work were primitive and the subjects which he taught\\nIn the winter of 1853-1854. according to some statistics on file in the Treasurer s office,\\n107 students engaged in teaching, 31 seniors, 23 juniors, 31 sophomores and 31 freshmen, whose\\ncombined earnings were $9,016.00.\\nThe Aegis for July, 1861, contains a statement as to the students engaged in teaching during\\nthe year 1860-1861, from which it appears that out of the 27S members of College, excluding\\nthe students of the Medical and the newly-organized Chandler Schools, 173 taught during the\\nyear. The aggregate length of their schools was 2,278 weeks; the total amount earned was\\n123,089.7s, and the total net amount brought back to college, after deducting payments for\\nboard and other expenses, was $14,185.75, a sum that would have paid nearly half the expenses\\nof all who taught, for tuition, board, room-rent, fuel, lights and washing, reckoned at the\\nmaximum rate of $174.50 given in the catalogue of that year. At the minimum rate of $124.50\\nthe proportion of expenses met would have been much larger. Of the 173 who taught there\\nwere 35 seniors out of a class of 57. 40 juniors out of 6s. 52 sophomores out of 72, and 37 fresh-\\nmen out of 81. Of the schools 64 were in Massachusetts, 76 in New Hampshire, 25 in Vermont\\nand 3 in Maine.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "246 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI I.\\nwere not advanced, but he widened his acquaintance, learned\\nadaptation and self-dependence and brought back to college the\\nconfidence born of success. He unquestionably lost some-\\nthing of the value of his college course, as his year gave but\\nthirty-two weeks of instruction instead of thirty-nine, but his\\nexperience in teaching was in the line of mental training and\\nwithout the financial aid thus secured most would have been\\nunable to go to college at all. So large a common interest was\\nnot without its effect upon the College, which gained a certain\\nunity and perhaps narrowness of purpose, the result of similar\\nexperiences in a single field, and many entered teaching after\\nleaving college because they had found it pleasant and profitable\\nduring their student life. The great decrease in late years in the\\nnumber of Dartmouth graduates who take up the work of teaching\\nis partly due to the fact that only a few teach while in college and\\nthat thus few have their attention directed to that occupation.\\nThe portraits of the counsel in the College case, which the\\nTrustees had desired to have painted by their vote of 18 19 had\\nnot been secured except in the case of Mr. Webster, of whom\\nDr. George C. Shattuck of Boston had given in 1828 a portrait\\ncopied by his daughter from a painting by Stewart. In 1834\\nthe Trustees renewed their former vote, authorizing portraits\\nof Messrs. Smith, Mason and Hopkinson by Stewart, and re-\\nquesting Dr. Shattuck to take charge of procuring them. He\\nnot only did so, but gave the three portraits to the College, to\\nwhich at the further request of the Trustees he added his own.\\nFor several years from 1830 great difificulty was found in\\nsecuring a pastor for the College church and an occupant of the\\nchair of Divinity. The peculiar trials of a pastor in a congrega-\\ntion composed of such diverse elements as the citizens of the\\nvillage, the Faculty and the students of the College were severely\\nfelt by Professor Howe, and it proved hard to find a successor\\nwilling to undertake the task which he found too heavy. Several\\nwere approached without success, among them the Rev. Absalom\\nPeters, and in June, 1830, a call was extended to the Rev. Willard\\nChild of Pittsford, Vt., but he did not accept. The charge was\\nfinally accepted by the Rev. Robert Page, who was installed\\nOctober 5, 1831. He remained about a year and a half, being\\ndismissed by Council May 9, 1833.^ The brevity of Mr. Page s\\nRobert Page was bom in Readfield, Me., April 25, I790. was graduated from Bowdoin\\nCollege in 1 8 10, and at Andover Theological Seminary in 1815. He remained at Bradford, N. H.,\\nwhere he was ordained May 22, 1822, six years, and was at Durham two years and a half before\\ncoming to Hanover. After leaving Hanover he had several pastorates and died at West Farming-\\nton, Ohio, January la, 1876. [General catalogues of Bowdoin and Andover.]", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 247\\nstay was not calculated to encourage aspirants to the succession.\\nCandidates were sought in various directions with no success,\\nthe Rev. George Bush and the Rev. David Peabody of Lynn,\\nMass., successively declining a call.\\nIn August, 1834, the President reported to the Board that\\nit had been found as yet impossible to obtain the services of\\na parish minister. The gentlemen who have been invited to\\nthat office during the past year, said he, have declined, and\\nwhat with the extreme scarcity of candidates competent to the\\nministry in this place and the unfavorable impression which\\nexists abroad in regard to the character of the society, and the\\nreduced spirit of the society itself in view of their repeated dis-\\nappointments it would seem now very improbable that a pastor\\nwill be settled here. In addition to these difficulties, the\\nDivinity professorship having been vacant for several years\\nand, in the pressure of many immediate interests, measures of\\nconciliation toward the clergy having been neglected, the latter\\nin 1834 began to exhibit disaffection toward the College, on the\\nground that it was not sufficiently watchful in providing theo-\\nlogical instruction, and devised a scheme for a manual labor\\nschool for theological students, to be located at Concord, which\\nrevived the fear of the college authorities of a rival institution.\\nPresident Lord took pains to meet the ministers of the State\\nby attending the various associations in Merrimack, Grafton and\\nHillsborough counties, and by correspondence with the ministers\\nof other counties, and he so changed their views of the College\\nthat when the matter came up in the State convention in June\\nthe scheme was voted down by a strong majority. But for the\\nsake of future security in this direction and because of the diffi-\\nculty of obtaining a pastor for the College church, the President\\nwas inclined to advise the election of a theological professor\\nand a return to the old system of preaching, with the understand-\\ning that the citizens would probably contribute $200 a year to\\nhis support, rather than be deprived of religious privileges\\non the Sabbath by the withdrawing of the College to the chapel.\\nAfter the dismissal of Mr. Page the clerical members of the\\nFaculty had supplied the pulpit in rotation, and the President\\nadvised as the best arrangement for the time being that this\\nplan be continued and an appropriation be made to compensate\\nthem for the surrender of the privilege of eking out their salaries\\nby preaching elsewhere. This arrangement met the approval\\nof the Board and Professors Shurtleff and Haddock undertook", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "248 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nto stand in the gap for a time. Notwithstanding the fact that\\nthe revenues of the chair of Divinity were totally inadequate\\nto support a professor, it was offered to Rev. Joseph Torrey of\\nBurlington, Vt., and to Professor Clement Long, but in vain.\\nThe hopes of a refuge in that direction proving delusive there\\nwas nothing left but to struggle along with the Religious Society.\\nAccordingly about the middle of January, 1835, a unanimous\\ncall was given to the Rev. Henry Wood, then at Haverhill, N. H.,\\nand his acceptance was followed by his installation, on the 8th\\nof April, the Rev. George Punchard of Plymouth preaching the\\ninstallation sermon.\\nMr. Wood came to the pulpit in the midst of great religious\\nexcitement. The Rev. Jedediah Burchard, an evangelist of New\\nYork, had been holding protracted meetings in this region.\\nHe was two weeks at Woodstock in February, and at Norwich\\ntwo weeks in March, where students and Faculty attended his\\nmeetings. At their desire he was invited to come to Hanover\\nand on Fast day, April 2, he began a series of protracted meetings\\nat the College Plain, which continued eighteen days with services\\nin the afternoon and evening of each day. Opinions were divided\\nabout him. Some of the best people were quite carried away\\nwith him, while others opposed his coming, and were not con-\\nvinced of the wisdom of it by the results. His methods were\\ncharacterized by loudness and rudeness of manner and roughness\\nof speaking, with a sort of levity that repelled and shocked many.\\nOne who gave him careful attention while here said of him:^\\nMuch of Mr. Burchard s matter in what he calls his sermons\\nis mere harangue, and much too of correct illustration, though\\nmore witty than solemn, with a minor portion of solemn and\\nthrilling truths, which if uttered by a person of more solemnity\\nof manner and conciliating address would with the Divine bless-\\ning produce a salutary and permanent impression upon the\\ncrowded houses that congregate wherever he goes. In many\\ncases he offends by his impudence when he might otherwise\\nconvince.\\nAs an example of his brusqueness it is told that Solon Grout,\\na respectable attorney in Hanover, chancing to enter the middle\\naisle of the meeting house in the course of his services, Mr.\\nBurchard broke off his discourse to shout at him: Here comes\\nanother miserable sinner going straight to hell. At another\\nDiary of W. W. Dewey. By William H. Duncan, long a lawyer in Hanover.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 249\\ntime he publicly asked prayers for that old sinner, Richard\\nLang. Various disorders attended the excitement for which\\nMr. Burchard was not responsible. At one place where he\\npreached a person in the gallery, to make disturbance, shouted\\na request for prayers for the devil. Hear that fellow, ex-\\nclaimed Burchard, asking prayers for his father, and at\\nHanover on Sunday, April 5, the meeting house being crowded,\\nsome evil minded persons attempted to break up the services.\\nMr. Burchard s work was for the time being very effective and\\nat the communions of April 26 and June 14 seventy united with\\nthe church by profession. He was very liberal in holding the\\nchurch organization wide open to receive all who professed con-\\nversion in the excitement, but the church here refused, much\\nto his dissatisfaction, to receive all whom he thought worthy.\\nOther churches in neighboring towns which were less conserva-\\ntive suffered very unhappy consequences from backslidings and\\ndissensions in the following year.\\nThe excitement was followed by an expression of fanaticism\\nand radicalism in which some of the students lost all respect\\nfor the ministry, the church and civil government. With\\nthis Mr. Wood had no sympathy and the dissatisfaction of the\\nstudents had much to do with his leaving a few years later, but\\nhis ministry was attended with much success, as additions were\\nmade to the church at every communion but one during his\\nstay, one hundred and sixty-eight in all. When Mr. Wood came\\nto Hanover the meeting house was much dilapidated. The\\noriginal tall and well proportioned steeple, being unprotected\\nin some of its parts, had by 1827 become unsafe, and in that\\nyear the upper fifty feet were cut off and pulled by ropes bodily\\nto the ground. The square tower or belcony was left stand-\\ning and capped only with an ornamental railing. In 1838 under\\nthe influence of Mr. Wood and Professor Adams the house was\\nthoroughly repaired, the steeple was rebuilt in its present form,\\nthe old square pews were taken out and the present slips of half\\nthe width were substituted, but furnished as before with doors,\\nthough the wooden buttons were replaced by brass. Half of\\nthe windows were boarded up and all were provided with blinds.\\nThe entire floor was raised to the level of the wall pews, the\\npulpit platform was rearranged and the sounding board removed.\\nThe old pulpit remained for a year or two till replaced by a\\nmahogany desk bought with the profits of a fair held by the ladies\\nMs. Diary of Rev. H. Wood.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "250 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nfor that purpose. Chimneys were built at the north end and\\nthe long pipes from the stoves at the other end, suspended over\\nthe aisles, for many years dripped creosote on the floor and\\nfrescoed the chimneys. A movement to secure a vestry was\\nalso started, which resulted in the erection in 1841, at an ex-\\npense of about $1,000 raised by subscription, of a small building\\non a lot of land adjoining the church, given by Mills Olcott\\nfor that purpose.\\nBut, as has been said, Mr. Wood, like Professor Howe and Mr.\\nPage before him, found his place an exceedingly difficult one to\\nfill. To the diversity of the three elements composing the con-\\ngregation was added the special opposition of the students,\\nwhich resulted in the resignation of Mr. Wood and a council\\nwas called which dismissed him December 21, 1840.^ Presi-\\ndent Lord was absent from town, and the Faculty was not rep-\\nresented in the deliberations. It soon transpired that the council\\nhad accompanied its action with some severe reflections upon the\\ncondition of affairs in the congregation quite the reverse of\\nflattering to its members, and especially to the college Faculty.\\nThey were accused, directly or by inference, of upholding an\\naristocracy in religion,^ of excluding the common people from\\nequal accommodations in the house of God and of failure to\\ngive proper support to the pastor, and were admonished of a\\nlow state of religion in the town and college. The resolutions,\\nwhich appear to have been adopted without a dissenting voice,\\nwere not communicated to the Faculty till nearly the middle\\nof January, when they received an answer from the President in\\nhis keenest mood. Naturally this occasioned some estrange-\\nment with the clergy of the vicinity. There was, however, no\\nlong vacancy in the pulpit. Rev. John Richards of Woodstock,\\nHenry Wood was bom in Loudon, N. H., April lo, 1796. He was graduated as the first\\nscholar in his class in 1822 at Dartmouth, where he was tutor the next year. After studying\\ntheology at Princeton 1823-1824 he was tutor of Greek and Latin for six months in Hampden\\nand Sidney College. He was ordained and settled in Goffstown, N. H., June 7 1826; then settled\\nat Haverhill, December 14, 1831, where he remained till he came to Hanover. On leaving\\nHanover he removed to Concord where he established and edited the Congregational Journal\\nuntil December, 1853, when he resigned the editorship on account of a private letter which he\\nhad written commending Gen. Pierce, and which found its way to the public through the columns\\nof the Christian Observer. On leaving the Journal he became consul at Beirdt, Syria, by appoint-\\nment of President Pierce, who, in 1857, named him chaplain in the navy. In this capacity he\\naccompanied the fleet to Japan in 1858, and set up the first Protestant mission there. He\\ndied at Philadelphia, October 29, 1873, aged 77. Mr. Wood was a man of much ability and\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f marked eccentricities, both of manner and of thinking, which had much to do in bringing\\nabout his leaving the church at Hanover.\\nThis charge seems to have grown out of the fact that some were unwilling to accept the\\nview of Mr. Wood that domestics should be regarded as members of the family and given a\\nseat at the table at regular meals.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 251\\nVt., took charge of it as stated supply January i, 1841, and\\nofficiated to general satisfaction, so that he received a call to\\nsettle and was installed as pastor April 20, 1842.\\nThe retirement of Mr. Wood was connected with the anti-\\nslavery agitation which began about 1835 to be an element of\\ndiscord, and so continued to the end of President Lord s adminis-\\ntration. In that year a number of young men entered college\\nfrom Phillips Academy, Andover, bringing strong anti-slavery\\nopinions which they had imbibed from George Thompson, the\\nnoted English anti-slavery lecturer. He had come to Andover\\nin the spring and given eleven lectures in a small Methodist\\nchurch. He was accompanied by a minister, the Rev. Amos A.\\nPhelps of the Pine Street Church, Boston, and they had with\\nthem a young darkey who had run away from his master and\\nwhom, after they had had their say, they trotted out to tell a\\nlittle about his slave life and how he escaped from it, which he\\ndid with a glib tongue and forceful effect. That darkey boy\\nwhen he grew up to manhood was Frederick Douglass. The\\nlectures of Mr. Thompson aroused intense interest among the\\nstudents of the Academy and about fifty of them attempted to\\nform an anti-slavery society. The formation of the society was\\nforbidden by the Principal, Mr. Osgood Johnson, under sanc-\\ntion of the Trustees, on pain of expulsion. As a result fifty\\nstudents left the Academy issuing a manly statement in justifi-\\ncation of their conduct, prepared by D. C. Scobey,^ one of their\\nnumber. Fourteen of the fifty came to Dartmouth, and Dr.\\nAdams thus describes their entrance\\nI and about a dozen of the rebels at Andover were in the senior class, ready\\nto enter. I was always predestined, when the time came, to go to Dartmouth\\nbecause an uncle of my father, Ebenezer Adams, was at the time a leading\\nprofessor there. Others were inclined to go there because its President, Nathan\\nLord, was the only college president in New England known as an anti-slavery\\nman. The way to Dartmouth seemed clear, excepting as rebels we had and\\n1 This account of the movement at Andover is taken from a manuscript narrative, written\\nIn 190S. by the Rev. Ephraim Adams, D.D., of the class of 1839, who came to Dartmouth\\nfrom Phillips Academy, and after graduation from college and a theological course at Andover\\nSeminary became one of the Iowa Band. The narrative was prepared at the request of\\nhis son. Professor H. C. Adams of the University of Michigan, who has kindly given the writer\\naccess to it. It would seem that he must have been in error in regard to Frederick Douglass,\\nsince Douglass s autobiography gives the year of his escape from slavery as 183S.\\nPublished in the Phillips Bulletin for April, 1907. See also The Pioneer Preacher by Sherlock\\nBristol, one of the Andover students, pp. 40-52.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Thirteen were of the class of 1839, Ephraim Adams, Cyrus Baldwin, J. P. Bartlett, Ralph\\nButterfield, Sylvester Dana, H. Eaton, Alonzo Hayes, Samuel Noyes, D. C. Scobey, P. LeB.\\nStickney, G. S. Towle, Luther Townsend, P. T. Woodbury, and one, J. W. Pillsbury, was of\\nthe class of 1840.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "252 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\ncould get no recommendation from the Academy as to character, etc., which,\\naccording to customs between institutions was necessary. We did not know\\nhow it would be, but concluded to risk it. So as the time came a dozen or\\nmore of us were at Dartmouth for the freshman class of 1835. The custom\\nthen was not formally to receive those entering college into full membership\\ntill after a week or two in attendance upon recitation. WTien the proper time\\ncame a copy of the laws was given in the class room with a certificate of member-\\nship enclosed to all excepting those of us who came from Andover. We were\\nastonished, not knowing what it meant, but determined to know; we got\\ntogether at once and appointed committees to visit each of the professors\\nto find out. The committees were to go at the same time, giving no oppor-\\ntunity for them to get together, but each to be taken alone. When the time\\ncame for the committees to report, things looked rather dubious. No one\\nhad anything to bring at all cheering or encouraging. It was all non-committal,\\nholding us in suspense with one exception, which happened to be the report\\nI brought as the last one. The one whom I was to see was a kind, jolly old\\nman (Prof. Shurtleff) who, as I opened my business without hesitation and\\nwith friendly assurance, simply said, Oh, never mind, never fear. You\\njust go on as good students, and it will be all right. It was sunlight breaking\\nthrough the clouds. We did go on. A copy of the laws with a certificate\\nof membership soon came. We soon formed an anti-slavery society in college.*\\nChief among the promoters of this society was Stephen S.\\nFoster, a sophomore, who became, after graduation in 1838,\\nthe prominent advocate of extreme radicaHsm, to which he was\\nstill further urged by another leader of the same views, Abby\\nKelly, whom he married in 1845. Foster was born in Canter-\\nbury, N. H., in 1809, and it was not till he was twenty- two\\nthat he determined to become a missionary to the then distant\\nbut opening west of the Mississippi valley, and for that purpose\\nto secure a college education. Entering college in 1834 at much\\nabove the average age, he brought an unusual earnestness and\\ndetermination, which led him to refuse to perform military\\nservice on the ground that it was inconsistent with Christian\\nprinciples, and when arrested, rather than pay a fine, he went\\nto jail at Haverhill, from which he wrote letters, descriptive\\nof the horrible condition of the prison, that had much to do in\\nbringing about a movement for prison reform.^ In his freshman\\nyear he transferred his connection to the College church and\\nmade himself prominent as a speaker at the church meetings,\\nin the Theological Society and elsewhere.\\nSoon Foster and some with him outran the rest and advanced\\nto a position of enmity not only to slavery but to all the institu-\\nThe delay in matriculation was occasioned by the time taken in inquiring of Mr. Johnson,\\nIf he had objections to the admission of the students. His reply is lost, but he gave his consent\\nin a statement of facts. Records of the Faculty, September 7. 1835-\\nAcU of the Anti-Slavery Apostles, Parker Pillsbury, Concord, 1883, p. 124..", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 253\\ntions of society, and were characterized by the designation\\ncome-outers. In consequence of this position he was cut\\noff from membership in the College church in November, 1841,\\nthree years after his graduation. President Lord was much\\nengaged in the anti-slavery movement on the same side, but he\\ndid not follow or sustain Foster in these extravagances, which,\\nin fact, did not develop themselves until after his graduation.\\nBut in the agitation in which he was engaged while in college\\nFoster enjoyed the sympathy of the President to a high degree.\\nAt that time Dr. Lord was much more radical on that subject\\nthan Mr. Wood or most of the Faculty. Professor Shurtleff\\nwas so far behind him and out of sympathy with the prevailing\\nsentiment in Foster s class as to lead him to hasten the resigna-\\ntion of his professorship which he was already contemplating\\non account of his health, and he retired in 1838. Mr. Wood\\nin October, 1835, six months after his coming, finding it neces-\\nsary to take some stand on the subject of slavery, expressed\\nguarded views in the same direction in a sermon, which so at-\\ntracted the students that it was published by them in a pamphlet,\\nand quoted with approval by Garrison in his paper. The Liberator,\\nBut he did not hold the ground he had taken and in 1838 the\\nstudents, under the lead of Foster, began to testify dissatis-\\nfaction with him, which cropped out in the Theological Society,\\nwhen a motion, made by Dudley Leavitt of the class of 1839,\\nto express this feeling to President Lord, called out a hot dis-\\ncussion of several hours and was indefinitely postponed only\\nby a small majority. The feeling continued to increase in con-\\nnection with the growth of the anti-slavery sentiment, and in\\n1840 resolutions of similar purport were passed by the Theologi-\\ncal Society and communicated to the Faculty. As has been\\nsaid there were other grounds on which the Faculty was dis-\\nsatisfied with Mr. Wood, and partly, perhaps, for this reason\\nno action was taken by that body, except an expression of re-\\ngret, at which the society appointed a committee to explain\\nand justify itself, but the fact that the action of the students\\nwas received without reproof for their interference had its effect\\nin leading him to seek a dismission soon after.\\nThe development of the anti-slavery feeling naturally aroused\\na corresponding opposition, and in the following year there was\\na painful exhibition of intolerance and disorder on the occasion\\nof an attempt by Foster, accompanied by Parker Pillsbury and\\nHenry C. Wright, to hold a series of meetings in support of the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "254 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xii.\\nanti-slavery cause in the village. They had difficulty in obtain-\\ning a room for the meetings, but finally hired the hall in the\\nDartmouth Hotel. The proceedings of the meeting are related\\nin full in his book by Parker Pillsbury.^ The programme of the\\nmeetings consisted in the presentation of a series of resolutions\\nto be discussed and voted on by all who chose to take part. At\\nthe first meeting which came in the afternoon the resolution\\npresented was,\\nThat every person in the nation, north or south, who is not\\nan open abolitionist, is by his influence sustaining and perpetuat-\\ning slavery, and should be regarded by every friend of humanity\\nas a virtual slaveholder.\\nThis was lost by a small majority, and at the evening meeting\\nwas followed by the resolution,\\nThat American slavery is a complication of the foulest crimes;\\nrobbery, adultery, man-stealing and murder; and should there-\\nfore be immediately and unconditionally abolished.\\nThe discussion began with hissing and hooting, which did not\\nwholly cease during the evening, and at times completely silenced\\nthe speakers. The audience, from which the women soon retired,\\nwas composed largely of students, but they took no part in the\\ndiscussion of the resolutions, which was carried on in opposition\\nto the radical speakers by a clergyman from Massachusetts, who\\nrepresented the moderate party and attacked the radicals with\\nsneers and sarcasms which but added to the tumult. The result\\nwas that the meetings, which it had been intended to continue\\nfor two days and evenings, were brought to an immediate close,\\nand the reformers departed carrying far and wide a very unflat-\\ntering account of the state of society at Dartmouth. But the\\nmovement was under way, and the Liberty party had a few\\nadherents in Hanover, though it was in a decided minority here\\nas elsewhere throughout the State, and the abolition wing of the\\nparty was still less numerous. In fact the two wings of the party\\nwere almost as much at odds with each other as with the regular\\nparties, and all others were at one in hatred of abolitionists.\\nThere were a few fearless men at the College who felt deeply on\\nthe subject and had no hesitancy in speech or act. Professor\\nChase was one of the most radical of that way of thinking, and\\nPresident Lord was in sympathy with him. The first time that\\nany votes of the Liberty party were seen at the Hanover polls\\nwas in 1841 when four appeared, two of them being cast by\\nThe Acts of the Anti-Slavery Apostles ,pp. 208-217.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 255\\nPresident Lord and Professor Chase and a third probably by\\nHood. In March, 1844, the party in Hanover cast seventy-six\\nvotes for its candidate for Governor and held the balance of\\npower in the local elections, and, after two days balloting, suc-\\nceeded in electing their candidate. Professor C. B. Haddock, as\\nrepresentative to the legislature.\\nThe party had already established at Hanover in August, 1842,\\nunder the direction of its central committee and through its\\nagents, Messrs. St. Clair and Biggs, a paper for the support of\\nits principles, entitled The People s Advocate, which was in syrn-\\npathy with the moderate wing of the abolitionists. It soon\\npassed into the control of J. E. Hood, who conducted it till its\\nend in 1844. At first its energies were mainly devoted to fur-\\nthering the cause of temperance, in which it did efficient service,\\nbut more and more it became the organ of the party in its opposi-\\ntion to slavery, and when Mr. Hood could no longer carry it,\\nan unsuccessful attempt was made to transfer it to Concord.\\nIn February, 1844, it was reduced in size and price and renamed\\nthe Family Visitor, with two editions, one for local circulation,\\nthe other with somewhat varied contents called the Advocate\\nEdition for general circulation. It survived but four months,\\nthe last issue being that of June 5, 1844. President Lord con-\\ntinued in active sympathy with the cause till about 1847, when\\nhis views were changed and he became an upholder of slavery,\\nbut even then he was known to contribute money and counte-\\nnance to an escaping slave, and several of that unhappy class\\nwere efficiently helped on from this village to freedom in Canada.\\nAn unfortunate difference occurred in 1835 which occasioned\\nmuch public discussion and some loss of friends to the College.\\nProfessor Benjamin Hale had come into the Faculty in the chair\\nof chemistry in 1827. His main work was in the Medical Depart-\\nment, but it was stipulated at his coming that the seniors and\\njuniors should be admitted to his lectures to the medical students\\non chemistry, and that he should have a course of recitations in\\nchemistry with the juniors. He greatly enlarged his work in\\nthe College without additional compensation. Instead of admit-\\nting the seniors and juniors to his lectures before the medical\\nstudents he gave them lectures by themselves and extended the\\nrecitation course with the juniors from thirty to forty exercises.\\nIn addition to this he gave annually twenty lectures in geology\\nand mineralogy. For some years he instructed the seniors in\\nthe philosophy of natural history, and for two years took charge", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "256 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. Xll.\\nof the recitations in Hebrew, not, perhaps, said he, much to\\nthe profit of my classes, but because I happened to be fresher in\\nthat study than any other college officer. He had charge of\\nthe cabinet of minerals, which he began by giving 500 specimens\\nof his own, the few that belonged to the College being scattered\\nand unmarked, and at his leaving it consisted of 2,300 specimens.\\nBesides this he had served gratuitously as an assistant to Pro-\\nfessor Chamberlain in the erection of Thornton and Wentworth\\nHalls.i\\nProfessor Hale was a graduate of Bowdoin College of the\\nclass of 1 818, and had been admitted to deacon s orders in the\\nEpiscopal church September 28, 1828, at Woodstock, Vt. Dr.\\nOliver was also a member of that denomination. Both were\\nregular attendants of the College church and during the vacancy\\nin the pastorate Professor Hale occasionally preached there.\\nAfter a time, about April, 1830, he began to conduct at his own\\nhouse and at the medical building Sabbath evening services\\naccording to the English form, which Dr. Oliver and some others\\nattended, including some students. Services were also held in\\nneighboring towns, and in 1834 an Episcopal society was organ-\\nized in Norwich which drew away several members from the\\nother churches and brought remonstrances from Mr. Goddard,\\nthe pastor of the existing church at Norwich, and from others.\\nDuring vacations and at other intervals of his college work\\nProfessor Hale preached in Portland and Boston for several\\nweeks and acted as agent of the Massachusetts Episcopal Mis-\\nsionary Society in the western part of that state. His activity\\nin this way and some unguarded expressions of his in regard to\\nthe extent and exclusiveness of church prerogatives occasioned\\nconsiderable uneasiness among the ministerial friends of the\\nCollege, and it was thought necessary to be rid of him. The\\nmethod of doing it, however, was unfortunate. Without noti-\\nfying Mr. Hale of their purpose the Trustees at their annual\\nmeeting in July, 1835, abolished his office under the pretext of\\nmaking a more appropriate and economical arrangementof instruc-\\ntion. But the true object was perfectly transparent, as it became\\ninstantly necessary to appoint, under a slightly different style, a\\nprofessor to discharge the precise duties that he had done. In-\\ndeed, he himself was necessarily employed to perform the duty\\nof lecturing the ensuing term, until his successor could be secured.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Valedictory Letter to the Trustees of Dartmouth College, 1835- See Chapter on The\\nMuseum and Cabinet.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 257\\nThe situation was aggravated by delay in communicating the\\nmatter to the Professor, so that he first heard of it from remarks\\nmade in the presence of a friend by one of the Trustees in the\\nstage coach as he was leaving Hanover after Commencement.\\nEven then the official announcement was strangely delayed.\\nAs the President left Hanover the day after Commencement he\\nmerely sent Professor Hale a note saying that the Trustees had\\npassed resolutions on a matter that nearly affected him, and as\\nhe could not command time to go into it he had asked Mr. Olcott,\\nthe Secretary of the Board, to send him a copy of the resolutions.\\nBut it was not till the following Monday, and then in response to\\na note of inquiry from Mr. Hale, that the copy was furnished him,\\nand this, without explanation or comment, was all that he ever\\nreceived either verbally or in writing from any member of the\\nBoard or any one representing them in regard to the matter.^\\nIt was suggested in a pamphlet that supported the action of the\\nTrustees and was undoubtedly authorized by them, that though\\nProfessor Hale was genial and agreeable as a man and a pleasing\\nspeaker, and though at first he was diligent in administering the\\ndetails of his department yet as tim.e went on he was more en-\\ngrossed in other matters, and he did in fact leave the apparatus\\nand collections in such a condition that his successor, who came\\nto Hanover in the following April to lecture, asked to be excused\\nfrom lecturing till fall in order that he might have time to put\\nthe illustrative material into shape.^\\nBut whatever secondary reasons there may have been, the\\nprimary one was the desire, under the pressure from the minis-\\nterial constituency of the College, to purge the College from the\\nsuspicion of Episcopal influences. In the preceding winter\\nPresident Lord had conveyed to Professor Hale the request of\\nthe Faculty that his Sunday evening meetings be given up and\\nindicated the feeling abroad about Episcopal influences at work\\nat the College, and the Trustees may have acted under a sense of\\nresponsibility to their constituency which they did not wish\\npublicly to acknowledge. The liberality of one generation finds\\nit difficult to appreciate the strictness of a preceding one.\\nThere followed an acrimonious controversy by pamphlet and\\nnewspaper articles, and many strong friends of the College, then\\nand since, were forced to sympathize largely with Professor Hale,\\nthe infirmity of the method of removing him overshadowing all\\nValedictory Letter to the Trustees of Dartmouth College. President s Report, 1836.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "258 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nother considerations. The resignation of Dr. Ohver in 1837 and\\nof Dr. Mussey in 1838 were understood to have been, partly at\\nleast, occasioned by these occurrences.\\nAfter the departure of Professor Hale the mineralogical cabinet,\\nwhich had been under his charge, passed temporarily into the\\ncustody of Professor Young, and then into that of Professor\\nHubbard. It soon received a large addition from Professor\\nFrederick Hall of the class of 1803, who gave to the College in\\n1838 $10,000, of which one half was in money to be devoted to\\nthe foundation of a chair of mineralogy and geology, and the\\nother half was in specimens of minerals, which he said constituted\\na collection the third or fourth in value in the United States, and\\nwere valued at $5,000. The specimens were brought to Hanover\\nin 1838, Professor Hubbard going to Washington to receive them,\\nand were at first placed with the old collection in a room in the\\nsecond story of Dartmouth hall, but were later removed, on its\\ncompletion, to more commodious quarters in the first floor of\\nReed Hall. The money portion of the gift was paid in five semi-\\nannual instalments of $1,000 each, and on the death of Mr.\\nHall in 1843 the College became his residuary legatee, thereby\\nreceiving, ten years later, the proceeds of western lands, amount-\\ning to $4,103, which were applied to the endowment of the pro-\\nfessorship to which his name was given. In 1838 a friend offered\\n$2,000 for the library if the Trustees would raise the sum of $10,-\\n000. This they promised their best endeavors to do, but, not\\nmeeting with success, determined to present the matter to the\\nalumni at Commencement in 1839, but they did not secure the\\ndesired amount.\\nIn 1835 the number of academic students, which for twenty\\nyears had averaged about 150, began rapidly to increase, passing\\n200 in 1836 and reaching 340 in 1840. In 1841 Dartmouth\\ngraduated 76, Yale 78, Harvard 48, and Princeton 60. In 1842\\nDartmouth sent out the largest class in its history till 1894, 85\\nin number, against 105 at Yale, 55 at Harvard and 45 at Prince-\\nton. Though the authorities were sensible that this unexampled\\nand almost unnatural prosperity as to numbers could not be\\nreasonably expected to continue, being out of all proportion to\\nthat of similar institutions, it was, nevertheless, necessary to\\nprovide suitable accommodations for them all. Already in\\n1834, in view of the urgent need of a new building, a public\\nappeal had been ordered for funds for that purpose and also for\\nPresident s Report, 1839.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "1 828-1 863.] Administration of President Lord. 259\\nthe library, the museum and apparatus. Owing, however, to\\nthe unfavorable state of the times the appeal was not issued,\\nand even though it was voted again the next year it was again\\npostponed, both because the time seemed not ripe and because\\nthe failure to fill the chair of theology had relieved the expected\\nstrain upon the treasury, but in 1836 the difficulty of obtaining\\nrooms for students began to be severely felt, and it was evident\\nthat any considerable addition to their number would exceed\\nall the means of accommodation. The question of new buildings\\nwas earnestly considered at the annual meeting, and a subscrip-\\ntion was again ordered for that purpose. It was not undertaken,\\nhowever, for by the death in February, 1837, of Hon. William\\nReed of Marblehead, Mass., then a member of the Board of\\nTrust, who left a handsome legacy to the College, means to carry\\nout the building project seemed to be assured. A site was ob-\\ntained by the purchase from President Allen of the Wheelock\\nmansion for $3,000. The house was sold^ and moved away, and\\nthe new building was begun in 1839. Its architect was Ammi B.\\nYoung of Boston, who was paid $277.75 for the plans. The con-\\ntract for it was awarded to Dyer H. Young of Lebanon, who\\nagreed to erect and finish the building for $11,000, but on the\\nsupposition that the actual cost might exceed or fall below that\\nsum, the contract provided for such contingency by apportioning\\nthe gain or loss between the parties. The cost was found greatly\\nto exceed the estimates and after a careful examination the\\nclaims of Mr. Young were adjusted by the payment to him, as\\nthe entire cost of the building, of $14,557.53. But he was still\\nunsatisfied and presented a further claim not on any supposed\\nlegal right, but on the ground of equity and good conscience.\\nOn this ground the Trustees again considered it. The account\\nwas somewhat involved as Mr. Young had bought much more\\nmaterial than was needed for the construction of the building.\\nSome of this he had sold at a profit, and had credited the profit\\nto the College; some he had used on other contracts, and some\\nhad been stolen. A compromise was finally reached by which\\nthe Trustees paid Mr. Young $500 more, making the total first\\ncost of the building $15,057.53, or more than the cost of Thornton\\n1 It was bought by Otis Freeman for $525, and moved in 1838 to the south side of Wheelock\\nstreet one remove to the west from Main street. In 1846 A. P. Balch, who then owned it,\\nchanged the original gambrel roof to a sharp A roof which it now has. It was occupied as a\\nprivate house till 1900, when, after being remodelled on the inside, it was given by Mrs. Emily\\nHowe Hitchcock for a village library and is now the Howe Library. It is the second oldest\\nhouse in the village, the one next to it, now occupied by the ARE fraternity, being the older\\nby one year.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "26o History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nand Wentworth together.^ This sum was exclusive of the land,\\nand also of the $250 paid for the oversight of the construction,\\nwhich was entrusted to Professor Ira Young. The architect,\\ncontractor and overseer were brothers. On account of the\\nrelationship Professor Young had been reluctant to act as over-\\nseer, but he did so to the entire satisfaction of the Trustees and\\nwithout a suspicion of favoritism. The work of all three was\\nfaithfully done.\\nThe building was of brick, 100 by 50 feet on the ground and\\nthree stories high, having pilasters at the corners and a plain but\\nappropriate frieze. It was built in imitation of the lines of a\\nGreek temple. The height of the different stories was not the\\nsame, the first being about ten feet, the second six inches less and\\nthe third a little over eight feet, the windows diminishing eighteen\\ninches in height in the successive stories, but, in order to give\\nthe building a height corresponding to its length, the outside\\nwalls were built four and a half feet above the ceiling of the\\nthird story rooms, leaving waste a space that with dormer win-\\ndows would have been sufficient for another set of rooms. It was\\ncompleted and ready for occupancy a little before Commencement,\\n1840, and received the name of Reed Hall. The building was\\nat once used for the relief of Dartmouth Hall, as the cabinet of\\nminerals given by Dr. Hall was transferred to quarters on the\\nfirst floor, which also contained lecture and apparatus rooms for\\nthe philosophical department. To the libraries was devoted\\nthe whole of the second floor, the College library occupying\\nthe eastern side, and the Society libraries the western side which\\nwas divided so that the Social Friends had the south end and the\\nUnited Fraternity the north end. The third story, given up to\\nstudents, contained but ten suites of rooms, which were so inade-\\nquate to supply the existing demand that the idea was enter-\\ntained of erecting, at the north end of the college yard, another\\nand corresponding building to be used exclusively as a dormitory,\\nbut in the decline in numbers that almost immediately followed\\nthe design was abandoned.\\nMr. Reed s bequest was $7,000 outright, and $10,000 more\\nsubject to the life interest of another of the legatees, and still\\nfurther $12,500, contingent upon the pleasure of Mrs. Reed. It\\nwas understood that Mrs. Reed, owing to some representations\\nthat had been made to her about the policy of the College, was\\nnot favorably disposed toward it. Dr. Lord visited Marblehead,\\nRecords of the Trustees, adjourned meeting January, 1843.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 261\\nand after a conference Mrs. Reed came to Hanover and professed\\na deep interest in the welfare of the College. But the part of the\\nbequest that was conditioned on her pleasure never came, and\\nthe other parts only after long delay. Difficulties arose in the\\nsettlement of Mr. Reed s estate and the $7,000 were not received\\ntill 1865 and the $10,000 not till 1868, when both amounts were\\ncovered into the general fund.\\nThe increase of students necessitated also an increase of in-\\nstructors and of educational apparatus. Professor Oliver P.\\nHubbard, who had taken up the work of Professor Hale s depart-\\nment in 1836, under the inappropriate style of Associate Pro-\\nfessor of the Physical Sciences, was in 1837 advanced to a full\\nprofessorship of chemistry, mineralogy and geology, but in the\\nnext year, on the establishment of the Hall professorship of\\nmineralogy and geology, was put into that chair and made pro-\\nfessor of chemistry and pharmacy in the Medical Department,\\nand continued in this double relation till 1866. Coincident with\\nthis there came a permanent enlargement and an entire reorgan-\\nization of the Faculty. The chair of mathematics and natural\\nphilosophy had been in 1833 surrendered by Professor Adams to\\nhis son-in-law, Ira Young. In 1838 this department was divided,\\nleaving natural philosophy, to which was joined astronomy, to\\nProfessor Young, and Stephen Chase became professor of mathe-\\nmatics. The department of languages had also been divided\\nthe year before, as has already been stated. The Rev. David\\nPeabody took charge of the rhetorical department in 1838, being\\nmade the next year professor of oratory and belles-lettres on\\nthe new Evans foundation,^ but was succeeded on his death in\\n1840 by Samuel G. Brown. On the resignations of Dr. Oliver\\nand Professor ShurtlefT, already mentioned, in 1837 and 1838,\\nthe united branches of intellectual philosophy and political\\neconomy passed into the hands of Professor Haddock. Three\\ntutors were also employed, and in 1835 Daniel Blaisdell succeeded\\nIra Perley in the office of Treasurer, which he held for forty years.\\nThe salaries of the professors were raised in 1838 to $900, and\\nthat of the President to $1,200.\\nIn the same year the Medical Faculty was entirely changed by\\na rearrangement of subjects and the substitution, in place of\\nDrs. Oliver and Mussey, of Dixi Crosby, John Delamater, Elisha\\nThe bequest left by Mr. Israel Evans was not actually received till 1847, when it amounted\\nto I4.393.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "262 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nBartlett and Oliver Wendell Holmes as professors/ and the\\nappointment of Stephen W. Williams as lecturer, and was now\\nfor the first time distinguished from the Academical Faculty\\nby a distinct enumeration in the catalogue. For several years\\nthe immediate care of the financial affairs of the medical depart-\\nment had been in the hands of Dr. Mussey, and when a final\\nsettlement was had with him the Trustees expressed in unusual\\nphrase their high appreciation of the fidelity, exactness and\\nwisdom of his management.^\\nThe Medical Faculty still continued to have a large part in\\nthe management of the Institution, but the Trustees ordered\\nthat henceforth the Prudential Committee should make at least\\none careful examination of it every year and report its condition\\nto the Board. They further gave it support by voting in 1838\\n$500 as an appropriation for the increase of its anatomical\\nmuseum. Examinations for degrees, which had before been at\\nno fixed dates, were restricted to the times of Commencement\\nand the close of the fall term.\\nThe changes in its Faculty within the next few years were\\nmany. Of the new appointments only Dr. Crosby continued\\nin his connection with the College. Within two years Drs.\\nDelamater and Bartlett had retired, the latter being succeeded\\nby Joseph Roby in 1840, and in the next year Drs. Holmes and\\nWilliams gave up their places to Drs. Edmund R. Peaslee and\\nTo these four were given respectively the chairs of surgery and surgical anatomy; materia\\nmedica, obstetrics and diseases of women and children; theory and practice of physic and\\npathological anatomy; and anatomy and physiology. Dr. Williams lectured on medical botany\\nand medical jurisprudence.\\nReuben Dimond Mussey, the son of John and Beulah (Butler) Mussey, was born in Pelham,\\nN. H., June 23, 1780. Beginning the study of Latin with his father he went to the academy at\\nAmherst and was graduated from Dartmouth in 1803. For two years he studied medicine\\nunder Dr. Nathan Smith, receiving the degree of M.B. in 1806, and began practice in Ipswich,\\nnow Essex, Mass. Three years later, his home being broken up on the death of his wife, he\\npursued further medical study in Philadelphia where he gained the degree of M.D., and on re-\\nturning he formed a partnership with Dr. Daniel Oliver in Salem. Both later came to the\\nMedical College at Hanover, Dr. Mussey in 18 14, one year in advance of Dr. Oliver, as pro-\\nfessor of theory and practice of medicine, materia medica and therapeutics. He also held the\\nchair of obstetrics from 1814 to 1830, and from 1822 that of anatomy and surgery. During\\nhis connection with Dartmouth he also gave lectures at Bowdoin and in the College of Physi-\\ncians and Surgeons in New York, and at Fairfield, N. Y. Resigning at Dartmouth in 1838 he\\nwent to the Ohio Medical College at Cincinnati, and in 1852 founded the Miami Medical Col-\\nlege. Returning from Ohio to the east in 1858, he died in Boston, June 21, 1866. at the age of\\n86. Dr. Mussey was eminent as a surgeon as well as a general practitioner, with a reputation\\nsecond to none in the State. In person he was short, spare, with high cheek bones, a small\\ngray eye and a broad prominent chin, and with a brusk and forbidding manner. For over\\nthirty years he was a strict vegetarian. He had much to do with the musical revival that\\noccurred in the early part of his residence in Hanover, and he was also an earnest supporter of\\nthe cause of temperance, and wrote much to advance it, his last pamphlet being, What Shall\\nI Drink? in his eighty-fourth year. (Address commemorative of Reuben Dimond Mussey,\\nby A.B. Crosby, Manchester, 1869.]", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 263\\nEdward E. Phelps, whose official relation to the College con-\\ntinued nearly forty years and was ended only with their lives.\\nIn 1 84 1 the President urged anew the filling of the theological\\nchair, vacant since 1831, in order to afford conveniences for pro-\\nfessional post-graduate study. Another step, he added,\\nwill then place the College in the position of a University, to\\nwhich Divine Providence has been so evidently leading it, and\\nfor which public opinion is in a great degree prepared. He\\nbelieved that there would be students enough to sustain this\\nadditional step, viz., a law department, upon a very slender\\nendowment. Subscriptions for that object had been unsuccess-\\nfully solicited at an earlier period, in 1808, and the influence of\\nthis idea of Dr. Lord s was no doubt effective in giving shape to\\nthe will of Judge Parker thirty years later. Several candidates\\nfor the theological chair were considered, but none proved avail-\\nable and in the financial stress that followed in the College the\\nappointment was delayed for several years.\\nIn furtherance, however, of the ambitious plans outlined by\\nthe President in 1841 Dr. William Cogswell- was brought into\\nthe Faculty under the unusual title of Professor of National\\nEducation and History, with the expectation that he would for a\\ntime at least devote himself chiefly to the solicitation of funds,\\nand to the development of a plan to organize a learned Society\\nthat should be nearly related to the College and serve to con-\\ncentrate upon it the moral and intellectual resources of the\\nNorthern part of New England. It was thought that such\\na society would be highly advantageous to the community at\\nlarge in diffusing knowledge and the principles of morality and\\nvirtue among the people, and, in the words of the President,\\nwould be of great importance to the College, a sort of popular\\nbranch, which although it has no co-ordinate corporate powers\\nwith the Board of Trustees, yet in a measure represents public\\nopinion at the College and may be expected to per-\\npetuate its influence upon the people. This was the Society\\nPresident s Report, 1841.\\ns Dr. Cogswell was a graduate of the College of the class of 1811, and after studying divinity\\nhad been a pastor in Dedham, Mass., for fourteen years, and was then agent and secretary of\\nthe American Education Society. After leaving Dartmouth in 1844 he was President and Pro-\\nfessor of Theology at Gilmanton (N. H.) Theological Seminari till his death in 1850. He was\\nshort and stout, and, from his likeness to the character in Dickens s story then just published,\\nreceived from the students the nickname of Pickwick.\\nPresident s Report, 1841.\\nIbid.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "264 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nof the Northern Academy, an account of which will be given in\\nanother place.\\nBut it was not long before the tide of students, which had so\\nrapidly risen, began to set in the other direction, as had, indeed,\\nbeen expected, but to a degree that had not been anticipated.\\nThe class entering in 1838 had over 100 members; it graduated\\n85 in 1842. The class entering in 1842 numbered but 43 and\\ngraduated 30, at the same time with 82 from Yale, 63 from Har-\\nvard and 68 from Princeton. In 1840 the catalogue showed\\n341 academic students and in 1845 but 179. Classes entering\\nsubsequent to 1842 showed a progressive increase, so that in\\n1846 the President was able to say that the farthest point of\\nreaction in numbers had been reached, but the shrinkage of\\nnearly one half gave a fearful check to the prosperity of the Col-\\nlege. The income from tuition was of course correspondingly\\nreduced while the force of instruction remained necessarily much\\nthe same, with the exception of tutors, which were dispensed\\nwith from 1844 to 1855.\\nIn their distress the Board turned to the Faculty with an\\nearnest appeal to sink all minor and personal considerations in a\\ncommon purpose to help the College, and in 1842 resolved that\\nthe Board of Trustees regard the members of the Faculty of the\\nInstitution as salary officers, and that the Board to some extent\\nhave a claim on their time and exertions for the benefit of the\\nInstitution, even out of their particular department when called\\nfor by any occasional and special exigency, to administer instruc-\\ntion to others than the particular classes assigned to each, and\\nthe Trustees affectionately entreat the respective members of\\nthe Faculty to unite as a band of brothers, especially in this\\ntime of unprecedented pecuniary distress and divide the burden\\nof such labors among them without expectation of further\\ncompensation.\\nTo add to the financial embarrassment the legacy of Mr. Reed\\nwas not received, and the cost of the new building fell upon the\\ncurrent resources thus terribly reduced. There was inevitably\\na curtailment of the far-reaching plans of a few years back. Dr.\\nCogswell resigned in 1844 to take charge of the Theological Sem-\\ninary at Gilmanton, the Society of the Northern Academy, from\\nwhich so much had been expected, resulted in a practical failure,\\nand the university idea went for the time out of sight, until\\nrevived twenty years later under President Smith in 1865. Yet,\\nnotwithstanding the sharp and depressing reduction in numbers,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 265\\nthe net result was a great advance not only in equipment and\\nin resources but in the average number of students, which was\\npermanently increased nearly fifty per cent, in comparison with\\nthe former standard.\\nBut the great reduction in numbers and the consequent strait-\\nening of the finances forced the Trustees in 1841, although in\\nthat year the income equalled the expenses, to turn again to the\\nidea of a subscription. In September the movement was set\\non foot with the following appeal:\\nThe Trustees of Dartmouth College have exhausted its available resources\\nin providing for the security of its property, and the accommodation and\\ninstruction of its students.\\nA further enlargement of its facilities for education has become very impor-\\ntant, in view of the increased number of students, and the advancement of\\nknowledge in the country, and is deemed essential to the permanent interests\\nand prosperity of the Institution.\\nThe sum of Fifty Thousand Dollars is requisite to sustain the Departments\\nof Instruction, to make the necessary additions to the Library and to the\\nphilosophical, mathematical and chemical apparatus.\\nIn these circumstances the Trustees earnestly solicit the contributions of\\nthe community. They have authorized the Rev. Dr. Cogswell and the other\\nmembers of the Faculty to present the College to its friends and the friends of\\ngood learning, for their sympathies and patronage. These gentlemen will\\nmake the proper explanations of the views of the Trustees; and it is hoped\\nthat the College will be enabled, by the timely liberality it may receive, to\\nkeep pace with the increasing population and intelligence of the important\\nsection of the country which it represents.\\nThe subscriptions were to be due in three equal annual instal-\\nments, the first payable August i, 1843, on condition that $30,000\\nwere subscribed before that date. But the condition was not\\nmet as the subscription fell short of the required amount by\\n$7,000. Fortunately among the subscribers was Samuel Apple-\\nton of Boston, then in the seventy-eighth year of his age. He had\\npledged $1,000, and sometime in August, 1843, sent in a check\\nfor that amount. He was informed of the failure of the sub-\\nscription and that the check would be held subject to his order.\\nI very well remember [he replied] the conditions to which I subscribed\\nand at the time I sent you the check I did not know whether the conditions\\nof the subscription were fulfilled or not, but it was my intention then, and it is\\nmy intention now, that the College should have the benefit of the donation\\nwhich I sent you without conditions. I regret extremely to learn by your letter\\nthat the whole project has entirely failed from the want of a few thousand\\ndollars to make the requisite sum. And you attribute the failure to the unex-\\npected and profound financial distress of the country. It would ill become me", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "266 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nto give advice to the Trustees of Dartmouth College, but I hope that it may\\nnot be deemed impertinent in me to suggest the propriety of again calling on\\nthe subscribers without conditions. As the pecuniary distresses which per-\\nvaded the country the last year are fast disappearing, I think it reasonable to\\nsuppose that most of those who subscribed conditionally in a year of adversity\\nwill cheerfully pay their subscriptions without conditions in a year of pros-\\nperity. Perhaps ?20,ooo might be obtained without much difficulty.\\nThe suggestion was promptly adopted. Agents were sent out\\nanew, seeking new subscriptions and renewals of the old ones on\\na similar condition, limited to August i, 1845. The matter was\\npushed with the greatest diligence through that year and the\\nnext. It was interrupted by the retirement of Professor Cogs-\\nwell in January, 1844, but it was carried on till the expiration of\\nthe time limited by the Rev. John Richards of the College church,\\nand the Rev. John M. Ellis, who had lately been pastor of the\\nchurch in East Hanover. Some $6,000 of the old subscriptions\\nwere not renewed or were lost by death of the subscribers, so\\nthat at the annual meeting in 1844 the President reported that\\nabout $8,000 remained to be subscribed. The small subscrip-\\ntions had been so thoroughly gleaned that he believed that the\\nsum could be raised only by large individual gifts in the cities.\\nAs the second limit drew near there were well founded fears of a\\nsecond failure. When a little more than a month remained the\\nentire result of the two years work footed up no more than $26,000\\nand President Lord almost in despair went himself to Boston to\\ntry to save it. He called among others on Mr. Appleton who\\nresponded, on the 27th of June, 1845, with a check for $9,000,\\nwhich with the $1,000 previously given he devoted to a professor-\\nship of Natural Philosophy. Thus twice was the College\\nindebted to him for the salvation of the subscription. It would,\\nindeed, have been a terrible blow to lose it after so much expense\\nand anxiety. One would think that a single experience in con-\\nditions of time limits would have been enough.\\nThe rapid increase in the number of the students, as well as\\nthe still more sudden decline, was not without its effect upon\\nthe life of the College, in the stimulus given to the literary spirit,\\nas evidenced by the successful establishment by the students in\\nNovember, 1839, of a literary magazine, called The Dartmouth,\\nand issued at irregular intervals. There had been two pre-\\nliminary failures in 1835 and 1837, when a paper called The\\nMagnet had a brief existence, but this, which was handsomely\\nprinted and ably conducted, had a longer life and only died", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 267\\nout with the reaction in 1844, to be resumed again under the same\\nname a little more than twenty years later.\\nAnother effect of the growth of numbers was the extension of\\nthe student societies in a new direction by the introduction of\\nthe modern Greek letter fraternities, beginning with the T.\\nin 1841. This was followed in rapid succession by the K. K. K.\\nand the A. A. but they did not meet with the approval of the\\nauthorities and in 1846 the Trustees voted that after 1849 no\\nelections be made, except by permission of the Faculty, to any\\nother societies than the older B. K,, the Social Friends, the\\nUnited Fraternity and the Theological Society. The next year\\nthe President reported among the favorable indications of the\\nstate of the College the reaction in respect to the secret societies,\\nwhich caused several of the best students to withdraw from\\ntheir connection with the societies and led to the belief that the\\npredominant feeling of the two lower classes was in favor of their\\ndiscontinuance. The movement toward the fraternities was,\\nhowever, too strong to be resisted, the vote of the Trustees\\nremained a dead letter, and within a few years the large majority\\nof the students was enrolled in the fraternities.\\nThere was also a revival, resulting from the increase in numbers,\\nof an old abuse in habitual absences from college exercises. The\\nFaculty being few in proportion to the students, it was hard to\\nenforce the special recitation of lost lessons, and resort was had\\nto the ancient punishment of fines, which, however, but increased\\nthe evil, as not a few were quite willing to purchase exemption\\nin that manner. Evasion of rhetorical exercises was most marked\\nand the scale of fines adopted was fifty cents for the first neglect\\nand one dollar for the second, while a third brought the offender\\nbefore the Faculty for discipline. Each failure to prepare a\\ncomposition was punished by a fine of twenty-five cents.\\nThe use of ardent spirits by the students had always con-\\nstituted a troublesome problem for the college authorities, as\\nit was difficult to secure a higher standard among them than\\nprevailed in the community generally, in which the use of intoxi-\\ncants was common. At times the College suffered from this\\nevil more than at others. In 181 1 a student wrote:\\nThe tumultous whirlpools of dissipation are now surging over this plain, and\\nfar too many are already immersed in its destructive commotions. The more\\nsober and responsible part of the inhabitants say the students were never so\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2President s Report, 1847, M. Pillsbury, May 6, 1811.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "268 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\ndissipated as at present. This opinion, however, I think might much more\\nproperly be applied to the medical students, than to the members of the College.\\nA natural reaction led to an improved condition within a few\\nyears, but there was no permanent change till, in 1827 and 1828,\\nthe subject of temperance assumed great prominence here.\\nPresident Tyler and Dr. Mussey were very active in the move-\\nment, not only at home but throughout the State. An exceed-\\ningly able address on the effect of ardent spirits, delivered by\\nDr. Mussey in 1827 to the students and before the New Hamp-\\nshire Medical Society, enjoyed great popularity and influence.^\\nIn 1828 a temperance society was formed in the College, which\\npreserved its activity a number of years, certainly as late as\\n1833,2 and the subject came prominently before the College\\nchurch. President Tyler, as chairman of a committee, reported\\na series of resolutions which were adopted May i, and a form of\\npledge of total abstinence from the use of ardent spirits, except\\nwhen prescribed by a physician, was urged upon the members,\\nand a committee headed by Professor Adams was appointed to\\nsecure signatures to it.^ The students Theological Society also\\ntook determined and persistent steps to crush out the evil, refus-\\ning to trade with merchants who sold liquor, and in 1835 the Phi\\nBeta Kappa Society threw its influence in the same direction\\nby voting that no individual ought to consider himself bound\\nin the least degree by any practice heretofore existing, to furnish\\na treat of any kind, or to any individual, upon his election as a\\nmember of this society.\\nDr. Mussey s activity in the cause continued without abate-\\nment for many years. A prize essay on ardent spirits, written\\nby him about 1836, was given an immense circulation by the\\ntemperance societies and exerted a powerful influence. In June,\\n1841, the temperance spirit again became vigorous. The sale of\\nardent spirits was openly made at several groceries, and with\\nspecial aggravation at the Dartmouth Hotel, so that many\\nregarded it as likely to injure the College in rendering parents\\nunwilling to expose their sons to such influence.^ A reform was\\ninaugurated among the students and villagers by two or three\\nresidents, who procured the assistance of Nathan Crosby, of the\\nclass of 1820, agent of the Massachusetts Temperance Society\\nA. Crosby, Memorial, p. 23. Records of Social Friends, May, 1833.\\n3 Church Records. President s Report, 1841.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 269\\nat Boston, who had acquired a wide reputation as a lecturer.\\nMr. Crosby lectured in the evening in the meeting house to the\\ncitizens, the next afternoon to the children and on the third\\nmorning to the students. The meetings were enthusiastic and\\nwere enlivened by the singing of temperance songs, the most\\npopular of which was,\\nThe drink that s in the drunkard s bowl\\nIs not the drink for me.\\nThe results were very marked and in general enthusiasm a\\ntotal abstinence pledge was quite numerously signed.^ The\\nstudents determined not to patronize the hotel, and gave up in\\nconsequence their annual ball at Commiencement in 1841, and\\nthe Faculty withdrew the Commencement dinner to a pavilion\\nerected for that purpose.^ The College church again took up\\nthe subject and on September 9, 1841, voted to regard the sale\\nof intoxicating drinks as an immorality and a disciplinable oflfense\\nin the church. The vote was not an idle one, as at the very\\nnext meeting of the church a member, named Alvan Tubbs, was\\nbrought before the church for selling ardent spirits as a beverage\\nand after a probation of four months was suspended from the\\ncommunion of the church.\\nThe effects of the movement of 1841 having passed away, the\\nsubject of temperance was again agitated in the autumn of 1843,\\nin consequence of a special impetus given by the death from\\ndrink of two brothers, named Ingalls, who died within a year of\\neach other. Though the reform movement had spread quite\\ngenerally in the southern part of the State, Hanover was still in\\nthe background. The sale of spirits was increasing, and stran-\\ngers tarrying over night were wont to complain of the prevalent\\nintemperance and profanity. The local paper. The People s\\nAdvocate, beginning in October published several communications\\non the subject, which stirred up much excitement, the most\\neffective being a series of pretended defences of rumsellers by\\nPatch, Jr., written no doubt by the editor, J. E. Hood. A\\n^Amulet, June is and 22, 1841.\\nThe dinner was described by a correspondent in the Congregational Journal of August 6\\nas furnished in a Pavilion erected for the occasion on ground adjoining the Academy building\\n(now Chandler Hall]. The entrance was through the hall of the Academy thence under an\\nelegant arch of boughs and evergreens to the Pavilion. The whole room was hung with festoons\\nand flowers in a style of elegance and taste that surpassed anything that we have ever seen at\\nDartmouth or elsewhere. In this splendid Pavilion, lighted up in the evening and further\\nembellished with portraits and paintings, was the scene of the Levee of the graduating class.\\nThe building was 125 feet by 25.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "270 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nsuggestion which he made after a few weeks for a series of public\\nmeetings found favor, and the first was held in the Methodist\\nmeeting house Monday evening, December ii, 1843. Professor\\nSanborn presided and Mr. Hood was secretary. Professors\\nSanborn and Chase and Dr. Dixi Crosby, being chosen a commit-\\ntee for that purpose, proposed through the newspaper the fol-\\nlowing subjects for discussion at future meetings: i. The\\nhistory of alcohol, and its effects upon the human system; 2.\\nIts moral and economical effects upon the seller and buyer;\\n3. Its social influence; 4. The duty of every citizen in relation\\nto temperance; 5. An examination of the license law; 6. How\\nshall we protect ourselves against the acknowledged evils of rum-\\nselling? These subjects were discussed at subsequent meetings\\nheld in the vestry during the winter.^\\nThe law at that time being one of local option, a most deter-\\nmined effort was made by the temperance people to elect at the\\nannual town meeting a board of selectmen favorable to their\\ncause, and an article was inserted in the warning for the March\\ntown meeting, directing the selectmen to withold licenses and to\\nprosecute those selling without license. Mr. Hood lost no oppor-\\ntunity, by argument direct and indirect, by sarcasm and even\\nby charging upon the rumseller constructive murder in the case\\nof those who died as the result of drink, to throw odium upon the\\ntraffic. The rum party retorted by an article in the warrant to\\nlay out a highway across the Common. When the issue was\\njoined in town meeting the result was a vote of about four to one\\nin favor of instructing the selectmen to withhold licenses, and the\\nchoice without regard to party of a board, consisting of Isaac\\nRoss, Col. Ashbel Smith and Maj. William Teriney, pledged to\\nthat course, although they were not instructed to prosecute\\noffenders. The proposition to destroy the Common by a high-\\nway was lost by a still more overwhelming vote. The same day\\nLebanon voted similar temperance instructions by a nearly\\nunanimous vote, and at Concord not a single license was granted.\\nGratitude was publicly expressed to the people of the eastern\\nsection for their decided expression of goodwill respecting the\\ntemperance cause and the Common. A wish, said Mr.\\nHood in his paper, has sometimes been expressed for a division\\nof the town. It will scarcely be advised again. We of the vil-\\nlage need the support of the staunch friends of good order in\\nEast Hanover to protect us against the malicious plots of unprin-\\nThe People s Advocate, December i6, 1843.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 271\\ncipled men. The floating population of this village needs such\\nballast as they took in town meeting day.\\nThe landlord of the Dartmouth Hotel, Parker Morse, promptly\\nconformed to the sense of the community by discontinuing the\\nsale of liquor in compliance with a petition that had before been\\npresented to him, but his reformation proved delusive. The lower\\ntavern and some of the groceries still held out, but they were\\nobliged to be so circumspect that they would serve only temperate\\ndrinkers and the hard customers had to get their supply from\\nNorwich. Mr. Hood continued to lash them in his paper and so\\nexasperated them that in May, 1844, his office window was\\nbroken in the night. His determined efforts, supported by others,\\ndid much, by forcing the liquor traffic into secrecy and lawlessness,\\nto stamp it with deserved ignominy. The discussions of the\\nwinter were not without their effect upon the students, and in\\nMarch there was held a mass meeting at which was formed the\\nDartmouth Total Abstinence Society, and a pledge was signed\\nby most of the students.^\\nProfessor Crosby gave a lecture before the society by invitation,\\nand in June they secured the presence of John B. Gough. But\\nthe trade still continued and after a time with more openness.\\nCommencement in 1853 saw the largest assemblage ever known\\nhere on such occasions, except at the Centennial in 1869, and\\nmuch was said of the disorderly scenes about the public houses.\\nThe American House kept by Mr. Thompson in the lower\\nhouse, though selling liquor, was still quiet and orderly, but the\\nDartmouth Hotel kept two bars in open and active operation at\\nthe same time that the Commencement dinner was spread in\\nthe hall. A public house, kept in the north end of the old Ton-\\ntine by Horace Frary, was credited with a similar character, and\\nin the next year students were forbidden to board or room there\\non account of the sale of liquor. At the June session of the\\nGeneral Court in 1855 was inaugurated the prohibitory system,\\nby which liquor selling, when not actually repressed, was for the\\ntime driven into secret places from which, as will be seen, it was\\ndifficult wholly to dislodge it.\\nOn the 7th of May, 1841, there was a large gathering at the\\nCollege in commemoration of the death of President Harrison.\\nThe arrangements, which were in the hands of a committee of\\ncitizens, headed by Mills Olcott, and seven students, contem-\\nFamily Visitor, March 27, 1844. ^Family Visitor, April 24, 1844.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "272 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nplated an occasion of more than local interest. The Governor\\nand his staff, the judges of the Supreme Court and distinguished\\nmen from abroad were invited, and four military companies,\\nthe Dartmouth Phalanx, the Cadets of Norwich University, the\\nLebanon Rifle Company and the Hanover Light Infantry, were\\nto aid the funeral pomp. Unhappily few of the invited guests\\ncould attend, but all the military companies were present and,\\naccording to the local paper, were more than grand. The\\nprocession assembled in the college yard at two o clock p. m.,\\nand marched with the boom of minute guns to the meeting house,\\nwhere, with other exercises, the Handel Society rendered a part\\nof the oratorio of Judah, He was like a morning star, and also\\nan original dirge, and Professor Haddock pronounced an eulogy\\nwhich was highly commended. Party politics were mainly laid\\naside, though some churlishly spoke of it as a Whig affair.\\nTwo years later there was a celebration of a different kind.\\nMonday, October 24, was made a great occasion by the reception\\nof Col. Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky, then candidate for the\\nvice presidency of the United States. At sunrise there was fired\\na morning gun. At eleven o clock the Colonel was received on\\nthe river road a mile and a half south of the village by a cavalcade\\nof citizens under direction of Col. Timothy Dwight Smith, and\\non the top of the hill near the Lebanon line by a military escort.\\nCol. Brewster, with a voice that could be heard all over the vil-\\nlage, took command at the hotel corner and conducted them to\\nthe meeting house where a procession was formed and marched\\nthrough lines of citizens across the Common to the Dartmouth\\nHotel; a company of young misses, dressed in uniform and\\ncarrying banners, strewed green leaves before the distinguished\\nguest. At the hotel he took his stand on the balcony of the sec-\\nond story, when, after a salute of three guns and music, a flat-\\ntering address was made by William H. Duncan, who stood on\\nthe top of a hogshead in the street. Col. Johnson, wearing the\\nhistoric red waistcoat that he wore at the battle of the Thames,\\ntold in reply the story of the killing of Tecumseh and his own\\nnarrow escape, pointing to the eleven holes still visible in the\\njacket. After a national salute of twenty-six guns the citizens\\ngenerally were introduced by Col. Brewster. There was a public\\ndinner at the hotel at three o clock, and a levee in the hall at\\nseven for the reception of ladies. From all these festivities many\\nof the citizens held aloof and it was specially remarked that the\\nColonel was not noticed by the College Faculty.\\n^People s Advocate, October 28, 1843.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 273\\nThe next day was ushered in by a sunrise gun as before, and at\\n9 o clock a miUtary escort under General Ransom, with a pro-\\ncession of citizens conveyed Colonel Johnson to Norwich. Can-\\nnon were fired from each bank of the river as he passed, and the\\npeople gathered on the hills on either bank to witness it. At\\nNorwich, after the usual interchange of speeches, he joined with\\na great multitude of people in a genuine western barbecue. The\\nColonel seemed greatly delighted with the notice taken of him,\\nand repeatedly averred that he had never been so honored before.\\nPolitical celebrations were much in vogue in those days.\\nOn July 21, 1847, the Whigs held a grand jubilee at Hanover in\\nhonor of the election by that party of two representatives to Con-\\ngress, Messrs. Tuck and Wilson. Several students took part in\\nthe speaking, Oliver Miller of the junior class responding to the\\nStudents of Old Dartmouth. On the 23d of November,\\n1848, there was a rousing Whig ratification and jollification over\\nthe election of General Taylor, and a grand dinner at the Dart-\\nmouth Hotel, at which Daniel Blaisdell presided, and Levi P.\\nMorton and Col. T. D. Smith acted as toastmasters, two being\\nnecessary by the extraordinary number of twenty-one regular\\nand several volunteer toasts. The festivities were ushered in\\nwith a salute of fifty guns.^\\nThe following from the Family Visitor of May 15, 1844, gives\\na reminiscence of an industry preceding the introduction of bath-\\nrooms and now no longer pursued here. Mr. Kinsman has\\nconstructed a neat and convenient bathing house, which will be\\nopen to visitors in a few days. The little building stood on\\nthe south side of Wheelock Street nearly opposite the site of the\\npresent Episcopal Church. For a number of years it enjoyed\\nconsiderable patronage. Among others who made use of it the\\nyoung ladies of Mrs. Peabody s school, which was kept in a house\\nwhere Webster Hall now stands, were required to form a weekly\\nprocession thither with soap and towels. This was perhaps but\\nan illustration of the general spirit of improvement, which,\\nstrikingly indicated in 1836 by the leveling and fencing of the\\nCommon, by general consent was further marked by the organ-\\nization, September 23, 1843, of the Hanover Ornamental Tree\\nAssociation at a public meeting in the vestry duly advertised\\nin the village paper. The association published in April, 1844,\\nTrue Democrat, July 30, 1847.\\nTrue Democrat, December i, 1848.\\nPeople s Advocate, September 23, 1843.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "274 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. Xll.\\na pamphlet of Hints on Transplanting Trees, which was\\nenforced by a public meeting, April i8, in the meeting house, and\\nan address by Professor Haddock. The result of its labors are\\nmany of the trees that now beautify the village.\\nOn the evening of April 14, 1845, a beastly fellow, named Park-\\nhurst, living on the southwest edge of the village, was, after re-\\npeated warnings, subjected by a vigilance committee of the\\nstudents to a substantial coat of tar and feathers, for keeping a\\nvile house and compelling his wife and daughter to a life of pros-\\ntitution. The immediate occasion of the outbreak was Park-\\nhurst s forcing his fourteen-year-old daughter to dance naked in\\na student s room in the college buildings for the price of $5.\\nThe procession which seized him was commanded by Robert\\nColby of the senior, and Daniel S. Hough of the junior class, and\\nafter taking him to the rear of the college buildings held a trial,\\nat which he was formally condemned. He was then taken to\\nthe top of Sand Hill where the tar and feathers were administered,\\nthe feathers being obtained from the pillow which a student\\nripped open for the occasion. Amid the jeers of the crowd\\nParkhurst was then marched back to his home to the accompani-\\nment of martial music, being spared a ride upon a rail only after\\nhis promise, extorted by the threat of worse things to come, that\\nhe would quit the town within a week. Five students were dis-\\nmissed for being present at the dancing.^\\nIn the same summer a new jail was built for Grafton County at\\nHaverhill and the College had the discredit of furnishing its first\\noccupant. This was a member of the class about to graduate,\\na person of good mind and high scholarship, who was exposed as\\nan habitual thief. There were found in his possession some two\\nhundred valuable books taken from the college library, besides\\na great variety of miscellaneous articles, watches, razors, etc.\\nwith much that could be of no value to him. There were even\\narticles which had been taken from the parlor tables of houses\\nwhere he had been entertained. Soon after his imprisonment his\\nfather came and deposited the amount of his bail ($500), and took\\nhim away.\\nIn the summer and autumn of 1847 there was a series of rob-\\nberies about the village that created general alarm. They cul-\\nminated in a burglary at a jewelry store, on the site now covered\\nby the south end of Bridgman s block, under cover of a fire which\\nTrw* D\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00abo\u00c2\u00a3ra April i8, 1845; and statements of Dr. J. W. Barstow of the class of 1846;\\nrecords of the Faculty.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 275\\nthe criminals had set in a house knov/n as the Shay s house,\\nstanding immediately north of the present Crosby Hall. The\\nhouse was totally consumed, and some five hundred dollars\\nworth of goods were taken from the store and hidden in the rocks\\non Observatory Hill. The culprits were not immediately dis-\\ncovered, but as they grew bolder other attempts soon after re-\\nvealed them. They proved to be two village boys of about\\neighteen years of age, belonging to respectable families. In their\\nlast attempts they were armed with deadly weapons. They were\\nconvicted and sentenced to terms of some length in the State s\\nprison. After a time both escaped, but no serious effort was made\\nto retake them and they were allowed to return home unmolested.\\nThe occurrence of several fires within a few years forced upon\\nthe attention of the authorities the helpless condition of the\\nvillage. The only means of protection against fire were a small\\nhand-tub of home construction and a bucket brigade formed\\nabout 1840, each member of which provided himself with two or\\nmore leather buckets and held himself in readiness to respond\\nwith his buckets in case of an alarm, and to stand in line to pass\\nthe buckets from a well or reservoir to the burning building. In\\nNovember of 1847 a movement was started to give better pro-\\ntection. Meetings of the citizens were held at which about $800\\nwere raised to buy an engine and hose and to build cisterns in\\ndifferent parts of the village. It was felt that the College, having\\nmuch at stake, should help in the matter, and Professor Sanborn\\nwas authorized to apply to the Trustees. Accordingly he wrote\\nin February, 1848, saying: We are now left in a critical condition\\nin regard to fires. Our engine is nearly worthless, valued at $50\\nthe engine company is dissolved^ in expectation of a new organ-\\nization, and there is absolutely no apparatus to protect the village\\nagainst fire. He asked for help from the Trustees, adding that\\nif the plans were carried out, and twenty-eight feet of suction\\nhose were bought to drop into the well on the east side of the\\nCommon and three hundred feet of leading hose, the college\\nbuildings would be better protected than the property of private\\ncitizens.\\nThe Trustees contributed toward the new apparatus, cisterns\\nwere built, an engine costing $800 was bought and a fire company\\norganized to man it. In term time, however, the students were\\nThe company referred to was The Hanover Engine Company, No. i, and was formed June\\n23, 1824, at the store of John Carpenter, for the care of the engine which had now become\\nworthless.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "276 History of Dartmouth College. (Chap. xil.\\namong the most effective means of safety. They not only were\\nefficient in removing the contents of threatened buildings, but\\nwere daring in going into exposed and dangerous situations, and\\na constant aid at the pumps of the engine. The engine bought at\\nthis time and named the Phoenix lasted more than twenty\\nyears. Another was bought in 1866, and another and much\\nlarger one in 1868 through the efforts of Mr. Elijah Carter, who\\non his own responsibility bought a large engine at Concord, when\\nhand engines were replaced by steam engines in that city. It\\nwas later taken off his hands at the price which he paid, $500, and\\nwas in use in the village till the establishment of the gravity\\nsystem in 1893, when it was sold for $125.\\nThe inner life of the College during these years was marked by\\nmuch turbulence. Few of the students came from families of\\nwealth most of them were either wholly or in part self-supporting\\nand they often gave expression to their independence by smothered\\nor open revolt against college regulations. Almost their only\\nlawful amusements were training in the Phalanx, the students\\nmilitary organization, which was disbanded in 1845 owing to its\\nconvivial tendencies, and kicking football on the Common, which,\\nduring the winter, was impossible. In accordance with the strict\\nideas of the times the Faculty opposed what are now considered\\nas harmless diversions. Theatrical presentations were regarded\\nas so objectionable that in 1829 the dramatic presentation of the\\ncarmen scBculare of Horace was prohibited.^ Cards were of course\\nunder the ban, and bowling was likewise an occasion for dis-\\ncipline, while in 1835 thirty-one students were fined two dollars\\neach for attending a dancing school. Under such a condition\\nthe spirit of mischief found expression in uncharted ways and\\noften developed into lawlessness and insubordination. The\\nFaculty was constantly on the watch to check disorder, and the\\nstudents were as constantly devising some new forms of roguery.\\nMembers of the Faculty, acting as police ofificers, sought to catch\\nmarauders and disturbers of the peace at night, and the students\\nliked nothing better than to match their wits against those of\\nThis, however, was probably not so much on account of its theatrical character as of dis-\\nturbances which grew up with it. The presentation was harmless enough as described by a\\nstudent of those days in The Dartmouth for January 30, 1880:\\nThere was a practice in College at this time of some classical significance. How long it\\nhad existed, or how it originated, I do not know. The freshman class read Horace in the\\nspring term and it was the custom for them, early in May, to give an exhibition of that part of\\nthe Roman secular games which was associated with the poet they were reading. Having made\\ncareful preparation, and, being duly organized, they marched through the streets In the evening,\\ncarr ing torchlights and an arch wreathed with ivy and dotted with lamps, singing in Latin\\nthe secular ode.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 277\\nthe Faculty in preparing strange surprises. As an expression\\nof their humor a flock of turkeys was found one morning in the\\nchapel; at another time some cows were stabled in the cellar of\\nDartmouth Hall, and on one occasion a cow, and on another a\\nhorse, were driven up two flights of stairs to the upper passage\\nof the same building. From time to time animals of various\\nkinds appeared in recitation rooms and now and then an in-\\nstructor, on reaching his desk, found it occupied by a skunk. A\\nfavorite amusement was to ring the bell at night, or to steal the\\ntongue so that it could not be rung in the morning, or to fasten\\nthe doors of the recitation rooms so that they could not be opened\\nat the proper hour.\\nThe records of the Faculty for this period disclose the difficulty\\nwhich was experienced in dealing with the turbulent spirits of the\\nstudents. In March, 1832, it was determined to read the cata-\\nlogue at frequent intervals. This was to call each member of\\nthe college in review in a meeting of the Faculty to see if any one\\nhad any thing to say against him. A little later in the year a\\ncommittee, appointed to propose a new mode of college disci-\\npline, could find nothing beyond the suggestion that at the first\\nmeeting of each month each officer should report the names of\\nthose who need admonition or correction. But this apparently\\nled to so many reports that it was soon decided that no case of\\ndiscipline should be brought before the Faculty till the individual\\ninstructor and then the President had tried in vain private advice\\nor admonition to lead the student to a right state of feeling.\\nTo bring the Faculty into closer touch with the students the\\npractice was established a few years later, in 1845, of assigning a\\nnumber of students to each officer, whose duty it was to be to visit\\nevery student at least once a term, and as much oftener as might\\nbe convenient, and for such visitation the buildings and streets\\nwere allotted among the Faculty according to a definite plan.\\nThere were three chief occasions of discipline, habitual absence\\nfrom exercises, noisy disorder, usually the blowing of horns, and\\nriotous outbreaks often accompanying intemperance and leading\\nto destruction of property. The practice of requiring lost lessons\\nto be made up privately so far failed of its object that in 1838\\nthe Faculty asked the Trustees, though unsuccessfully, to repeal\\nthe requirement and to assign each class to the supervision of a\\nsingle officer, who by moral suasion should secure punctual\\nattendance. In succeeding years, moral suasion not proving\\neffective, committees were appointed to devise rules for securing", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "278 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\npunctuality and preventing absence in term time, but with very\\nlittle success. On one occasion all but five of the senior class\\nabsented themselves from examination, on another the senior\\nclass requested a tw^o days leave of absence for a hunt, and on\\nbeing refused tw^enty of the class went without leave, but on their\\nreturn they were told that they would be separated unless they\\napologized and promised good behavior, which they did. At\\nthe end of each term there was a long list of absentees both from\\ndaily exercises and from examinations. Fines were imposed\\nupon many, some were disciplined, some were sent to their\\nhomes with statements of their shortcomings in the hope that\\nparents might bring about a reformation which the college could\\nnot, and upon some was laid the performance of special tasks as\\na punishment, but the evil was not checked.\\nNoise is a natural form of expression of youthful spirits, but\\nhow or when it took the form of horn-blowing among the students\\nat Dartmouth is not known. Perhaps the sound of the conch\\nshell with which the first President assembled his students, or\\nof the horn, that in his day and again on the failure of the bell in\\n1820 called the college to its duties, so caught the fancy of the\\nstudents that they were unwilling to let it pass away. Certain\\nit is that horn-blowing became a characteristic feature of the\\ncollege life, varying in the intensity of its expression at different\\ntimes. In some years there was little of it, and again a wave of\\nit would sweep over the college till it became almost unendurable.\\nIn 1835, the Faculty attempted to bring about quiet by enact-\\nment, and the President announced to the students at the open-\\ning of the fall term the decree that they abstain from loud noise\\nin their sports and that any wanton mischief or destruction of\\nproperty would expose the offenders to immediate separation\\nfrom College. It is, perhaps, not surprising that within a week\\nthe Faculty commenced a series of meetings to consider some\\nacts of wantonness and abuse, particularly in breaking of glass,\\nin direct disregard of the proclamation, which resulted in the\\ndismission of several students. Among them was a senior of\\nwhom the record naively says: sentence not well received by\\nhim.\\nA few years later the Faculty attempted to stop another form\\nof disturbance by voting that any man who fires a rifle or gun\\nwithin one mile of the college buildings shall be subjected to\\ndiscipline. This vote was perhaps more effective than the other,\\nas no case of discipline arising under it is recorded, but possibly", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 279\\nthe culprits, if there were any, escaped after the manner of one\\nwho many years later was called before President Smith for this\\noffence. On being asked by the President if he had fired a gun\\nor rifie round the college buildings he promptly replied in the\\nnegative, but on returning to his friends explained that though\\nhe had frequently fired a rifle behind the buildings he had never\\nfired one round the buildings.\\nThe early and middle forties were especially a period of noisy\\ndisturbance. A minor form appears from the report of the ex-\\namining committee of 1845, which refers to a practice which seems\\nto have assumed its more objectionable character within a\\ncomparatively recent period. We refer, said they, to the\\ntumultuous expression of applause in class and society meetings\\nby stamping, shouting, etc. Dr. J. W. Barstow of the class of\\n1846 gave in a letter a vivid picture of the more violent forms:\\nHorn-blowing was in full vogue and blast from 1842 to 1845, but the origin\\nof the vicious habit antedated my own college days.\\nI remember that in 1843-4 the practice had become general in college, so\\nmuch so that the Faculty had magnified the nuisance into a crime, until at length\\nexpulsion was threatened to any student caught with a horn in hand, or even\\nfound in his room, and some detective work was undertaken by certain of\\nthe Faculty, who, I remember were, on two occasions recognized in spite of\\ndisguises as they patrolled the rear of Dartmouth Hall and the North Build-\\ning. This action of the Faculty was not wise though the provocation was\\ngreat, but it only added a fresh motive and stimulus to the outlaws and in\\nstudent eyes every specially busy and daring performer was exalted into a\\nhero.\\nAfter 1844 the habit was less frequent, and was chiefly confined to the end\\nof the term, when the long line of Concord stages, loaded down with homeward\\nbound students, filed quietly down the lane from the rear of the buildings,\\nturned to the Lebanon road and, as they passed Reed Hall and beyond all\\ndanger of arrest, the din began, sudden and indescribable stirring the village\\nboys, deafening the citizens and carrying woe to the Faculty heart. But it\\nwas soon over as the stages hurried out of sight on the road to Lebanon.\\nIn 49- 50, which I spent in Hanover in Dr. Crosby s office, I do not remember\\nhearing a single horn from the college buildings, and all horn-blowing had passed\\nout of fashion. I well remember one morning in 1844, in the acute\\nstage of the horn fever, hearing Tutor Henry Parker [afterward Professor\\nParker of affectionate rememberance] address a band of students in front of\\nthe North Building (where the Tutor had his room), on what the Tutor called,\\nin his bland and winning way, the cornucopia habit. He begged the boys\\nas gentlemen to wait a few years each to acquire his own horn of plenty\\nin legitimate business and not just now to make the village hideous with\\nplenty of horns. Parker was a favorite with everybody and all listened and\\n1 No vote to this effect appears in the records of the Faculty, though in July, 1851, It was\\nvoted to separate from College not to return all students who shall make disturbance with\\nhorns by day or night. This vote followed the Great Awakening.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "28o History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\napplauded, and a marked reduction of horn-blowing was noticed about the\\nNorth Building, though with Dartmouth and Reed Halls it made little\\ndifference.\\nThe noise of horns was not restricted to the night, as is shown\\nby a vote of the Faculty of July 17, 1848, which reveals at once\\nthe annoyances of the Faculty and the humor of the scribe:\\nVoted, to require Sophomore Read to deliver up his trumpet\\nwherewith he discourseth most horrible music to the college,\\nand furthermore to apologize to Professor Chase for his insult\\nto him, and in default thereof, to be suspended from examintion.\\nN. B. Read is also to be admonished for blowing his horn, during\\nProfessor Brown s recitation. Read, as the record further shows\\nwas obedient to the mandate, delivered up his trumpet and\\napologized to Professor Chase.\\nDr. Barstow must have left Hanover early in 1850, not to have\\nremembered the outbreak which is described in the following\\nstatement, which accompanies a vote of the Faculty passed\\nApril 26 of that year, and exhibits, besides the prevalence of\\nnoise, an extreme but not uncommon concomitant of college\\ndiscipline. A vote separating two members of the junior class\\nis thus explained in the records:\\nThe history of the above vote is as follows: for several days prior to April\\n19th, the peace of the college and of the village had been disturbed by horn-\\nblowing in the night and by acts of outrage against the property of the college.\\nBetween the hours of 12 and i o clock of the night of the 19th of April, Barton\\nwas caught with a horn in his hand. On the 20th of April Barton was cut off\\nfrom college. The class immediately met and petitioned for Barton s pardon.\\nAt the same meeting, a vote was passed to accompany Barton on his departure\\nto the cars, in procession, and to write a letter of condolence to his father.\\nThe last vote was to be executed, unless the Faculty should grant the petition.\\nAfter learning the facts the President, by vote of the Faculty, addressed the\\nclass upon the great impropriety of the conduct of the class. The class re-\\nceived the address unkindly, voted tliat the charges of the President were\\nunjust, uncalled for and unnecessarily severe and that an apology was due\\nto the class from the President. Accordingly as no concessions were made to\\nthe class, a portion of the class led on by Secombe and Foster, accompanied\\nBarton to the cars and huzzaed as he took his seat in the cars. On the evening\\nof the same day a large number of students, disguised, met in front of the col-\\nlege and blew horns in concert for about half an hour. They were provided\\nwith sticks and stones. This conduct was justified by Secombe and Foster\\nas a very proper mode of showing their indignation at the unjust treatment of\\nthe Faculty. Secombe admitted that he was out with the mob, while the horns\\nwere blown and declined answering as to his being disguised. Foster refused\\nto answer questions respecting his own participation in the riot. For this\\nconduct and for the avowal of these sentiments, the above named individuals\\nhave been separated from college.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 281\\nThis disturbance was slight in comparison with one that\\noccurred in July of the next year, and that for its violence was\\nknown as the Great Awakening. On the fourth of that month\\nthere was a celebration at St. Johnsbury, connected with the\\nopening of the Passumpsic railroad, at which Professor Sanborn\\nwas to give the oration. Excursion trains were run, but the day\\nwas so stormy that comparatively few attended; the exercises\\nhad to be adjourned from a tent to a hall and the fireworks were\\nnot lighted. There was so much disappointment that a second\\nattempt was made on the seventh, when the railroad ran excur-\\nsions at a quarter fare. Some hundred or more students, primed\\nfor a boisterous time, provided with horns, and some with bottles,\\nwent from Hanover. They were disorderly on the train both\\ngoing and coming, and being displeased with the table service\\nat the banquet they disturbed the after-dinner speaking, in\\nparticular interrupting with cat-calls the ponderous speech of a\\ncongressman, who had a part and who afterward wrote to a news-\\npaper reflecting on the students apd the College. When the\\nFaculty took up the matter for discipline the College was thrown\\ninto a ferment, and on the night of the twelfth gave expression\\nto its feelings in a terrific outburst of noise, in which for several\\nhours, with the blowing of horns and other disturbances, pande-\\nmonium was let loose. In the resulting discipline eleven students\\nwere separated from college, and the vote already referred to,\\nprohibiting horn-blowing, was passed. Naturally the vote was\\nnot effectual, but there never was another outburst of frenzy like\\nthe Great Awakening. As the years went on horn-blowing\\ngradually diminished, till it was almost wholly restricted to the\\nexpression of dissatisfaction with the acts of instructors who were\\nin disfavor with the students. It was finally brought to an end\\nin 1896, under the administration of President Tucker, when, in\\nconsequence of disciplinary action, the student body voluntarily\\ndeclared the abandonment of the custom.\\nNoise, however, disturbing as it might be to the peace of the\\nFaculty and the village, was far from being the worst evil of\\ncollege life. From tim.e to time there were manifestations of a\\nspirit of lawlessness, often connected with intemperance, that\\nindicated much greater demoralization on the part of individuals,\\nand that were as difficult to check as the more general demon-\\nstrations of disorder. College property was often the object of\\nwanton destruction. It was a common thing to break the win-\\ndows of the rooms of freshmen and of the rooms where they", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "282 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nrecited. These rooms were often defiled with assafcetida or\\nworse smelHng substances, and now and then the furniture be-\\nlonging to them would be destroyed. Scurrilous and indecent\\nsheets were occasionally issued, and in 1848 the press and types,\\non which one of these, Old Grimes, had been printed, were\\nfound under the floor of a closet in Dartmouth Hall. The fol-\\nlowing letter of a student, named Willard, to his brother shows the\\ndisturbances of the earlier period:\\nHanover, Aug. 18, 1824.\\nIt is now almost Commencement. Three days more will bring us to that\\nday, when the devil reigns predominant; he has come this year a week before-\\nhand; already have the students burnt one barn, stoned Professor Chamber-\\nlain, burnt him and tutor Perley and hung the President, in effigy c. The\\ncause of this outrage was this; a certain fellow in the Freshman Class by the\\nname of Stark, a grandson of old General Stark was called upon by tutor Perley\\nto attend a private recitation, which order he paid no attention to, because he\\nsaid he had a right to be absent once a week (which is really the case) and he\\nhad not been absent during the whole term. The tutor then told the Govern-\\nment that Stark was contrary and meant to insult him and wanted Stark to\\nmake a confession; but he had too much of the blood of old 76 running in his\\nveins to make a confession when he knew he was innocent; and even the Presi-\\ndent himself confessed that the tutor was most to blame, but they must\\nsupport his dignity. Whether he was most to blame or not they sent him\\nin exilium for the term of 6 weeks, which so enraged the students that they\\nimmediately formed a company called the bear leged rangers and performed\\nthe remarkable feats above related.\\nThe records of the Faculty also indicate the character of the\\ntroubles. A vote of June 28, 1829, dismissed a sophomore from\\ncollege, because he did, on the night of the 23d instant, set\\nlire to and discharge a stone bottle filled with gunpowder, in the\\nprincipal college building, to the imminent danger thereof, and\\nin contempt of an officer of this college. A case of a different\\ndiscipline occurs in the vote of May 19, 1829:\\nA complaint having been made against Senior Evarts for forcibly entering\\nMr. Markham s inn and demanding spirits at an unseasonable hour and for\\nusing profane and incorrect language when satisfaction was demanded for it,\\nVoted that he exhibit to the Faculty this evening evidence that he has satis-\\nfied Mr. Markham for this outrage^ and that we meet for a further consideration\\nof his case at 3^ past seven.\\ny^ past seven P. M.\\nMet according to adjournment. Evarts having presented a certificate from\\nMr. Markham testifying that reparation had been made for the outrage upon\\nhis dwelling,\\nV oted that Evarts be put on probation for profaneness and the use of ardent\\nspirits, if he shall read before the faculty a satisfactory confession.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "1 828-1 863-] Administration of President Lord. 283\\nVoted also that the Pres. write to his mother and informer [sic] of the punish-\\nments inflicted upon her son and our own fears in relation to him.\\nVoted that the students at the commencement of the next term be inter-\\ndicted from all intercourse with the bar or table of Mr. Markham s hotel\\nduring term time.\\nA third vote passed November 27, 1843, shows a third variety:\\nWhereas Sophomore Warren appears, from evidence, to have been the leader\\nof a party of students, in disguise, who broke open a citizen s house, threatened\\nthe inmates with death, and finally not proving successful in gaining possession\\nof the house, threw laige stones through the windows and doors to the manifest\\ndanger of the lives of those within; whereas the said Warren is reported to have\\ncarried a loaded pistol on the night of the above mentioned attack, and whereas\\nthe said Warren, though put upon strict probation for his misdemeanors, still\\npersisted in a course of dissipation and secret violation of college laws, such as\\nfrequent participation in convivial entertainments at a public inn, the keeping\\nof ardent spirits in his room, and feasting upon stolen fowls which students\\nhad fattened in the college building and other violations too numerous to men-\\ntion, therefore voted that Sophomore Warren be and is hereby expelled from\\ncollege.\\nFour other students were disciplined for engaging in the ir-\\nregularities above charged. All escapades were not of so serious\\na nature, but the students were constantly on the watch for\\nopportunities to enliven their otherwise quiet life. In particu-\\nlar they were ready to exercise their ingenuity upon strolling\\nshowmen who came to the village. In June, 1844, one William\\nC. Tappan came to the town giving lectures and experiments on\\nanimal magnetism in the Dartmouth Hotel. His trials are in-\\ndicated in an advertisement in the Family Visitor of the 5th, in\\nwhich he offers a reward of $5 to any one who will give him in-\\nformation of the person who stuck a pin into the side of one of\\nhis magnetized subjects, as he was waking him from the mesmeric\\nsleep on Friday evening, to the great injury of the magnetizee.\\nBut noise, disturbance and mischief were but the incidents of\\ncollege life, underneath which the steady work of the college\\nwent on. High ideals found expression in fidelity to duty, hard\\nstudy and worthy character, so that the President, in his report of\\n1845, expressed his belief that there was a steady advance in the\\nstandard of scholarship in the College, saying, that the position\\nof the College in this respect was never higher absolutely or\\nrelatively than at the present time, I should have confidence in\\naffirming, even if I were not so fully justified by the reports of\\nExamining Committees.\\nThe completion of the new subscription led at once to plans of", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "284 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nimprovement and enlargement, and among the first things to\\nclaim attention was the repair of the older college buildings,\\nwhich having been fifteen years without material repairs had\\nfallen into a very low condition. Attention had, of course, been\\noften called to the subject by the Inspector, but the straitened\\ncircumstances of the College had caused little notice to be given\\nto it. Grounds and buildings alike indicated neglect. It was of\\nlittle use that atone time the Faculty voted that the experiment\\nof scouring be made upon the windows of the recitation rooms,\\nand at another that the college back yard be immediately\\ncleaned, or that in 1842 the Inspector was authorized to put\\nup such a fence as shall keep out the entrance of cows. There\\nwas not enough money to keep the buildings and grounds in order.\\nSo dire was the need that in 1846 it was voted that if the students\\nin the brick buildings wished to repair their rooms the College\\nwould meet one half the expense, if it did not exceed $5, and that\\nthe unoccupied rooms in Dartmouth Hall might be repaired at\\nan expense not exceeding $20 for each room if the students would\\nfurnish the money and take the rent of the rooms in payment.\\nIn the summer of that year Professor Sanborn, upon v/hom had\\ndevolved the duty of inspection in 1845, laid open the need of\\nrepairs with characteristic pungency.\\nIt is now generally admitted, said he, that dormitories in public build-\\nings for students are of very doubtful utility. Such rooms are certainly very\\nunproductive property. Public property is less respected and consequently\\noftener injured than private property. Unoccupied rooms are uniformly\\nassailed, windows are broken, doors are mutilated and frequently the rooms are\\ngrossly defiled. During the past year more than twenty rooms have\\nbeen unoccupied; some of them are positively untenantable, others are soiled,\\nshattered and defaced. The neglect to occupy these rooms brings a heavy\\ntax upon those who room in the village, which seems to annoy and irritate\\nthose who pay it. The injury done by lawless students also enlarges every\\nterm bill. These charges to my certain knowledge injure the reputation of\\nthe College abroad and prevents students from entering it. He further said\\nin reference to the recitation rooms, which had fallen into a sad state of dilapi-\\ndation: acting in my official capacity I have uniformly visited the public\\nrooms before prayers in the morning [which were at six o clock] to remove all\\nwriting from the blackboards and abate other nuisances which lawless students\\nmay have placed there. At the beginning of the summer term I met\\nthe three lower classes separately, informed them of the intention of the Trus-\\ntees and Faculty to increase their accommodations and comforts if there should\\nThe rent of unoccupied rooms in the college buildings was assessed upon students rooming\\nout of the buildings. This was often a cause of injury to the buildings, for the students thus\\nassessed feeling, as one who was afterward a Trustee expressed it, that they ought to get their\\nmoney s worth wantonly destroyed college property by breaking windows, and in other\\nways, till they thought that they had equaled the amount of their bill.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 285\\nbe a corresponding reform on their part, and obtained from most of them an\\nopenly expressed resolve for reform. It is impossible to maintain\\ngood order in and around old and dilapidated buildings. Every dollar expended\\nin repairs yields a rich revenue in security, quiet and good order.\\nIn addition to the want of internal repairs the three older\\nbuildings stood in crying need of shingles, and Dartmouth Hall\\nwas in a critical state from the condition of the steeple, which\\nwas wholly decayed. As the new subscriptions now began to\\nbe productive, two thousand dollars were appropriated for the\\nrenovation of the buildings. The steeple of Dartmouth Hall\\nwas immediately rebuilt, not on its former lines, but in the\\nbeautiful form in which it now appears in the steeple on the\\nnew Dartmouth Hall, which is the replica of that on the old\\nhall when the hall was burned. The name of its designer is\\nunfortunately lost. The rooms in the two upper stories of that\\nbuilding, which had been untenantable for several years and\\nused by lawless students for all conceivable mischief, the theater\\nof noise and riot, were handsomely fitted up and became the\\nfirst choice of the students. The recitation rooms were repaired\\nand each connected with a guard room, which was occupied\\nby a student who should be responsible for the care of it. Society\\nHall, at the south end of the building, the meeting place of the\\nliterary societies, was repaired and made into a very convenient\\nand handsome room for the use of the students. All the build-\\nings were shingled. Dartmouth Hall was painted and the walls\\nof the space ways in all three, covered with scrawls and pencil\\nmarks, were washed with a color.\\nThese improvements which were substantially completed\\nin 1848, though Thornton Hall was not shingled until 1850 and\\nReed Hall not repainted till 1851, had a marked effect upon\\nthe discipline of the College, of which nearly one half had for\\nsome time arisen from injuries done to the recitation rooms.\\nIn the three following years there was but a single serious case\\nof damage. In 1851, at the time of painting Reed Hall, walks\\nwere laid out in the college yard, which had previously been\\nenclosed by a fence. The yard was now still further secluded\\nby planting along the front a buckthorn hedge, which the next\\nyear was extended to the east along the northern side of the\\nyard, at an expense of $1 a rod. Three years later it was deter-\\nmined that the field north of the college grounds in which the\\nobservatory is situated be appropriated as college grounds and\\nnever more for pasturage, and thus began the existing college", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "286 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI I.\\npark. In 1849 a plan and drawing of the village of Hanover\\nwere made by Joseph A. Hudnut of Boston, for which he was\\npaid $15 by the Trustees. The appearance of the College of\\nthat time is well preserved in an engraving that was made by\\nJ. W. Watts and published in the catalogue of 1852-1853.\\nThe further application of the proceeds of the new subscrip-\\ntion was a matter of much moment, for the rapid decline in the\\nnumber of students had stimulated the college authorities to\\nrecover the lost ground by enlarging and improving the appli-\\nances of instruction in every possible way. The $10,000 given\\nby Mr. Appleton were of course appropriated to a chair of nat-\\nural philosophy according to his wish. With the balance it\\nwas desired to pay the debts of the College, but this could not\\nbe done and meet the expectations of the donors, who had been\\nasked to subscribe for the increase of the facilities of the college\\nin various ways, or satisfy the just demands of both Faculty\\nand students for better equipment. Three years later, in 1849,\\nthe President reported that there had been an excess of expenses\\nin the balance sheet of the year of $986.77, that the College was\\nin debt a little over $20,000, while its means of paying barely\\nreached $19,000. There were still due on the subscription\\n$5,131.06, but this was too high an estimate of what would\\nbe realized, and there was need of economy. The Faculty on\\nbeing asked to present their view as to the most needed expendi-\\ntures recommended an appropriation of $10,000 for the library\\nand $6,000 for apparatus. The Trustees naturally did not see\\ntheir way clear to make such large appropriations for these\\nobjects, and were content to set apart, in 1846, $200 for the\\nlibrary, but this small sum was in view of the fact that in that\\nyear a gift of $1 ,000 was made for the library by the three brothers\\nEdmund, Isaac and Joel Parker, two of whom were members\\nof the Board of Trust.\\nThe appropriation for apparatus was on a much more generous\\nscale, Professor Young having reinforced the recommendation\\nof the Faculty by a special statement.\\nThe original cost of our apparatus, said he, was about ^2,300 and its\\npresent value not much above ?i,300. The purchases previous to 1834 amounted\\nto about ?l,ioo. This sum was mostly expended from 1812 to 19, when the\\ncost of instruments was unusually high, and the articles purchased were many\\nof them of an inferior quality, and most of them are now either worn out or\\nbroken, or unsuited to the present state of the science they were intended to\\nillustrate, so that the whole collection is in reality of little value.\\nIn 1834 an appropriation of ?i,500 was made, and the President and", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "f\\nVILLAGE IX 1855.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord, 287\\nmyself were authorized to apply it at our discretion. Of this we have expended\\nabout Jl,200, making it our steady aim to purchase no articles except such\\nas our immediate necessities required, and as could be obtained of good quality\\nat a reasonable price from American artists. Hence our purchases have\\nbeen mostly limited to electricity, electromagnetism and pneumatics.\\nHe particularly desired to obtain geodetical instruments,\\nsuch as are actually used in civil engineering and topographical\\nsurveying, such as might lead a respectable portion of the students\\nto find their necessary exercise in real practical surveying,\\nmicroscopes, both compound and solar, with corresponding polar-\\nizing apparatus, a good telescope, a siderial clock and microm-\\neter, which involves the germ of a small astronomical ob-\\nservatory, and a full set of standard meteorological instruments.\\nIn order that he might spend the money, if appropriated, in\\nthe wisest way he proposed to make a tour of the more important\\ncolleges to examine their apparatus and observatories, and to\\nmeet the expense of the trip he became the agent of the College\\nfor collecting the instalments due on the subscription.\\nThese requests met with favor and $2,300 were appropriated\\nfor apparatus to be purchased under the direction of Professor\\nYoung. Geodetical instruments to the value of $250 were\\nimmediateh/ purchased and a six-inch telescope ordered from\\nMunich. It was delivered in this country in May, 1848, but\\nas a duty of thirty per cent, was unexpectedly demanded, it\\nwas allowed to He in the custom house for some months, pending\\nthe result of a petition to Congress for a release from the duty.\\nThe release was granted and the telescope reached Hanover\\nsafely in the September following. Its cost on the ground was\\n$2,379. As there was no oberA^atory it was set up in a rude frame\\nin Professor Young s garden, which allowed but a partial and\\nuncertain use of it. During the next year there was erected,\\nalso in Professor Young s garden, near the present site of the\\nsouth Massachusetts Hall, a small observatory, 28 by 13 feet,\\ndivided into two rooms, one furnished with a pier (resting on\\nan old mill stone) and a sliding roof for the telescope, and the\\nother with two piers (one of them being supported by the second\\nof the divorced run of mill-stones), and an opening through the\\nroof and sides, in which were the clocks and transit instrument.\\nThis room was plastered and had the comfort of a stove and\\nother conveniences for a computing room. The whole cost of\\nthe structure did not exceed $250. A lively interest in the study\\nof astronomy was awakened among the students, so that the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "288 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\ninstruments were in almost constant use, when the weather\\nwould permit, either for instruction, the gratification of visitors\\nor regular observations. I trust, wrote Professor Young to\\nthe Trustees, that the interest thus awakened among the\\nstudents will have its appropriate reflex influence upon the\\nHonorable Board in stimulating them to use all proper means\\nfor the early completion of the promised observatory and in-\\nstruments.\\nFour years passed, however, before such a building was erected.\\nIn December of 1852 Dr. George C. Shattuck of the class of\\n1803, a physician of Boston, who had already given to the college\\nthe portraits of its counsel in its celebrated case, put at the dis-\\nposal of the Trustees $7,000 for the construction and equipment\\nof an observatory, on the condition that the Trustees would\\nadd as much as might be needful to complete the work, sup-\\nposably about $4,000. This they at once decided to do, authoriz-\\ning their treasurer to borrow that sum, if necessary, and directed\\nProfessor Young to prepare plans and undertake the construc-\\ntion of an observatory. He had for some years been making\\nhis preparations, having carefully studied the plans of other\\nobservatories and having secured from his brother, A. H. Young,\\nthe architect of Reed Hall, valuable suggestions. After making\\nall arrangements for the work he left the construction under\\nthe charge of Professor Hubbard and went to Europe in April\\nof 1853 to purchase instruments for the observatory and for\\nthe physical laboratory, and books for the library. Dr. Shattuck\\nadded to his previous gift $2,000, of which $1,200 were to be\\nspent for books on mathematics, mechanics and astronomy,\\nand $800 for books for the Latin department. Professor Shurtleff\\nadded $1,000 for books in intellectual philosophy and political\\neconomy, and the Trustees appropriated $500 from the Parker\\nfund. Professor Young returned from Europe in September,\\nhaving purchased instruments and books to the value of a little\\nunder $7,000.\\nGood progress had been made on the observatory during his\\nabsence under the supervision of Professor Hubbard, but owing\\nto the suspension of the work during the following winter and to\\ndelays caused by workmen from abroad, it was not finished\\nand ready for occupancy till the opening of the college year\\nin the fall of 1854. The building, which was of brick, consisted\\nof a tower twenty feet in diameter, surmounted by a revolving\\ndome in which the telescope was mounted, and of three wings,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 289\\narranged in the form of a cross. That to the east, sixteen by\\ntwenty-six feet, contained a transit room while those to the\\nnorth and south, each sixteen by twenty feet, contained an\\nobserver s room and a computer s room, the library being placed\\nin the tower under the telescope. The cost of the building was\\na little over $4,800, the sum which the Trustees were obliged\\nto add to the gift of Dr. Shattuck for building and apparatus,\\nbeing about $1,200.\\nAn annular eclipse of the sun occurred May 26, 1854, visible\\nin New England. Professor Young then had a class in astronomy,\\nengaged particularly in the study of eclipses. It was found\\nthat the data given in the British and the American nautical\\nalmanacs resulted in making the path of the eclipse pass about\\none mile from the observatory, the one on one side and the\\nother on the other. It was a rare event for the central path of\\nan eclipse to take in an observatory, and all the preparation\\nfor watching it that was possible was made by Professor Young\\nin his garden observatory. But to his great disappointment, as\\nwell as to that of others, the day was cloudy and not a glimpse\\nwas obtained of the sun except for a moment through a rift in\\nthe clouds as the moon Vv^as passing off the sun s disk, and\\neven then without a chance to note the time of last contact.\\nThe department of chemistry also gained some share in the\\nbenefit of the new subscription. In 1849 Professor Hubbard\\nrepresented to the Trustees that for thirteen years nothing had\\nbeen spent for the increase of the chemical apparatus, and that\\nit was impossible for the students or for himself to determine\\nwith the existing apparatus the composition of a single body\\nor even the proper weight of any element, or to meet the reason-\\nable expectations of the public in the analysis of minerals or\\nthe determination of the value of ores. Notwithstanding this,\\nthe interest in the study of chemistry had so increased that while\\na few years before he had been obliged to pay for assistance in\\nthe laboratory, students had now become so eager to assist\\nthat they begged the privilege of assisting and put down their\\nnames as voluntee several courses in advance. His request\\nfor the sum of $150 for new equipment was immediately granted.\\nFrom the year 1845 there was a slow but on the whole steady\\nincrease in the number of students. With their increase and\\nthe increase in the equipment of the College it was thought best\\nto make an increase in the rate of tuition, which since 1825 had\\nbeen $27 a year with an additional charge for incidentals then\\n19", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "290 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\namounting to $4.50. In 1848 the tuition was set at $31.50 with-\\nout incidentals, but three years later was raised to $36 a year\\nand again in 1854 to $42 a year. In 1848 there was also made\\na change in the entrance requirements in Greek from the four\\nGospels and Jacob s Greek Reader to five books of Xenophon s\\nAnabasis and four books of Homer s Iliad (reduced to three in\\n1854 and to two in 1869, when four books of the Anabasis were\\nsubstituted for five), though the Gospels and Greek Reader\\nwere accepted as an equivalent.\\nDuring this period there were several changes in the Board of\\nTrust and in the Faculty. Within four years the Board suffered\\nthe loss of three members by death. The first was that of Mills\\nOlcott, who died July 11, 1845. As treasurer from 18 15 to 1821,\\nand as trustee from that date he had .rendered an invaluable\\nservice to the College by his warm interest in its welfare; his\\nsound judgment and his liberality attested in many gifts and\\nservices. John Kelley, a lawyer of Exeter was chosen to his place.\\nJudge Hubbard of the Board died in December, 1847, and was\\nsucceeded by Judge Richard Fletcher of Boston. A little over\\na year later, January 11, 1849, came the death of Charles Marsh,\\nat the age of 84, whose term of service on the Board covering\\na period of forty years was longer than that of any other trustee\\nin the history of the College except that of Nathan Lord, who\\nheld that office for forty-two years. During that long period\\nhe had been untiring in his devotion to the College, rarely missing\\na meeting of the Board of Trustees, and from his nearness to\\nthe College as well as from the soundness of his judgment he\\nwas frequently consulted on matters that called for action be-\\ntween meetings of the Board, and for many years had a large\\npart in determining and carrying out the policy of the Board.\\nThe activity of his earlier years had not continued in his extreme\\nage, but his sympathetic interest in the principles that were\\ndominant in the management of the College, his thorough ac-\\nquaintance with its history and the important part which he\\nhad borne in saving it in its great crisis gave him to the end of\\nhis life a unique position on the Board. He was the last survivor\\nof the famous Octagon, and as if to note the close of the era\\nof conflict and the restoration of general good feeling the Trustees\\nconferred in that year the honorary degree of A.M. upon Salma\\nHale, who had been an ardent supporter and one of the leading\\nTrustees of the former University. His successor on the Board", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "^L^Ci^i.^ Ly^i^^uy^", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 291\\nwas Anthony Colby, who had been Governor of the State and\\nex-officio Trustee in 1 846-1 847.\\nThe Phillips professorship of theology had been vacant since\\n1830, and though unsuccessful attempts had been made to fill\\nit, as has been recited, yet in the decrease of students and the\\ninsufficiency of the funds it was allowed to continue vacant. But\\nin 1847 the President reported that the fund of the professor-\\nship was now complete and that it was desirable to make an\\nappointment to it. He had for some years carried on the work\\nof that department as far as his other duties permitted, finding it\\na source of great pleasure and benefit, but felt that the de-\\npartment, to take its proper place in the College, should have\\na head of its own. He had, however, no candidate to suggest\\nand it was not till 1849 that the chair was filled by the choice\\nof Rev. Daniel J. Noyes, pastor of the South Congregational\\nChurch of Concord, N. H. The immediate duty assigned him\\nwas to lecture to the students weekly on systematic theology,\\nand to instruct the classes in ethical and theological branches.\\nAfter a thorough review by a committee of the Board of the\\nancient constitution of the department it was resolved that the\\nfounder imposed no restrictions upon the character of the doctrine\\nwhich might be required of the incumbent, but, nevertheless,\\nhis chart of doctrine was defined in a resolution, that the Board\\nhave made the appointment of a Professor of Theology in the\\nbelief that his religious sentiments are in accordance with the\\ncompend of Christian doctrine set forth by the Westminster\\nAssembly of Divines in their Shorter Catechism, and that any\\nmaterial departure from that platform is deemed by the Board\\na sufficient ground of removal from office.\\nIn the same year theological differences led to the retirement\\nof Professor Crosby, but the matter was so conducted as to leave,\\non the whole, harmonious relations. For some time he had\\ngrown weary of the drudgery of teaching the mere elements of\\nlanguage and had come to feel that it was his duty to devote\\nhimself to what he regarded as higher studies, like morals and\\nreligion, which had a more immediate relation to the welfare of\\nsociety. While wishing to give up teaching he still wished to\\nretain a connection with the College, and suggested that he retain\\nhis title without duties and without pay and that an associate\\nprofessor be appointed who should perform the duties of the\\noffice and receive the salary attached to it. This proposition did\\nnot meet with favor, especially as the Trustees were disturbed", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "292 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nby two publications of Professor Crosby s, one a pamphlet\\nentitled, A Letter of the Celebrated John Foster on the Dura-\\ntion of Future Punishment, issued anonymously, but known\\nto be from the pen of Professor Crosby, and containing, as was\\nthought, an attack upon the American Tract Society in the form\\nof an earnest appeal in regard to the character of its publications;\\nthe other a small book setting forth views upon the Second Ad-\\nvent not acceptable to the orthodox ministers of the State. After\\nconsiderable correspondence Professor Crosby presented his\\ndefinite resignation and the Trustees, in recognition of his ability\\nas a scholar and his desire to retain a formal connection with\\nthe College, gave him the title of Professor emeritus. On his\\nrecommendation and that of the Faculty John N. Putnam, a\\ngraduate of 1843 and a brilliant student, then just graduating\\nfrom iA^ndover Theological Seminary, who had been giving the\\ninstruction in Greek since the February before, was chosen his\\nsuccessor.^ At the same meeting of the Board Dr. Roby tendered\\nhis resignation as professor of the theory and practice of physic\\nand was succeeded by Dr. Edward E. Phelps of Windsor, Vt.\\nTwo years later the College suffered a severe loss in the death\\nof Professor Chase, which occurred on January 7, 1851. He was\\nfollowed in office by John S. Woodman of the class of 1842.*\\n1 Alpheus Crosby, the son of Dr. Asa and Abigail (Russell) Crosby, was born at Sandwich,\\nN. H., October 13, 1810. After graduating from Dartmouth in 1827 be became preceptor of\\nMoor s School for one year, then tutor in the College for three years. After two years spent in\\nthe study of theology at Andover he was recalled as professor in 1833. He resided in Hanover\\nfor some years after his resignation in the stone house, which he built in 184s, on the road over\\nCory Hill, but in i8s7 he became the Principal of the State Normal School at Salem, Mass.,\\nand resigned that position in 1865. He died there April 17, 1874. He was an earnest scholar\\nof wide interests, and published a Greek grammar, and an edition of Xenophon s Anabasis,\\nbesides several other smaller works. He was an effective teacher, but he had the habit of giving\\na prolonged o-o-oh between sentences, which with a high falsetto voice gave him a peculiar\\nmanner. Dr. Barstow of the class of 1846 is responsible for the following incident. Professor\\nCrosby was hearing a recitation at the south end of Dartmouth. The students from another\\nrecitation, which had been let out before the close of the hour, gathered outside his room and\\nbegan to sing, much to the unrest of his students. Going to the door he addressed the singers,\\nsaying: To the bird in the cage the sweet carolings of the released songsters are scarcely\\nagreeable. Now if you can withhold your songs it will be better for my class. His appeal\\nwas sufficient.\\nProfessor Stephen Chase was but little over thirty-seven at the time of his death, having\\nbeen born at Chester, N. H., August 12, 1813. He was a diligent student and his death was\\nhastened by his close application to his work. An algebra, which he published in 1849, was for\\nmany years a trial to Dartmouth students from its condensed statements and the over confi-\\ndence of the author in the mathematical insight of the ordinary pupil. As a teacher he was ex-\\nacting and seemed stern, going among the students by the nickname of Bruin. The class\\nof 1847 in its sophomore year attempted to propitiate him by presenting his portrait to the\\nCollege, regarding it as a sop to Cerberus, and not without favorable results. His impatience\\nwith dullness once led to a severe rebuke, which he acknowledged was just. Losing his patience\\nin class with a student he sent him to the blackboard and told him to put down a figure 2, Put\\nanother 2 under it, said he, draw a line below and under that put the figure 4. Now, if you\\nwere a teacher and had a student who couldn t understand that, what would you do? I\\nwould try to explain it to him, sir, was the reply, which brought an immediate apology. This\\nstory appears in quite a different form In The Dartmouth for July, 1870.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 293\\nAmong the many plans that were suggested for raising the\\nCollege from its depression was the establishing of a scheme of\\ntechnical education with courses, which according to a resolu-\\ntion of the Trustees in 1844, should be more particularly adapted\\nto qualify students for commercial, manufacturing, mechanical\\nand agricultural pursuits. In furtherance of this idea it was\\ndetermined to get three additional endowments for professor-\\nships, one devoted to trade and commerce, another to manu-\\nfactures and mechanics, and a third to agriculture, and the\\nTrustees declared their readiness to establish courses of study\\nin any or all of these branches as soon as the necessary funds\\ncould be obtained. This ambitious scheme naturally failed of\\naccomplishment, but the importance which scientific education\\nassumed in the minds of the Trustees is indicated by the large\\nexpenditures made for the departments having that direction.\\nSo large a part of the new funds, in addition to the endowment\\nof the Appleton professorship, was spent in the equipment of\\nthese departments that the older and literary departments felt\\nsomewhat slighted, especially in view of the small appropria-\\ntion that was made for the library, which, before the gift by Dr.\\nShattuck for its use, was represented by Professor Sanborn as\\ntotally inadequate, not having in Latin even an English ver-\\nsion, much less a critical edition of several of the authors taught\\nin the college course.\\nBut the most important step in the direction of scientific\\neducation, amounting, indeed, to a new departure in the history\\nof the College, was yet to come. In March, 1851, Abiel Chandler\\nof Walpole, N. H., died, leaving a will which on April i was\\nproved at Keene.^ In it he gave fifty thousand dollars to\\nThe Trustees of Dartmouth College, an institution established at Hanover,\\nin the County of Grafton and State of New Hampshire for ever but in trust,\\nAbiel Chandler, the son of Daniel and Sarah (Merrill) Chandler, was born at Concord, N. H.,\\nFebruary 26, i777- In his childhood his father removed to Fryeburg, Me., where he labored\\non the farm till he was twenty-one. Then by the aid of a brother he fitted for college at the\\nPhillips Exeter Academy and was graduated from Harvard College in 1806. After teaching\\neleven years at Salem and Newburyport, Mass., and spending one year in Baltimore he began\\nbusine. s in Boston, establishing the house of Chandler and Howard, later Chandler, Howard\\nand Co., in which he continued till 1845, when he retired from business and made his home in\\nWalpole, N. H., where he died March 21, 1851. His wife, a daughter of Epes Sargent of Bos-\\nton, died in 1837 without children. After many personal bequests and that to the College,\\nMr. Chandler made the New Hampshire Asylum for the Insane his residuary legatee to the\\namount, as it proved, of about |2S,ooo. He was not a man of marked characteristics, but of\\nhonest, straightforward energy in business, and integrity and clearness of purpose. It is said\\nthat his gift to the College grew out of an incident of his life at Fryeburg. At the age of twenty-\\none, being a laborer, comparatively uneducated and ignorant, he fell in with some students\\nfrom Dartmouth. He was impressed by their superiority in having something that he did\\nnot, and being humbled without being ashamed he determined to secure an education for\\nhimself. (Commemorative Discourse by Nathan Lord, July 29, 1852.)", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "294 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI I.\\nto carefully and prudently invest or fund the principal sum, and to faithfully\\napply and appropriate the income and interest thereof for the establishment\\nand support of a permanent department or school of instruction in said College,\\nin the practical and useful arts of life, comprised chiefly in the branches of\\nmechanics and civil engineering, the invention and manufacture of machinery,\\ncarpenter} masonry, architecture, and drawing, the investigation of the prop-\\nerties and uses of the materials employed in the arts, the modern languages,\\nand English literature, together with book-keeping and such other branches\\nof knowledge as may best qualify young persons for the duties and employ-\\nments of active life; but, first and above all, I would enjoin in connection with\\nthe above branches, the careful inculcation of the principles of pure morality,\\npiety and religion, without introducing topics of controversial theology, that\\nthe benefits of said department or school may be equally enjoyed by all relig-\\nious denominations without distinction. No other or higher preparatory\\nstudies are to be required in order to enter said department or school, than are\\npursued in the common schools of New England.\\nIn order to secure on the part of the Trustees permanent\\nconformity with his wishes in the investment of the fund and\\nin the management of the school, he established by his will\\na perpetual board of two visitors, having life tenure and in case\\nof the death or resignation of either the other having power\\nto fill the vacancy, whose duty it should be to visit the school\\nand examine the condition of the funds at least once a year.\\nThe will further declared that the board of visitors shall have\\nfull power to determine, interpret, and explain my wishes in\\nrespect to this foundation, to redress grievances and\\nto see that my true intentions in regard to this foundation be\\nfaithfully executed. And in order that said board of visitors\\nmay not be limited in their powers by the foregoing recital,\\nI further confer upon said board of visitors all the visitatorial\\npowers and privileges, which, by the law of the land, belong\\nand are entrusted to any visitor of any eleemosynary corpora-\\ntion. The executors of the will and also the first visitors were\\nMr. Chandler s personal friends, John J. Dixwell a merchant,\\nand Francis B. Hayes a lawyer, of Boston.\\nThis legacy, with its restrictions, was not regarded by the\\nTrustees with uniform satisfaction. Doubts were expressed\\nas to the propriety and the legality of acceptance. Some hesi-\\ntated in view of additional responsibilities in a new field; some\\nwere alarmed at giving what they considered an undue impor-\\ntance to a scientific education at the expense of the old standards,\\nand some feared the revolutionary effect of the new features\\nthrust into the existing constitution. President Lord was him-\\nself among the doubters, but thought it best on the whole to", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 295\\naccept the trust on grounds that were set forth later in a letter\\nconcerning the Chandler School, in which he said:\\nIt is clear to all considerate observers that the tendency of society every-\\nwhere is rapidly increasing in the direction [of education in the practical and\\nuseful arts of life]. Agriculture, manufactures, trade, engineering, military\\nnecessities, the fine arts, and industrial pursuits in general, with the commerce\\nensuing to a more extended and busy civilization, necessarily engage the many,\\nwhile merely professional pursuits are confined to a comparatively few, and\\nare likely to decline in the general estimation. Whatever differences of opinion\\nmay exist as to the remote consequences of this remarkable driff, it certainly\\nis undeniable. It is a law no more to be overcome than that of gravity.\\nAt the annual meeting of the Board in 1851, on the report of\\nJudges Joel and Edmund Parker, to whom the matter had been\\nreferred, that no legal obstacle intervened, the legacy was ac-\\ncepted. The same gentlemen in connection with the President\\nwere appointed a committee to prepare a plan for the establish-\\nment of the new school. Their report, made a year later and\\nadopted July 27, 1852, presented the Statutes of the Chandler\\nSchool and a Scheme of Studies. By the first the Trustees\\nconstituted and organized a school of instruction in connection\\nwith the College and as a department of it and denominated it\\nThe Chandler School of Science and the Arts. It was to\\nconsist of two departments, the junior and the senior, the former\\nextending over one year, the latter over two. In the junior,\\ninstruction was to be given in the English language, arithme-\\ntic, algebra, bookkeeping, physical geography, linear drawing,\\nphysiology, botany, graphics and the use of instruments, while\\nthe senior department comprised mechanics, civil engineering\\nand the other branches prescribed in IMr. Chandler s will. Stu-\\ndents were to be admitted to the junior department only on\\na rigorous and satisfactory examination in reading, spelling,\\npenmanship, English grammar and parsing, arithmetic and\\ngeography. The junior year was divided into four terms\\nof ten weeks each, an arrangement that lasted but one year,\\nand the tuition was set at I20 a year, but was raised to $30 after\\none year. The calendar of the senior year was the same as that\\nof the College, and the tuition was $30 from the beginning. At\\nthe completion of the course the degree of B.S. was given, but\\nstudents might be admitted to partial courses and receive a\\ncertificate if they had completed two terms of satisfactory work.\\nSeveral changes were introduced in 1857. General history was\\n^Granite Monthly, June, 1880, p. 359-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "296 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nadded to the entrance requirements, and plane geometry and\\nalgebra were recommended, though they were not made a re-\\nquirement till 1868, the course of study was extended to four\\nyears, the fourth class, or Quarters as they were afterward\\nusually known, corresponding to freshmen and the first class\\nto seniors, and in the last year students were allowed to choose\\nbetween a civil engineering course, a commercial course and a\\ngeneral course, the difference being mainly the substitution of\\nGerman and commercial subjects in the last two for civil engineer-\\ning. Tuition was raised to $36 for the fourth and third classes\\nand to $42 for the two upper classes. The School was opened\\nto the public in the fall of 1852 and made a very auspicious\\nbeginning with seventeen students, two in the senior and fifteen\\nin the junior class.\\nThe mode of administering the School was the subject of much\\nperplexity and discussion from the first. The difference in prep-\\naration and in the courses of study of its students necessitated\\ntheir entire separation in recitation from the college classes,\\nand, therefore, it was provided that special instruction should\\nbe given them by the college Faculty under the direction of the\\nPresident. The President and others favored theoretically\\na board of instruction distinct from the college Faculty, but\\nthe inadequacy of the fund rendered that plan as yet impracti-\\ncable, and forced them to rely at the outset upon instruction\\ngiven by members of the college Faculty, who were to receive\\na moderate compensation in addition to their stated salaries.\\nOut of this arrangement, natural and unavoidable as it was,\\nfriction and jealousy soon appeared. Not all the members of\\nthe Faculty were called upon to teach in the new courses, and\\nsome to but a small amount. Complaints arose of inequality.\\nThose who taught most secured a considerable addition to\\ntheir salaries, which those who taught less, forgetful of the added\\nlabor, or willing to perform it if opportunity offered, regarded\\nas a favor denied to them.\\nMost of the teaching fell to the mathematical and the com-\\nparatively new departments in science, which thus seemed to\\ngain an advantage over the older departments of the humani-\\nties in the larger returns which they secured. The School, more-\\nover, was receiving a return disproportionate to its payments,\\nfor the amount paid for instruction was very small, but a dollar\\nan hour, compared with about four dollars an hour, which a pro-\\nfessor in the College received for his work on the basis of the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 297\\naverage number of recitations a year. In addition to this, till\\ni860, the School contributed nothing toward the expenses of\\nexamining committees, minister s salary, the library and other\\nincidentals, so that the President was justified in saying that\\nthe School was drawing insensibly, as it ought not, upon the\\nresources of the College. In that year it first paid its part\\nof these expenses, its proportion being fixed at one fifth of the\\nwhole. In 1865 the compensation of the college professors teach-\\ning there was raised to two dollars an hour, but even then the\\nSchool was receiving its instruction at a disproportionate rate,\\nand this fact had much to do in producing complaints and trouble\\nlater on.\\nIt was this feature of internal jealousies and excessive drain\\nupon the resources of the College that, in 1859, led the President,\\nforeseeing the dangers that were likely to come unless the rela-\\ntions of the College and the School were put upon a fixed and\\nsatisfactory basis, to present to the Trustees a plan for settling\\nthose relations, for the time at least harmoniously and to the\\nadvantage of all parties, by giving to all instruction in the College\\nand the School an equivalent value, and at the same time equaliz-\\ning and raising the salaries. He did not think that the time\\nwas ripe for the separate organization which be believed was\\ntheoretically best, and, therefore, on the basis of a statement\\nprepared by the Faculty at the request of the Trustees showing\\nthe work done in the different departments, he proposed that\\nthe aggregate schedule of recitations in both College and School\\nshould be divided equitably among all the college professors,\\nthat they should each receive for all services the same salary, and\\nthat the Chandler fund should contribute an equitable propor-\\ntion to the salary account. The joint funds of the College and\\nSchool were sufficient, when applied in this way, at once to raise\\nthe salaries of all the professors from $1,100 to $1,300.\\nThis plan, if adopted, would have then given to the College\\nand the School that unity of interest that was secured only after\\nan interval of more than thirty years by their union in 1893.\\nIt would have secured a unity of administration and have pre-\\nvented the wasteful duplication of instruction, the divergence\\nof interest and the alienations and controversies that marked\\nthe intervening years, and would have made both departments\\nmutually helpful from that time. It did not require one faculty\\nin name, for it allowed, if desired, the continued publication in\\nSpecial Report, 1859.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "298 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nthe catalogue of a separate Chandler faculty, but it made the\\ninterests of all instruction so completely one that the fact of a\\ncommon interest would have outweighed the form of diversity.\\nTo be sure the classes could not have been brought together in\\nrecitations, as they afterward were, and there would have been\\nother indications of separation, but the interests of the Faculty\\nwould have become so united that they could not have been\\ndivided. But for some reason that does not now appear, prob-\\nably personal to some extent, the plan did not commend itself\\nto the majority of the Faculty, or to a majority of the Board,\\nand the old system with its tendency to jealousies and division\\nwas continued. The failure to adopt this proposition of the\\nPresident was so unsatisfactory to Judge Joel Parker that he\\nresigned his position on the Board of Trust, assuring the Presi-\\ndent of his entire sympathy but being unwilling to engage in\\nunavailing controversies in support of his views.\\nIt had already been found necessary to have some one of the\\nprofessors in charge of the details of administration in the School,\\nand in 1854 James W. Patterson, then a tutor, was chosen\\nChandler professor of mathematics and given general oversight\\nof the Chandler students. Two years later he was put into the\\nregular chair of mathematics in place of Professor Woodman,\\nwho as professor of civil engineering was substituted in charge\\nof the Chandler School with the title of Rector, which, however,\\nappears only on the records of the Trustees and does not seem\\never to have been commonly used. Neither Professor Patter-\\nson nor Professor Woodman confined his teaching to the Chandler\\nstudents, but in accordance with the view of all parties, that a\\nseparate faculty should be formed as soon as practicable, a\\nbeginning of such a faculty was made in 1862 by the appoint-\\nment of John E. Sinclair, a Chandler graduate of the class of\\n1858, as associate professor of mathematics in the Chandler\\nSchool. In previous years young graduates had been employed\\nto teach special subjects and were enrolled in the Chandler\\nfaculty but not in the general faculty, but now Professor Sinclair,\\nthough teaching only in the Chandler School, appeared in the\\ngeneral list. Professor Woodman continued at the head of the\\nSchool till 1870 when, on his resignation, his place was taken\\nby Professor Edward R. Ruggles whose service extended till\\nthe union of the School with the College in 1893. The progress\\nof the School will be discussed in another place.\\nThe early years of the School were recognized by both Trustees", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 299\\nand Faculty as experimental. In the lack of precedents it was\\nbelieved that it could not be developed according to any pre-\\narranged plan, but that the experience of successive years must\\nindicate the course to be pursued, and that it was not at all\\nimpossible that some experiments might prove unsuccessful\\nand changes in plans be necessary. Unfortunately these early\\nyears coincided with many changes in both Board and Faculty,\\nso that many of those who had to deal with the development\\nof the policy of the School had not the benefit of acquaintance\\nwith it from the beginning. In the years between 1856 and 1862\\nsix of the ten permanent members of the Board besides the Presi-\\ndent retired from office. Judge Edmund Parker died in 1856\\nand was succeeded a year later by Amos Tuck of Exeter, N. H.\\nIn that year the resignations of John Kelly and Judge Richard\\nFletcher opened the way for the election of George W. Nesmith\\nof Franklin, N. H., and Lyndon A. Marsh of Woodstock, Vt., a\\nson of Charles Marsh. Samuel Fletcher, who died in 1858, was\\nsucceeded by Judge Ira A. Eastman of Manchester, N. H.,\\nwhile the vacancy caused by the resignation of Judge Joel Parker\\nin i860 was not filled till 1864, when, after two unsuccessful\\nattempts at an election, Edward S. Tobey of Boston was chosen.\\nThe Rev. Dr. Silas Aiken died in 1862 and was followed by Rev.\\nPliny B. Day of Hollis, N. H.\\nThe changes in the Faculty during the years between 1849\\nand 1859 were even more remarkable. The resignation of Pro-\\nfessor Crosby and the succession of Professor Putnam in Greek,\\nand the appointment of Professor Noyes in divinity, all in 1849,\\nas well as the death of Professor Chase in 1851, have been men-\\ntioned. The vacancy in the chair of mathematics was filled by\\nthe election of John S. Woodman, a lawyer of Dover, N. H.,\\nand in the next year, owing to the increase of the work of the\\ndepartment in connection with the Chandler School, a tutor\\nwas appointed, James W. Patterson, who two years later, as\\nhas been said, was made assistant professor, and again in 1856\\nwas advanced to a full professorship, while Professor Woodman\\nbecame professor of civil engineering. In 1858 the College\\nsustained a great loss in the death of Professor Young.\\nIra Young was bom in Lebanon, N. H., May 23, 1801, the son of Samuel and Rebecca\\n(Harding) Young, and was graduated from Dartmouth in 1828. After teaching in academies\\nhe entered the Faculty of the College as tutor in 1830 and three years later became professor\\nof mathematics and natural philosophy and later of astronomy. He was eminent in his chosen\\nfield, an effective organizer and administrator and it was the knowledge of this that led Dr.\\nShattuck to make his gift to the College on the condition that the planning, construction and\\nequipment of the observatory should be in the hands of Professor Young. He had not popular", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "300 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nIn the next year his department was divided, the astronomy\\nbeing given to Professor Patterson, and Rev. Henry Fairbanks\\nof St. Johnsbury being made professor of natural philosophy,\\nwhile John R. Varney, of the class of 1843, was chosen to the chair\\nof mathematics. The long service of Professor Haddock came\\nto an end in 1850 when he received leave of absence to become\\nchdrge d affairs of the United States at Lisbon, but though he\\nhoped to return to his chair, yet his absence becoming prolonged\\nthe Trustees were forced to deny permission for longer absence\\nand he resigned his professorship in 1854.^ Clement Long, a\\ngraduate of 1828 and then professor in Western Reserve College,\\nsucceeded him in the chair of intellectual philosophy and polit-\\nical economy, but his untimely death in 1861 closed a career\\nthat, though short, left upon the College a profound impression\\nof his intellectual and moral strength. Professor Sanborn re-\\nsigned the chair of Latin in 1859 to accept the presidency of\\nWashington University at St. Louis, and was immediately fol-\\nlowed by Charles A. Aiken of the class of 1846.\\nIn the same year Mr. Jean B. Torricelli, who for several years\\nhad given instruction in modern languages on the basis of the\\npayment of $400 by the College and private payments on the\\npart of the students, withdrew and the chair of modern languages,\\nwhich had been contemplated for twenty years, was finally estab-\\nlished, and its first incumbent was Rev. William A. Packard,\\na graduate of Bowdoin College in 1851. He held it, however,\\nqualities and to the students as a body was not an inspiring teacher, but rather of that class\\nwhose real power and effectiveness increase in the retrospect. That he was not wanting in\\nshrewd humor is evidenced by the story that one day in a lecture in electricity he put a coin\\nupon an electrified plate and said that any student could have it who would pick it off. Astudent\\nwho had heard of the situation picked it off with the aid of a silk glove. The professor was\\nmuch surprised, and grieved at the loss of the coin said: That is well done, but if you will\\ngive me the coin again I will show you a trick worth two of that, and on receiving the coin\\nslipped it into his pocket with the remark that it could not be extracted from there.\\n1 Charles Bricket Haddock, the son of William and Abigail Eastman (Webster) Haddock,\\nwas born in Franklin, N. H., June 20, 1796. Graduating from Dartmouth in 1816 he studied\\ndivinity at Andover, but left the Seminary to enter the Faculty at Hanover in 1819 and con-\\ntinued his connection till 1854. In that year he returned from Portugal and lived at West\\nLebanon, N. H., till his death January is. i86r. He was a man of courtly manners, a graceful\\nand effective speaker both in the pulpit and in popular addresses, and a winning and persuasive\\nteacher. He was much in demand as a speaker on public occasions and was interested in civic\\naffairs. He represented the town four times in the Legislature and had much to do in arousing\\nan interest in the movement to construct the line of the railroads from Concord to Burlington.\\nBut he was not a man of business instincts and was constantly harassed by debts, which some-\\ntimes called into play his extraordinary gifts of persuasion. There is a story that a man. to\\nwhom he owed a considerable sum and whom he had frequently disappointed in the matter\\nof payment, determined to secure the payment of the debt or to call the law to his aid. Going\\nto Professor Haddock s with this determination and making a peremptory demand for the\\nmoney, he was met with such affability on the part of the Professor that he consented to talk\\nthe matter over, and before he left the house he had loaned a further sum to relieve the want*\\nof his persuasive debtor.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 301\\nbut four years, when he was transferred to the chair of Greek,\\nwhich was made vacant by the death of Professor Putman who,\\nwhile suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis, went to Europe in\\n1863 in hope of restoration, but to the universal grief died at\\nsea as he was returning. As the result of these changes, by 1859\\nthere were only two members of the Faculty, besides the Presi-\\ndent, whose connection with it extended over more than ten\\nyears.\\nAs may well be imagined these frequent changes in the boards\\nof control and administration led to a diversity of view, and\\nwere inimical to a progressive policy even in a matter of such\\nimportance as the development of the Chandler School. This\\ndiversity of view, resulting from a natural diversity of judgment\\nand at times from a lack of close acquaintance with the College,\\nwas intensified by the existence of personal feeling that came\\nto the surface in the Faculty in connection with the conduct of\\nthe Chandler School and with appointments, and that passing\\nover to the Trustees was aggravated by the feeling of opposition\\nto the President on political grounds.\\nOn the occurrence of a vacancy in the chair of astronomy\\noccasioned by the death of Professor Ira Young, its duties were\\ntemporarily devolved upon Professor Patterson of the mathe-\\nmatical department, and when, a year later, the question of\\na permanent appointment was informally discussed in the\\nFaculty, President Lord favored that of Charles A. Young,\\na son of the deceased Professor Young and then a professor in\\nWestern Reserve College, whom he regarded as a young man of\\nextraordinary promise, but the majority of the Faculty, in\\nview of Mr. Young s extreme youth for such an important posi-\\ntion and of some peculiarities of manner that had been some-\\nwhat disagreeable to his teachers during his college course, favored\\nProfessor Patterson for the place. The matter was delayed and\\nProfessor Patterson was requested to continue to perform the\\nduties of the astronomical professorship. This he naturally\\nhesitated to do without the assurance that he should later be\\nappointed to the chair. Members of the Faculty assured him\\nof their influence to that end and, though the President told him\\nof his preference for Mr. Young or for any man better than\\neither, he undertook the work and Mr. Charles H. Boyd was\\nappointed tutor in mathematics. Before the next meeting of\\nthe Board Professor Young, having heard of the feeling of the\\nFaculty, refused to be a candidate for the position. The Faculty", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "302 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nthen renewed its recommendation of Mr. Patterson, and suggested\\nMr. Varney for the chair of mathematics, but the President\\nsaying that in his judgment Mr. Patterson was better fitted\\nfor mathematics and Mr. Varney for astronomy urged the re-\\ntention of Mr. Patterson in the former and the appointment of\\nMr. Varney to the latter position. The Board adopted the rec-\\nommendations of the Faculty; the justification of time was with\\nthe President.\\nThe question of appointments was under discussion at the\\nsame time as that of the organization of the Chandler School,\\nand the disagreement in one matter intensified the disagreement\\nin the other, so that when the conduct of the School was consid-\\nered by the Board the division in the Faculty reappeared there.\\nDuring the discussion concerning the Chandler School the Presi-\\ndent read to the Faculty the paper which he had prepared to\\npresent to the Board upon the subject. After discussion and\\nadjournment he read at another meeting an additional state-\\nment, whereupon the Faculty adopted a series of votes which\\nthe President transmitted to the Board. What followed is best\\nshown by a statement made by the President to the Board at\\nan adjourned meeting and indicating the attitude of Mr. Tuck,\\none of the newer members of the Board, and the situation that\\nhad developed there.\\nUpon this [the reading of the President s statement and the presentation\\nof the votes of the Faculty] it was represented by a member of the Board that\\nthe Faculty had not been properly consulted by the President; that they felt\\nthemselves to have had no sufficient opportunity for giving their opinions\\non the subject in question; that they disapproved of the President s pro-\\nposed plan, and had recommended it in one of their votes only in connection\\nwith other votes which in their view entirely nullified their recommendation,\\nand were passed by the Faculty for that purpose.\\nThe member of the Board who made this representation professed to\\nhave received it from a private member of the Faculty, who claims to speak\\nthe mind of all but one or two members of the Faculty who had been present\\nat their discussion of the subject.\\nIt has so happened that on other occasions the Board have been called by\\nthe same member to act upon representations of matters affecting deeply\\nthe interests of the College which he professed to have received from private\\nmembers of the Faculty.\\nA consequence has been that misunderstandings, jealousies, and controver-\\nsies have ensued which have resulted in great embarrassments, and that\\ndifficulties have been created seriously harmful to the interests of the College.\\nThe President will feel greatly embarrassed in carrying out the law imposing\\nupon him his peculiar official duties, and will be wholly discouraged from a\\nfaithful performance of them if his communications to the Board are to be", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 303\\njudged of not upon their own merits, or the merits of any subject proposed\\nby him, upon the scrutiny of the Board, but in subjection to private communi-\\ncations between individual members of the Faculty and individual members\\nof the Board, which are necessarily partial and superficial, and possibly one-\\nsided, prejudiced, and though unintentionally yet really and almost necessarily\\nfitted to produce confusions, and admit of being instrumental of subserving\\ndangerous finesse and injurious combinations.\\nThe President respectfully suggests that he has supposed himself to have\\nsustained perfectly friendly and confidential relations both to the Board\\nand the Faculty till recent occurrences of the kind above mentioned have,\\nat least, seemed to him to have produced distrust and jealousy. As he is\\nperfectly unconscious of any disposition or act really fitted to disturb such\\nrelations, he begs that all his official acts may not be interpreted by the Board or\\nany member of it in view merely of partial, private and possibly wrong rep-\\nresentations of private persons.\\nDuring the years in which these changes were taking place\\nevents had occurred that deserve a passing mention. In the\\ngeneral lack of diversion and variety holidays and public occa-\\nsions were heartily observed. The Fourth of July was always\\nan occasion of celebration in Hanover or the surrounding towns.\\nIn 1 85 1 a serious accident occurred in connection with a cele-\\nbration on that day. Several men, firing an old iron cannon\\nthat was placed on the west side of the green, were injured by a\\npremature discharge. One of them, a man from Lyme, named\\nKimball, was killed. All of them were under the influence of\\nliquor and attempted to fire the gun too rapidly. A charge which\\nwas put in before the gun had been thoroughly swabbed out\\nafter a discharge exploded as it was being rammed home. The\\nramrod passed through Kimball s neck, and continuing its course\\nby the north end of Reed Hall was shivered against the large\\nelm that now stands nearly in front of Bartlett Hall. The man\\nwho was handling the ramrod with Kimball was also seriously\\ninjured, while John Cote, who was thumbing the vent, was\\nbadly burned about the body. It was, however, a temperance\\nlesson that lasted him all his life.\\nIn October of 1852 the College was greatly stirred by the death\\nof Daniel Webster. The news of his death reached Hanover\\non the evening of Sunday, the 24th, and made a profound im-\\npression. On the next morning the college buildings were draped\\nin black, flags were put at half mast, all college exercises were\\nsuspended and a meeting of the Faculty, students and citizens\\nwas held in the chapel to commemorate the event. Over the\\nPresident s chair was a large portrait of Webster bordered with\\ncrape. The aged Professor Shurtleff was made chairman. After", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "304 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nhe had offered a prayer and the Handel Society had sung a dirge,\\nProfessor Brown offered a series of appropriate resolutions,\\nwhich he supported by a short address and was followed by\\nWilliam H. Duncan of Hanover and the Hon. Jonathan Kit-\\ntridge of Canaan, both ardent admirers of Mr. Webster. Pro-\\nfessor Shurtleff, who had known Mr. Webster in College, added\\nthe note of personal reminiscence.^\\nWhen I came to enter this Institution in 1797, said he, I put up with\\nothers from the same academy at what is now called the Olcott House [now\\nDr. Leeds s, then Ford s tavern], which was then a tavern. We were con-\\nducted to a chamber, where we might brush our clothes and make ready for\\nexamination. A young man, a stranger to us all, was soon ushered into the\\nroom. Similarity of object rendered the ordinary forms of introduction\\nneedless. We learned that his nam.e was Webster, also where he had studied,\\nand how much Latin and Greek he had had, which I think was just to the\\nlimit prescribed by law at that period, and which was very much below the\\npresent requisition.\\nMr. Webster, while in college, was remarkable for his steady habits, his\\nintense application to study, and his punctual attendance upon the pre-\\nscribed exercises. I know not that he was absent from a recitation, or from\\nmorning and evening prayers in chapel, or from public worship on the Sabbath;\\nand I doubt if ever a smile was seen upon his face during any religious e.xercise.\\nHe was always in his place and with a decorum suited to it. He had no colli-\\nsion with any one, nor appeared to enter the concerns of others, but emphati-\\ncally minded his own business.\\nOne of the resolutions called for the appointment of some one\\nto deliver before the graduates and students a eulogy upon Mr.\\nWebster. For this service the thoughts of all turned irresistibly\\ntoward Rufus Choate, the friend and associate of Webster,\\nand the only one among the graduates who approached him\\nin forensic and deliberative eloquence. He accepted the invita-\\ntion that was given and the delivery of the eulogy made memo-\\nrable the Commencement of the next year.\\nLong before the day of the eulogy arrived every room in the\\nvillage was engaged, and when it came the village was filled to\\noverflowing; the attendance of graduates in particular surpassed\\nall previous records, and one reporter declared that if accommo-\\ndations could have been found ten th(TUsand people would have\\ncome. The eulogy was delivered on Wednesday, July 26,\\nand was set for three o clock in the afternoon, but the unprec-\\nedented crowd caused delay in forming the procession and it\\ndid not reach the church till four. In anticipation of the crowds\\nit had been proposed to erect a mammoth tent on the Common,\\nJournal of Commerce, Boston, November S, 1852.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": ".^^e^^^^^t^^", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Admmistration of President Lord. 305\\nbut the project was not carried out, and the church proved\\nentirely inadequate to hold those who desired admission, for\\nafter it was filled to its utmost capacity more were excluded\\nthan found entrance. At one time it seemed as if the throng\\nwould force its way into the church and take possession of it\\nbefore the procession arrived, but the measures taken by the\\nmarshal of the day, William H. Duncan, proved sufficient to\\nprevent it.\\nThe occasion was vividly described by a local paper.^\\nThe procession was formed in the front of the college buildings; what a\\nmass of squeezed, compressed, and closely wedged and moving humanity\\nwas there, stretching away from the door of the chapel, round the common\\ntwo thirds of the way to the church, while the compacted crowd in front of\\nthe church, taking the best position for ingress by rush when the doors should\\nbe opened, looked in the distance like a swarm of bees clinging to the sides\\nof the hive. Guard chains were stretched from the church door to the Common\\nfence, and a strong police force stationed to check the crowding masses. The\\nbody of the house was filled with Alumni and students in every seat, in\\nevery aisle, on the platform, in the porch, and on the stairs, while every\\ninch of the galleries was densely packed with ladies and crowds of others\\nthrough the long service stood on platforms raised about the windows, or\\nhung about the doors, while multitudes were unable to approach even within\\nhearing distance. Entering the house, the eye was struck with the inter-\\nwreathed black and white drapeiy hung around the galleries, while a large\\nand life-like picture of Webster suspended from the wall in the rear of the\\npulpit, and draped in mourning, at once brought over the house the solem-\\nnity of a funeral. The Germania band played a solemn dirge; the Rev. Dr.\\nFisher of Cincinnati offered a devout and befitting prayer, and the orator\\narose to speak.\\nUnder the portrait, which was draped with crape, were in\\nlarge gilt letters Mr. Webster s last words: Still Live/ The\\naudience was notable from its character as well as its size. On\\nthe platform, that stretched across the end of the church, were\\nthe dignitaries of the College and men of eminence from all\\nparts of the country, lawyers, judges, senators and representa-\\ntives of all positions in public life, friends and associates of\\nboth Mr. Webster and Mr. Choate, who had come to hear Ameri-\\nca s greatest living orator pay his tribute of respect and affec-\\ntion, at the hearth of a common mother, to America s greatest\\norator among the dead. It was a little after four when Mr.\\nChoate began to speak and for almost two hours and a quarter\\nhe held the dense and eager assembly in almost breathless silence.\\nAs fitted the occasion he employed little of his customary action\\n1 Dartmouth Advertiser, September, 1853.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "3o6 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nand vehemence, and though he had his manuscript upon a desk\\nbeside him he omitted much that he had written, and before\\nthe close of his address he was obUged by the darkness brought\\non by a gathering storm to abandon his notes altogether. The\\ntradition of the wonderful effect of the address, not diminished\\nby its later publication, continues at the College to the present.\\nThe presence of so many strangers overtaxed the resources\\nof the place and severe criticisms were made upon the enter-\\ntainment provided. The innkeepers, in particular, were accused\\nof charging extortionate prices and of providing accommodations\\nthat lacked in neatness and comfort. On the next day in connec-\\ntion with the ordinary diversions of Commencement day, which\\nare elsewhere spoken of, there was said to be an unusual amount\\nof fighting, drinking and general rowdyism in and about certain\\nunderground liquor dens, one of which was connected with\\nthe principal hotel in the village, where at the very time the\\nCommencement dinner was spread two bars were in active\\noperation.\\nIt was natural that the Commencement of the next year should\\nseem quiet in comparison, but it had one element of distinction\\nin the appearance, for the last time to the present day, of a full-\\nblood Indian having a part on the Commencement stage. Joseph\\nP. Folsom, a member of the Choctaw tribe, interested the\\naudience more than any other speaker, not that his oration\\nwas of a higher order than those of his associates, but his color,\\nhis figure, his theme and his earnest plea for his race, all excited\\nsympathy.\\nIn that year was formed the present Association of the Alumni\\nwith Judge Joel Parker as president, Professor Sanborn as secre-\\ntary, and with four vice-presidents and seven curators. It was\\nvoted to have an address before the alumni at the next Com-\\nmencement, and Salmon P. Chase was chosen to deliver it.\\nWhen the time came, however, he was unable to attend and\\nProfessor Brown appeared in his place with a very scholarly\\naddress of a semi-historical character, which was afterward\\nprinted by order of the Association. It was also voted that the\\nAssociation should be represented by an address at Commence-\\nment every third year, and Rufus Choate was selected as the\\norator for 1858. Interest was also given to the Commencement\\nby an address before the literary societies by Wendell Phillips.\\nSome opposition had arisen to his coming, and he took for his\\nGranite State Whig, August S. i8S3- Granite State Whig, August, 4\u00c2\u00bb i854-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "1 828-1 863-] Administration of President Lord. 307\\ntheme The Right of Individual Judgment and Speech, which\\nwas set forth with all his customary brilliancy, but in a way that\\nwas regarded by some as of questionable taste. The attendance\\nof alumni was unusually large, but the attempts at hospitality\\nby the College ended unhappily. The alumni dined, said\\na visitor, or endeavored to dine together at the American\\nHouse [where the tavern now stands] at a late hour. The ac-\\ncommodations and attendance were so miserably insufficient\\nas to render the edibles of little avail, welcome as they would\\nhave been to such as had been engaged, fasting, from eight in\\nthe morning to four or five in the afternoon. But lack of edibles\\ndid not limit the flow of eloquence and the after dinner speaking\\ncontinued till dark.\\nTo the Commencement of 1854 a slightly unusual character\\nwas given by the establishment of class-day, which was cele-\\nbrated without the variety of exercises that have marked its\\nlater observance. The class gathered at the chapel and after\\na prayer by Professor Brown marched to the old pine. There,\\nlying upon the grass, they listened to an oration and a poem by\\nmembers of the class, then returning to the chapel joined in\\na class song, after which there was an informal meeting open to\\nall. This scanty programme was enlarged in 1856 by an\\naddress to the President at his house, and by chronicles and\\nprophecies, and in later years by many addresses of various\\nkinds. The innovation was not regarded with entire favor, but\\nit quickly won its way and became, at least in the eyes of the\\nstudents, one of the most important events of the week, and\\nclaimed Tuesday afternoon as its own till Commencement day\\nwas brought back to Wednesday, in 1893, when class-day was\\nlikewise placed a day earlier, on Monday.\\nNot long before Commencement the College and town v/ere\\ngreatly aroused over politics, the sentiment running strongly\\nin favor of Fremont and Dayton, and a large Republican club\\nwas organized in which senior Edward F, Noyes (afterward\\ngovernor of Ohio) was the leading debater. He was bright,\\nforceful and ready, and made many political speeches in the\\nneighboring towns. A debate in the chapel between him and\\nthe Democratic postmaster. Rev. Daniel F. Richardson, made\\nno end of fun for the students. Under the direction of the club\\na beautiful and symmetrical flagstaff, 120 feet high, was erected\\nnear the center of the Common. It consisted of two masts with\\nVertnonl Chronicle, July 31, iSsS- Account of Rev. Dr. C. Caverno of 1854.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "3o8 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\na large wheel at the crosstree, on which stood a log cabin of\\npainted canvas. The pole was made by two students, Hunawill\\nand Vose, shipwrights from Maine. It was raised whole, but\\nwith some difficulty and danger. When it was about half way\\nup, the rope began to show signs of giving way, and a student\\nnamed Wellington undertook to climb to the top of the shears\\nby one of the guys and fasten another. He started with the\\nheavy rope tied about his body, but just as he reached the top\\nhe fainted from heat and overexertion and fell headforemost\\ninto the hole dug for the pole, breaking one arm and narrowly\\nescaping breaking his neck. His injuries, though serious, did\\nnot prove fatal. This pole stood until 1869 and was often used\\nby the students for other purposes than those for which it was\\nintended, as the crosstree was a convenient place for the display\\nof objects to which they wished to call attention. An object\\ncould be raised to the crosstree and the ropes so fixed that the\\nonly way of displacing the object was by climbing the pole.\\nMore than once effigies of persons displeasing to the students\\nthus dangled in mid-air and were brought down only with great\\ndifficulty and delay, the process always affording great amuse-\\nment to the College.^\\nTwo more Commencements of the period were made note-\\nworthy by the public addresses then given. Rufus Choate was\\nexpected to give the address before the alumni in 1858, but\\nwas prevented from so doing by failing health. The Phi Beta\\nKappa Society assumed the responsibility for the day and secured\\nOliver Wendell Holmes as its orator. Recognizing the disap-\\npointment that might be felt at the absence of Mr. Choate he\\nbegan his address, which was upon the relation of poetry and\\nscience, with an apology so winning and so witty as to forbid\\nthe feeling of loss on the part of the audience.^\\nIf a party of travellers, expecting to witness an eruption of Vesuvius, should\\nbe met by a deputation of magistrates and informed that, owing to unforeseen\\ncircumstances, the eruption would not take place, but that instead of it they\\nOn one occasion the effigy of a New Hampshire judge, who had made himself obnoxious to\\nthe students was thus suspended from the pole. An investigation followed in which a student\\nwas asked if he had any part in raising to the crosstree the man who had there fixed the effigy,\\nand he promptly replied, I did not, and was dismissed. After graduation he met Professor\\nAiken and, recalling the circumstance, asked him if he remembered his reply. Yes, said\\nProfessor Aiken, but I always felt that you were not telling the truth. I did, he replied,\\nfor I was the man who was pulled up. Another man, noted for his untidy person and slovenly\\ndress, on being called before the Faculty, admitted that he was disguised. On being questioned\\nas to the nature of his disguise he hesitated and stammeringly said, Well I I had on a clean\\nshirt. [History of the class of 1863 by John Scales, pp. 21-24.]\\nVermont Chronicle, August 3, 1858.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 309\\nwould burn several Roman candles and a pin-wheel, the reception of the\\ngentleman making such an announcement might be respectful, but would\\nhardly be enthusiastic.\\nIf a company of tourists had gathered from many distant regions in the\\nvillage of Niagara, intending to inspect its illustrious waterfall, and should\\nreceive a polite note, regretting that the cataract had met with an accident,\\nand would be unable to perform, but happy to announce that Engine Company\\nNumber 5 would gratify them in place, by playing through a two-inch hose\\nwith their unrivalled machine, the engine company might, perhaps, expect\\nto be received with temperate expressions of delight, calm, if not cool, as\\ncontrasted with the reception which the body in question is in the habit of\\nanticipating.\\nYet it would not be fair to reproach the magistrates or the fire company\\nbecause they could not make the show of Vesuvius or Niagara. If the travellers\\nhad rather see the Roman candles or the two-inch stream than nothing at\\nall, it is d very proper and good-natiired thing on the part of those worthy\\nfolk to gratify them. The more kindly among the disappointed visitors would\\nabstain from regrets and especially from comparisons, and say with hearty\\ngood will, Fire your pieces, most excellent Signors, or Play away, Number\\nFive.\\nIf there is any possible moral application to be got from these supposed in-\\ncidents, I shall leave it to your ingenuity to discover it. If any burst of vol-\\ncanic flame for which you were looking has failed to meet your expecting eyes,\\nand in place of its corruscating column of liquid fires, its wreaths of burning\\nvapor shot far up into the arching heavens, rising and spreading as it soars\\nuntil it wears the semblance of that mighty pine tree to which Pliny the Younger\\ncompared the smoky column of Vesuvius; if in the place of that you must\\naccept a small display of pyrotechnics; if any great cataract you had hoped\\nto look upon has failed to burst upon your waiting vision, and in place of\\nits outspread glories, first, the broad, calm, gentle flow coming from deep reser-\\nvoirs high up among the mountains, then the swifter rush of the stream, and\\nthen the flashes and the fierce eddies of the rapids, and at last the long continu-\\nous overflow with all the music of its almost interminable descent, and the\\nrainbow painted on its mists; if in the place of that you must be content with\\na small show of artificial hj draulics, know how to be courteous and generous,\\nand even thankful for what must in the very face of it be as pure and simple\\nan act of self-immolation as was ever exhibited by the most unwilling candi-\\ndate for public office.\\nAn object of interest at this Commencement was the series\\nof six sculptured slabs from Nineveh, of which an account is\\nelsewhere given. They were then for the first time displayed\\nto the public, having been placed in a room in Reed Hall arranged\\nfor the purpose. At the same time there was put on exhibition\\na marble bust of President Lord by the sculptor, Ball, which\\nwas presented to the College by the graduating class. The\\nCommencement of i860 was also marked by a large concourse\\nof the alumni, who came to pay honor to the memory of Rufus", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "310 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. Xll.\\nChoate, who had died the year before. As seven years before\\nhe had spoken in commemoration of Daniel Webster, so now it\\nseemed fitting that he, perhaps the second name in honor on\\nthe college roll, should receive a like tribute. But, unhappily,\\nthere was no one with corresponding gifts of eloquence to pro-\\nnounce his eulogy. Judge Ira Perley was, however, chosen for\\nthe task, and the address which he gave was discriminating and\\nable, but his voice was so weak and his delivery so lacking in\\nvigor that many were unable to hear him, and the effect was\\ndisappointing in the extreme, in sorrowful contrast to Choate s\\nown tribute to Webster.\\nDuring this period several fires occurred in the village. In\\nAugust of 1854 the wooden toll bridge over the river, which had\\nbecome the object of bitter controversy, was destroyed by a fire\\nthat was supposed to be of incendiary origin. The loss of the\\nbridge occasioned great inconvenience, for the community was\\nforced to depend upon a ferry, which was quite difficult of access,\\nas the only means of crossing the river. A fierce agitation for a\\nnew free bridge at once arose, but it was crowned with success\\nonly after four years. The account of it is elsewhere found. On\\nthe evening of December 8, 1855, the house of Joseph Pinneo,\\nformerly the residence of Dr. Nathan Smith, and afterward used\\nby the A. K. E. Society, standing nearly in front of the present\\nNathan Smith Laboratory, was burned to the ground. The\\nmedical building was several times on fire, but was saved by the\\nengine company. Mr. Pinneo, who was a nurseryman, lost a\\nlarge quantity of young fruit trees which were stored in his cellar.\\nOn the 28th of September of the next year, soon after the open-\\ning of the college term, a building known as the Burke house and\\nowned by President Lord, standing in front of the present passage-\\nway between Culver and South Fayerweather Halls, and occu-\\npied largely by the students, was burned. The fire occurred\\nearly in the evening and no one was injured, though the building\\nwas entirely destroyed. On the 29th of January, 1859, occurred\\nthe largest fire in Hanover for many years. About eleven o clock\\nat night a row of three barns in the rear of the Tontine, owned\\nby Mr. J. G. Currier and occupied as a livery stable, was wholly\\nconsumed. So rapid was the fire that several horses were burned\\nwith the building.\\nAbout 1856 a decided interest in boating arose in the College\\nand several boat clubs were formed, which together made up the\\nDartmouth Flotilla. The clubs were composed of members", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 311\\nof different classes, as the Camilla Club of 1858, the Nina Club\\nof 1859, the Naiad Queen Club of i860, the Phi Beta Club of\\n1861 and the Scylla Club of 1862. Most of these clubs had four-\\noared boats, but there were one or two boats of six or eight oars.\\nThe crews were uniformed and there was much rivalry between\\nthem. The interest did not extend much beyond 1862, and in\\nfact almost at the outset the Flotilla had a crushing blow. In\\n1857 it had secured with much difficulty, and by the united effort\\nof all the clubs, the construction of a heavy raft, which was\\nanchored just below the bridge, and supported a commodious\\nboathouse. In August there was an unusually heavy rainfall\\nof nearly two inches in as many days, which caused a freshet\\nand, breaking the chain by which the raft was held, carried it\\ndown the stream with the house and seven boats upon it. They\\nwere swept over the dam below and destroyed. The loss was\\nbewailed in the next issue of the college paper in the following\\nunique manner:\\nSic transit gloria mundi, was our exclamation as we heard of the recent dis-\\naster to our Flotilla. That last rain was a damper. A moderate freshet\\nconsequent upon a smart shower carried off the new floating boathouse with\\nseven boats moored in and around it. Such was their attachment to it that they\\nfollowed it to destruction, in the shape of a mill-dam two miles and a half\\nbelow. There only remains a floating debt and it is very much to be regretted\\nthat this had not gone with the rest. Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas\\nhas always been a sentiment of human nature, and is particularly the feeling\\nhere at present, as no one can tell what started the establishment adrift. It\\nmust have been a moving spectacle as it disappeared. The news that it had\\nstarted down stream spread like wild fire and all possible efforts were made to\\nrecover it, but even the sheriff could not have arrested it. From the boat-\\nhouse proudly floated the flag presented by the nuns [the name applied to\\nthe members of Professor Hubbard s young ladies school]. When we heard\\nof the loss of that we may truly say, Our color left us.\\nAfter mentioning the difTerent boats that were lost the writer\\nrefers to one in particular, named Billie and noted for its\\nextreme slowness, which, he says, after going over two dams\\nwas picked up twelve miles below unharmed. Whether the\\ndam got the worst of it, or whether the Billie was unable to\\nattain the speed necessary to break things, we cannot say.\\nThe rains which caused the freshet of 1857 were not the only\\nunusual meteorological condition of that year, for January had\\nnot only had the coldest day, but it was the coldest month during\\nthe twenty-three years covered by the records. On the 24th the\\nDartmouth Phoenix, September, 1857.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "312 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nthermometer was \u00e2\u0080\u009439\u00c2\u00b0, and that was the fourth day in a suc-\\ncession of days when the average temperature had been \u00e2\u0080\u009425.8\u00c2\u00b0\\nat 7.00 A. M., \u00e2\u0080\u00941\u00c2\u00b0 at noon and \u00e2\u0080\u009412.7\u00c2\u00b0 at 9.00 in the evening.\\nThese temperatures were at the observatory, where the records\\nare usually several degrees higher than in the village, and still\\nhigher than in neighboring low places, as the railroad station.\\nOn that coldest night one prudent man, who lived near the\\nstation, observing his thermometer in the evening at \u00e2\u0080\u009439\u00c2\u00b0 and\\nrapidly descending brought the instrument into the house lest\\nthe mercury in freezing should swell and hurst the bulb. At\\nLittleton on that night a gentleman exposed a teaspoonful of\\nfree mercury, which in the morning was frozen as hard as lead.\\nA like degree of cold did not occur in Hanover again for about\\nfifty years.\\nIn the summer of 1856 a radical change was made in the morn-\\ning exercises which were put from that time forth after breakfast.\\nThe interior of the chapel in Dartmouth Hall was also rearranged\\nso as to prevent the old and inveterate vice of rushing out the\\nfreshmen at the close of services. Till then the stage and plat-\\nform had been at the eastern end of the room, opposite the en-\\ntrance, and the organ and choir in the gallery over the entrance.\\nThe seniors of course sat in front next the platform and the fresh-\\nmen in the rear next the doors. These opened from each aisle\\ninto a narrow entry, where steps descended on either side to the\\nexit, which was given by one central door. It would be impossible\\nto devise anything better adapted for a rush, with the freshmen\\ncrowded into the narrow passages by the other classes pushing\\nbehind them and the Faculty safely penned in the rear. It was\\na happy thought that inverted this arrangement and gave the\\nofficers of the College as well as the freshmen the advantage of\\nposition. The stage was changed to the west end of the room\\nbetween the aisles, the choir was put opposite, and the freshmen,\\nbeing put in the rear and in the other aisle from the sophomores,\\ncould go out at their leisure without disturbance. At the same\\ntime the single door of exit in the center was closed, the entry\\nhaving been thrown into the main room, and two doors were\\nopened at the sides, one at each aisle. This change virtually\\nput an end to the disgraceful rushes, in which serious injuries\\nwere sometimes inflicted, of which a sad example, in 1851, was\\nthe breaking of a freshman s leg.\\nThe relief from the early morning exercises suggested relief\\nfrom other exercises that were beginning to seem oppressive.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 313\\nand the desirability of giving up evening prayers was earnestly\\ndiscussed. The matter came up in the Board in the October\\nmeeting of i860, but was laid over. In July of the next year the\\nFaculty recommended that they be abandoned, and in the fol-\\nlowing September voted to omit them for the remainder of the\\nterm as an experiment, and to change the order of the morning\\nchapel by having the bell toll five minutes earlier than before,\\nand by introducing singing and by informing the students that\\nthere must be no tardiness. The experiment was a success and\\nevening prayers on week days were never resumed. The injunc-\\ntion against tardiness met with success as no one was allowed to\\nenter the chapel after the bell had run down. It v/as custom-\\nary for the bellman, when the end of the ringing came, to turn\\nthe bell to its highest point and then to run for chapel, and the\\nbell was so long in coming to rest that he had time to go down\\ntwo flights of stairs and enter the chapel before the last stroke,\\nand no one entered after him.\\nIt was not, however, so eas}^ to bring the students to time in\\nsome other things, as public speaking, in which it had always been\\ndifficult to secure punctuality. Professor Brown, who had charge\\nof the exercise, could not even by tearful entreaty bring men\\nupon the stage at their assigned dates, and the Faculty was at\\nits wits end in trying to bring about a reformation. One expedi-\\nent after another was resorted to. In 1859 it was voted that\\nstudents who had failed in public speaking should not be allowed\\nto take their examinations. This measure having failed of\\nits purpose, it was decided two years later that if a student failed\\nto speak at the regular time he should be required to speak in\\ntwo weeks, and if he then failed he should cease to be a member\\nof College. So drastic a measure could not be carried out, or\\nmercy triumphed, for in a few months the penalty was changed\\nto a partial course. But even this could not be enforced and\\nthe Faculty confessed their inability to meet the situation by\\nsoon after referring the whole subject to Professors Brown and\\nNoyes, who could think of nothing more effective than to refuse\\nto advance to senior standing juniors who had failed to appear\\nat the proper time, leaving the seniors to be dealt with by Pro-\\nfessor Brown, as best he could. The exercise suffered from the\\nsame difficulty till it came to an end in 1897.\\nThe appointment of Commencement speakers by lot had never\\ncommended itself to the entire Faculty, and several attempts\\nwere made at different times to reintroduce the merit roll as the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "314 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI I.\\nbasis of appointment. A futile attempt by a majority of the\\nFaculty in 1848 to restore the Latin salutatory occasioned almost\\nan explosion and an appeal to the Board, but without the effect\\nof dislodging the system. The subject in general came up again\\nin 1857 upon a memorial of the Association of Dartmouth Alumni\\nin Boston and vicinity, recommending the establishment of a\\nsystem that would recognize the award of honors and of prizes\\nto be supported not only by donations which were to be solicited,\\nbut also by existing funds and by taking the matter of scholar-\\nship into account in the assignment of aid from the ministerial\\nand state endowments.\\nIn reply to this memorial the Trustees, in a pamphlet of fifty-\\nfour pages from the pen of the President, set forth that the\\nterms of gift in the case of the Second College grant, the funds\\nfrom the township of Wheelock, the ministerial funds and the\\nChandler fund, precluded their use for best as distinguished\\nfrom indigent students, and that apart from that fact the\\nappeal to ambition or emulation, which was ambition set on\\nfire, was a principle of education both vicious and destructive,\\nand not in accord with the true purpose of a Christian college.\\nThey, therefore, in renewed allegiance to the principle to which\\nthey had so long adhered, supported the President in his opposi-\\ntion to all forms of rivalry, and no change was made till the\\naccession of President Smith, when prizes and scholarship honors\\nresumed their place in the administration of the College.\\nThe year of 1861 was marked by the death of three men whose\\nconnection with the college had been long and important. In\\nJanuary Professor Haddock died at his home in West Lebanon.\\nThough he had had no immediate relation to the College since\\nhis resignation, yet his warm interest in it and his near neigh-\\nborhood, combined with his winning personality, gave him an\\nimportance that survived the formal separation. Professor Shurt-\\nlefT died on the 4th of February at the age of 88, having been\\nprofessor emeritus for twenty-three years. He was the last of\\nthose who had taken part in the great controversy on the college\\nside. A few supporters of the University, President Allen and\\nMr. Hale, still remained, but court and counsel, and all interested\\nfor the College had gone, and with the death of Professor Shurt-\\nlefT, about whom the controversy had begun and who had stood\\nmanfully by his post during the whole of it, memory gave way\\nto tradition. Soon after the opening of the academic year, the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 315\\ncollege met a serious loss in the death of Professor Long, who\\ndied on the 14th of October, lamented by all who knew him.\\nThe financial condition of the College during these years was\\nvery straitened. Wants were constantly increasing without a\\ncorresponding increase of revenue. In 1858 it was determined\\nonce more to resort to a subscription, and one for $100,000, to\\nbecome binding when $30,000 should be subscribed, was set on\\nfoot. But the times were not propitious, the great financial\\npanic of the year before not having spent itself, and the alumni\\nwere not responsive. Some were, perhaps, offended at the fail-\\nure of their memorial in regard to honors and prizes, and some\\nin the political unrest did not separate their feeling toward the\\nCollege from their disapproval of the ethical and pro-slavery\\nviews of its President. The subscription fell fiat and an attempt\\nto renew it in 1859 was even less successful, the resignation of\\nJudge Joel Parker in that year, brought about by disagreements\\nin the Board, having an adverse influence. A little less than\\n$1,600 was actually received from it. The only immediate\\nresource was to raise the tuition, which was much lower than\\nin other colleges. In 1855 it had been set at I42 without inci-\\ndentals and in i860 it was again raised to $51 a year. The relief\\nthus obtained was not suflficient, and on the death of Professor\\nLong economy forbade the appointment of a successor, and the\\nduties of his chair were divided between Professor Noyes and\\nProfessor Patterson without additional compensation. The\\nrepeated request for an increase of salaries by the professors\\nwas steadily met with an acknowledment of the justice of the\\nrequest, but with a confession of the impossibility of granting it\\nin the existing state of the treasury and a promise of increase at\\nthe earliest practicable moment. The frequency of the request\\nand the denial might almost have justified a stereotyped form.\\nThe spring of 1861 brought to the College, as to the country,\\nthe stern fact of war. Of course there was excitement, but\\nthere was no thought of a prolonged struggle and the call by\\nPresident Lincoln for 75,000 volunteers for three months, or\\nthe war as the phrase went, indicated the general belief that the\\ncampaign would be little more than a summer s march to Rich-\\nmond. In this belief the college shared, but the division of the\\ncountry was brought home to it by the fact that on the first news\\nof the firing on Sumter the half dozen students in college from\\nsouth of Mason and Dixon s line immediately packed their\\ntrunks and departed, most of them to enter the southern army.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "3i6 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xii.\\nExcept for them there was httle break in the college ranks.\\nTwo men left before Commencement, Charles Lee Douglas of the\\nclass of 1862 of the Chandler School, who enlisted May 8, 1861,\\nin the First New Hampshire Regiment, and who thus has the\\nhonor, so far as known, of being the first undergraduate to enter\\nthe Union army, and three days later Francis William Perkins\\nof the senior class, who enlisted in the Second New Hampshire\\nRegiment. But though no other students entered the service\\nat that time yet their interest was shown in the formation in the\\nearly summer by forty-one members of the sophomore class of\\na military company, known as the Dartmouth Zouaves.^ The\\ncompany had a captain and two lieutenants, who held office for\\na week, the captain then falling back into the ranks and the\\nothers advancing from the lower to the higher grade, a second\\nlieutenant being elected by the company to take the vacant\\nplace. Each captain on entering on his week of duty appointed\\na new sergeant and corporals. A treasurer of the company held\\noffice for a term.\\nA drill was held each day, and sometimes morning and evening,\\nwhen the rail fence was usually lined with roosters, from the\\nother classes who looked on with approving interest. Lieu-\\ntenant C. B. Stoughton from Norwich University across the river\\nwas engaged to drill the company, and to supply additional know-\\nledge of tactics $5 were invested in Scott s Military Tactics,\\nwhich passed from man to man and was carefully studied. The\\ndrills continued till Commencement and were resumed in the\\nfall, but as Lieutenant Stoughton had gone to the war the com-\\npany drilled, though somewhat irregularly, under its own officers\\nfor the next year. In the fall of 1862, however, it secured Cap-\\ntain Partridge from Norwich to continue the drill, and this he\\ndid greatly to the satisfaction of the company throughout the fall,\\nthe last drill being held on October 30.\\nWith the opening of the fall term it was evident that a much\\nmore active interest in the war had awakened. The renewed\\ncall for volunteers was arousing a sense of personal duty in rela-\\ntion to the country, and before the close of the year, nineteen, in\\naddition to six from the class that left the College in July, had\\nexchanged the class room for the camp. During the following\\nwinter and spring a few only left College for the war, but when in\\nMay of 1862 came the rebel movement on Harper s Ferry and\\nthe threatened danger to Washington and President Lincoln s\\nBiographical Slcetches of the Class of 1863, by John Scales, pp. 32-38.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 317\\ncall for 40,000 troops for three months, the college spirit took\\nfire.\\nIn the junior class at that time was a young man named San-\\nford S. Burr from Foxboro, Mass., nervous, impetuous and per-\\nsistent. He was a good horseman and kept a horse at college\\nand attracted much attention by his equestrian skill. Forming\\na plan of raising a company of cavalry to be composed exclusively\\nof college students, he threw himself into the attempt with all\\nhis might, talked war night and day and finally got a hundred\\nstudents pledged to join his company for three months. He\\nthen applied to the Governor of New Hampshire to accept the\\ncompany when it was ready to be mustered in, but the Governor\\nsaw no way of using the company, and similar replies came from\\nthe Governors of Maine and Massachusetts to whom Burr next\\napplied. Finally an application to the Governor of Rhode\\nIsland was favorably considered and Burr received a telegram\\nthat the company would be accepted if it could be organized at\\nonce. The students were so excited by the news that for a few\\ndays the Faculty feared that the larger part of all the classes\\nwould join the company or even make two companies.\\nIt was a critical time for the College. It certainly would have\\nbeen a serious detriment to it, as well as to the students them-\\nselves, to have any considerable number of them break in upon\\ntheir course of study for even a brief period of three months.\\nPresident Lord gave the same advice that John Adams gave to\\na young law student in his office at the opening of the Revolution,\\nthat it was wiser to continue at his books. In this advice the\\nmembers of the Faculty concurred, but beyond these counsels\\nno attempt was made to influence the students.^ The counsels\\nof the Faculty were supplemented in many cases by letters from\\nhome discouraging the martial ardor of the students, so that when\\nthe actual enlistment came but thirty-five from the College\\nput down their names, and Burr was obliged to fill up the company\\nto the requisite number of eighty-five by students from other\\ninstitutions.^ The company left Hanover on the evening of\\n1 An interesting account of the organization and service of this company is given in a little\\nbook, The College Cavaliers, by S. B. Pettengill, a member of the company, published by\\nH. McAllaster and Co. in Chicago in 1883 from which these facts are mainly taken. A short\\naccount is also given in Scales s Biographical Sketches of the Class of 1863. The same\\nwriter gives a sketch of the company in Ayling s Registry of New Hampshire for Soldiers\\nand Sailors in the War of the Rebellion, p. 1089.\\n2 Dartmouth furnished 33, Norwich University 23, Bowdoin and Union 4 each, and Amherst\\nand Williams i each, while the college relation of 17, if any existed, is unknown. The company\\nwhen mustered into sen/ice contained 3 officers and 82 enlisted men.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "3i8 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nJune i8 and was escorted as far as the Junction by a large number\\nof the students. The prayer of Dr. Lord at chapel the next\\nmorning was, without his knowledge, taken down stenographi-\\ncally by a member of the class of 1863 and afterward printed\\nand sent to each member of the company. As a characteristic\\nprayer a part of it is given\\nWe would, O Lord, especially commend to Thee those of our number who\\nhave just now gone out from us upon untried scenes of difficulty and danger,\\nneeding, as they so much do, the direction of Thy Providence and Thy Spirit,\\nand the many helps which Thou only canst afford them. We ask that they\\nmay go in the fear and love of Thee; that they may be kept from all evil acci-\\ndents, from the pestilence that walketh in darkness, and the destruction that\\nwasteth at noonday; that they may feel their utter insufficiency without the\\nstrength and blessing of their Heavenly Father, and seek Thy favor constantly\\nin fervent and effectual prayer. We ask that Thou wilt deliver them from the\\ntemptations by which they will be surrounded, and enable them to profit by\\nall the discipline of Thy hand. We ask that whatever disappointments and\\nreverses may await them may ensue to the attainment of a higher wisdom, and\\na deeper sense of their dependence on the God of Heaven. The Lord preserve\\nthem if it please Thee, in the enjoyment of life, and health, and reason, and\\ngrant that by repentance of sin, faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, and a sober,\\nrighteous and godly life, they may make it evident that they are called and\\nblessed of Thee. Fit them to do and suffer all Thy will, and grant, most\\nmerciful Father, that if any of them should, in a distant region, be called to\\nsickness or death, the Spirit of the living God may be with them, and prepare\\nthem for a better life, through the infinite merits of the Redeemer.\\nNow, will God grant that all who here remain may feel more and more the\\nresponsibility of their calling, and the importance of a right use of the faculties\\nand privileges Thou hast given them. Under a prevailing sense of Thee, accord-\\ning to Thy Gospel, and by a wise and faithful application of all their powers\\nto the duties before them, may they be qualified for the effectual service of\\nGod and their country, and become eminent benefactors of mankind.\\nThe company reached Providence the next day and immediately\\ntook the oath of enlistment and with another company, enlisted\\nin Providence, was formed into the seventh squadron of Rhode\\nIsland Cavalry, being known as Company B, and Burr was\\nelected its captain. In the intervals of its drill during its ten\\ndays stay in Providence the company was the object of many\\nsocial attentions from the students of Brown University and the\\nresidents of the city, culminating in a grand dinner arranged by\\nex-governor Hoppin, at which Governor Sprague, President\\nSears and Professor Angell of the University and others made\\neloquent and patriotic speeches. On the 30th of June the com-\\npany reached Washington, having received a very hospitable\\nreception at Philadelphia on the way, where elegant handker-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 319\\nchiefs and fans were forced upon the acceptance of the students.\\nIt was mustered into service on the 3d of July, the muster rolls\\nbearing date of June 24, and a bounty of $15 was given to each\\nenlisted man. Nearly a month was spent in drilling and guard\\nduty in and near the city of Washington, which made a very un-\\nfavorable impression upon the students. Cattle, hogs, goats\\nand dogs of the lowest degree roamed the streets and thronged\\nabout the camp. Few of the streets were graded and army\\nwagons were often stalled in the principal avenues.\\nAbout the first of August the squadron was despatched to\\nHarper s Ferry, where for three weeks it was the only cavalry\\nforce attached to the command of General White, and it remained\\nthere till shortly before the surrender of the place, when with\\nthe rest of the cavalry on the night of September 14 it forced its\\nway through General Jackson s lines. On the march it fell in\\nwith and captured a supply train of eighty-five wagons belonging\\nto General Longstreet, and took it to Greencastle, Pa., which\\nwas reached on the morning of the 15th, the day before the\\nbeginning of the battle of Antietam. Although the term of en-\\nlistment of the College Cavaliers had expired they agreed to\\nremain in the service till the enemy was driven out of Maryland,\\nand being ordered to Jones s Cross Roads they were there held\\nin reserve during the battle of the next two days. On the with-\\ndrawal of Lee to Virginia within a few days they returned to\\nProvidence, which they reached on the 26th of September, and\\nof the original company seventy-six were there mustered out of\\nservice on the 2d of October. Of the remaining nine one, A. W.\\nCoombs, a Norwich cadet, had died of typhoid fever in August,\\none was never accounted for, and seven, including two Dartmouth\\nstudents, John H. Blodgett and Charles A. Manson, who had\\nbeen taken prisoners and carried to Libby Prison, and five who\\nhad been sick in the hospitals at Washington or Harper s Ferry,\\nwere discharged on other dates.\\nSome of the company immediately re-enlisted but most re-\\nturned to college where the fall term had already begun. On\\nreaching Hanover the students were much surprised to find that\\nthey would be required to pass the regular examination which\\nhad been held during their absence at the close of the college\\nyear. To this they demurred, and their captain, Burr, went at\\nonce to Providence to see if they would be received at Brown\\nUniversity without such examination. A favorable reply was\\nThe roster of the company with the above facts is given in Ayling s Register, pp. 1091-1093.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "320 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI I.\\ngiven but before his return to Hanover, the Faculty, perhaps,\\nhaving heard of his mission, informed the students that the exam-\\nination would be waived, and they all resumed their places.\\nNo other movement compared with this in the number of men\\nwho entered the army from the College at one time, but the im-\\npulse continued so strongly during the year that between Com-\\nmencement and the end of the following December forty-five men,\\nincluding graduates of that year and medical students, enlisted.\\nBetween that time and the next July few men left college for\\nthe army, but in the entire year of 1863 about twenty entered\\nthe service. After that enlistments of undergraduates were\\nfew, as most of those who were in college had settled the relative\\nclaims of student life and the army in favor of the former, and\\nmany who would otherwise have entered college, of whom some\\ndid enter after the close of the war, were serving as soldiers.\\nThe enrollment of the College at the beginning and the end of\\nthe war, as given in the catalogues of 1860-1861 and 1864-1865,\\nshows how great a drain was made upon it by the enlistment of\\nundergraduates and of those who would have entered. Between\\nthese two years the number of academic students had fallen from\\n275 to 146, of Chandler students from 42 to 37, and of medical\\nstudents from 51 to 47, and the total enrollment from 358 to 230.\\nThe response of the College to the call of patriotism in the service\\nof its graduates and students is displayed in a Roll of Honor,\\nwhich contains the names of all who had part in the war. In it\\nclasses are represented from 1822 to 1884, including names of\\nthose who were long past the age of military service when the\\nwar broke out and yet responded to the call, and of those who\\nwere scarcely more than boys when they enlisted and who came\\nto college after the war was over, bringing with them records of\\nmeritorious service, often attested by scars and disabling wounds.\\nIt would be invidious to single out individuals or classes of men\\nfor special mention when merit was conspicuous in every branch\\nof the service, and it is enough to give the general statement of\\nthe Roll of Honor, that from the College and the Medical\\nschool Dartmouth contributed 652 of her Alumni and under-\\ngraduates a larger percentage than any other college in the\\nNorth.\\nOf this number two hundred and four were commissioned as\\nsurgeons or assistant surgeons, thirty as second lieutenants,\\nforty-seven as first lieutenants, sixty-seven as captains, sixteen\\nas majors, twenty-one as lieutenant colonels, twenty-four as", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 321\\ncolonels, and four as brigadier generals, and some of these re-\\nceived additional honors for meritorious conduct in special\\nengagements or for the war, three having the brevet rank of\\ncaptain, one of major, three of lieutenant colonel, three of\\ncolonel, nine of brigadier general and three of major general.\\nThe outbreak of the war and the inevitable intensity of feeling\\nthat followed called the attention of the supporters of the College\\nto the openly expressed pro-slavery sentiments of President Lord.\\nIn his early years he had been a hearty opponent of slavery, an\\nabolitionist of a pronounced type, but about 1847 his views on\\nthat subject underwent a radical change, to which, it is said,\\nhe was brought in large degree by a pamphlet, published anony-\\nmously, but written by B. F. French of Lowell, maintaining the\\ndivine origin of slavery. In 1854 Dr. Lord s views were brought\\nprominently before the public in a published pamphlet of thirty-\\ntwo pages, entitled A Letter of Inquiry to Ministers of the\\nGospel of all Denominations on Slavery by a Northern Pres-\\nbyter, urging them to consider slavery as a question of Divine\\nright, rather than of prudence, policy or economy, a question of\\nthe moral sense and judgments, rather than of the sensibilities\\nand sympathies of the divinities rather than the humanities\\nThis first letter was published anonymously and drew out\\nsevere criticism. It was followed in the next year by a second\\nletter with the same title over Dr. Lord s own signature, and\\nin 1859 by a letter on the same subject to J. M. Conrad. In\\nall these he defended slavery, not as it existed in this country\\nor as it ever existed anywhere on the whole, but per se apart from\\nits abuses as an institution of God according to natural and\\nrevealed religion, that like war or pestilence was designed by God\\nas a penalty for sin, and he called it a divine institution, not\\nbecause it was blessed but because he believed that it was divinely\\nordered. These letters naturally excited the most ardent dis-\\ncussion and opposition, and gave to President Lord prominence\\nall over the country as the chief speculative champion of slavery\\nat the North. The popularity thus acquired at the South drew\\na considerable number of students to the College from that\\nsection, but the advantages derived from that circumstance\\nwere far from commensurate with the disaffection aroused in\\nits northern constituency.\\nAt the College these views had little effect for they were little in\\nevidence; like the President s views on millenarianism they were\\nnever obtruded upon the students and as far as they were known", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "322 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. Xll.\\nwere regarded as peculiarities, which had as little to do with\\nthe President s official and personal relation to the students\\nas physical peculiarities would have had. Away from the College\\nit was different; there the opinions and not the man were con-\\nsidered, for men judge of strangers by their opinions, but of\\nacquaintances by their character. In the increasing tension of\\npublic feeling and the more definite allignment of the anti-slavery\\nand pro-slavery parties, these letters on slavery, which though\\naddressed to ministers were generally read, called attention to\\nDr. Lord personally and to the College over which he presided\\nas not in sympathy with the feeling dominant at the North, and\\nthe opposition to his opinions became opposition to him and to\\nthe College and grew steadily more intense.\\nAt the outbreak of the war opinions, before regarded as purely\\nspeculative, came necessarily to have a practical bearing in men s\\nminds and a crisis could not long be delayed. It was finally\\nprecipitated by a communication from his pen appearing in the\\ncolumns of the Boston Courier for November 22, 1862. This\\nwas circulated without the consent of the author as a campaign\\ndocument by the Democrats of Connecticut at the next election,\\nbut with inaccuracies and omissions, so that Dr. Lord afterward\\nrepublished it in a pamphlet entitled, A True Picture of Aboli-\\ntion, which, following the reasoning of the Letters, laid the\\nblame for the existing war upon abolition as an attempt to sub-\\nvert the moral government of God. The popular feeling at last\\nfound expression in a series of resolutions unanimously passed\\nby the Merrimack County Conference of Congregational Churches\\nat its session held June 23 and 24, 1863, at Webster and directed\\nagainst Dr. Lord.^\\n1. Resolved, That the people of New Hampshire have the strongest desire\\nfor the prosperity of Dartmouth College, and that they rejoice in the wide\\ninfluence this noble institution has exerted in the cause of Education and\\nReligion.\\n2. Resolved, That we cherish a sincere regard for its venerable President;\\nfor the rare qualifications he possesses for the high ofifice he has so long and so\\nably filled; but that we deeply regret that its welfare is greatly imperil ed by\\nthe existence of a popular prejudice against it, arising from the publication\\nand use of some of his peculiar views touching public affairs, tending to em-\\nbarrass our government in its present fearful struggle, and to encourage and\\nstrengthen the resistance of its enemies in arms.\\n3. Resolved, That in our opinion it is the duty of the Trustees of the College\\nEleven members were present at the meeting of which Rev. Henry E. Parker of Concord,\\nafterward professor in the College, was the moderator. [Records of the Conference.!", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.I Administration of President Lord. 323\\nto seriously inquire whether its interests do not demand a change in the Presi-\\ndency; and to act according to their judgment in the premises.\\nThe annual meeting of the Trustees came upon Wednesday,\\nJuly 21, and was attended by seven members besides the Presi-\\ndent. Its opening session indicated the influence of the political\\nsituation. Messrs. Tuck, Eastman and Delano were appointed\\na committee to recommend candidates for the degree of Doctor\\nof Laws, but in place of their report Mr. Marsh offered a motion\\nthat the degree be conferred upon Abraham Lincoln and upon\\nno one else. A long discussion followed, turning upon the politi-\\ncal aspects of the motion, and when the vote was taken it stood\\nfour in the affirmative and four in the negative, the President\\nvoting in the negative and thus making a tie. Mr. Tuck pro-\\ntested against his right to vote on the ground that, as moderator,\\nhe had no vote except to resolve a tie. An adjournment was\\ntaken to Friday morning, the day after Commencement, when\\nMr. Tuck presented the resolutions of the Merrimack County\\nConference with a motion that a committee be appointed to\\nreport what action ought to be taken thereon. The motion\\nbeing carried, Mr. Tuck, Dr. Bouton, who was a member of\\nthe Conference which passed the resolutions, and Judge Eastman\\nwere appointed a committee, which brought in the following\\nmajority report:\\nThe Committee have taken into most respectful consideration the action\\nof the Conference, and the sentiment pervading the Churches, of which the\\nresolutions of the Conference are the expression. We do not forget, but\\nthankfully avow the debt of gratitude which has rested upon the College,\\nthroughout its history, to the Churches of New England, and to the pious\\nteachings and generous patronage of those included within their embrace.\\nWe are fully aware of the obligations of science and literature, in all past time,\\nto the clerical profession; that the countenance and support of the Clergy and\\nthe Churches have ever been the chief reliance of this College, and that we can\\nhope for little prosperity or usefulness to the Institution in future, without\\nmeriting the confidence bestowed upon it in the past. We deplore the present\\ncondition of the College in respect to the sentiments entertained towards it,\\nas expressed in said resolutions, and we profess our readiness to do any act which\\nour intimate knowledge of its affairs and circumstances enable us to judge prac-\\nticable and beneficial. Neither the Trustees nor the Faculty coincide with\\nthe president of the College in the views which he has published, touching\\nslavery and the war; and it has been their hope that the College would not\\nbe adjudged a partisan institution, by reason of such publications. It has\\nbeen our purpose that no act of ours should contribute to such an impression\\nupon the public mind, inviting, as we do, all classes of our fellow citizens to\\ncontribute to its support, and to partake of its privileges.\\nMessrs. Barstow, Marsh, Nesmith, Bouton, Delano, Eastman and Tuck.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "324 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nIt would be impracticable, if it were wise to embody in this report all the\\nreasons which induce us to propose no action by which the removal of the\\nPresident from the head of the Institution should be undertaken by the Trus-\\ntees; and we bespeak with confidence the favorable judgment that we act\\ndiscreetly, from the members of the Conference who have expressed in their\\nresolutions their generous appreciation of the eminent ability and qualifications\\nof the President for the position which he occupies.\\nYet the Committee do not fail to see that the present crisis in the country\\nis no ordinary conflict between opposing parties, but is a struggle between the\\nGovernment on one side, and its enemies on the other, and that in it are in-\\nvolved vital issues, not only respecting science and learning, virtue and re-\\nligion, but also respecting all the social and civil blessings growing out of free\\ninstitutions.\\nThe Committee recommend that the Resolutions of the Merrimack County\\nConference, this report and the accompanying resolutions, be published in\\npamphlet form, and that the Treasurer be directed to cause the same to be\\ncirculated among the members of said Conference, and other persons, accord-\\ning to his discretion.\\nHanover, N. H., July 24, 1863.\\nAmos Tuck,\\nN. BOUTON.\\nThe following resolutions accompanied the report:\\nThe Trustees of Dartmouth College, impressed with the magnitude of the\\ncrisis now existing in public affairs, and with the vital consequences which the\\nissue of current events will bring to the nation and the world; and, considering\\nthat it is the duty of literary institutions and the men who control them to\\nstand in no doubtful position when the Government of the country struggles\\nfor existence; inscribe upon their records, and promulgate the following\\nResolutions:\\nFirst. We recognize and acknowledge with grateful pride, the heroic sacri-\\nfices and valian t deeds of many of the sons of Dartmouth, in their endeavors\\nto defend and sustain the Government against the present wicked and remorse-\\nless rebellion; and we announce to the living, now on the battlefield, to the sick\\nand maimed in the hospitals and among their friends, and to the relatives\\nof such of them as have fallen in defense of their country, that Dartmouth\\nCollege rejoices to do them honor, and will inscribe their names and their\\nbrave deeds upon her enduring records.\\nSecond. We commend the cause of our beloved country to all the Alumni\\nof this Institution; and we invoke from them, and pledge our own most efficient\\nand cordial support, and that of Dartmouth College, to the Government, which\\nis the only power by which the rebellion can be subdued. We hail with joy,\\nand with grateful acknowledgments to the God of our fathers, the cheering\\nhope that the dark cloud which has heretofore obscured the vision and depressed\\nthe hearts of patriots and statesmen, in all attempts to scan the future, may in\\ntime disappear entirely from our horizon; and that American slavery, with\\nall its sin and shame, and the alienations, jealousies, and hostilities between\\nthe people of different sections, of which it has been the fruitful source, may\\nfind its merited doom in the consequence of the war which it has evoked.\\nThird. The Trustees bespeak for the College in the future the same cordial", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 325\\nsupport and patronage of the Clergy and Churches of New England, as well as\\nother friends of sound learning, which they have given to it in time past, re-\\nminding them of the obligations which the cause of education, science, and\\nreligion seem to lay upon them, to stand by this venerable Institution, in evil\\nreport and good report, in view of its past history and great service to the\\nChurch and the State, entertaining an abiding faith that it will triumph over\\nall obstacles, and go down to posterity with its powers of usefulness unimpaired.\\nOn a motion by Dr. Barstow that the report be adopted, five\\nvoted in the affirmative and two in the negative. On the adop-\\ntion of the preamble and second resolution the vote was the same\\nas on the adoption of the report. For the first and third resolu-\\ntions the vote was unanimous. Immediately on the passage\\nof the vote the President withdrew for a short time, and on his\\nreturn presented the following letter:\\nDartmouth College, July 24, 1863.\\nTo The Trustees of Dartmouth College:\\nIn making this communication to the Hon. and Rev. Board of Trustees I\\ntake the liberty respectfully to protest against their right to impose any re-\\nligious, ethical, or political test upon any member of their own body or any\\nmember of the College Faculty, beyond what is recognized by the Charter of\\nthe Institution, or express statutes or stipulations conformed to that instru-\\nment, however urged or suggested, directly or indirectly, by individuals or\\npublic bodies assuming to be as Visitors of the college, or advisers of the\\nTrustees.\\nThe action of the Trustess, on certain resolutions of the Merrimack County\\nConference of Churches, virtually imposes such a test, inasmuch as it im-\\nplicitly represents and censures me as having become injurious to the College,\\nnot on account of any official malfeasance or delinquency, for, on the contrary,\\nits commendations of my personal and official character and conduct during\\nmy long term of service, far exceed my merits; but, for my opinions and pub-\\nlications on questions of Biblical ethics and interpretations, which are sup-\\nposed by the Trustees to bear unfavorably upon one branch of the policy\\npursued by the present administration of the government of the country.\\nFor my opinions and expressions of opinion on such subject, I hold myself\\nresponsible only to God, and the constitutional tribunals of my country;\\ninasmuch as they are not touched by the charter of the College, or any express\\nstatutes or stipulations. And, while my unswerving loyalty to the government\\nof my fathers, proved and tested by more than seventy years of devotion to\\nits true and fundamental principles, cannot be permanently discredited by\\nexcited passions of the hour, I do not feel obliged when its exercise is called in\\nquestion, to surrender my moral and constitutional right and Christian liberty,\\nin this respect, nor to submit to any censure, nor consent to any conditions such\\nas are implied in the aforesaid action of the Board which action is made more\\nimpressive upon me, in view of the private communications of some of its\\nmembers.\\nMessrs. Barstow, Bouton, Marsh, Nesmith and Tuck. Messrs. Eastman and Delano voted\\nIn the negative.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "326 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xil.\\nBut not choosing to place myself in any unkind relations to a body having\\nthe responsible guardianship of the College, a body from which I have received\\nso many tokens of confidence and regard, and believing it to be inconsistent\\nwith Christian charity and propriety to carry on my administration, while\\nholding and expressing opinions injurious, as they imagine, to the interests\\nof the College, and offensive to that party which they here professedly repre-\\nsent, I hereby resign my office as President.\\nI also resign my office as Trustee.\\nIn taking leave of the College with which I have been connected, as Trustee,\\nor as President more than forty years, very happily to myself, and, as the\\nTrustees have often given me to understand, not without benefit to the College,\\nI beg to assure them that I shall ever entertain a grateful sense ofthe favorable\\nconsideration shown to me by themselves and their predecessors in office, and\\nI shall never cease to desire the peace and prosperity of the College, and that\\nit may be kept true to the principles of its foundation.\\nI am, very respectfully.\\nYour Obed\u00c2\u00ab. Serv.,\\nN. Lord.\\nDr. Lord then withdrew and a motion by Mr. Tuck to accept\\nhis resignation was laid on the table to be considered at an ad-\\njourned meeting, which was set for August 17. It was accepted\\nat that date and his successor was chosen, and at a meeting about\\na month later, on September 21, a resolution was adopted, that\\nin accepting the resignation of President Lord, we place on record\\na grateful sense of his services during the long period of his ad-\\nministration and his kind and courteous treatment of the Board\\nin all their intercourse. A presidency of thirty-five years of\\nunusual success, and a trusteeship of forty-two years might seem\\nto have called for a more ready, if not more generous, acknowl-\\nedgment, but the situation was a trying one. Under the\\ncircumstances the action of the Trustees leading to Dr. Lord s res-\\nignation was perhaps as natural as that of Dr. Lord was inevitable.\\nWhen honest men hold irreconcilable opinions there can be only\\nentire and magnanimous freedom of judgment and expression,\\nor separation. It may have been too much to expect the former.\\nIt was a time of tremendous feeling when the perspective of\\ncalmer moments was impossible. The chord of patriotism was\\nat its utmost tension under the passion of war. The opinion,\\nhowever honestly held, that slavery was right, seemed to many\\nno less than treason, and he who held it, even if not a personal\\ntraitor, seemed to give comfort to the enemy and to be not a\\nproper person to hold a position of responsibility. It is always\\ndifficult to distinguish between opinions and character. Dr.\\nLord s pro-slavery views were in evidence away from the College,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 327\\nand in the general unrest many felt that it was injurious to the\\nCollege not to have its head in sympathy with the prevailing\\nopinion of the section in which it was placed. Sometimes there\\ncrept into criticisms a bitterness greater than the cause of truth\\nwould warrant, as when a distinguished clergyman from his\\npulpit pronounced a curse upon him, though in the same breath\\npaying tribute to the singular purity of his life and character,\\nbut in times of excitement it is hard to make distinctions. The\\nTrustees, having personally no sympathy with Dr. Lord s views\\nand feeling their responsibility for the College before the public,\\ntook the action that seemed to clear themselves and the College\\nfrom taint of error. The result they foresaw and expected, and\\nto secure it were willing to establish a test of opinion which they\\nknew would never be admitted by one to whom liberty of thought\\nand speech was dearer than ofifice.\\nThe general feeling was well indicated by a newspaper corre-\\nspondent, who after expressing his satisfaction for political reasons\\nat the resignation of the President said,^ Dr. Lord, notwith-\\nstanding his peculiarities, retires from the position he has so\\nlong filled, full of honors, and with the entire respect of men of\\nevery shade of opinion.\\nThe resignation of Dr. Lord was unhesitatingly made though\\nit left him without means of support. The little patrimony\\nwhich he had on coming to the College had been exhausted in\\nsupplementing a small salary, which had never been above $1,600,\\nincluding the stipend from Moor s School, and in the education\\nof a large family, of which eight were sons, who were carried\\nGranite State Whig, August i, 1863. This was not the view of Mr. Tuck. As has been\\nimplied, he was opposed to President Lord from the time of his entering the Board, and his\\njudgment, at variance with that of Dr. Lord s other associates, is given in his Autobiographical\\nMemoir, pp. 38, 39. Writing of his student days he says:\\nDr. Nathan Lord was president of the College. He was a man of fine address, elegant man-\\nners and captivating rhetoric. At that time he had not developed his approval of American\\nslavery, nor his pessimistic views of human destiny, but on the contrary was anti-slavery in\\nsentiment, and in full accord with orthodox congregationalists of the most hopeful character.\\nJudging him less by what I then observed than by what I subsequently saw when associated\\nwith him, as I afterwards was for ten years or more [1857-1863], in the Board of Trustees of\\nthe College, I am obliged to say he was a man of show rather than of utility to the College.\\nHad he not been associated with men of greater executive ability than himself, and had in charge\\npupils thoroughly in earnest, as a general thing, to acquire thorough knowledge and effectual\\ntraining, he would have made an early and manifest failure. He beguiled his associates in the\\nBoard of Trust for many years with delusive hopes of great things that would soon be accom-\\nplished; and, after nearly forty years of connection with the college, left it without accomplish-\\ning anything. At the darkest period of the Civil War he resigned his office, because of personal\\ndisloyalty to the government, aggravated by the action of the Trustees in putting upon their\\nrecords resolutions declaratory of the loyalty of the College and of the Board of Trust. A\u00c2\u00bb\\na figure-head he was satisfactory to those who expected nothing from a college president In\\nforming the character of pupils and impressing them with high aspiration. The best act of his\\no\u00c2\u00a3Sclal life was the resignation of his position.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "328 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xii.\\nthrough college without any lessening of its regular charges. On\\nhis retirement from the College a group of friends purchased an\\nannuity of $1,200 for him, and he remained in Hanover in the\\nquiet enjoyment of the respect and affection of his neighbors and\\nassociates until his death September 9, 1870. Three days later\\nhis funeral, held in the College church, was attended by many\\nof the alumni who, together with a large company of friends,\\nincluding six sons and two daughters, and with an escort of the\\nstudent body of the College, followed him to the grave. At the\\nCommencement of 1872 a eulogy upon him was given before the\\nalumni by Dr. A. B. Crosby of the class of 1853.\\nAn administration of such great length as that of President\\nLord is judged by two different standards the material and the\\nmoral. The former regards the fact and form of growth, the\\nlatter the principle and method of administration. By one\\nstandard the period may be prosperous, by the other unworthy,\\nor it may succeed in both or fail in both. In the thirty-five years\\nof Dr. Lord s presidency 2,675 graduates received their degrees\\nat his hand, nearly three fifths of the whole number in the ninety-\\nfour years of the existence of the College, and, except for the\\nextraordinary increase about 1840 and the decline immediately\\nfollowing, the number of students showed a consistent increase.\\nThe 125 academic students of 1828 increased to 275 in i860, a\\nnumber that was exceeded only three times till 1894. The lowest\\npoint of depression was 196 in 1846, considerably above the figure\\nof 1828, and from that it pretty steadily rose till i860.\\nThe effect of the Civil War, manifest in 1861, continued till\\n1865, when the lowest point was reached with 146. For special\\nreasons connected with demands of public service the Medical\\nand Chandler courses were less affected. The general Faculty\\nincreased during these thirty-five years from ten to seventeen\\nmembers. At the beginning of the period the buildings of the\\nCollege were Dartmouth Hall, in a very bad state of repair, the\\nchapel, which had become unsuitable for use, the building used\\nby Moor s School, in a ruinous state, and the Medical building.\\nBy the end of it, Dartmouth Hall had been remodelled, and its\\ncupola rebuilt, the chapel had been removed, the ruinous building\\nof Moor s School had been replaced by a new brick Academy,\\nWentworth, Thornton and Reed Halls and the Observatory\\nhad been built, the grounds had been laid out and adorned with\\nwalks and hedges, and the equipment of the physical, astro-\\nnomical and chemical departments had been wholly or practically", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 329\\nmade anew. The College was still in debt to its own funds to\\nthe amount of $34,000, but it had received during the period over\\n$60,000, from the two subscriptions besides other gifts, so that\\nthe assets of $85,752.30 in 1830 had risen to $201,176.33 in 1863.\\nThis was apart from the gift of Mr. Chandler which had added\\n$50,000 to the fund, and by 1862 forty to the enrollment of the\\nCollege.\\nIn the moral conduct of his administration Dr. Lord believed\\nthat the highest form of college was a Christian college and the\\ngreatest function of such a college was to train Christian men.\\nIn all his teaching, in all his disciplinary action and in all his inter-\\ncourse with the students he kept this purpose steadily in view.\\nThe service of morning and evening prayers in the chapel which\\nhe conducted when in town, the Monday morning biblical exer-\\ncise with the senior class, which he took during his entire presi-\\ndency, the instruction in the department of ethics of which he had\\nthe entire charge for eleven years, and occasionally the pulpit were\\nall used to exalt the worth and enforce the claims of Christian\\ncharacter, and the impression of this teaching was carried away\\nby individuals and also remained with the College. He had an\\nextraordinary gift in prayer by which those who were not given\\nto praying were affected, as when a student said: I like to hear\\nDr. Lord pray, I like to hear him say The Lord bless these young\\nmen, every one of them, for then I feel safe for the day.\\nA strict disciplinarian, believing that authority and enforce-\\nment of law were essential to all government, Dr. Lord was a\\nterror to evil-doers, for, as one of them said, he always seemed\\nto know, when any young man was brought before him, what\\nand all that was in him. All feared him, yet hastened to him\\nwhen in difficulty.\\nIt is difficult to describe, wrote an alumnus, except to one who personally\\nknew him, the fine friendly relations, coupled with the most perfect respect\\nfor himself and his office, which he maintained with the college students. He\\ntook a strong personal interest in the affairs and ambition of each student,\\nand inspired in the most natural way almost a filial feeling of regard toward\\nhimself. His discipline or advice was always persuasive, because it was both\\nkindly and impressively given. His intercourse with the students was free\\nand genial and his manifest interest in them went far to break down the barriers\\nof official relations. His courtesy was unfailing, and his politeness no mantle\\nworn only among his peers, but was a part of his nature. To high and low,\\nto rich and poor, he was always the same courtly gentleman, one to whom\\nthe forms of politeness had a meaning because they recognized the essential\\nelements of humanity, and because the meanest frame was the shrine of an\\nimmortal soul that had the semblance of divinity.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "330 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XII.\\nStudents are proverbially keen judges of character, at least\\nthey are quick to detect flaws and shams and unrealities of any\\nkind. They recognize instinctively the difference between the\\ngenuine and the artificial, and their judgments are expressed in\\nstories that relate to the exhibition of qualities rather than in\\nformal statements about the qualities themselves. Such stories\\nare sure to gather about the president of a college who deeply\\naffects its inner life, and in the case of Dr. Lord they were num-\\nberless. Every gathering of the graduates of his time is enlivened\\nby their recital. These represent him as dignified yet kindly,\\nand equally courageous in the expression of unpopular opinions\\nand in breaking up a student rush, when he enforced his com-\\nmand, Desist, young gentlemen, desist, with vigorous raps of\\nhis cane, keen in his reading of both character and actions and\\nwith an almost intuitive perception of the truth of a matter,\\napt in the expression of his decisions and possessed of a pervasive\\nhumor that relieved the asperity of reproof and gave force to\\nencouragement.\\nA student of 1846,^ writing more than sixty years after his\\ngraduation about a line in the poster brought out by the freshman\\nrebellion of 1832, gives an impression of Dr. Lord current among\\nthe students of his day:\\nThe President with eye of green, he wrote, was Dr. Lord for he wore\\nthe same green specs in my day, and on to the end, worn (it was evident to every\\nstudent) not so much as a protection from the sun s glare, but as they furnished\\na secure fence, behind which the dear old Shepherd could glare at his sheep,\\nwithout detection and watch every possible thing that happened to be going\\non in his vicinity, whether in chapel or recitation room or even in the solemn\\npersonal interviews with luckless students in the dreaded Prexy s Study.\\nI have seen him in cliapel open the Bible, repeat a psalm (apparently reading\\nit) and his restless eyes meanwhile over the edge of his glasses, searching every\\nface in every seat and every corner. No wonder that he was credited with\\nsemi-omniscience.\\nAnother student of the time adds another view\\nHe was, he wrote, dignity itself, and no student was brave enough to\\nface him with anything but respect. With culprits he could be terrible in\\nseverity, and yet he was in general approachable and genial, and always kind\\nhearted. He could unbend without losing his dignity or his power to recover\\ncontrol of himself and his students.\\nHis humor was not superficial but ingrained, softening what\\nmight otherwise have been severity to others and helping him\\nDr. J. W. Barstow of New York City. Hon. J. W. Patterson of 1848.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 331\\nover difficult positions for himself. He could not conceal it.\\nThings ludicrous are apt to set me off beyond propriety, he\\nonce said in explaining his laughter to one who had told him that\\nunless he gave way to a pressing movement he would be crushed.\\nIt constantly appeared even in his formal reports to the Board.\\nIn one of them he urged the importance of having the very best\\nquality of instruction, saying: Few persons now, of any calling,\\nare drawn to places where commodities are cheap, except to\\nauctions; and they are cheated there. Yet it was under entire\\ncontrol, never appearing when solemnity or sorrow or good taste\\nforbade its presence, but so manifest as an essential part of his\\nnature that the students felt, as one of them expressed it, that\\nhe had a good time with himself. It entered into his relations\\nwith the students particularly, and was no small factor in his\\ninfluence over them. So keen was his appreciation of it that\\nthe exhibition of it in others sometimes softened a rebuke or dis-\\narmed it altogether, and his sentence on an offender, who met his\\nquestions with humorous recognition of his error, was delivered\\nin the words of the ancient judge to the offending satirist: sol-\\nventur risu tabulae, Hi missus ahibis. Sometimes, however, his\\nhumor served to sharpen a rebuke, and it was a two-edged sword\\nwhich was equally effective for offence or defence. It was always\\ncourteous even when most pungent. Once in a minister s\\nmeeting there was a warm discussion in which, as often, Dr. Lord\\nsupported the unpopular view, and one of the ministers rose and\\nwalking directly up to Dr. Lord shook his finger in his face and\\nsaid: Dr. Lord, that isn t so. Well, was the laughing reply,\\nI am glad that one thing is settled.\\nEqually marked was his courtesy, which like his charity never\\nfailed. He respected open opposition and cherished no resent-\\nment at the frank statement of disagreement, so that one long\\nassociated with him said: It is more delightful to differ from\\nDr. Lord than to agree with most men. He once read before\\nthe General Association of New Ham.pshire, at its request, an\\nessay on Millenarianism, which was not at all in accord with\\nthe prevailing belief. Out of courtesy, but by a meager vote,\\nit was requested for printing. When in voting the negative was\\ncalled, one member responded with a decided no. At the close\\nof the session Dr. Lord stepped down the aisle to the pew occupied\\nby the objector and offering his hand in the most gracious manner\\nthanked him for his frankness and his honesty. His courtesy\\nwas effective because it was genuine; its outward and essential", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "332 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. Xll.\\nform had its source in a love of men that could not be expressed\\nin any other way.\\nSome could not understand how this feeling and its expression\\ncould exist in one side by side with the views which he enter-\\ntained on slavery, because they could not understand how his\\nloyalty to what he believed to be the truth, no matter where it\\nmight lead him, never lessened his sense of duty to the individual\\nand his obligation to do every thing possible for his welfare and\\nhis happiness. His pro-slavery views did not, therefore, chill\\nhis practical philanthropy or prevent his lending a helping hand\\nto the negro. Because he believed that slavery was a divine\\ninstitution he did not fail to help the black man when in need.\\nFugitive slaves passing through Hanover found his charity as\\nready and his aid as prompt as that of any.\\nIn 1848 a colored man, named Gibbs, after being refused at\\nthree other New England Colleges, came to Dartmouth. Dr. Lord\\nreceived him kindly, and he was admitted on examination and\\nduly graduated in 1852. After preparing for the ministry he was\\ncalled to a Presbyterian church in Troy, N. Y., and begged Dr.\\nLord as a special favor to preach his ordination sermon, giving\\nas a reason that his college was the only one which would endure\\nhis presence. Few members of the Presbytery were willing to\\nattend the ordination; one of them, a flaming anti-slavery cham-\\npion attended but slipped into a back seat and took no part.\\nOwing to the dearth of brother ministers Dr. Lord was obliged\\nto make the installing prayer as well as to preach.^\\nDr. Lord was a Puritan in character but not in conduct, in the\\nintensity and assurance of his beliefs but not in his method of\\nenforcing them, for he approached men by persuasion and not\\nby coercion. His appeal was always first to the conscience, then\\nto reason, rather than to reason first and conscience afterward,\\nand as conscience was in his view only the individual witness to\\nthe truth of God, whose final expression was the Bible, he made\\nthe Bible the basis of every appeal to conscience and enforced\\nit under a literal interpretation as a rule of life. From its teach-\\nings, as he believed them, he never swerved, no matter where\\nthey led him, and for thirty-five years with all the power he could\\ncommand and at every opportunity he set them before the stu-\\ndents of the College as the thingof pre-eminent value, and he made\\nit evident to them in all his relations with them, both social and\\nofficial, that these teachings were the guide of his life. Not all\\nN. H. Journal, November 4, 1887.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "1828-1863.] Administration of President Lord. 333\\nof them were convinced, but his teaching and his personality had\\ntheir effect, and during his long presidency was developed that\\nspirit that has given to the College its marked individuality, a\\nspirit of resolute purpose, of persistent energy, of strong determi-\\nnation and self-dependence that has made its graduates effective\\nworkers wherever they have found their place.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIII.\\n1863-1877.\\nTHE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT SMITH.\\nTHE successor of President Lord, chosen at the adjourned\\nmeeting of the Trustees on August 17, was Rev. Asa\\nDodge Smith, D.D., a graduate of the College in the class\\n1830, who for twenty-nine years had been pastor of a church\\nin New York City, which, though it changed its place of worship,\\nhad retained its organization and for many years had been\\nknown as the Fourteenth Street Presbyterian Church. Dr.\\nBarstow, the President of the Board pro tempore, took to him\\nthe message of his election, and after due consideration the posi-\\ntion was accepted. He was cordially received by the alumni,\\nand in New York a large gathering of them at the Fifth Ave-\\nnue Hotel passed resolutions expressive of their approval and\\nsupport.\\nHe was inaugurated on the i8th of November, 1863. A severe\\nstorm that had been raging for two days had not expended\\nitself and the weather was unhappily disagreeable. The proces-\\nsion formed, however, as usual at the chapel in Dartmouth\\nHall, and, headed by the Lebanon cornet band, proceeded to the\\nchurch, where the exercises were held. An organ voluntary\\nand music by the band were followed by an introductory address\\nby the Governor of the State, Hon. Joseph A. Gilmore; then\\ncame reading of the Scriptures by Professor D. J. Noyes, a\\nprayer by Rev. Dr. Z. S. Barstow, music by the Handel and\\nHaydn Society of the College, the inaugural address by Presi-\\ndent Smith, a prayer by ex-President Lord, and the benedic-\\ntion by Rev. S. P. Leeds, the pastor of the College church. In\\nthe evening there was an illumination of the college buildings\\nand private houses in the village.\\nThe accession of President Smith was the signal for great\\nchanges in the policy and internal economy of the College. The\\nobjections to college honors were laid aside and with them,\\nmuch to the satisfaction of the Faculty, the lot as the basis of\\nthe appointment of the speakers on Commencement day. By\\n1865 the merit roll was substituted for it and the valedictory\\nand salutatory and various grades of honors were recognized\\n334", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.1 Administration of President Smith. 335\\nin the official programme. Prizes were at once instituted and\\nat the Commencement of 1865 there was a revival of the old\\nprize speaking contest between members of the junior and sopho-\\nmore classes appointed by the Faculty on nomination of the\\nclasses, and there were also prizes offered to the junior class for ex-\\ncellence in English composition, both series of prizes being given\\nby Mr. Le Grand Lockwood of New York.\\nIn accord with the change of ideas Professor Sanborn, as the\\nhead of the rhetorical department, proposed in a modified form\\nthe revival of the old Quarter days. In this he had in mind a\\ndesirable impulse to the literary and forensic exercises of the\\nstudents, and also a renewed life for the old literary societies,\\nwhich, except for their libraries and their names as rallying cries\\non the football field, had become practically extinct. His prop-\\nosition, with slight modifications, was accepted by the Trustees\\nand carried into effect. No attempt was made to revive the\\nsophomore Quarter day, and in place of the senior day there\\nwas substituted, on the Thursday evening of the week before\\nthe close of the fall term in November, an exhibition of the\\nliterary societies. The exercises were to be carried on by the\\nundergraduate members, each society electing its own repre-\\nsentatives, and were to consist of a debate between two persons,\\none Social and one Frater, two orations or an oration and a\\npoem by persons chosen in like manner, and music by the Handel\\nSociety. A junior exhibition was set for the spring, to take\\nplace just before the close of the spring term, in which the speak-\\ners were to be appointed by the Faculty on the basis of the merit\\nroll. These were fifteen or sixteen in number, divided into\\ngroups according to rank, a Greek and a Latin oration being\\nassigned to two members of the first group.\\nThe plan was very acceptable to the students who entered\\ninto it heartily, and both exhibitions took place for the first\\ntime in the college year 1865-1866. Neither of them, however,\\naroused a lasting interest and they soon languished, the last\\nexhibition of the societies occurring in 1870 and the junior ex-\\nhibition continuing a few years longer till it, too, expired in the\\nspring of 1877. The exhibitions of the societies were accom-\\npanied by an attempt to revive the societies as organizations\\nfor essay and debate. Their literary meetings were resumed in\\nJune of 1867, with a programme of oration and debate, but a\\nfew meetings exhausted their resources for such exercises, and", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "336 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nthe last meetings of the Socials and the Fraters for this purpose\\nwere held in October, 1868.\\nThough they were short-lived the exhibitions helped on a\\ngenuine revival of literary interest, which, stimulated at first\\nby the enthusiasm of Professor Sanborn, whose vigorous and\\ndiscursive mind gave a new zest to rhetoric and literature, was\\nevidenced in the re-establishment by the senior class in the\\nspring of 1867 of the college monthly, The Dartmouth, interrupted\\nsince 1841, in the form of an octavo pamphlet of about forty\\npages. Like its predecessor it consisted of essays and poems\\nwith short editorials and the briefest references to college events.\\nIt was not intended as a rival of the Aegis, which served as a\\ndirectory of college clubs and organizations and a chronicle\\nof college events, but being published monthly, while the Aegis\\nwas published but once a term, it soon took the place of the\\nAegis as the purveyor of college news. That publication, which\\nbegan as the Phoenix in 1855 in the form of a folio, changed\\nto the Aegis in 1858, and became an octavo in 1867. Its appear-\\nance as an annual dates from 1871, when its issue in the fall\\nof the year contained, as it announced, the anomaly of more\\npages and less talk. It still renders a distinct service as a\\nrecord of college organizations, but to this it has added much\\nby way of personal raillery that has no more than a restricted\\nand passing interest, and that sometimes has overstepped the\\nbounds of propriety and good comradeship.\\nThe interest in literary matters was further shown by the\\nestablishment of a bright little weekly in the winter of 1873 by\\nFrederick A. Thayer of the senior class. It was a handsome\\nsheet of ten pages, 9 by 1I5 inches, and was conducted with\\nfar more than ordinary ability and enterprise; it successfully\\naspired to be more than a college paper, but recognized the\\nimportant relation of the college so far as to issue daily editions\\nat Commencement. The graduation of Mr. Thayer removed\\nits guiding spirit and though it continued with some intermission\\nthrough the fall its last issue was on December 4, 1873. Its\\ninfluence upon the College was not lost, however, for it was seen\\nthat some frequent vehicle of college news was needed, and at\\nthe beginning of the college year in September, 1875, The Dart-\\nmouth was changed from a monthly magazine into a weekly\\npaper of sixteen pages, giving up its character of a purely literary\\npublication for that of a more distinctive college newspaper.\\nThe rhetorical department was also strengthened by the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "1863-1887.] Administration of President Smith. 337\\nemployment in the fall of 1865 of an instructor in elocution.\\nMark Bailey of the class of 1849, then an instructor in that\\nsubject in Yale College, was secured for the period of six weeks,\\nand in that time gave instruction to the three upper classes in\\nthe principles of expression. He continued to come to Hanover\\neach fall for eleven years, till 1876, and aroused a general interest\\nand exerted a strong and helpful influence upon the College in\\nthe matter of public speaking.\\nThe interest in this subject was manifested by a celebration\\nof Washington s birthday in 1867, promoted entirely by the\\nstudents. Twelve speakers were chosen by the classes, and the\\nexercises were held in the chapel, which was decorated for\\nthe occasion. The event was so successful that it was repeated\\nthe next year, but though similar observances were occasionally\\nmade in later years, they cannot be said to have become a custom.\\nIn 1875 the routine of the winter was broken by an exercise\\nof a different character. The fad of the winter throughout New\\nEngland was spelling matches, and in April the students arranged\\none between the classes, three members being chosen from each,\\nthe seniors and sophomores against the juniors and freshmen.\\nTwo juniors carried off the prizes, Charles W. Whitcomb securing\\nthe first, a Webster s unabridged dictionary, and Charles B.\\nHibbard the second, a set of Rollins Ancient History.\\nIn attempting to stimulate the literary side of the College\\nit was clearly seen that a freer use of the library was indispensa-\\nble, and in 1864 the Trustees directed that it should be open one\\nhour a day, and authorized the employment of a student as\\nassistant librarian, who was to receive his room rent and $60\\nas compensation. On the resignation during the year of Pro-\\nfessor Hubbard the care of the library was given to Professor\\nAiken, but after a little more than a year, on his resignation at\\nCommencement in 1866, it passed to Professor Sanborn. But\\nit was still of little use to the students. They were not allowed\\nto enter the room and inspect the books, and as there was but\\na very imperfect catalogue they had no means of making selec-\\ntions. If a student knew what book he wanted and thought it\\nwas in the library, he might ascertain by inquiring, at the proper\\nhour, at the window in the door of the library room, but it often\\nhappened that through the deficiencies of the catalogue or the\\nignorance of the assistant, books could not be found that were\\nin the library, and as the room was not heated in the winter,\\nall things conspired to prevent the library from being of much", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "338 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nservice, and the students continued to rely for their reading upon\\nthe Hbraries of the two Hterary societies. In 1867 a gift of $5,000\\nwas made as a fund for the use of the Hbrary by Miss Mary C.\\nBryant of Boston in memory of her grandfather, Professor\\nJohn Smith, but it made little difference what additions were\\nmade as long as the books continued to be practically inaccessible,\\nas was the case for several years to come.\\nA move of much greater value to the students was the opening\\nof a reading room. This was done in the spring of 1865 as the\\nresult of a vote of the Trustees, passed in the preceding August,\\nauthorizing the Faculty to provide a reading room, and contri-\\nbuting $40 toward it. The business was put into the charge of\\nthe students, who subscribed an additional sum for the supply\\nof papers and periodicals. A front room on the first floor of\\nDartmouth Hall at the right of the north entrance was assigned\\nto it, where it remained for three years, when it was moved to\\nthe southeast corner of the first floor of Thornton Hall, from\\nwhich it was again removed in 1874 to the southeast corner of\\nthe second floor of Reed Hall. Its wanderings were not yet\\nover, for five years later, the space which it occupied being\\nneeded for library purposes, it was transferred to the room on\\nthe first fioor which had been formerly occupied, first, by the\\nHall cabinet and afterward as a recitation room. It was moved\\nfrom there only on the building of Wilson Hall in 1885. In\\n1900 a room in the new College Hall was given to the newspapers\\nwhich were transferred thither, but the periodicals were still\\nkept in the library.\\nThe Trustees continued their appropriation of $40 for six\\nyears, but it soon became evident that it would be difficult to\\nsupport the reading room even partially on a subscription basis,\\nand in the fall of 1869 it was brought under the direction of the\\nliterary societies. The Trustees authorized at that time the\\ncollection on the term bills of the academic students of a tax of\\none dollar and a half a term, of which one dollar was to go to the\\nsocieties, and fifty cents to the support of the reading room. The\\ncare of the room was given to the executive committees of the\\ntwo societies. Members of the other departments were admitted\\nto the use of the reading room on the payment of fifty cents\\na term. All the important daily and many of the weekly papers\\nof this section and the prominent English and American periodi-\\ncals found a place upon its tables, and it was opened week days\\nand evenings. A persistent urgency soon arose to have it opened", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 339\\non Sunday, but a favorable answer was not returned to it till\\n1892, when the Trustees, at the request of the Faculty, gave\\npermission.\\nAmong the changes which tended to give greater coherence\\nto the college year was the dropping out of the short term in the\\nwinter. In 1867 the short term disappeared and the spring term,\\nas it was called, began on the nth of January and continued\\nfourteen weeks to the i8th of April. The students who taught\\nstill had the benefit of a six weeks vacation immediately fol-\\nlowing Thanksgiving, but they were called upon to make up\\nthe work of their six weeks absence from the beginning of the\\nspring term. Four years later, in 1871, another change was\\nmade that bore still harder on the teachers. The college year\\nwas divided into two terms of twenty weeks each, separated\\nby a vacation of three weeks in the last of January and the\\nfirst of February (increased, however, to four weeks the next\\nyear), and the work to be made up by the teachers was corres-\\npondingly enlarged. Students were otherwise dissuaded from\\nleaving their college work to engage in winter teaching, and in\\n1872 excuses were given only to those who signed a paper that\\nthey were dependent on their own exertions. Under these\\nconditions the number of teachers rapidly diminished, though\\nfor twenty years some were always absent in the winter engaged\\nin teaching. In 1872 Commencement, which in 1863 had been\\nchanged from the last Thursday to the last Thursday but one\\nin July, was brought back to the last Thursday in June, and\\nthe summer vacation was extended to nine weeks, thus giving\\na larger opportunity for summer occupation. The division of\\nthe year into two terms continued only five years, and in 1876\\nthe three-term arrangement was again adopted.\\nThe university idea (cherished in vain by President Lord in\\n1840) was now revived and seemed in a fair way to be realized\\nin fact. The idea was indicated by a change of nomenclature\\nin the catalogue. In 1838 the distinction had been for the\\nfirst time drawn between the medical and the academical\\nfaculties, the students being designated as medical students\\nand undergraduates. In 1865 the Chandler School, which\\nin the records of the Trustees was regarded as a department in\\nthe College, but in the catalogue spoken of as the Chandler\\nScientific School, was by authority styled the Chandler Sci-\\nentific Department, and in that year the catalogue was made\\nup strictly on the university plan, separated as to Faculty and", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "340 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nstudents into three departments, the Medical, the Academical\\nand the Chandler Scientific, to which was added in the next\\nyear the announcement of the Agricultural, and in 1869 that of\\nthe Thayer School.\\nThe general Faculty was naturally enlarged by the addition\\nof the men in the new departments, but besides these there were\\nadditions and many changes in the existing Faculties. As has\\nbeen said, Professor Varney resigned the chair of mathematics\\nat Commencement of 1863. An attempt was made at once to\\nfill it by the election of Professor Young, whom President Lord\\nhad before urged for the chair of physics and astronomy, but\\nhe declined, and the Faculty was authorized to make temporary\\nprovision for instruction in that department, which was done\\nby the appointment as tutor of George S. Morris. In the next\\nyear the chair was filled by the election of EHhu T. Quimby of\\nthe class of 1851, then principal of the Appleton Academy at\\nNew Ipswich, N. H.\\nThe fatal illness and death of Professor Putnam in 1863 made\\na vacancy in the chair of Greek, which was filled by the transfer\\nto it of Professor Packard from modern languages. The vacancy\\nthus made was in turn supplied by the appointment in 1864\\nof Edward R. Ruggles, a graduate of 1859 and then in Germany,\\nas instructor in modern languages. Very fortunately for the\\nCollege, Professor E. D. Sanborn was brought back from St.\\nLouis in the fall of 1863 as professor of oratory and belles lettres,\\nto take the place of Professor Brown, who was put into the chair\\nof intellectual philosophy and political economy, vacant since\\nthe death of Professor Long, although Professor Brown had been\\ngiving instruction in that department. Three years later a\\nchange was brought about in the department of Latin by the\\nresignation of Professor Aiken to accept a similar position at\\nPrinceton College, and his place was taken by the Rev. Henry\\nE. Parker of the class of 1841, then a minister of the South Con-\\ngregational Church in Concord, N. H. In that year also Professor\\nHubbard, who had ably filled the chair of chemistry for thirty\\nyears, resigned, though he retained his connection with the\\nMedical School and continued to lecture for three years more,\\nand removing from Hanover lived first in New Haven and then\\nin New York City, where he died on March 9, 1900.\\nSome embarrassment arose in connection with the chairs of\\nastronomy and meteorology and natural philosophy, occupied\\nby Professors Patterson and Fairbanks. In the fall of 1862", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 341\\nProfessor Patterson was elected as a representative to Congress.\\nIn the following August he requested that he might be permitted\\nto hold his place as professor in the College during his congres-\\nsional term of two years and that the Faculty be authorized\\nto supply such instruction as he should be unable to give. To\\nthis request the Trustees did not accede, but while regarding\\nthe absence of a college officer for a considerable time as a detri-\\nment to the Institution they consented to Professor Patterson s\\nretaining his connection with the College on condition that his\\nsalary from the College should cease when he entered on his\\ncongressional duties, and should be again enjoyed only on his\\nresuming his college work at the end of two years, and with this\\ncondition the Faculty was authorized to provide for his work\\nduring his absence.\\nAt their annual meeting in July of the next year the Trustees\\nvoted to abolish the professorship of astronomy and meteorology\\nas a separate department and to unite it with the Appleton\\nprofessorship of natural philosophy. Not to seem to have de-\\nprived Professor Patterson of an opportunity to return to the\\nCollege, should be wish to do so, the Trustees elected him as\\nprofessor of mathematics, and Professor Fairbanks they elected\\nto the united chairs of natural philosophy and astronomy. Both\\nof the professors declined the new appointments, and in their\\ninability to do otherwise the Trustees reconsidered their action\\nand asked the two to go on as before, but to protect the College\\nagainst the risk of renewed occurrences of like nature the Trustees,\\nat their adjourned meeting in August, 1864, voted that here-\\nafter the acceptance of any civil office by any member of the\\nFaculty, except the office of Justice of the Peace or any Town\\noffice, shall operate ipso facto as a resignation of his position as\\na member of the Faculty.\\nMr. Patterson was elected to a second term in Congress in\\nthe fall of 1864, and the condition then arose contemplated in\\nthe preceding vote. The Trustees were confronted with a difficult\\nsituation. The chair of mathematics had been filled, the funds\\nwere not available for the support of the two professorships\\nwhich they had wished to unite the year before and Professor\\nFairbanks had signified his unwillingness to take the load of\\nthe double chair. They skillfully met the situation in a series of\\nvotes in which may readily be detected the diplomatic touch of\\nPresident Smith", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "342 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nWhereas the department of Natural Science in its various branches, is\\ndeservedly growing in public favor, and the more because of the rapid develop-\\nment of the natural resources of the country; and whereas it is the purpose\\nof the Board that the College shall lack nothing essential to the broadest\\nculture; therefore.\\nResolved i. That we hereby in3titute a new Professorship to be called\\nthe Professorship of Natural History, the incumbent whereof shall give in-\\nstruction by lectures and otherwise in whatever pertains to such chair, aided\\nby such cabinets and other apparatus as may be needful. And it is partic-\\nularly referred to the Faculty to consider whether the subject of mining,\\nwhich is assuming such prominence in our country and is becoming a matter\\nof importance in our own vicinity, may not properly be embraced in the\\nprogramme of this Professorship.\\nResolved 2. That while it is the design of the Board to place this new pro-\\nfessorship on the same footing as the others, and to give the incumbent, when\\nfunds shall be secured for that purpose, as it is hoped they soon will be\\na full salary; they are compelled now, from the straitened state of their finances\\nto appropriate for the compensation of the Professor only the sum of five\\nhundred dollars.\\nAnd whereas the Board still deems it desirable, in accordance with the vote\\npassed at their last meeting, to unite the Professorships of Astronomy and\\nMeteorology with that of Natural Philosophy, thus restoring the arrange-\\nment, which under former Professors has proved so convenient and success-\\nful; and whereas Professor Patterson who has officiated with marked ability\\nin our board of instruction for eleven years past, by accepting the office of\\nRepresentative in Congress to which he was elected March last, has, according\\nto a rule adopted by the Board at their meeting in August 1864, virtually\\nresigned his place in the College Faculty; and whereas Professor Fairbanks,\\nwho for more than five years diligently and faithfully served the Board in\\nthe professorship of Natural Philosophy, has, on grounds which seem reasonable,\\nespecially on considerations of health, heretofore declined undertaking the\\nduties of both chairs, therefore\\nResolved i. That the two professorships above named be and they hereby\\nare united.\\nResolved. 2. That Professor Fairbanks be transferred to the new pro-\\nfessorship of Natural History the change to take place at the commence-\\nment of the next spring term.\\nResolved 3. That we elect, at the present meeting, an incumbent of the\\nunited professorships, to be styled the Appleton Professor of Natural Philoso-\\nphy and Professor of Astronomy, his salary to be ?i,300 per annum, and his\\nservices to commence at the beginning of the spring term.\\nProfessor Charles A. Young was the immediate and unani-\\nmous choice of the Trustees for the place, and this time their\\ninvitation, accompanied by a suitable offer of help toward the\\nexpenses of removal, was accepted, and he began his duties at\\nthe College in February, 1866. At Commencement of the next\\n1 About this time the copper mines at Vershire were actively worked, the iron mines at\\nFranconia were again being exploited, and even a lead mine in the eastern part of Hanover\\nwas reported as discovered on the farm of Horace Stickney.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 343\\nyear Professor Brown gave up his connection with the Faculty\\nto become the president of Hamilton College. No one was\\nimmediately appointed in his place, President Smith being\\nrequested to give instruction in intellectual philosophy and\\nProfessor Noyes to perform the remaining duties of the chair.\\nThis arrangement continued for two years, when Professor Noyes\\nwas transferred to the chair of intellectual philosophy and politi-\\ncal economy, from that of theology, which continued vacant till\\n1886. Professor Fairbanks held his position in the chair of\\nnatural history three years, when he resigned, but he came back\\nto the service of the College in 1870 as a member of the Board\\nof Trustees. Dr. Thomas R. Crosby was made instructor in\\nhis stead, but on his death in 1872 the chair was abolished.\\nBy the fall of 1868 the increase in the number of students\\ncalled for an increase in the teaching staff, and as the funds did\\nnot admit of the appointment of permanent officers two tutors\\nand in the next year three tutors, were engaged. All three re-\\nmained permanently on the Faculty, and one of them, John\\nC. Proctor, a man of rare personal and intellectual gifts, became\\nprofessor of Greek on the resignation of Professor Packard,\\nwho in 1879 succeeded Professor Aiken in the chair of Latin in\\nPrinceton College. The second tutor, Charles F. Emerson,\\nbecame the associate and the successor of Professor Young, as\\nAppleton professor of natural philosophy, and later the Dean\\nof the Academic Faculty; the third tutor, the present writer,\\nlater occupied the chair of Latin.\\nLectureships were also established in addition to the permanent\\npositions. Judge Joel Parker showed that his former disaffec-\\ntion had passed away by consenting to return to the College\\nwith the title of professor of law for a course of lectures on law\\nto the seniors. This he did for six years beginning in 1868,\\nand continuing his lectures till the year before his death. His\\nbequest to the College will be described in another place. From\\n1868 to 1873 Dr. John Lord, the famous lecturer, gave an annual\\ncourse of lectures on historical subjects, for two years before the\\nwhole college and later to the senior class. The expense of Dr.\\nLord s lectures was borne by Hon. George W. Burleigh, a Trustee\\nfrom 1870 to 1878.\\nMany changes also took place in the Medical Faculty during\\nPresident Smith s administration. The roll at the end was\\nvery different from that at the beginning. Dixi Crosby had\\ndied in 1873. Drs. Edward E. Phelps and Albert Smith still", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "344 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nremained, but with the title of professor emeritus. The new\\nnames were those of Dr. John Ordronaux in the chair of medical\\njurisprudence, Dr. Carleton P. Frost in the science and practice\\nof medicine, Dr. Edward S. Dunster in obstetrics. Dr. Henry\\nM. Field in materia medica and therapeutics, while Dr. Lyman\\nB. How from being demonstrator had risen to the professorship\\nof anatomy. In the Faculty of the Chandler School a complete\\nchange was made. Professor Woodman, who had become a\\nkind of Dean of the School, had given way to Professor E. R.\\nRuggles with the title of professor of modern languages and\\nEnglish literature. Arthur S. Hardy had become professor of\\ncivil engineering, though he was transferred to the chair of\\nmathematics in the Academic Faculty in 1878, and Frank A.\\nSherman had become Chandler Professor of Mathematics.\\nThe financial difficulties that had pressed so heavily upon\\nthe closing years of the administration of President Lord were\\nequally felt by President Smith at his coming. He found a\\nslender treasury, a meager endowment, buildings in need of\\nrepair, an underpaid Faculty clamoring for an increase of salary,\\nand a student body steadily diminishing under the strain of the\\nwar and of popular feeling. It was truly a discouraging outlook\\nwhen the first class that he admitted to college had but twenty-\\nnine members in the academic course, the smallest number\\nsince 1817, and only seven in the Chandler course, but he entered\\ncourageously into the task of raising money. His acceptance of\\nthe presidency and the general satisfaction with his election so\\ncheered the Trustees that before he reached Hanover they de-\\ntermined again to set on foot a subscription for $100,000, doubt-\\nless with the belief that a new President would be able to tap\\nnew sources of supply. In this they were not disappointed,\\nas he secured large contributions among his personal friends in\\nNew York toward the endowment of the presidential chair.\\nThe subscription, conducted under the direction of Rev. J.\\nG, Davis of Amherst, N. H., with the help of the President,\\nproved as successful as could reasonably have been expected,\\nyielding within three years nearly $30,000. During the same\\nperiod, as has been said, the belated legacy of Mr. Reed was\\nreceived to the amount of about $17,000 and turned into the\\ngeneral fund. In 1866 it was proposed to raise within the State\\na fund of $25,000 for the endowment of a chair to be called the\\nNew Hampshire Professorship. Not quite $7,000 were raised\\nat that time and the fund was not completed till 1894, the major", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration oj President Smith. 345\\npart of it being secured under President Bartlett, by whom it\\nwas designated as the New Hampshire professorship of chemistry.\\nThe President turned his attention in particular to the at-\\ntempt to secure the endowment of scholarships for the aid of\\nneedy students. In this he was very successful, and in addition\\nto many annual gifts for this purpose he secured during his\\nadministration permanent additions to the scholarship funds\\nof the College of over $70,000.\\nNo effort was left untried by personal relations and by letters\\nof appeal to regain for the College the interest of the clergy,\\nand the influence of the President in this way, as well as the in-\\ncreased aid which the College was enabled to offer to needy\\nstudents as the result of his efforts, had their effect upon the\\nconstituency of the College, so that the class which entered in\\nthe fall of 1865 was twice as large as that of the year before,\\nand the gain continued till 1870, when the College with 305\\nacademic students was larger than it had been since the great\\nadvance of 1840. A gift at this time gave more encouragement\\nby its timeliness than by its immediate value. In 1865 John D.\\nWillard of the class of 1819, a tutor in 1822-1823, and afterward\\na judge in the Court of Common Pleas of New York, left to the\\nCollege $10,000 to establish a chair of rhetoric and oratory,\\nbut the fund was to accumulate till it reached $35,000. Of more\\ndirect service was the residuary bequest of Judge Richard Fletcher\\nof the class of 1806, and a Trustee of the College from 1846 to\\n1857, of which a more particular account is given in another\\nplace.\\nThe increased income derived from these funds and the larger\\nreceipts from tuition, that followed on the increase in the number\\nof students, and the raising of the tuition from $51 to $60 in\\n1867, and again to $70 in 1872 and to $90 in 1876, were greatly\\nto the advantage of the College, since they made it possible to\\ndo many things that were imperatively called for, but they were\\nstill insufficient under enlarged expenses to prevent an annual\\ndeficit. The largest single item of increased expense was the\\nrapid advance of salaries. In 1865 the salary of a professor was\\nadvanced from $1,100 to $1,300, and of the President from $1,800\\nwith which he entered on office to $2,000. At the same time\\nthe compensation to members of the Academic Faculty teaching\\nin the Chandler School was raised from one dollar to two dollars\\nan hour. In the next year $200 were added to both presidential\\nand professorial salaries, and in 1869 another increase carried", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "346 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI li-\\nthe professors salaries to $2,000 and the President s to $3,000,\\nat which figure they remained for twenty years.\\nOne of the first outward signs of reviving prosperity was the\\nerection of a gymnasium in 1866. Dr. Smith, who regarded\\nsuch a building as of immediate consequence to the College,\\nhad suggested the construction of one to Mr. George H. Bissell\\nof the class of 1845, a lawyer of New York City, who had been\\nthe first to recognize the commercial value of petroleum and\\nto make it an article of trade. Mr. Bissell, who had left college\\nas a poor boy, in responding to the suggestion, recalled his condi-\\ntion at graduation and saying that it afforded him unqualified\\npleasure to be enabled to gratify a wish then cherished to aid\\nin some degree his alma mater, offered $15,000 for a gym-\\nnasium. This sum proving inadequate, Mr. Bissell, on the re-\\nceipt of plans and specifications, expressed a willingness to\\nenlarge his gift, and ultimately met the expense of construction\\nto the amount of $23,850. His first wish was to have the building\\nmade of granite, but he afterward decided upon brick with granite\\ntrimmings. The architect of the plan finally adopted was Joseph\\nR. Richards of the firm of Richards and Park, of Boston, and\\nthe contract for its construction was given to Ivory Bean, also\\nof Boston, for the sum of $21,700. A few extra expenses brought\\nthe total to $22,006.44, exclusive of the fence about the lot\\nand the equipment of the building. The building was 90 feet\\nlong and 47 feet wide and two stories high and had a porch in\\nfront. The ground floor was occupied with six bowling alleys,\\nan indication of the changed sentiment of the times, besides a\\ndressing room, and the second story was the gymnastic hall,\\nthe elevated running track being an addition of a much later\\ndate.\\nWork was begun upon the foundations by the middle of May,\\nthe corner stone was laid with appropriate ceremonies at Com-\\nmencement and the contractor finished his work by November i,\\nthe specified date, to the entire satisfaction of the Trustees.\\nThe building was equipped and opened to the students in March\\nof 1867, when Mr. F. G. Welch, a gymnastic teacher from Yale,\\nwas secured to direct the gymnastic drill, which at the beginning\\nwas required of all the classes four days a week. The novelty\\nof the exercise carried it for a time; it was popular and well\\nattended, but before long it grew wearisome, an outcry was\\nraised against what the students regarded as an excessive require-\\nment, so that in two years the time was reduced from four to", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 347\\ntwo days a week. The bowling alleys, however, proved inviting\\nfor many years, and were well patronized whenever the building\\nwas open. Mr. Welch was followed as instructor in gymnastics\\nin succession by Charles F. Emerson, afterward professor and\\nDean, for one year, Dwinel F. Thompson for three years, and\\nSolon R. Towne for three years. Under him the required exer-\\ncise was given up for the seniors and juniors, but retained for\\nthe two lower classes twice a week. He was succeeded b}^ Thomas\\nW. D. Worthen, afterward professor of mathematics, who for\\nfive years was a regular salaried instructor in gymnastics, and\\nafter that for thirteen years, till 1892, continued to conduct the\\nexercises of the two lower classes gratuitously rather than see\\nthem abandoned, as would have been the case, through lack\\nof other provision, if he had not taken them.\\nThe establishment of the New Hampshire College of Agricul-\\nture and the Mechanic Arts and its location at Hanover in con-\\nnection with Dartmouth College were the result of two influences\\nwhich happened to coincide at that time. In 1862 the Con-\\ngress of the United States granted land to the several states and\\nterritories which should provide colleges for the benefit of\\nagriculture and the Mechanic arts. New Hampshire accepted\\nher share of the grant by an act, approved July 9, 1863,^ au-\\nthorizing the Governor and Council to appoint a committee\\nof one from each county to prepare a scheme for such a college\\nand make report at the next session of the Legislature.\\nAmong those interested in the subject of agricultural educa-\\ntion was Gen. David Culver, a resident of Lyme and then a\\nmember of the Council, who had been a successful business man\\nin New York City. He made to the committee, which was\\nheaded by H. D. Walker of Portsmouth, a written proposition\\nthat he would give to the State his farm in Lyme, containing\\nabout 400 acres, well suited from its situation and variety of\\nsoil for an experimental farm, and valued by him at $20,000,\\ntogether with $30,000 in money, on the condition that the State\\nwould locate in Lyme an Agricultural College and apply for its\\nendowment the proceeds of the congressional land grant.\\nAt the June session of 1864 the committee reported favorably\\nupon the proposition of General Culver, and their report was\\nreferred to another select committee of one from each county,\\nwhich on July 7 reported a bill to establish an Agricultural\\nCollege. After much discussion the bill was, on the 15th, referred\\n1 Statutes of N. H.. 1861-1866, ch. 2732, p. 2711.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "348 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nto the next session of the Legislature, and the Clerk of the House\\nwas directed to invite, by published notice, propositions for the\\nlocation of the College from towns, cities, institutions of learning\\nand individuals which might take an interest in it. At the\\nsession of June, 1865, the subject was again postponed a year,\\nthe delay arising partly, perhaps, from the death of General\\nCulver, which occurred on June 14 of that year, and partly from\\nthe uncertainty as to the location. President Smith had been\\nexerting all his influence to bring the college to Hanover and\\nhad endeavored to enlist General Culver himself to favor this\\nview and to transfer his gifts to Dartmouth for an Agricultural\\nDepartment, but without success. On the death of General\\nCulver it was found that he had left a will, somewhat involved\\nbut repeating the offer which he had made to the State the year\\nprevious.\\nThe original will, dated August 17, 1849, besides a few minor\\nbequests, gave to Dartmouth College for a Department of\\nAgriculture his farm, subject to a life estate of his wife, and\\n$10,000 as a perpetual fund to accumulate till the farm came\\ninto the possession of the College. Three codicils modified the\\nwill. The first, dated November 10, 1855, gave to Dartmouth an\\nadditional $20,000 for the perpetual fund and added stipula-\\ntions regarding the application of the fund. The second codicil,\\ndated September 4, 1858, added as a gift to Dartmouth two\\nfarms and all the lands, water privileges and meadows which\\nhe possessed. To each of his legal heirs he gave one dollar, and\\nto his wife in addition to previous bequests, and to the town of\\nLyme, $1,000 each. Six years later, on the 3d of March, 1864,\\nhe added a third codicil revoking all former bequests inconsistent\\nwith its provisions, and making to the State of New Hampshire\\nthe same offer which he had previously made to the committee,\\nnamely of this home farm in Lyme and other lands, for an Agri-\\ncultural College, and $30,000 for the erection of buildings, pro-\\nvided the State should accept his gift within two years.\\nThe will, which was allowed by the Probate Court, August 17,\\n1865, was contested by the heirs-at-law on the ground that the\\ntestator was of unsound mind, and pending an appeal to the\\nSupreme Judicial Court of the County, a compromise was made\\nand in accordance with it the will was declared invalid. By the\\ncompromise all the heirs-at-law, except Mrs. Culver, joined\\nin a deed of trust (assented to shortly after by the executors of\\nMrs. Culver, who died before the execution of the trust) to David", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 349\\nP. Wheeler of Orford, N. H., by which all their interest in all\\nthe property of Mr. Culver was transferred to him in trust, to\\nconvert it as speedily as possible into money, to pay all the\\nexpenses of the trust and of Mr. Culver s executors, and to pay\\none-half the remaining avails of the estate to Dartmouth College\\nand the other half to Joseph H. Peters of Bradford, Vt., for\\ndistribution among the heirs according to their lawful claims.\\nAt the final settlement under this agreement on May i, 1874,\\nthe total value of the estate was $66,156.43. The expenses of\\nadministration and of the trust had been $14,164.32, and the\\nCollege received as its portion in the distribution $21,697.43.\\nMrs. Culver, who survived her husband about a year, dying\\nJuly 21, 1866, entered fully into his plans. She waived the pro-\\nvisions of his will in her favor, accepting instead the legal pro-\\nvision of dower and homestead in the real estate and of the\\nright to one half of the personal estate, but she informed the\\nexecutors of the will that she should relinquish all her claims\\nif the State should accept her husband s bequest within the speci-\\nfied two years; and she further made a will by which she gave\\nall her interest in the real estate to the State of New Hampshire\\nin support of Mr. Culver s plan for an Agricultural College, sub-\\nject only to the condition of the State s acceptance of his bequest.\\nFailing such acceptance the property was to go to Dartmouth\\nCollege.\\nWhen the Legislature of the State met in June, 1866, the sub-\\nject of an Agricultural College was brought very clearly before\\nit by the message of Governor Smyth. Recalling the fact that\\nthe provisions of the congressional act must be fulfilled, if at all,\\nbefore July 2, 1867, he urged immediate action. The utmost\\nthat could be hoped from the land grant, he said, would not\\nexceed $100,000, a sum altogether too small for the support of\\na college, which, if established, would require constant appro-\\npriations from the State. The terms of the grant, which expressly\\ncalled for a college, forbade its association with an academy,\\nas had been suggested, and he, therefore, strongly recommended\\nthat the provisions of the congressional act be met and an Agri-\\ncultural College be established in connection with Dartmouth,\\nthe only existing college in the State. If the will of Mr. Culver,\\nthen in litigation, should be sustained and if the State should\\nnot accept his bequest, the whole amount of it would revert\\nto Dartmouth, which, with its existing plant, laboratories and\\ncabinets, would be able to put at the disposal of the State for", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "350 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nthe support of an Agricultural Department more than double\\nwhat it would otherwise secure. Notwithstanding the Governor s\\nrecommendation and the uncertainty of the litigation over the\\nwill, a resolution was introduced by the representative from\\nLyme to accept the bequest and to establish an Agricultural\\nCollege in that town, but it got no farther than the committee.\\nAnticipating that the question of the establishing of an Agri-\\ncultural College would come before the Legislature, and desiring,\\nif it should be established, to have it incorporated with Dart-\\nmouth, President Smith took early action, and in a letter, after-\\nward sanctioned by the Trustees, instructed the college treasurer,\\nMr. Blaidsell, who represented the college district in the Legisla-\\nture that session, to use his utmost endeavors to bring about\\nthe connection, and authorized him to make on their behalf\\nthe following propositions:\\n1. We offer to the State, so far as it may be necessary to the purposes of\\nthe Fund, and under such regulations as may be deemed proper, the use\\nof all means and appliances of education already established here Buildings,\\nLibraries, Apparatus, Professorships to the value, if the cost of providing\\nthem anew were estimated, of more than four hundred thousand dollars.\\n2. If the avails of the Fund should be given us, we would undertake to make\\nwhatever additional provision for agricultural education should be thought\\nneedful, and to devote one half the avails of the Fund to the gratuitous in-\\nstruction of pupils selected under the authority of the State. If the Fund\\nshould amount to ?ioo,ooo, it would provide, at the present charge for tui-\\ntion, for some sixty pupils annually.\\n3. We would guarantee the State against all expense on account of the\\nAgricultural College.\\n4. We would assent to the placing of the Fund and the Agricultural course\\nunder the care of those State officials who are ex officio members of our Board\\nof Trustees; they to sustain the same relation to this Department, that they\\nnow do to the funds given by the State.\\nMr. Blaisdell was further commissioned to say that a committee\\nof the Board was authorized to make alterations that did not\\nessentially modify the propositon, and in case such modifications\\nwere demanded to call at once a meeting of the Board. The\\ncommittee was also authorized to press matters, as might seem\\nexpedient, upon the Legislature and the people and to offer\\nsuch additional inducements, in the way of money or of lands and\\ntenements as public-spirited individuals might put at the disposal\\nof the Trustees.\\nThe bill, resulting from these influences, as it was finally passed\\nand approved on July 7, 1866,^ established the New Hampshire\\nPamphlet Laws of New Hampshire, 1866, ch. 4216, p. 3235.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 351\\nCollege of Agriculture and the Mecahnic Arts whose leading\\nobject was to be, without excluding other scientific and classical\\nstudies, and including military tactics, to teach such branches\\nof learning as are related to agriculture and the mechanic arts,\\nin conformity to the act of Congress. The general government of\\nthe College was vested in nine trustees, five of whom were to\\nbe appointed by the Governor and Council, one from each\\ncouncillor district, and four by the Trustees of Dartmouth\\nCollege, the terms of all being so arranged that three of them\\nretired annually. The trustees, thus appointed, were authorized\\nto locate the College at Hanover in connection with Dartmouth\\nCollege, and to make all necessary contracts with that College\\nin relation to the terms of connection, subject to be terminated\\nupon a notice of one year, given at any time after fourteen years,\\nand to its furnishing to the College of Agriculture and the Me-\\nchanic Arts the free use of an experimental farm, of all requisite\\nbuildings, of the libraries, laboratories, apparatus and museums\\nof said Dartmouth College, and for supplying such instruction\\nin addition to that furnished by its professors and teachers, as\\nthe best interests of its students may require; and also to any\\nlegacy said Dartmouth College may receive from the estate of\\nthe late David Culver. The said Trustees are also authorized\\nand directed to furnish, so far as may be practicable, free tui-\\ntions to indigent students of the College, and to make provision\\nfor free lectures in different parts of the State upon subjects\\npertaining to agriculture and the mechanic arts.\\nThe act differed in essential particulars from the proposition\\nmade by the Trustees. That involved the idea of the fund being\\ngiven to Dartmouth College for a department under the existing\\nTrustees, the fund being controlled by the State only through\\nthe State officers who were ex officio members of the Board, in\\nthe same way that they controlled the funds which had come\\nto the College by earlier grants of land by the State. The\\nentire responsibility for the management and instruction of\\nthe Department was to rest with the Trustees, except that\\nthey agreed to provide without expense to the State any instruc-\\ntion in agricultural education that was needful. The act, on\\nthe contrary, provided merely for what might be called a physi-\\ncal connection with Dartmouth. The Agricultural College,\\nthough afterward called the Agricultural Department of Dart-\\nmouth College, was to be under the control of its own Trustees,\\nof which only a minority was to be appointed by the Trustees", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "352 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap, xill,\\nof Dartmouth College. The appointment of officers and the\\ndetermination of courses of instruction belonged to this new\\nBoard, while it devolved upon the Trustees of Dartmouth\\nCollege to furnish by contract with it the free use of an experi-\\nmental farm, of all requisite buildings, of the libraries, labora-\\ntories, apparatus and museums, as the best interests of the\\nnew students might require.\\nIt is not strange that the old Trustees at their annual meeting\\nten days after the passage of the act hesitated as to what course\\nthey would pursue. To refuse to appoint the four members\\nof the new Board, whose appointment rested with them, would\\nbe to destroy all possible union of the Agricultural College\\nwith Dartmouth and lead to its establishment elsewhere. To\\nappoint them did not conclude the relation, since the form of\\nthe connection would be determined by contracts between the\\ntwo Boards, and they would not be forced to accept a contract\\nwhich they thought adverse to the interests of the College.\\nThey, therefore, appointed of their own number, as members\\nof the new Board, President Smith, Governor Frederick\\nSmyth of Manchester, Anthony Colby of New London\\nand Ira A. Eastman of Manchester. The last named did not\\naccept the appointment and Edward Spalding was put in his\\nplace. At a later meeting in Concord, September 6, President\\nSmith and Messrs. Nesmith, Bouton and Day were appointed\\na committee to confer with the other Board, when organized,\\nin the matter of contracts. The five appointees of Governor\\nSmyth were Joseph B. Walker of Concord, John D. Lyman of\\nFarmington, William P. Wheeler of Keene, John B. Clarke of\\nManchester and Chester C. Hutchins of Bath, and the Agri-\\ncultural Board met at Concord September 28, 1866, and organized\\nby the choice of Dr. Smith as President, Mr. Walker as Secre-\\ntary and Governor Smyth as Treasurer.\\nThe question of contracts between the two institutions was\\nimmediately taken up, and in the variety of interests that\\nappeared the long discussions tended to diminish rather than\\nto increase the likelihood of a satisfactory conclusion. On the\\n29th of May following. President Smith wrote a long letter to\\nMr. Walker and, after giving the reasons for his hesitation, said:^\\nI incline to the opinion that even if we could agree upon terms, which\\nseems doubtful, it would not be best either for Dartmouth College or the\\nState that the proposed connection should be effected. A change can easily\\nLetter in the Library of the New Hampshire Historical Society.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 353\\nbe made by the Legislature in an Act authorizing the selection of some other\\nlocation, and the appointment of the whole Board by the Governor and\\nCouncil.\\nI write thus early, because if the Agricultural College is not connected\\nwith Dartmouth and I now think it probable it will not be the Legislature\\nmay wish to accept General Culver s donation and so locate the Institution\\nat Lyme. This must be done, if at all, within two years from his death;\\nwhich term will expire not far from the middle of next month. I call your\\nattention to the fact, that you may be thinking of the matter, and so no\\nopportunity be lost to the State by our declining the proposed connection.\\nOn the next day he wrote Dr. Bouton not less clearly but\\nmore succinctly.^\\nDartmouth College, Hanover, N. H., May 30, 1867.\\nRev. Dr. Bouton:\\nMy Dear Sir: Yours of yesterday has just reached me.\\nI am not likely to overlook any important aspect of the subject. I have\\nspent too many anxious days, I might almost say nights, upon it, for\\nthat. And you will see the inclination of my mind from the letter I enclose.\\nIt is as the matter is shaped in the act, and in all the present bearing of\\nit to remit the whole thing to the State. My apprehension is, that it will\\nbe an incubus upon us, which we may best avoid. And now is the time to\\nguard ourselves. The connection is not yet formed it is for us to say whether\\nit shall be. Of course, it cannot be forced upon us, nor would any one desire\\nthat. In addition to what is said in my letter to Mr. Walker, or in expansion\\nof it, I would say,\\n1. The Agricultural College is, at the best, a very doubtful experiment\\nIf it fails, Dartmouth, if it undertakes it, will be blamed.\\n2. The machinery ordained by the act is very complicated and cumbrous\\nalmost sure to work ill on that account.\\n3. The provisions about an experimental farm and the free use etc. with\\nthe best construction as can be put upon them, are likely to give us trouble.\\n4. The whole thing if it goes on well must inevitably throw a great deal\\nof additional work and labor on me care and labor which are needed for\\nthe other great matters of the College. This has been the fact already.\\nNor do I see any way to avoid this in the future. If any one thinks he does,\\nall I have to say is he does not know. I do not shrink from labor, you under-\\nstand, but the College proper calls for all I can bestow.\\n5. It will be very difficult to settle upon terms of connection that will be\\nadmissible. I see no probability of any arrangement that will be any pecu-\\nniary benefit to Dartmouth.\\n6. I am afraid of the politicians and of political complications. Already a\\ngreat wrong has been done, in giving the Democratic party but one out of the\\nfive Trustees appointed by the Governor and Council. This alienated Judge\\nEastman and has offended others. We shall be liable to such things, year\\nafter year.\\n7. As the act stands, once form the Connection and a Department of the\\nCollege is in the power of the State. The State has a majority, and can rule.\\nLetter in the Library of tlie New Hampshire Historical Society.\\n23", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "354 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nI have doubt about putting even a Department in such relations. Timeo\\nDanaos et dona ferentes. I remember the old battle which Webster fought\\nfor us. I remember the Trojan horse.\\n8. The limitation of time is very objectionable putting a College on\\nwheels.\\nBut I cannot enlarge. I will call the Committee, as you suggest, to meet\\nat my room at the Eagle Hotel on Monday the 3d inst. The Com-\\nmittee should meet by themselves, so as to settle their own views first.\\nYours very truly,\\nAsa D. Smith.\\nP. S. We must remember that we as a Committee, are charged with the\\ninterests of Dartmouth College. If we do not look out for them, nobody\\nelse will! The State will look out for itself not for us.\\nBut, notwithstanding these questionings, an agreement was\\nreached in later conferences, on June 4, 1867, a contract was\\nsigned by the Agricultural Trustees and the Committee of the\\nDartmouth Board which had been given power to act. This\\ncontract made a union of the Agricultural College with Dart-\\nmouth College through the Chandler Scientific Department,\\nand provided that students coming through the Agricultural\\nCollege and having the preparation required by the Chandler\\nDepartment should receive instruction in the classes of that\\nDepartment, that they should pay the regular tuition and be\\nentitled to all the privileges of its students. The Faculty of\\nthe Chandler Department was constituted the Faculty of the\\nAgricultural College, to which the latter was to add one full\\nprofessor, who was to be a member of the Faculty of the Chand-\\nler Scientific Department, under the same conditions, and with\\nthe same privileges as the other members.\\nThe Department was to furnish adequate instruction in\\nthe mechanic arts and also a special course of agricultural\\ninstruction, falling in the last two years of the Chandler Scien-\\ntific Department, analogous to what are called the engineering\\ncourse, the commercial course and the general course of that\\nDepartment, and the studies of the course were to be acceptable\\nto the Trustees of the Agricultural College. Dartmouth further\\nagreed that if it should receive under the will of General Culver\\na farm in Lyme, it would on the written request of the Trustees\\nof the Agricultural College furnish such reasonable part of\\nthe farm with its buildings as should be necessary for an experi-\\nmental farm, and if no farm were received under the will, that\\nit would co-operate with the other Trustees in any reasonable", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 355\\nway to secure such a farm. The contract was terminable on\\none year s notice by either party at any time after fourteen\\nyears from July 7, 1866, or on notice of one year by either party\\ngiven in July, 1874.\\nThis arrangement, brought about by mutual concessions,\\nwas fairly satisfactory to both parties. It was a great advan-\\ntage for both to utilize the existing organization of the Chandler\\nDepartment and to avoid the waste of duplication of equipment\\nand instructors. The Agricultural Trustees secured the benefit,\\nin financial phrase, of a going concern, and yet contributed\\nto its prosperity and had a certain voice in its control. The\\nDartmouth Trustees, putting aside the fears expressed in Presi-\\ndent Smith s letter, accepted the oversight of the other Board\\nin certain particulars, and yet had themselves the right of initia-\\ntive and gained for the Chandler Department at least one\\nadditional professor and some additional financial support. But\\nthe contract did not become operative, for as it involved the\\ninterests of the Chandler Department it was subject to revision\\nby the Visitors. On being presented to them it did not receive\\ntheir approval and was consequently abandoned, leaving the\\nwhole subject open for discussion between the two Boards.\\nIn the catalogue of 1 866-1 867 announcement had been made\\nof an expected organization of the new Department of Instruc-\\ntion in readiness for the next academic year, but the veto of\\nthe Visitors postponed the opening, and the next catalogue\\nannounced that the necessary arrangements could not be made,\\nand deferred the expected beginning for another year. During\\nthe following winter negotiations proceeded so successfully\\nthat a new contract was signed April 7, 1868.^\\nThis contained no reference to the Chandler Department,\\nbut it was looked at askance by the Chandler men, and at the\\nmeeting of the Trustees in April, 1868, for the consideration of\\nthe new contract between the two institutions, a letter of vigor-\\nous protest against any union of the Chandler School and the\\nAgricultural College was received from Professor Woodman,\\nthen senior Professor in the Chandler School, and in July,\\nafter the contract had been signed, a communication from the\\nVisitors expressed regret that they had not been consulted\\nin connection with it, and the fear that the new institution might\\nprove a rival school. Their letter was spread upon the\\nrecords but produced no effect, the Trustees considering the\\nFor the contract see Appendix F.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "356 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI 1 1.\\nsubject as outside the province of the Visitors, as it had no\\nrelation to the Chandler School. To make their position clear\\nthe Trustees at an adjourned meeting in August declared in\\ntheir record:\\nThat the reason why the Agricultural College was established as a separate\\nDepartment, was, in the first place, that a plan for its union with the Scientific\\nDepartment, which there was reason to suppose would be satisfactory to all,\\nhad been vetoed by the Visitors; and, in the second place, an elaborate com-\\nmunication was afterward received from the senior Professor of the Scientific\\nDepartment expressing his decided conviction that it would be unwise to\\nhave any union of the Agricultural Department with the Scientific.\\nIn these circumstances the Trustees of the Agricultural College unani-\\nmously voted to establish that Institution as a distinct department and so\\npresented the matter to the Board. The Board are convinced besides, that\\nthere can be no antagonism between the two departments, each having its\\nown proper sphere and peculiarities, and meeting educational wants specifically\\ndifferent.\\nTo outline for the future their relation to the Visitors the\\nBoard further voted:\\nWhereas, in the present enlargement of the College, with the increase of\\nthe number of its Departments, and the complicated relations between them,\\nit is more important than at any former time, that each be kept in the dis-\\ntinctness appropriate to it, thus the better insuring a harmonious whole,\\ntherefore\\nResolved i. That it is expedient that the two Boards connected with\\nthe Chandler Scientific Department, the Trustees of Dartmouth College\\nand the Visitors of the Scientific Department should hereafter, according\\nto the prevalent usage in such cases, hold separate sessions and keep separate\\nminutes thereof.\\nResolved 2. That whenever any meeting of the Trustees is held, due notice\\nthereof shall be given to the Visitors.\\nResolved 3. That whenever at any such meeting, any business pertaining\\nto the Scientific Department shall be transacted, a copy of the record thereof\\nshall be immediately furnished to the Board of Visitors, thus giving them an\\nopportunity to exercise the revisionary powers which, in the nature of their\\noffice, and by the will of the founder of the Department, pertain to them.\\nA beginning of a Faculty for the new Department was made\\nin the spring of 1868 by the appointment of Ezekiel W. Dimond,\\na graduate of Middlebury College, as professor of general and\\nagricultural chemistry, and in the next year by that of Dr.\\nThomas R. Crosby as professor of animal and vegetable physi-\\nology. Teaching in other subjects was done by members of\\nthe other Faculties on the same terms as in the Chandler Depart-\\nment. The requirements for admission included the subjects", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 357\\npursued in the common schools and called for an examination\\nin arithmetic, English grammar and geography, to which history-\\nwas added in the next year. The course of study covered three\\nyears, junior, middle and senior, the subjects of the first year,\\nalgebra, geometry, bookkeeping, physical geography, botany,\\nchemistry and physics being required of all students, but in\\nthe middle and senior years a choice was allowed between a\\ncourse in agriculture and one in the mechanic arts, each con-\\ntinuing through the two years; military tactics are mentioned\\nin the catalogue as through the whole course, but owing to\\nthe lack of an instructor gymnastic exercises were for some years\\nsubstituted for them. The year, divided into two terms, ended\\nabout the last of April, giving to the students an opportunity\\nof returning to the work of the farm for the summer. Tuition\\nwas $15 a term.\\nProvision for housing the expected students was made in the\\nsummer of 1868 by the purchase of the hotel property at the\\ncorner of Main and South Streets for $3,500, and nearly $2,000\\nwas spent in the attempt to make it convenient and attractive.\\nIt was christened South Hall and was regarded as the pecu-\\nliar dormitory of the Agricultural Department. Other students\\noccasionally roomed there, but it was never popular even with\\nthe agricultural students, who withdrew from it when they\\ncould find quarters elsewhere, and on the opening of Conant\\nHall in September, 1874, deserted it entirely. Subsequently\\nit was used as a tenement and falling to decay was burned,\\nwithout regret on the part of any one, on the night of July 11,\\n1888.\\nBy the terms of the contract the College was to provide\\nrecitation and lecture rooms for the students of the new Depart-\\nment, but the Trustees of the Agricultural College soon felt\\nthat it would be better for it to have a building of its own,\\none that would be recognized as its local habitation, containing\\na chemical laboratory and lecture room, an agricultural and\\nmechanical museum, recitation rooms, library room, and other\\nappropriate and serviceable apartments. The expression of\\ntheir wish was cordially received by the Trustees of the College,\\nwho at a special meeting, held May 4, 1869, offered to employ\\nin the erection of such a building $15,000 of what they expected\\nto receive from the estate of David Culver and $10,000 which\\nwere expected from the estate of Mrs. Culver, provided the\\nTrustees of the Agricultural College would contribute $15,000", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "358 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nto a building to cost not over $40,000, and to be called, in honor\\nof the chief donor, Culver Hall. It was to be occupied jointly\\nby the two institutions under specified regulations, and the\\nexpense of running it was to be paid by each college in proportion\\nto the use made of it. The $15,000 needed to secure the building\\nwere appropriated by the Legislature on July 9, 1869, with a\\nproviso, that if the connection between the two colleges should\\nbe at any time dissolved Dartmouth College should repay this\\nsum to the State. The construction of this building was put\\nin charge of a committee consisting of President Smith, Professor\\nHitchcock and Professor Dimond, but the main care of the\\ndetails of the work was entrusted to Professor Dimond, who\\nfor several years acted as a kind of general agent of the institution.\\nAlthough the money from the estates of General and Mrs.\\nCulver had not been received, the Trustees determined to antici-\\npate its payment and to proceed with the building. Mr.\\nEdward Dow of Concord was selected as architect and the plans\\ndecided upon called for a building of brick 100 feet long, 60\\nfeet wide and four stories high, including a high basement with\\na granite ashlar and a story secured by a Mansard roof.\\nGround was broken in the fall of 1869, but the work on the\\nbuilding was brought to a standstill by the great freshet of\\nthat year, which not only rendered the roads impassable to\\nheavy loads of stone, but flooded the yard where several hundred\\nthousand brick, which had been contracted for, were ready for\\nburning, ruining the brick and carrying off the wood which was\\nto be used as fuel. Operations were renewed in the spring and\\non the 23d of June the corner stone was laid with much ceremony.\\nThe Legislature, then in session, adjourned for the day and\\nreached Hanover by a special train a little before noon. After\\na lunch, the day, which had been threatening, having become\\nclear and hot, the exercises began. The introductory part was\\ndescribed in the current number of the Aegis in a way which\\nincidentally shows that the habits of undergraduates have\\nundergone little change. A procession was formed, it says,\\nat two o clock of the legislators and students, the former\\nnumerous, the latter scanty in numbers, most of the under-\\ngraduates preferring to lounge in the shade. The procession\\nmarched around the Common led by the Lebanon band, which\\nfurnished quite good music, its favorite air being the plaintive\\nballad, Put me in my little Bed, the touching beauty of whose", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 359\\nstrains was only equalled by their remarkable appropriateness\\nto the occasion.\\nThe corner stone was laid by Governor Onslow Stearns with\\naddresses by President Smith and others, after which plans of\\nthe building were exhibited and explained. By June of the\\nnext year the work was completed and the building was dedicated\\njust one year to the day from the laying of the corner stone.\\nThe cost of the building did not exceed the $40,000 assigned,\\nbut as a sufficient amount had not been received from the Culver\\nestate to meet the expenses of construction as they were pre-\\nsented, the College was obliged to borrow $10,000, which was\\nrepaid in 1874 on the settlement of the estate. Mrs. Culver s\\nbequest, which was not fully paid till 1876, amounted to almost\\n$10,000, so that the total amount received by the College from\\nGeneral and Mrs. Culver was $31,693.38.\\nThe terms of the settlement of General Culver s estate pre-\\nvented the use of his farm as an experimental farm, even if\\nits distance from Hanover had not made such use impracticable,\\nand it, therefore, became very important to secure a farm for\\nthe use of the College in its immediate neighborhood. For-\\ntunately a tract of twenty-five acres well suited to the purpose\\nand directly opposite Culver Hall was found to be available,\\nand was secured in August, 1869, at a cost of $3,625, through\\nthe gift of John Conant of JafTrey, who offered to the College\\nfor the purchase of a farm $12,000, provided the State would\\nappropriate an equal sum to complete the purchase and erect\\nthe necessary buildings. The State accepted the ofTer and\\nappropriated $5,000 in 1871 and $7,000 in 1872, but in the\\nmeantime, in September, 1870, a farm of 135 acres adjoining\\nthe parcel already secured was bought by Professor Dimond\\nfor $7,000 and held by him for transfer to the Agricultural\\nCollege whenever it had the means to make the purchase. This\\nwas made possible by Mr. Conant s gift and the appropriations\\nfrom the State, and the farm was further enlarged by the pur-\\nchase of an adjoining tract of about two hundred acres of wood-\\nland from A. P. Balch for $6,234, so that the College came into\\npossession of land of varied character of 360 acres in extent.\\nThe management of the farm as well as the general interests\\nof the Department were, subject to the general direction of\\nPresident Smith, under the immediate charge of Professor\\nDimond, who threw himself heartily into the work of upbuilding\\nthe institution. Under his supervision a large barn 100 by 51", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "360 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nfeet was built in 1875 from appropriations by the State, to which\\nin 1882 was added an ell of equal size for a cattle barn. A\\nhouse for the farm superintendent was also built in 1882 at a\\ncost of $6,000. In the same year with the barn there was\\nerected, nearly opposite Culver Hall on a lot known as the\\nAllen lot and bought in 1873 for $3,500, a large double brick\\nhouse, connected in both stories by a covered passageway,\\nand called Conant Hall, form its donor. It was designed\\nfor the triple purpose of a residence for the farm superintendent,\\na dormitory for the students in place of South Hall, and a board-\\ning establishment, open to all students, which was to be supplied\\nwith the products of the farm and to furnish board at cost. It\\nwas designed by Mr. Dow, the architect of Culver Hall, and\\nits cost, including equipm.ent, was $22,358. The rooms were\\nlarge and well lighted and heated with steam, but there was a\\nlack of conveniences so that the building was never a favorite\\ndormitory, and as a boarding house it met with varied success\\naccording to the business ability and culinary skill of those who\\nwere secured to run it. After the removal of the Agricultural\\nCollege the building was bought by the Dartmouth Trustees,\\nand named Hallgarten Hall, but though thoroughly remodelled\\nit never won its way into the favor of the students.\\nWhile the Agricultural Department was in process of organ-\\nization the university idea had a still further extension by the\\nfounding of the Thayer School of Civil Engineering, an essen-\\ntially postgraduate department of the most exalted aims. It\\noriginated in the generosity of General Sylvanus Thayer, of\\nBraintree, Mass., under the following circumstances.^ General\\nThayer was a graduate of Dartmouth of the class of 1807 and\\nretained an ardent affection for the College, upon which he was\\ndesirous of bestowing a lasting benefit. Under the advice of\\nFrancis B. Hayes, one of the Visitors of the Chandler fund,\\nGeneral Thayer executed a will which made that fund the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Sylvanus Thayer, son of Nathaniel and Dorcas (Faxon) Thayer of Braintree, Mass., was\\nborn June 19. 1785- After graduation from Dartmouth ia 1807. he immediately entered the\\nUnited States Military Academy at West Point and became second lieutenant of engineers\\nin February, 1808. He advanced steadily in rank, gaining high repute as an officer in the\\nWar of 1812. After service for the Government in Europe from 1815 to 1817 he was appointed,\\nJune 28 of the latter year. Superintendent of the Military Academy at West Point, and his\\nable management brought the School to the high position which it has since occupied, and\\nsecured for him the title of The Father of the Military Academy. On leaving the Academy\\nin June, 1833, he was entrusted with the construction of the fortifications in Boston Harbor\\nand the neighboring coast, and was engaged in this work till i8s7- He was retired from active\\nservice June i, 1863, with the rank of brevet brigadier general, and returning to his native\\nhome at Braintree died there September 7, 1872, leaving the bulk of his estate, several hundred\\nthousand dollars, to the Academy in that place, which now bears his name.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 361\\nresiduary legatee of his estate. He was afterward induced\\nby others connected with the College, wishing an earlier reali-\\nzation of the benefit of his bounty, to substitute an immediate\\ngift of a definite sum for the establishment of this new department\\nas a distinct school of a higher grade. The nominal sum of\\n$70,000 having been thus devoted by him between 1867 and\\n1 87 1, the School was organized in the latter year, by Professor\\nRobert Fletcher, who had been chosen by General Thayer for\\nthat purpose, with a carefully arranged course of two years.\\nGeneral Thayer further specified in an exact statement, called\\nProgramme A, the subjects required for admission, which\\nhe directed should be regarded as an absolute minimum,\\nbut which might be increased by the Board of Overseers.\\nThe care of the funds was given to the Trustees of the College,\\nbut the immediate government of the School to a Board of\\nfive Overseers, of whom the President of the College was to be a\\nmember ex officio, and the others, after the first appointment\\nby himself, were to be elected by the Board. They were to\\nfix the requirements for admission, draw out the course of study,\\nappoint officers of instruction, and determine salaries and rate\\nof tuition. The Trustees, however, were to have authority\\nto remove ofBcers, and make laws for the government of the\\nstudents.\\nIn the fall of 1870 one student was received to a preparatory\\ncourse which, in view of the high requirements for admission,\\nit was found necessary to establish. This was continued a\\nsecond year and then abandoned, the mathematical course in\\nthe College having meantime been extended as an elective\\nthrough junior year, for the benefit of those preparing for the\\nThayer School. At first the School was harbored in a room\\non the north side of the first floor in Wentworth; in 1872 it\\nfound a more commodious and more cheerful home in two rooms\\non the south side of the first floor in Thornton, where it expanded\\ntill it occupied the whole of that floor on the south side, leaving\\nthose quarters when it was able to secure ample accommodations\\nin the experiment station vacated by the Agricultural College\\nin 1892.^ Under the able care of Professor Fletcher, with whom,\\n1 The building was secured for the Thayer School by Professor Fletcher, wh opaid $3,000\\nfor it; of this sum $1,8,50 came from funds subscribed for that purpose in New York and the\\nbalance from funds for which he was personally responsible. Two years later the College repaid\\nProfessor Fletcher the amount of his personal expenditure, adding enough to put the building\\ninto good condition for the work of the School, so that the total cost of the building to the\\nCollege was about $4,000.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "362 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nas need required, a small faculty was associated, it increased\\nslowly in numbers and gained an enviable reputation for the\\nthoroughness and effectiveness of its training.\\nCoincidently with the establishment of the Agricultural Col-\\nlege and the Thayer School the Medical Department received a\\nnew impulse, partly from the general increased interest in medical\\neducation and partly from the greater attention that was given\\nto the instruction of students in medicine throughout the year.\\nThe long standing custom, by which physicians in many places\\nbecame preceptors of medical students for all their training\\nexcept the lectures, became about this time largely localized.\\nFor rriany years Drs. Dixi and A. B. Crosby had several stu-\\ndents under their personal instruction during the year, but after\\ncoming to Hanover Dr. Carlton P. Frost, who had long exer-\\ncised the function of a medical preceptor, developed this work\\ninto that of a formal class, whose names appeared for the first\\ntime in the catalogue of 1 873-1 874 as of students attending\\nduring the recitation term.\\nAnother member of the medical Faculty, Dr. L. B. How\\nof Manchester, had for some years a similar class, which to a\\nconsiderable extent came to Hanover during the lecture term.\\nGradually these classes, and especially the one at Hanover,\\ntook the place of the work under scattered physicians acting\\nas preceptors, since the latter were seldom able to offer equal\\nfacilities, particularly for dissecting. The result was beneficial\\nboth to the students and the College. Although the recitation\\nterm was purely a private enterprise, which Dr. Frost and\\nthose whom he associated with him in instruction conducted\\nas to methods, times and fees as they saw fit, yet the students\\nwere allowed the benefit of the laboratories, museums and ana-\\ntomical rooms as fully as during the lecture term, and most\\nof those who came for the recitation term attended during the\\nlecture term.\\nThe number of medical students, which had declined after\\nthe close of the war so that from 1866 to 1873 the average atten-\\ndance was but forty-seven, suddenly rose in 1874 to seventy-\\neight and continued to gain for several years thereafter.\\nThe year 1869 was made memorable in the history of the\\nCollege by the celebration of its first centennial, which was\\nrendered more impressive and joyful by the hopeful conditions\\nunder which it was observed. The reviving prosperity of the\\nCollege, indicated by the enlarged attendance of the students,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 363\\nthe opening of the Agricultural Department and the assurance\\nof the Thayer School, as well as by actual and prospective gifts\\nof available funds, gave to the occasion a tone of cheer and\\nexpectation. The exercises naturally had to do with the past.\\nThe origin of the College, its great controversy and its later\\ntrials and successes, with its wide relations, were reviewed with\\npride and satisfaction, but in them all was the gratifying evidence\\nthat the close of one century and the beginning of another were\\nmarked by conditions that promised better things to come.\\nIn anticipation of the celebration the alumni at their gathering\\nat Commencement in 1868 appointed a committee to consider\\nthe Commemoration of the One Hundredth Anniversary of\\nthe Founding of Dartmouth College, which reported that it\\nwas desirable to have a festival during Commencement week\\nof 1869, ample and generous in its scope, for the gratification\\nof the alumni and the substantial advancement of the College\\nin all the elements of a sound and well established prosperity.\\nAt their suggestion a committee of sixteen, with President\\nSmith as chairman, was appointed to prepare and carry out a\\nprogramme for the celebration, and with this committee the\\nFaculty was authorized by the Trustees at their annual meeting\\nheartily to co-operate.\\nThe committee at a meeting at the house of President Smith\\nNovember 24, 1868, arranged the programme for an elaborate\\ncelebration on Wednesday of Commencement week. The exer-\\ncises of the other days were to go on as usual, but that day was\\nto be especially devoted to the centennial exercises. To a sub-\\ncommittee, consisting of President Smith, Professor Sanborn\\nand William H. Duncan, was committed the duty of securing\\nproper speakers for the occasion, while all local arrangements\\nwere put into the hands of Professor E. T. Quimby. General\\nGilman Marston was secured as marshal for the day, and Gen-\\neral Samuel A. Duncan and General Joab N. Patterson as\\nassistant marshals, their recent service in the war having made\\nthem able, it was believed, to control the expected crowds and\\nto keep in order the procession of turbulent alumni. This was\\nthe ambitious programme for the day\\n1 Centennial Celebration at Dartmouth College, July 21, 1869, Hanover, N. H.; J. B.\\nParker, 1870, from which, with personal recollections, the account of the text is taken.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "364 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nWEDNESDAY, JULY 21.\\nForenoon, 10 o clock.\\n(i) Address of Welcome by President Smith.\\n(2) Address by Ex-President Lord.\\n(3) Historical address by Rev. Samuel G. Brown, D.D., LL.D.\\nAfternoon, 2 o clock.\\n1. Introductory address by Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, President of the\\nAlumni Association.\\n2. Addresses on various relations of the College, as follows:\\n(i) To Law, by Hon. Ira Perley, LL.D.\\n(2) To Statesmanship, by Hon. Daniel Clark, LL.D.\\n(3) To Literature, by Richard B. Kimball, Esq.\\n(4) To Science and the Arts, by Hon. James W. Patterson.\\n(5) To Medicine, by Dr. Jabez B. Upham.\\n(6) To Military Life, by Gen. George F. Shepley.\\n(7) To Education, by Samuel H. Taylor, LL.D.\\n(8) To Religion, by Rev. Samuel C. Bartlett, D.D.\\n3. Gymnastic Exhibition at 5^ o clock, by the students, under the direction\\nof Mr. Emerson.\\n4. Promenade Concert in the Large Tent, at yf o clock, by the Germania Band.\\nLong before Commencement it was found that so many alumni\\nand friends of the College expected to be present that the College\\nchurch, the only auditorium, could not possibly contain those\\nwho would wish to hear the addresses, and that the hotel accom-\\nmodations and the hospitality of the village could not supply\\ntheir wants. To afford a sufificient auditorium a mammoth\\ntent, two hundred and five feet long and eighty-five feet wide,\\ncapable of holding five thousand persons, was borrowed from\\nYale College and pitched upon the Common. It was erected\\nunder the direction of a freshman, A. S. Batchellor of Littleton,\\non the western side of the Common, midway between north\\nand south, its length being east and west and its front toward\\nthe south. On the north side of the interior a stage about half\\nthe length of the tent was built for the College ofificers, the\\nspeakers and guests, and settees were provided for the audience.\\nThe interior was profusely trimmed with bunting, streamers\\nand flags, and the front of the platform and the back of the\\nstage were draped with flags, while an arch behind the stage\\ndisplayed the inscription, Centesimum annum, ah Academia\\ncondita, celebramiis; Aevi melioris auspicium felix hie dies sit.\\nTo aid in the lighting of the tent for the promenade concert\\nseveral locomotive headlights were borrowed from the Passumpsic", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 365\\nrailroad, which were effective, but dazzHng to all who came\\nwithin their direct rays.\\nTo secure accommodations requisition was made upon the\\nneighboring towns, and lodgings were secured in Norwich,\\nWest Lebanon and White River Junction, special trains being\\nrun to and from the last place night and morning. Additional\\nprovision was made, for the younger alumni in particular, by\\ntents which were furnished by the Adjutant General of the State.\\nOn the present site of Rollins Chapel two tents, twenty by thirty\\nfeet, were set up for the classes of 1867 and 1868, while in the\\nopen space in the rear of Dartmouth Hall one hundred army\\nwall tents were pitched as bachelor quarters for whatever classes\\nor individuals wished to occupy them. The problem of feeding\\nthe multitude could not be divided with the neighboring towns.\\nThose who slept outside of Hanover could secure breakfast\\nat their lodging places, but for their other meals and for the\\nmeals of many who stayed in the town provision had to be made\\nin the village. For this purpose a temporary board structure,\\nthree hundred feet long and forty wide, with three wings on its\\nwestern side, containing kitchens and a dining hall, was erected\\nat the northeastern corner of the Common. It was under the\\ncharge of Asa T. Barron, the proprietor of several hotels, among\\nthem the one at White River Junction. Here meals were pro-\\nvided for all who needed at seventy-five cents a meal, or a la carte,\\nand here, after the exercises of graduation on Thursday, was\\nserved the Commencement dinner, at which twelve hundred\\nsat down, eight hundred of them being alumni of the College,\\nand two hundred the alumni of other colleges.^\\nThe exercises of the earlier days of Commencement week\\nwere of the usual description, marked only by a suppressed\\nexcitement in view of the coming celebration. The great day,\\nthe 2 1st, at last opened, says Mr. Duncan in his account, with\\na clear and beautiful sky, and a fresh breeze from the distant\\nhills. The national banners which had been run up above the\\ntent were all floating upon the air, waving and fluttering as if\\nto salute all who came to honor the occasion. Every avenue\\nto the place was filled with those who were coming in all kinds\\nof vehicles, from the stately coach to the one horse shay\\n1 There was, perhaps inevitably, considerable complaint in regard to the catering in general\\nand the dinner in particular, so that when, after Commencement, Mr. Barron, invited several\\nmembers of the Faculty to take a trip among the mountains as his guests, a local wit, Ira B.\\nAllen, remarked that he did this to take off the cuss of the dinner. Dr. W. T. Smith\\nin Hanover Forty Years Ago, p. 5-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "366 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIIL\\nto say nothing of those who came on foot. By nine o clock\\nthe town was filled to overflowing. The procession formed in\\nthe College yard in the following order\\nThe undergraduates in the order of their classes;\\nThe Germania Band;\\nThe President of the College;\\nThe Governor of the State and his Aides;\\nThe Honorable Board of Trustees;\\nThe Faculty and Executive Officers of the College;\\nThe Chief Justice of the United States;\\nThe Judges of the Supreme Court of New Hampshire and other States;\\nSenators and Representatives in Congress;\\nThe Army and Navy;\\nInvited guests of the College and distinguished Strangers;\\nThe Alumni in the order of the Classes, beginning with the Class of 1804,\\nand ending with the Class of 1868.\\nThe procession passed from the college yard across the north\\nend of the Common, down its west side to the south, whence\\nit marched directly to the entrance of the tent. Ex-President\\nLord, who was expected to make one of the addresses of the\\nday, was prevented by illness from so doing, but he was able\\nto sit at his chamber window and review the procession as it\\npassed. Many of his former students recognized him, and all\\nas they passed went with uncovered heads. The exercises of\\nthe morning, except for the address of ex-President Lord, passed\\noff as arranged, under the charge of Salmon P. Chase, chief\\njustice of the United States, president of the alumni. Prayer\\nwas offered by Dr. Barstow of the Trustees, and after music\\nby the band President Smith gave an address of welcome in\\nhis happiest vein. The historical address by President Brown\\nof Hamilton College, son of President Brown of Dartmouth,\\nwas worthy the occasion, sketching in clear outline the origin\\nand progress of the College and indicating the principles under-\\nlying its foundation and government. The morning closed with\\nthe singing by the audience, to the tune of America, of an ode\\nwritten for the occasion by Dr. John Ordronaux of the class\\nof 1850.\\nAssembling again at two in the afternoon the audience was\\nprepared for a series of brilliant addresses on the various rela-\\ntions of the College, but there was one event not in the pro-\\ngramme. Judge Chase began the exercises with a pleasing\\nex tempore address. Three of the assigned addresses were then\\ngiven, when, to break the succession, a poem written for the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 367\\noccasion by George Kent of the class of 18 14 was read by Judge\\nBarrett of Vermont. As he was reading there came the inter-\\nruption for which there had been no provision. A shower,\\nannounced by heavy thunder, burst upon the tent as if the very\\nwindows of heaven had been opened and the audience made\\nthe appalHng discovery that the tent was not waterproof. Judge\\nBarrett, who was of sterner stuff than to yield to wind and\\nrain, held his post and only read the louder. But it was of no\\nuse; at first in vapory thinness, then in sheets and streams\\nthe water poured through the canvas of the tent. A few had\\numbrellas, some held settees as a roof above their heads, others,\\nincluding the chief justice and most of the dignitaries from the\\nstage, sought beneath the platform a refuge from the flood,\\nbut they had forgotten the cracks between the boards, and as\\nthe water poured through them in concentrated fury the dis-\\nappointed victims found that their last estate was wetter than\\ntheir first.\\nThe shower was as brief as it was fierce, and as it passed away,\\nthe audience took heart with the returning sun and though\\nclothes were soaked, toilettes disarranged and finery ruined,\\nit resumed its place with numbers almost undiminished. Judge\\nBarrett who had left the stage with slouched hat and dripping\\ngarments came back and finished reading the poem. Senator\\nPatterson delivered his address, which Mr. Duncan says was\\nby no means a dry one, and received the compliment of the\\nundivided attention of the audience which had been thrown into\\nconfusion by the storm, and which was not only wet, but soaked\\nand thoroughly uncomfortable.\\nFurther attention, however, was impossible and the remaining\\nexercises were postponed till the following day after the alumni\\ndinner. Later in the afternoon the gymnastic exercises of the\\nstudents under Mr. Emerson took place successfully in the\\nopen space in front of the tent, in the presence of a great crowd.\\nOn the next day after the dinner the throng again gathered\\nin the tent and the speaking was renewed, at first, however, of\\nthe less formal kind. Governor Stearns representing the State,\\nexpressed its assured good will for the College. He was followed\\nby Gen. W. T. Sherman, son of the College by adoption, who\\nhad received from it the degree of LL.D., when present at Com-\\nmencement in 1866, and who now, on rising to speak, was enthu-\\nsiastically cheered.\\nThe audience was a notable one, containing distinguished", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "368 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nmen and women from all parts of the country and impressing\\nall with its unusual character. Several speakers were called\\nupon and every one, as he came forward, declared his\\nembarrassment in speaking before such a company, till John\\nWentworth of the class of 1836 was introduced. Rising from\\nhis place in the audience and slowly mounting the stage, with\\nhis giant form, six feet ten inches in height and well proportioned,\\ntowering above all, he glared about him and said with great\\ndeliberation, Perhaps you think that I m embarrassed, but I\\nain t. The effect was electrical, the audience was convulsed\\nand it was some moments before he could proceed, but then\\nit was in a manner that justified his beginning. The informal\\nspeaking was followed by the addresses which had been post-\\nponed from the day before, and with a few words of congratu-\\nlation and a prayer and the benediction President Smith brought\\nthe literary exercises of the centennial to a close, but the festiv-\\nities came to an end only in the evening with the promenade\\nconcert in the tent.\\nThe year of the centennial was made memorable by an event\\nof a different kind. The month of October witnessed the severest\\nfreshet since 1849. During the month there was a rainfall\\nof 9.245 inches besides half an inch of snow, but the greater\\npart of it was concentrated within two days between the\\n3d and the 5th, when there was a fall of 6.07 inches of rain.^\\nThe damage was very great. Every bridge on the roads con-\\nnecting the town with others was swept away except that over\\nthe river leading to Norwich, and that over Mink Brook on the\\nroad to Lebanon at the turn a mile this side of Etna. The mill\\non Blood Brook was damaged and the railroad bridge below\\nthe mill was started from its foundations. There were said to\\nbe fifty washouts on the Passumpsic railroad, and the interrup-\\ntion to railway communication was so complete that no mail\\nfrom New York came to Hanover for a week. The last remnant\\nof the old dam at White River Falls was carried away by the\\nwater. The appearance of the river, covered with pumpkins\\nand other farm produce and driftwood, resembled the flood of\\n1771.\\nIn anticipation of the centennial there had been considerable\\nattention paid to the outward appearance of the College. At\\nthe election of President Smith a committee of the Trustees\\nwas directed to consider the condition of the college buildings,\\nObservatory Records; The Dartmouth, October, 1869.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 369\\nbut the state of the finances allowed nothing beyond the most\\nnecessary repairs. For many years the Observatory hill had\\nattracted Judge Parker, and recognizing the possibilities of\\nits artistic development in 1867 he gave 7,500 young trees of\\nmany varieties imported from Europe to be set out upon it.\\nIn the same year a firm of landscape gardeners, Messrs. Lee\\nand Follen of Boston, was secured through the genersoity of\\nDr. Edward Spalding of Nashua, one of the Trustees, to prepare\\na plan for the improvement of the place, but nothing definite\\ncame of their suggestions. In the next year Judge Parker\\nadded to his previous gift 7,500 seedling trees from the nursery\\nof Andre Leroy of Angers, France, and also gave $1,000 for\\nthe purchase of land to extend the park on the south and east.\\nThe many kinds of trees that now beautify the park came from\\nthe generosity of Judge Parker, but the paths which somewhat\\nuncertainly intersect it were made later by the students under\\nthe direction of President Bartlett.\\nIn the year before the centennial the buildings and the grounds\\nabout them were made more presentable. The three brick\\nbuildings about the college yard received a coat of yellow wash,\\nbringing the red of Wentworth and Thornton into harmony\\nwith Reed, which had been yellow from the beginning. The\\nchapel in Dartmouth Hall was thoroughly refreshed with paint,\\nthough the outside of the building was not touched. The\\nlittle organ in the chapel that had been so often tampered with\\nin the attempt to produce discord in the singing as to be totally\\nunreliable, was replaced by a pipe organ of considerable size,\\nthe gift of various friends, and though it lacked both sweetness\\nand richness of tone it was yet a great improvement and added\\ndignity to the service.\\nIn the fall of 1868 and the spring of 1869 the College church,\\nwhich, though not a college building, was the place of college\\nworship, was greatly improved. Its uncarpeted floors and\\nuncomfortable, cushionless seats had long been the object of\\nstudent anathemas, among whom it went by the name of the\\ncollege barn, and now drew the attention of the ladies of the\\nvillage, who by subscriptions and by various measures raised\\nmoney for its renovation. A couple of entertainments consisting\\nof charades, wax works and character representations, given in\\nthe hall of the Dartmouth hotel, were very successful in raising\\nfunds. The interior of the church was painted, the seats widened,\\nso that one could go to sleep upon them without danger of\\n84", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "370 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nfalling off, and provided with cushions. Carpets relieved the\\nbareness of the floors and furnaces took the place of stoves\\nand did away with the long pipes that had festooned the chimneys\\nand perfumed the air with creosote. By the gift of Mr. H. C.\\nLord of Cincinnati the foundations of the building were repaired\\nand two porches were constructed on the sides of the tower,\\nwhich enlarged the entrance and made access to the galleries\\nmuch more convenient.\\nIn the spring of 1867 the sweet- toned bell, that for nearly forty\\nyears had rung from the belfry of Dartmouth Hall the call to\\nprayers and recitations and that had been the object of many\\na student s prank, showed a crack that was at first checked,\\nbut in a little while passed beyond control, and soon the bell\\nbecame only a mass of jangling metal. It was replaced by a\\nheavier bell from the foundry of Meneely and Co., Troy, N. Y.,\\nbut this new one cracked within the year and was in turn replaced\\nby one from the same maker in 1869.^ An account of these\\nbells will be found in another place.\\nDr. Smith s administration was aided by an event that occurred\\nin June, 1864, and that brought the village more fully under\\nthe action of the prohibitory law and removed the open saloon\\nfrom the place. It will be remembered that this law went into\\noperation in 1855 and did much to clean up the village, but the\\nsentiment was naturally not wholly in its favor, and one of the\\nformer saloon keepers, Horace Frary, still continued the sale\\nof liquor to some extent. After a time, in 1857, he became\\nproprietor of the Dartmouth hotel and his sales became much\\nmore open and were not confined to his guests. The temper-\\nance people determined to bring the traffic to an end, and on\\nthe 14th of June a raid was directed against the hotel in which\\nliquors were seized, whose value was estimated at $3,000.^ Frary\\nhad probably received an intimation of the coming raid and\\nAs this second bell stood on a dray in front of Dartmouth Hall, waiting to be raised, a group\\nof students gathered about it just as President Smith was passing. The President stopped, and,\\nreading the Latin inscription on the bell, straightened himself and said in rather grandiloquent\\nphrase: Ora ei labora: A happy conjunction. After he had gone, one of the students hesi-\\ntatingly said: Ora et labora. I don t see how the Prex gets A happy conjunction out of that.\\n^Granite Stale Free Press, June i8, 1864. The advertisement of the sheriff s sale describes\\nthe liquors seized as follows: 6 decanters containing one pint of either rum, gin or brandy,\\nthree bottles of wine, three pipes of gin one hundred gallons each, two pipes of whiskey, one\\ncontaining seventy five gallons, the other sixty gallons, one hogshead of Santa Cruz Rum,\\ncontaining one hundred gallons, two casks of whiskey, each containing thirty gallons, four\\ncasks of brandy, containing sixty gallons in all; two casks of wine containing 35 gallons; one\\ncask containing 30 gallons of Proof Rum; one cask of pure spirit 35 gallons; one cask of Gin\\n35 gallons; five casks of Rum of 40 gallons each; seven casks so per cent alcohol, 40 gallons\\neach; three casks of whiskey containing 40 gallons each; one Jug containing 2 gallons of rum.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 371\\nthe day before it came he sold all his liquor to Jonathan G.\\nCurrier, of whom he had bought the hotel, and Mr. Currier\\nhad put his name upon each cask and receptacle, and after the\\nraid he claimed them as his property. The case came to court\\nand was settled by a partial compromise; Mr. Frary paid a\\nfine and the liquor was ordered to be removed to some place\\nnot less than fifty miles from Hanover. It was returned to\\nNew York to the parties from whom it was bought, and Mr.\\nFrary permanently retired from the business of liquor selling,\\ngreatly to the benefit of the College and the community. As\\nwill be seen from the list of liquors seized, the drinking of those\\ndays, among the students as among others, was mainly of the\\nstronger liquors and violent intoxication was relatively more\\nfrequent. The closing of Frary s bar did not close all sources\\nof supply, but it made it more difficult to obtain liquor and to\\nthat extent aided sobriety in the College.\\nThe main cause of discipline in the College, aside from intem-\\nperance, was the relation of the two lower classes, which par-\\nticularly in the fall term led to collisions and disturbances of\\nvarious kinds, such as breaking of windows, injury of recitation\\nrooms, and greasing of the seats of a class in chapel. President\\nSmith made a vigorous attempt to bring about a better relation,\\nand in the fall of 1865 the Faculty required the sophomore class,\\nas a condition of continuing in college, to give an individual\\npledge to abstain from all insult and abuse of every kind of\\nthe freshman class, including injuries to persons, rooms or\\nproperty. All but one, who was absent, gave the required\\npledge, but so difficult of interpretation is such a pledge that\\non the next day four sophomores engaged in conduct which\\nthe Faculty described as grossly disturbing the recitation\\nof the Freshman class in a manner not only annoying to the\\nclass, inasmuch as the exercise was seriously interrupted by it,\\nbut insulting to the Professor in charge, the whole being in\\ncircumstances specially indicative of hostility to college order,\\nand being particularly aggravated, as having occurred imme-\\ndiately after a pledge had been given by them to avoid such\\nconduct. The sophomores, however, made written and oral\\nstatements utterly disavowing the wrong intentions imputed\\nto them, on the strength of which and of a petition from the class\\ntheir sentence of suspension was held in abeyance, on condition\\nof there being no further disturbances by the class and that\\nthe class cease from the loud and annoying cry for the football.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "372 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nThe cry for the football resulted from the practice of\\nrequiring the freshmen to furnish footballs, and at noon and\\nafter supper the whole college, or the upper classes, joined in\\nthe cry Football, Freshie, and at other times, when no ball\\nwas desired and when no playing would have been allowed,\\nthe cry was raised as a means of annoyance, not infrequently\\na group of sophomores gathering under the windows of a room\\nwhere a recitation of the freshmen was being held and by their\\ncries for football making the exercise almost impossible. The\\nballs were of rubber and easily punctured, and it was a common\\nthing in the evening game, after the ball had been kicked for\\na time, for one of the sophomores to cut the ball and having\\ndeflated it to carry it off hidden in his clothes. His actions\\nwere invariably observed and as the freshmen attempted to\\nrecover the ball and the sophomores to protect their man a\\nrush inevitably ensued. Sometimes the rushes occurred in the\\ndaytime, and as it was easier in the light to detect an attempt\\nto hide the ball they were then fiercer and more prolonged\\nand broke in upon study hours, and it was the desire to do away\\nwith this evil that led to the demand that the sophomores should\\ncease from these cries.\\nThere was a temporary lessening of rushes, but that the soph-\\nomoric spirit was not effectually quenched by the pledge is\\nshown by the fact that within a month the Faculty found it\\nnecessary, out of a class of thirty-three, to dismiss two, suspend\\nfour and put on probation four more for an attack upon the\\nfreshman class at the hour of recitation and in locking them\\nout of their recitation room in the presence of members of the\\nFaculty, and that within another month three more came under\\ndiscipline for similar offences. The experience with a pledge\\nas a whole was not so happy as to justify its use the next year,\\nand the old evil of rushes again appeared. To bring them to an\\nend the Faculty adopted in the fall of 1868 a new plan and for-\\nbade the game of football entirely with the existing mode of\\nfurnishing the ball and its tendencies to noise and rushes,\\nand they declared that they would not revoke the prohibition\\ntill they were sure that those evils would not recur.\\nThis measure, touching, as it did, the whole college, was more\\neffective and the students wished to recover the lost game,\\nbut it was two years before the Faculty allowed the game to\\nbe revived, and then only on the conditions that there should\\nFaculty Records, September 7. 1868.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 373\\nbe no rushes and no cutting or stealing of balls, that the balls\\nshould be furnished by no one class and that the yelling for\\nthe ball should be stopped. President Smith at first furnished\\nthe balls himself, but later they were for a time furnished by\\nthe College. In the long run this measure was successful,\\nthough occasion for rushes between the classes was still found\\nin connection with hats and canes. After one of these in the\\nspring of 1875 the sophomores petitioned to be allowed to have\\nsome contest of strength, such as a rope pull to this the\\nFaculty acceded, and for some years there was a contest of that\\ngeneral nature.\\nOne great element in relieving the tension between the\\nclasses was the introduction in the fall of 1865 of the new sport\\nof baseball, which, beginning with a private club, soon spread\\nthrough the College and led to the organization of class teams\\nand also of one representing the College. This team began\\nby a game with Amherst at Hanover, in the spring of 1867,\\nthe series of intercollegiate contests which has since grown to\\nsuch dimensions in all directions. The formation of a college\\nteam, on which a member of any class might find a place accord-\\ning to his skill, did much toward breaking down the separation\\nof the classes and worked for the unity of college feeling as\\nagainst the division of class feeling.\\nIt was in connection with the development of athletics that\\nin 1866, after much discussion, green was adopted by the stu-\\ndents as the college color, and later the increasing number of\\ncontests, with the corresponding necessity for the organized\\nexpression of feeling, for which the old hurrah was insufificient,\\nbrought into existence the college cry of Wah-hoo-wah. It\\nwas devised by Daniel A. Rollins of the class of 1879, who com-\\nbined in it to a rare degree sentiment and sound, for while it\\nseems to suggest by a kind of whoop the Indian tradition in\\nthe founding of the College, it also possesses the true excellence\\nof an effective cry, a rhythmic cadence and a great volume of\\nsound. When properly given with slow and sonorous utterance\\nit will in the mouths of a hundred men overpower any other\\nknown cry given by twice as many.\\nThen, as now, the students were ready to break the monotony\\nof academic life by celebrations of any kind. On the morning\\nof April I, 1865, the news reached Hanover of the fall of Rich-\\nThis does not appear in the records of the Faculty, but is given in The Dartmouth for October,\\n1870.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "374 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nmond. There was a tradition in college that President Lord,\\nin his disbelief in such an event, had promised the students a\\nholiday whenever Richmond should be taken. When the news\\nreached Hanover the students abandoned their exercises and\\nmarching in a body across the river joined forces with the Norwich\\ncadets, and returning later in the day paraded the streets with\\ncalls for speeches from members of the Faculty. In passing\\nthey called upon ex-President Lord who responded in a speech\\nin which he did not deny his sympathy with the losing side.\\nThe students listened quietly and at the close one of the leaders\\ncalled for three cheers for the Union cause. They were given\\nwith a will, when another sprang forward and called for cheers\\nfor a man who had the courage of his convictions. They were\\ngiven with equal vigor, making a spirit honorable alike to the\\nspeaker and the students.\\nThere was very little change during the first years of President\\nSmith s administration in the course of study. The coming\\nof Professor Young infused new life into the physical and astro-\\nnomical department, and to make the observatory correspond\\nto his requirements the Trustees in l866 appropriated $1,050\\nfor apparatus, of which $400 were for a recording barometer,\\n$150 for an anemometer, $350 for a spectroscope and $150 for\\ngeneral repairs. Five years later $5,000, contributed by various\\npersons, were devoted to the futher enlargement and improve-\\nment of the astronomical equipment. The old 6-inch telescope\\nwas replaced by a new one of 9.4-inch aperture and twelve feet\\nfocal length from Alvan Clark and Son, and with it was a spec-\\ntroscope of corresponding size.\\nThe growing reputation of Professor Young in spectroscopic\\nwork led to his being called to engage in various scientific ex-\\npeditions in which spectroscopy had a part. Thus, in the summer\\nof 1869, accompanied, as an assistant, by Mr. C. F. Emerson,\\nafterward Professor, he went to Burlington, Iowa, to observe\\na total eclipse of the sun, where he discovered the green line of\\nthe corona spectrum. In 1870 he went to Jeres in Spain, to\\nobserve a similar eclipse, where with his new spectroscope and\\nthe 6-inch telescope of the College he saw the flash spectrum\\nand discovered the reversing layer, of whose reality he re-\\nmained the champion against the doubts of scientists till its\\nconfirmation in 1896. In the same year he made, with the as-\\nsistance of Mr. H. O. Bly, the village photographer, the first\\nGranite Stale Free Press, April 8. 1865.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 375\\nphotograph of a solar prominence. Two years later, again with\\nProfessor Emerson, he spent the summer in Sherman, Wyoming,\\nin the observation of the chromosphere and sun spots. In 1874\\nhe visited Pekin, China, to observe the transit of Venus, Much\\nof the work that formed the basis of his later fame was done at\\nDartmouth and with the instruments now in use at the observa-\\ntory.^\\nThe marking system of the College was on a scale of 4, extend-\\ning from I as perfect to 5 as a zero, but there was no point be-\\ntween the two that marked the limit of passing or failing, so\\nthat if one fell below it he failed to retain his place in College.\\nAn attempt was made in 1866 to introduce a more exact standard,\\nand the Faculty voted that a notice should be sent to a student\\nwhose mark fell below 3, and that a student whose mark fell\\nbelow 3.5 should lose standing and be on partial course. Ex-\\naminations had always been rated separately from the recita-\\ntion record and there had been no definite relation between them,\\nowing perhaps to the fact that the marks for the semi-annual\\nexamination were made by a committee from abroad and not by\\nthe Faculty.\\nThis system was so unsatisfactory that in 1869 each instructor\\nwas directed to mark the examination of each student, and\\ngiving the examination mark one ninth the value of the recita-\\ntion mark to unite the two. The dissatisfaction with the marks\\nof the examining committees became so great that two years\\nlater the marks of the Faculty were given equal weight with\\nthose of the committee, and a little later the latter were entirely\\ndisregarded. This result necessarily followed on the introduc-\\ntion of written examinations, which at the suggestion of the\\nTrustees began in the spring of 1872. Oral examinations still\\ncontinued at the end of the year in some subjects, but their\\nnumber steadily decreased till they came to an end in 1893.\\nIn 1874 the passing grade of the written examinations was set\\nat 40 per cent., corresponding to the mark of 3.5 on the merit\\nscale, but in 1877 it was raised to 50 per cent, and the dropping\\npoint on the scale to 3.\\nA very slight suggestion of electives was made by the Trustees,\\nwho commended to the Faculty in 1869, with a fine discrimina-\\ntion in the use of terms, a limited and cautious use of the elect-\\nive principle, particularly in the department of the higher\\nI Dartmouth Bi-Monthly, October, 1905. Article on Professor Young by Professor John N.\\nPoor.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "376 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nmathematics, a manifest squinting toward the preparation\\nfor the Thayer School. The fruit of the suggestion appeared\\nin the next catalogue when a choice was offered in the third term\\nof sophomore year between French and calculus, but so cautious\\nwas the change that after a few years this election was entirely\\nwithdrawn, and it was not till 1878 that in the first two terms\\nof sophomore year calculus was made elective with the classics.\\nAnother suggestion of the Trustees, made in 1871, that the\\nrequirements for admission be raised, was not carried out till\\n1874, when the addition in Greek was made of twenty exercises\\nin composition, and in mathematics the whole of plane geometry\\nwas substituted for three books of that subject, while in the\\nnext year the candidate was called upon for English and Ameri-\\ncan history in addition. Mathematics developed a true Oliver\\nTwist tendency in wishing for more, and in 1876 changed its\\nrequirements from the school algebra to university algebra as far\\nas quadratics, and added solid to plane geometry and Latin,\\nwhich thus far had made no change, added the Georgics to its\\nrequirement, the sum total of all the additional requirements\\nbeing nearly a year s work in a preparatory school. This, how-\\never, proved too great a burden and after two years the require-\\nment of solid geometry was withdrawn. In 1880 Greek and\\nRoman history was substituted for English history, and a compo-\\nsition in English for English grammar.\\nAmong other things during this period the Trustees turned\\ntheir attention to Commencement, and first desired the Faculty\\nto make such an arrangement of the excerises as to give more\\ntime to the alumni. The result of their hint did not at once\\nappear, inasmuch as it was not till 1876 that, except at the cen-\\ntennial, the calendar of Commencement week published in the\\ncatalogue made provision for a meeting of the alumni. They\\nwere more successful in removing the class day exercises from\\nthe church, where they had been held. The chronicles and\\nprophecies gave occasion for personalities unsuited to the place,\\nand after an admonition those parts of the exercises were ex-\\ncluded from the church in 1867, and were, henceforth, held on\\nthe hill, or, in case of rain, in the gymnasium.\\nThe number of speakers at Commencement was proving so\\nburdensome, that in 1869 the Trustees suggested a smaller num-\\nber or less time to each speaker, but though the suggestion was\\nrepeated more earnestly two years later, a plan of reduction\\nwas not put into operation till 1874, the attempt in 1873 to have", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 2 77\\neach man shorten his piece by one minute not having been\\nsuccessful. This plan, adopted by the Trustees on the recom-\\nmendation of the Faculty, provided for the same number of\\nappointments as before. The names of all were to appear on\\nthe programme, but only sixteen were to speak, the first four\\nin rank, and twelve others selected from the remaining list on\\nthe basis of excellence in composition and elocution, divided\\nas equally as might be between the classes in which the\\nspeakers were arranged. An absolute standard as a basis of ap-\\npointments for Commencement was suggested by the Trustees\\nin 1872, but it was not put into operation till the summer of\\n1880, when, with a standard of 1.4, the number of appointments\\nwas reduced to nineteen, but, as the number continued to be\\ntoo large, in the following years resort was again had to ex-\\ncusing some from speaking.\\nThere was considerable variation in the calendar during this\\nperiod. The short winter term following a vacation of six weeks\\nwas abandoned in 1866, though, as a concession to teachers,\\nthe long vacation was still retained. A division of the college\\nyear of thirty-eight weeks into three terms was followed in 1871\\nby an arrangement of two terms of twenty weeks each, with\\nan extension of the summer vacation from six to nine weeks\\nby bringing Commencement back to the last Thursday in June.\\nThis arrangement of terms lasted five years, when a return was\\nhad to a system of three terms, aggregating thirty-seven weeks,\\nand separated by vacations of four weeks in the winter and two\\nin the spring.\\nThe amount of work to be required of the senior class and\\nthe privilege of a senior vacation before Commencement were\\nquestions that were unsettled for some years. It had long been\\nthe custom that the senior class should have but two exercises\\na day, under the belief that the time gained by relief from the\\nthird exercise, required in other years, would be devoted to\\nreading, but this belief was not justified in many and certainly\\nnot in the majority of cases. The Faculty frequently consid-\\nered the desirability of a third exercise, but hesitated to require\\nit, partly because of the dislike of the students for additional\\nwork, but more from the difficulty of providing instruction.\\nAt last in the fall of 1871 a third exercise was required, but it\\nwas not continued beyond the following May, when the class\\nwas excused from it, to allow time for the preparation of Com-\\nmencement parts. Three years later an optional study was", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "378 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\noffered to the seniors, who, said The Dartmouth, have an option\\nbetween practical chemistry and nothing. All but eight have\\ntaken nothing, the others being content with two exercises.\\nAs has been said. President Smith at his coming to the College\\nwas cordially received by the alumni and they showed themselves\\nready to second his endeavors for an increase of the resources\\nof the College. One of the plans then set on foot was the erec-\\ntion of a memorial hall in honor of the sons of Dartmouth who\\nhad given or risked their lives in the war for the Union. At a\\nlarge gathering of the alumni at the Commencement of 1865\\nSenator Patterson introduced a patriotic resolution, calling for a\\nmemorial and the appointment of a committee to consider the\\nform it should take. A committee appointed on the passage of\\nthe resolutions reported in favor of an attempt to raise within\\na year fifty thousand dollars for a memorial hall, but the scheme\\ndid not pass beyond the stage of plans and an elevation of a\\nbuilding.\\nThe alumni were beginning to turn their thoughts toward the\\ngovernment of the College and to ask for a voice in its affairs.\\nExpression was given to the feeling at the centennial when the\\nquestion of the increase of the funds was declared to be closely\\nconnected with an intimate relation of the alummi to its manage-\\nment. A series of resolutions introduced by Professor Bartlett\\nof Chicago, afterward president of the College, congratulated\\nthe Trustees in the warmest terms upon the prosperity of the\\nCollege, but called for a closer relationship between the College\\nand its great and powerful body of graduates. The good will\\nof the alumni was shown by another series of resolutions, in-\\ntroduced by Judge Barrett, proposing to raise for the College a\\nfund of $200,000; the subscriptions were to be binding when\\n$100,000 were pledged, and $22,000 were subscribed on the\\nspot. It was manifestly intended, however, that subscriptions\\nand representation should go hand in hand, for a committee of\\nten was appointed^ to have in charge the whole matter of raising\\nthe fund and coming to a suitable understanding with the Board\\nin reference to the representation of the alumni upon it.\\nThis committee presented the resolutions to the Trustees\\nat an adjourned meeting in August, together with a plan of\\nrepresentation, in which they asked that a minority of the Board\\nThe committee consisted of Hon. Ira Perley, Dr. S. H. Taylor, Hon. Amos Tuck, Hon.\\nCharles Reed, Rev. Dr. A. H. Quint, Hon. J. W. Patterson, Hon. Geo. W. Burleigh, Hon.\\nJames Barrett, Hon. Harvey Jewell, and Rev. Dr. S. C. Bartlett.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 379\\nshould be elected upon the nomination of the alumni, each to\\nhold office for a definite term of years and be eligible for re-\\nelection, that the other Trustees should hold their office for a\\nlimited term, that a committee of the alumni should be ap-\\npointed annually to examine the accounts of the Treasurer and\\nmake report on the financial condition of the College, that a\\nchange in the provision of the charter requiring that eight of\\nthe Board be residents of New Hampshire be considered, and\\nthat the two vacancies then existing in the Board remain until\\nthey could be filled by nomination of the alumni.\\nThe Trustees took the matter under advisement and it was\\nnot till the following July that they returned an answer couched\\nin the President s suavest rhetoric, expressing the great grati-\\nfication of the Trustees at the deep interest of the alumni in\\nthe welfare of the College, whose co-operation was indispensable\\nto its progress, but giving a negative to every one of the requests.\\nThey made, however, a counter proposition that the alumni\\nshould appoint at their annual meeting an examining committee\\nof six or nine, with alternates, whose names should be printed\\nin the catalogue, and who by attending the summer examina-\\ntions would have an opportunity to familiarize themselves\\nwith the working of the College and make suggestions to Trustees\\nand Faculty, by which a channel of facile and agreeable com-\\nmunication would be opened. Expressing the hope that the\\nplan might go into operation at the next Commencement the\\nTrustees gave their hearty approval to the proposal to raise\\na fund of $200,000, as the least sumx that would meet the pressing\\nwants of the College.\\nA skillful move on the part of the Trustees to spike the guns\\nof the committee by the election of two of their number, Messrs.\\nQuint and Burleigh, to the vacancies which the alumni had\\nwished to fill, did not satisfy either the committee or the alumni,\\nand on the presentation of the reply of the Trustees a lively\\ndebate ensued in the meeting of the alumni, in which no little\\ndissatisfaction was expressed at the attitude of the Trustees,\\nDr. Bartlett leading the way in the ironical declaration of the\\npride that the alumni would feel in seeing their names printed in\\nthe catalogue. Interest in the subscription ended with the\\nfailure of the plan for alumni representation. It had been held\\nin abeyance during the negotiations, and now, though not for-\\nmally abandoned, was not prosecuted further.\\nThe plan though lost for the time being was not forgotten.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "38o History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nIt was discussed among the alumni and at meetings of their\\nlocal associations, and the sentiment became stronger and stronger\\nthat some means should be found for bending an apparently\\ninflexible charter and for gaining a part for the alumni in the\\ndeliberations of the Trustees. It was not, however, till 1875 that\\nthe matter again took definite form. At the Commencement\\nof that year a resolution of the New York Association was pre-\\nsented to the General Association calling for alumni suffrage.\\nThis was referred to a committee for report at the next annual\\nmeeting, but it was presented by the New York Association to\\nthe Trustees also, where it roused -an earnest discussion, in which\\nthe two members of the former committee of the alumni held\\nfirmly to their cause. At an adjourned meeting at Concord,\\nheld August 12, the question was fully debated whether the\\nBoard favored the principle of alumni suffrage and on a divi-\\nsion (three, including the Governor, being absent), four voted\\nin the affirmative, and four in the negative. President Smith\\ngave the casting vote in the affirmative. A definite plan for the\\noperation of suffrage was carried by the same four against three,\\nthe President not voting.\\nThe plan which the Trustees then adopted and proposed to\\nthe alumni at their next annual meeting in 1876 provided that\\nthe next three vacancies on the Board, including one outside of\\nNew Hampshire, should be filled on the nomination of the alumni.\\nWhen a vacancy occurred the clerk of the Board was to notify\\nthe secretary of the alumni, who was to request each graduate\\nof four years standing of the Academic and Scientific Depart-\\nments to vote, over his own signature, for four candidates for\\nthe vacancy, restricted only by charter limitations of class or\\nlocality. From the four receiving the highest number of votes,\\nas reported by the secretary, the Trustees agreed that ordi-\\nnarily, and in all probability, invariably they would elect\\nsome one to the vacant place. Changes in the plan might be\\nmade after conference, or it might be terminated by either party.\\nThe proposition was immediately accepted by the alumni,\\nand two years later, in 1878, they were called upon to fill all\\nthree vacancies, two occasioned by the deaths of Dr. Peaslee\\nand Mr. Burleigh, and one occasioned by the resignation of\\nDr. Bouton. The choice of the Trustees from the persons certi-\\nOn the first vote the four in the affirmative were Messrs. Nesmith, Peaslee, Quint and\\nBurleigh, and the four in the negative were Messrs. Bouton, Eastman, Fairbanks and Davis.\\nOn the second call Dr. Davis did not vote.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 381\\nfied fell upon Rev. Dr. William J. Tucker for the place of Dr.\\nPeaslee, Mr. Hiram Hitchcock for the place of Mr. Burleigh\\nand Governor B. F. Prescott for the place of Dr. Bouton. As\\nGovernor Prescott was then in office the Board for a year con-\\nsisted of but eleven members.^ About 550 different persons\\nsent in their ballots, and more than 250 different individuals\\nwere voted for. It was evident that the method involved great\\nduplication and waste, yet in general there was satisfaction with\\nthe result. One of those elected had headed the poll, another\\nhad been in the second place by but a few votes, and the third,\\nthough not a graduate, falling behind two others, was known\\nto be a man fitted for the place and from his nearness to the Col-\\nlege in a position to be of special usefulness. For the time being\\nthe contention of the alumni for representation had secured\\nits object, but at that very meeting a vote was passed looking\\ntoward possible amendments and improvements in the plan.\\nAfter six years of arduous labor President Smith began to\\nshow signs of breaking down. Financial anxieties for the College,\\ncoupled with the strain of administration and especially with\\nthat of the centennial celebration, had been too great a load\\nto carry. Once before he had been temporarily disabled, but\\nhis condition now demanded a complete rest. The Trustees\\nurged a vacation and in December of 1869 he left the College\\nand went to Jamaica, from which he returned in the following\\nApril fully restored. During his absence Professor Noyes was\\nacting President and Rev. Dr. Benjam.in Labaree, ex-president\\nof Middlebury College, .was engaged to aid in teaching, and he\\ncontinued as lecturer on moral philosophy and international\\nlaw for six years.\\nOn his return to Hanover President Smith found no lessening\\nof the demands upon him. In addition to the ordinary care of\\nthe College he had for two years the extra labor incident to the\\nopening of the Agricultural College and the organization of\\nthe Thayer School. With this came the financial burden of\\nnew buildings, for Culver Hall was erected, as has been said,\\nin 1870, before the settlement of General Culver s estate, and\\nthe money had to be temporarily raised for its construction.\\nThe persons certified and the votes were as follows:\\nFor 1st N. H. place. For 2nd N. H. place. For the place outside N. H.\\nB.F. Prescott 318 B. F. Prescott 302 Walbridge A. Field 232\\nCharles U. Bell 291 Charles U. Bell 261 Wm. J. Tucker 218\\nHiram Hitchcock 154 Hiram Hitchcock 162 Lincoln F. Brigham 154\\nGeo. B. Spalding 147 Geo. B. Spalding 137 John Ordronaux 146", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "382 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nIn the next year the building occupied by the Chandler School\\nwas entirely remodelled and enlarged. This had been rendered\\nnecessary by the increase in the numbers of the School, which\\nhad almost doubled in the seven years since Dr. Smith s\\naccession.\\nThe building was owned by Moor s School, which had not suffi-\\ncient funds with which to remodel it, and which was not an\\nobject for which an appeal could be made to the public with any\\nexpectation of success. President Smith was, therefore, forced\\nto turn to the friends of the Chandler School, and successfully\\napproached them in an appeal for funds to give increased ac-\\ncommodations to the School. After much labor he secured\\n$3,575 to use in the reconstruction and enlargement of the old\\nAcademy. This work begun in July, 1871, was prosecuted\\nso diligently that recitations were resumed in the building on\\nthe fifth of the ensuing March. The reconstruction of the edifice\\nwas on the lines of utility rather than beauty. The attractive\\nold belfry was removed, the walls were raised and the sloping\\nroof gave way to a Mansard roof, whose unsightly angles had\\nthe practical advantage of affording an additional story for recita-\\ntion and drawing rooms, while the rearrangement of the interior\\nwith its increased accommodations greatly facilitated the work\\nof the School and met its needs for the next twenty years. The\\ntotal cost of the renovation was $7,037.32, of which not quite\\nhalf was provided from the funds of Moor s School, and the\\nbalance from the contributions secured by President Smith.\\nThe rent paid by the Chandler School was adjusted and paid\\non the basis that the contributed funds were for the benefit of\\nthat School, till the purchase of the building by the College in\\n1898 for $6,000.\\nIn the same year extensive alterations were begun in the\\nmedical building from funds that were contributed by Mr. E. W.\\nStoughton, a lawyer of New York City, through the interest\\nof Dr. Phelps. Mr. Stoughton s gift of $12,000 was for the\\nestablishmient of a museum of pathological anatomy, but as\\nthe building contained no room suitable for such a museum\\na part of the money was devoted to the construction of one.\\nThe central portion of the building above the first story was\\ncleared out and thrown into one large room. The outside walls\\nof this part, in which the windows were bricked up, were raised\\nconsiderably above the rest of the building and surmounted by\\na lantern which thoroughly lighted the interior, and this, by", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 383\\nmeans of a gallery, was divided into two stories and the walls\\nwere covered with cases for the exhibition of specimens. At\\nthe same time the large lecture room on the first floor was re-\\nfitted, and a dissecting room built in the basement. The halls\\nleading to these rooms were made convenient and even attract-\\nive with a wainscoating of black walnut, and the general re-\\nsult was fairly given in the statement of the catalogue that\\nthe facilities for teaching and for the accommodation of stu-\\ndents have been greatly increased. These improvements,\\ndoubtless, had a decided influence in the increase of the number\\nof students which nearly doubled in the next five years.\\nOne of the great difficulties in the way of instruction in the\\nfall and winter was the lack of artificial light. The morning\\nhours were not seriously disturbed by the lack, though in dark\\nwinter days the chapel exercises, beginning at ten minutes of\\neight, were held in a gloom that sometimes interfered with the\\nreading. In the afternoon, however, the earlier approach of\\nevening compelled a change in the hours of the exercises. Study\\nhours, during which no sports were allowed, began at two o clock\\nand continued till six, including the afternoon recitation at five.\\nAs the afternoons shortened this exercise was brought forward\\nby stages of half an hour, till in the shortest days it came at\\nthree, and when for any reason a class recited in two sections\\nthe earlier one was called in at two o clock.\\nThe inconvenience of this arrangement could be obviated only\\nby the use of artificial light, and the desirability of such light\\nfor recitation purposes was enforced by the danger of fire in\\nthe buildings from the use of kerosene in the rooms of the stu-\\ndents. It was, indeed, a marvel that the buildings had so long\\nescaped the risks that successively attended the use in so many\\nrooms and by so many careless persons, of candles, whale oil,\\ncamphene, and kerosene, which in the course of years had followed\\none another as illuminants. Fires had several times started in\\nthe rooms but had fortunately been discovered in time to pre-\\nvent serious damage, the presence of students in the buildings\\nbeing a protection against the danger as well as a cause of it.\\nThe village, too, like the College, employed kerosene for the\\nartificial lighting of its houses, while, except for an occasional\\nlamp hung out by public-spirited individuals, the relief of the\\ndarkness of the streets at night was dependent on the grace of\\nthe moon and the weather combined. There was about this\\ntime an experiment in lighting the streets with gasoline, but", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "384 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nit was far from successful, and it became evident that the only\\nmeans of improving the lighting of College and village was\\nthe establishment of a gas plant, and fortunately this was begun\\nin 1 87 1. The prime mover in the matter was Professor Dimond\\nof the Agricultural Department. He was a man of enterprise,\\ninitiative and daring, as prompt to meet a need as he was to\\nrecognize it. Conferences by those interested in the matter,\\nespecially President Smith, Mr. Hiram Hitchcock and ex-Senator\\nPatterson, resulted in the formation of a gas company, for which\\na charter was given July 3, 1872. Professor Dimond did not\\nwait for the formation of the company, but by himself bought\\nthe house and lot where Wilson Hall now stands, and in the rear\\nerected a plant for the manufacture of gas from oil. In laying\\nthe mains he used wooden pipes, which were much cheaper\\nthan iron and which, having been treated with some patent\\nprocess, he believed would be enduring. The results did not\\nconform to his expectations, and within a few years they had to\\nbe replaced with iron, but not before the gas, which escaped\\nfrom the weak joints and porous sides, had played havoc with\\nthe shade trees of the village. Some of the most beautiful trees\\nhad to be cut down and many were seriously injured.\\nThe price of the new gas, which was set at $8 a thousand feet,\\nwas prohibitive for most, for though it was claimed that it was\\nso rich that it had double the illuminating power of ordinary\\ngas, and relatively was, therefore, not much more expensive than\\nother gas, yet it was introduced into but few houses and into the\\nchurch, which had no other means of lighting. It was put into\\nthe college chapel, recitation rooms, and the lower entries of\\nthe buildings the next year, and was lighted in the chapel for\\nthe first time September 25,1872. Its use in the recitation rooms\\nconduced greatly to the comfort of the afternoon exercise, though\\nfor a time not without interruption. The pipes in the passage-\\nways were connected with those in the recitation rooms and\\nmischievous students soon found that by putting out the hall\\nlights and blowing into the burners the lights in the recitation\\nrooms could be extinguished. It is difficult to say who were more\\npleased, the ones who did the trick or the students whose recita-\\ntion was prematurely ended, but a change in the piping soon\\nput an end to the mischief. Two years later, as a measure of\\nsafety, gas was put into all the rooms in Reed Hall and the\\noccupants were obliged to use it instead of oil. In 1875 it was\\nused to light the streets, twelve lamp posts being placed about", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 385\\nthe village, after one had been tried as an experiment at the\\ncorner of Main and Wheelock streets, and all were lighted for\\nthe first time on the night of November 18. They were of little\\nservice to late wanderers, as the lights were put out at ten o clock.\\nThe gas company, which was organized October 9, 1872, with\\na capital of $12,000, was never a financial success.^ It bought\\nthe plant of Professor Dimond for its actual cost, plus $300 for\\nhis serivces in construction, in all $8,201.42, and assumed debts\\nof $1,276, and prospective outlays of $1,000. It never paid\\nany dividends but continued to manufacture gas for the needs\\nof the College and the village with scarcely any profit till 1893,\\nwhen, on the introduction of electricity, the company went out\\nof business. In the fall of 1893 its plant was leased to a company\\nthat proposed to make fuel gas by a new and cheaper process,\\nbut the experiment was unsuccessful, and the old company\\nwound up its affairs in 1898, the stockholders receiving $35 a\\nshare on their stock in liquidation. The house and corner lot\\nof Professor Dimond s original purchase were bought from him\\nby the College in December of 1872 for $6,849. The house was\\nmoved away in the summer of 1874 and now stands at the south-\\neast corner of College and South streets.\\nThe question of heating the buildings, fully as important as\\nthat of lighting in the matter of safety, was still more difficult\\nof solution. No one of the buildings could be heated as a whole\\nexcept by steam. That was expensive and no combination with\\nthe village was possible. The building most in need of protec-\\ntion was Reed, as in it were the libraries, the philosophical ap-\\nparatus, and the Nineveh slabs. At one time its basement had\\nbeen used for the college carpenter s shop, but the danger from\\nthis was recognized and it was removed in 1870 to a small build-\\ning on Cemetery Lane, where it remained for nine years, till\\na new shop was built in the rear of Culver Hall.\\nFor some years the proposition to put in a steam boiler for\\nheating the building was postponed through lack of funds to\\ncarry it out, but meantime attempts were made to improve the\\nheating of the recitation rooms. The only means of heating\\nthese had long been wood stoves, which in the severe days of\\nwinter roasted those who sat near them, and left others shiver-\\ning or exposed to drafts from windows opened for ventilation.\\nCoal was introduced into Hanover as a fuel about 1869 and\\nJ It had a board of nine directors: Hiram Hitchcock, president, Asa D. Smith, A. P. Bale b,\\nH. E. Parker, E. T. Quimby, J. W. Patterson, E. W. Dimond. C. A. Field and E. D. Carpcnttr.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "386 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI 1 1.\\ntwo years later the first coal stove was tried as an experiment\\nin one of the recitation rooms. Its success led to the general\\nuse of coal stoves for heating the recitation rooms, though hot\\nair furnaces were used for a few recitaton rooms and for the\\nchapel, which though not always warm yet had a more equable\\ntemperature than when with stoves it ranged from the tropics\\nnear the stoves to the poles at the farther end of the room.\\nTwice the furnace under the chapel was responsible for setting\\nfire to the building. Once, in October, 1881, the fire appeared\\nin a partition of an adjoining room where an exercise was in\\nprogress, and owing to the presence of students it was quickly\\nput out. A second time it broke out in some litter in a closet,\\nthrough which the flue passed, just as the students had gathered\\nfor chapel, and one of them discovering it smothered it with\\nhis overcoat.\\nThe care of the recitation rooms was entrusted to students,\\nwho occupied rooms usually adjoining those for which they\\ncared and which were called guard rooms, but the general\\ncare of the buildings was for years in the hands of Alanson P.\\nHaskell, a man of soft voice and obliging manner, whose fidelity\\nmatched his long service. Of course he had nothing to do with\\nthe care of the students rooms, to which the occupants them-\\nselves attended. A beginning of a janitor service for these\\nrooms, more as a matter of safety than convenience, was made\\nin 1873, when a man was hired to carry out the ashes and waste\\nfrom the rooms, but on the introduction of steam into Reed\\nHall the service in that hall was extended and the rooms were\\nput into the care of a Mrs. Badger, whose efficient labor for\\nseveral years gained for her the title of Queen of Reed Hall.\\nAt last it was felt that the safety of Reed Hall and its contents\\ncould no longer be risked with individual fires in the rooms,\\nand it was decided in 1875 to introduce steam. Even then the\\nCollege had not the money with which to meet the expense,\\nand it was borrowed upon the personal note of President Smith\\nand Professor Quimby, though of course the College later assumed\\nthe payment of the note and its interest. The total cost, a little\\nover $2,400, was not paid till 1877. The firm that did the work\\ndid not properly estimate the amount of heating surface neces-\\nsary, and on the coming of cold weather the students bitterly\\ncomplained that they could not keep warm even by sitting on\\nthe radiators. Fortunately the contractors had guaranteed the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 387\\nheating of the building, and to meet their contract they were\\nobHged to double the radiators in all the rooms.\\nDuring the administration of President Smith, aside from the\\npainting of the old buildings, already mentioned, there was\\nlittle change in their appearance or in that of the college yard.\\nSeveral classes planted trees in the yard which later became its\\nornaments, and in 1871 the suitable fence of thirty-five years\\nbefore was removed, leaving only the hedge to protect the yard.\\nIn the process of time this, too, became unsightly, having been\\nbroken by rushes, which had surged across it, and by students\\nwho, forsaking the paths in the search for short cuts, had made\\nholes through it in all directions, and it was finally removed\\nin 1893, about the time when fences generally disappeared from\\nthe village. Less noticeable were a new dial face, by which in\\n1870 it was attempted to give outward respectability to the\\nerrant clock, and the signs which were put upon the doors of\\nthe recitation rooms to distinguish them according to the de-\\npartments using them. Previously each class had its own recita-\\ntion room in which nearly all its exercises were held, but this\\nled to collisions between the classes, and occasionally to injury\\nto the rooms themselves, so that to prevent mischief each de-\\npartment was assigned rooms of its own, in which the students\\nrecited without regard to classes, except that the senior class\\nretained a room for its exclusive use.\\nOutside the college yard, and besides the new college buildings\\nthe village began to change its appearance. On the west side\\nof the Common a break was made in the ancient order. The\\nlong, two story building with its gable toward the street, which\\nfor many years had been the office of the college treasurer, and\\nwhere in the evening he could often be seen working at his desk\\nby the light of two tallow candles, gave way in 1870 to the pres-\\nent bank building, in which was continued the treasurer s office\\ntill its removal to the Administration Building in 191 1. The\\nhouse on the corner, which had been the former home of Professor\\nHaddock and Professor Brown, joined the long procession of\\nmigratory houses in Hanover, and being moved to the east\\nbecame the home of Dr. C. P. Frost.^ Close beside it there was\\nbuilt, two years later, a chapter house by the Alpha Delta Phi\\nSociety, in imitation, at a considerable interval, of its friendly\\nThis later became the property of the Chi Phi Society. On the vacant comer a large house\\nwas erected by Mr. A. P. Balch, who at that time was an extensive land owner in this vicinity.\\nIn 1887 it passed into the hands of Mr. F. W. Davison, who used it parUy as a store, till after\\nita partial destruction by fire, February 8, 1900, when It was bought by the College.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "388 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiil.\\nrival, the Kappa Kappa Kappa Society, which im86o had been\\nthe first of the fraternities to build and own its own hall. The\\nKappa hall was merely a place for meetings, but this new building\\ncontained a few rooms for students, being thus the forerunner\\nof the many fraternity houses that began to appear thirty years\\nlater.\\nThe little house to the west of Professor Brown s house and\\nnearly on the site of the Psi Upsilon house also soon disappeared\\nand the street was greatly beautified by the erection, partly on\\nthat site and partly on the adjoining lot, of the present Episcopal\\nchurch, in which the first service was held September 12, 1875.\\nBeyond this the road leading to the bridge after passing the brow\\nof the hill was bare and forbidding, dusty and without shade,\\ntill in the early seventies William T. Smith, a son of President\\nSmith, afterward Dean of the Medical School but then in poor\\nhealth, took pity on its bare estate and with thought of the future\\nplanted that row of elms which now forms such a beautiful\\nscreen on its southern side.\\nIn the changing life of a college there are many minor events,\\nnot always indicative of progress, that give the color of the time.\\nSome mark the weakening or the end of old customs and others\\nthe rise of new ones, or they are merely the expression of tempo-\\nrary moods of administration or of impulses of undergraduate life.\\nA college generation often regards as of immemorial origin a\\ncustom that sprang up but yesterday, or thinks of itself as the\\nfirst to do something which former students have repeatedly\\ndone, and a given custom may be accepted as good or bad without\\nknowledge of how it came about.\\nFor many years Saturday afternoon was the only free time of\\nthe week. The weekly meetings of the secret societies were\\nheld on Friday evening, but their effect, at least so thought the\\nFaculty, was harmful to the exercises of Saturday morning, as\\nthe students, almost all of whom were members of the societies,\\nhad not time enough for the preparation of the morning lesson.\\nThe rhetorical exercise of the senior class before the whole college,\\nor public speaking, as it was usually called, was held Friday\\nafternoon at two o clock. In 1866 the Faculty gave up the\\nafternoon recitation, but did not remit study hours, expecting\\nthat Friday afternoon after rhetoricals would be devoted to\\nthe preparation of the lesson for Saturday morning. It was\\nfound difficult, however, to enforce the requirement of study\\nhours when there was no exercise following, and in 1870 an ar-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "1 863-1 877.] Administration of President Smith. 389\\nrangement was made with the societies whereby they transferred\\ntheir meetings to Wednesday evening. In like manner the\\nrhetoricals were carried back from Friday to Wednesday at\\ntwo, and the rest of the afternoon was left open, These two half\\nholidays continued to be the custom till 1901, when on the adop-\\ntion of three hour courses of instruction coming on alternate\\ndays, exercises were scheduled for the afternoon of Wednesday,\\ntill three o clock, and a few years later till four o clock, thus\\ndoing away with the half holiday.\\nA singular custom had long prevailed in the chapel exercise of\\nthe students turning their backs to the desk during the prayer.\\nDuring the reading of the Bible they sat, but on the giving out\\nof the hymn they rose and faced the presiding officer. In the\\nprayer that followed, instead of resuming their seats or continu-\\ning to stand as before, they turned about and, sitting upon the\\nrail of the pews behind them, put their feet upon the seats from\\nwhich they had risen. To one who conducted the service and\\nfollowed the scripture injunction to watch and pray, was\\npresented the singular spectacle of an audience turning away from\\nthe most personal part of the service and assuming a position\\nthat was anything but devout. The incongruity of the custom\\nat length brought a change, and in 187 1 the students were directed\\nto sit during the prayer, and this posture, usually accompanied\\nwith the bowing of the head, has continued to the present. In\\nreporting the change the Aegis of that year said, at prayers\\nwe have ceased to turn, like devout Mussulmen, toward the\\nchapel organ.\\nUp to 1872 the students were required to attend on Sunday\\nmorning and afternoon service in the church in addition to the\\nusual morning chapel. In that year Dr. Leeds, the pastor of\\nthe College church, was given a vacation of several months.\\nThe supply of the pulpit was a difficult matter. There were\\nseveral clerical members of the Faculty, but while they expressed\\na willingness to take charge of the morning service in due pro-\\nportion they did not wish to become responsible for the afternoon.\\nAfter much deliberation it was decided as an experiment to omit\\nthe afternoon service, but that the free afternoon might not\\noffer too great a temptation for absence it was also decided to\\ntransfer the chapel exercise to the afternoon and thus make the\\nrequirement of attendance a police regulation to restrict wan-\\ndering students. The experiment was successful. The college\\nrejoiced in the relief from the second service of church on Sun-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "390 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nday and President Smith vivified the afternoon chapel service\\nby a short talk of a direct and often personal nature. Under\\nhis successors it was somewhat enlarged and became the vesper\\nservice, which has borne so important a part in the moral life\\nof the college.\\nAbout this time a new attempt was made to deal with the\\ninveterate abuse of student absences. The introduction of\\nwritten examinations a little later did much to hold attendance\\nupon them, though as long as special examinations were allowed\\nto delinquents there was a readiness on the part of some to\\nprefer them in the hope that they would be easier than the regular\\nexaminations, but this did not affect the number of occasional\\nabsences, which became excessive. Excuses for absence had\\npreviously been given orally on application to any member of\\nthe Faculty, but in January of 1871 it was voted that excuses\\nshould be given on printed blanks only by the instructors to\\nwhom a class was reciting. These were to be obtained in advance\\nof the absence and handed to the Clerk of the Faculty within\\ntwo weeks. Excuses not secured in advance could be obtained\\nonly on the presentation of a satisfactory reason in writing.\\nThe result of this regulation was an astonishing decline in the\\nhealth of the college, as indicated by the number of written\\napplications for excuse on the ground of sickness, but it was\\nfollowed by a speedy recovery when, in conection with the\\nreport of each student s rank sent to his parents at the end of\\nthe semester, the Faculty forwarded the applications for excuse\\nwhich each had made on account of sickness. The attention\\nwhich parents were thus able to give to the unexpected infirmi-\\nties of their sons tended greatly to the health of the college.\\nBut the question of absences was by no means solved and has\\nremained to this day a lasting source of difficulty. Many at-\\ntempts have been made to meet it, and after temporary success\\neach plan has given way to a new one in the hope that a change\\nmight be more effective. The granting of excuses has been suc-\\ncessively conferred upon class officers, a committee, the Presi-\\ndent and Dean, or the Dean alone, and in the hope that absences\\nmight be lessened a certain number of cuts or absences with-\\nout excuse, has been allowed. Privileges have also been granted,\\nin the form of credits for punctual attendance, or of partial\\nfreedom from college obligations for high scholarship, but the\\ntrouble remains as one of the chief stumbling blocks in college\\nadministration.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "1 863-1 877.] Administration of President Smith. 391\\nTwo questions assumed such prominence in the minds of the\\nTrustees that in 1872 special committees were appointed to\\nconsider them, and one was regarded as so pressing that the\\ncommittee was given authority to act, if in its judgment an emer-\\ngency should arise. The emergency did not arise, and there\\nis no record that either committee ever reported. The two\\nquestions were those of co-education and mihtary instruction.\\nThe President and Messrs. Spalding and Quint were the com-\\nmittee to consider the first. It does not appear that there ever\\nwas any urgency either in the Board or among the alumni for\\nthe admission of women at Dartmouth, and the appointment of\\nthe committee was probably the recognition by the Board of\\nthe discussion of the higher education of women that was general\\nat the time. In the west the discussion resulted almost universally\\nin the adoption of co-education by the colleges and universities.\\nIn New England two only of the existing institutions of higher\\nlearning opened their doors to women at that time, the Univer-\\nsity of Vermont in 1871 and Wesleyan one year later. Boston\\nUniversity was chartered as a co-educational institution in 1869,\\nbut the movement turned rather in the direction of separate\\ncolleges for women. Smith chartered in 1870 and Wellesley\\nin 1875, and each receiving its first class in 1875, and meeting\\nwith immediate success, were the expression of the form of ad-\\nvanced education for women which was preferred in New\\nEngland.\\nThe committee to consider the introduction of military in-\\nstruction into the college, to which was given discretionary\\npower of action, consisted of Messrs. Burleigh, Quint and Haines.\\nThe occasion for such instruction did not arise from any general\\ndiscussion or movement. Its desirability may have been one of\\nthe waning influences of the war, but it probably became of\\nimmediate interest at Dartmouth from the coming of the Agri-\\ncultural College. The act of Congress granting land to the\\nseveral states for the establishment of agricultural colleges and\\nthe supplementary acts of July 28, 1866, and May 4, 1870,\\nmade provision for the detail of an officer to any college with\\nsufficient capacity to educate at one time not less than one\\nhundred and fifty students, to act as a professor of such college,\\nand also for the distribution of small arms for the use of the\\nstudents of the colleges to which officers were detailed. An\\nofficer for such a purpose was detailed for service at Bowdoin\\nand the University of Vermont, and was considered here espe-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "392 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\ndally in connection with the Agricultural College, to whichThomas\\nW. Kincaid, assistant engineer of the United States Navy, was\\ndetailed as instructor in civil engineering and shop work from\\n1886 to 1888 inclusive. It may have then been the feeling that\\nit would be well for the College to secure the services of an extra\\nprofessor in a field that on one side at least would be entirely\\nnew, that led to the appointment of the committee of the Trustees.\\nThe martial spirit of the students outran the inaction of the\\nTrustees and in the next summer the classes of 1874 and 1875\\norganized two military companies known as Company A and\\nCompany B of the Dartmouth Cadets of the New Hamsphire\\nmilitia, although they were familiarly known among the students\\nas the Dartmouth Belligerents. Professor Robert Fletcher\\nwas commissioned major and drilled the ofificers, who in turn\\ndrilled the companies. The State furnished uniforms and\\nmuskets, and in the following fall the companies began practice\\nin good earnest. Three days in the week, said The Dartmouth,^\\nat a certain hour the two companies of Dartmouth Cadets may\\nbe seen parading on the common or in the park. They make\\na fine display in their neat uniforms of blue, and the instruction\\nin the tactics progresses rapidly.\\nA later issue said: The Cadets, who have attained wonder-\\nful proficiency in military evolutions, are also obliged to sus-\\npend operations and go into winter quarters. The drill was\\nrenewed in the spring but with less zest and Commencement\\nof course brought an end to Company A. No other class came\\nto take its place, and by the fall the interest was completely\\ngone. The boys did not take the trouble to attend drills,\\nthe captain later wrote, and the company died a natural death,\\neasily and quietly. The arms were returned to the State in\\n1875.\\nOnce the Cadets performed escort duty of a somewhat unusual\\nkind. It had been an intermittent custom for the sophomore\\nThe organization of the companies seems to have sprung from a suggestion of Professor\\nQuimby, who had seen at Concord some useless guns in store, and obtained the promise of\\nguns and uniforms from the State, If companies should be organized among the students. (Letter\\nof Dr. C. E. Quimby, of 1874.I\\nTlie commissions dated June 10, 1873. were issued to the following officers: Robert Fletcher,\\nmajor. Company A; H. L. Home, captain; H. N. Allen, first lieutenant, L. C. Montgomery,\\nsecond lieutenant; Company B. W. G. Eaton, captain; H. W. Stevens, first lieutenant;\\nL. C. Montgomery, second lieutenant.\\nIssue of October 1873, p. 341.\\nNot all were equally alert and one man marched so lazily that Professor Young, who waa\\none day watching the drill, exclaimed, M. ought to have a bee in the seat of his trousers.\\nNovember, 1873. P- 378.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 393\\nclass to bury mathematics at the conclusion of that study to-\\nward the end of the year, but the exercises were not always\\ncreditable and when, in the spring of 1874, the Faculty learned\\nthat the sophomore class was preparing for the usual burial of\\nmathematics, it voted to inform the class that it could not allow\\nany travesty of a funeral ceremony. The class took the prohi-\\nbition good-naturedly and prepared for a ceremony of crema-\\ntion. It issued an elaborate programme, and as it was at that\\ntime reading the Antigone it adapted a line of the play as the\\nheading of the programme: Will you bury it, a thing forbidden\\nby the authorities? No, by Zeus, but we will Burn it. On\\nthe evening selected, the 8th of May, the class formed in pro-\\ncession and escorted by the Dartmouth Cadets and the Hanover\\nCornet Band marched to the middle of the Common and there\\nperformed the ceremony of cremation. Everything was orderly,\\nif not quiet, and the class dispersed leaving the Faculty some-\\nwhat in the frame of mind of one contemplating the discovery oif\\na gold brick.\\nThe rise of the Dartmouth Cadets was but one expression of\\nthe spirit of athletics which seized the College so strongly in\\nthe seventies and has maintained itself with increased force\\nto the present. It had already been manifest in the formation\\nof baseball clubs, which in this decade had hardly begun the\\ncareer of knight-errantry that later became so common, but in\\n1872 it suddenly blazed out in a revival of the enthusiasm for\\nboating that had been quenched in the freshet of 1857. In\\nSeptember of that year the Dartmouth Boat Club was formed\\nwith the special purpose of sending a crew to compete in the\\nintercollegiate races at Springfield the next summer. An active\\ncampaign was started and more than $2,000 were raised by sub-\\nscription among the students and in the village, a shell was\\nbought of the Harvard sophomores, a new one was secured from\\nBlaikie of Cambridge for $300 and a six-oared cedar shell from\\nElliot of Greenpoint, L. I.^ A boat house was built on the level\\nground just north of the bridge, on a site given for the purpose\\nrent free by the owner, Mr. Hiram Hitchcock, and just below\\nwas the landing float.\\nIn the next spring a trainer for the crew, John Biglin, a pro-\\nfessional oarsman, was hired, and a crew, sent to the regatta\\nat Springfield, gained the fourth place in a field of nine. In the\\nfollowing year a still more determined effort was made and\\nThe Dartmouth, October, 1872, and W. G. Eaton in Dartmouth Athletics, pp. 172 f.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "394 History of Dartmouth College. (Chap. XIII.\\n$1,500 were raised among the students. Meantime at a conven-\\ntion at Hartford, Conn., in 1874, to which John A. Aiken of\\n1874 and W. G. Eaton of 1875 were the Dartmouth delegates,\\nthere was formed by thirteen colleges the Rowing Association\\nof American Colleges, and it was decided to hold the regatta\\nat Saratoga. The river at Hanover was not favorable for prac-\\ntice, and for a short time the crew was allowed to avail itself of\\nthe smooth water of Mascoma Lake at Enfield. In the regatta\\nthe exact position of the crew at the end of the race was in dis-\\npute, the judges assigning it the sixth place, but the report of the\\nsignal officer, the fourth place.\\nAt the opening of the next college year the interest in boating\\nover-shadowed all else. Class races were projected, and every\\nafternoon the river was enlivened by the crews in training. The\\nrace on the 24th of October was won by the sophomore class\\nand the victors were drawn in triumph through the streets of\\nthe village. But the resources of the students were exhausted\\nand the next spring they appealed to the alumni for aid, and\\nwith much success, though there was some dissatisfaction with\\nthe method by which the appeal was made. The crew of that\\nyear went to Webster Lake for its practice, and at the regatta\\nat Saratoga again held the fourth place. Internal dissensions\\nsoon brought about the breaking up of the Rowing Association,\\nand Dartmouth was prominent in the attempt to form a New\\nEngland Association which should hold its regatta at New\\nLondon, Conn.\\nAffairs were not fully settled when the boating interests at\\nDartmouth received literally a crushing blow, for on January\\n26, 1877, the roof of the boat house gave way under the heavy\\nweight of snow upon it and ruined both the building and all\\nthe boats within it. The loss on the house and boats was over\\n$1,200, from which the club, already staggering under the troubles\\nthat beset it in the Association, never recovered. Aside from\\nthe difficulties of boating on a stream having so swift a current\\nas the Connecticut at Hanover, nature seems to have frowned\\nupon the boating attempts of the College, for she has thus twice\\ncompletely destroyed the property of the college clubs. Her\\nwarning has thus far been heeded and organized boating has\\nnot revived since the second catastrophe.\\nAs the enthusiasm for boating faded away another interest took\\nits place. In December, 1875, an Athletic Association was formed\\nand a constitution adopted, providing for two meetings a year", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 395\\nfor track athletics, one in the fall and one in the spring, but this\\naction merely made formal what had already been done in fact,\\nfor at the opening of the fall term, under the initiative of Lewis\\nParkhurst of the class of 1878, a movement was begun and carried\\nthrough for a field meeting in October. It was arranged to occur\\nin connection with the class boat races on the river, and was on\\nsuch an extensive scale that, with them, it occupied parts of\\nfour days. A quarter-mile track was laid out on the Common\\nand also straight aways for the hurdles and the dashes. Besides\\nthe races there were twenty-one events, including some that do\\nnot find a place in later day programmes, and that were intended\\nmainly for the amusement of the spectators, a wheel barrow\\nrace, a sack race, and a three-legged race.\\nThe exercises, beginning on Wednesday afternoon, October\\n13, which was a half holiday, were partly on the Common and\\npartly on the river, and continued all of Thursday, which had\\nbeen given as a holiday, though the races were not concluded\\ntill Friday and Saturday afternoons. The spectacle on the\\nCommon was enlivened by the music of a band brought from\\nLebanon, and the spectators, who were excluded from the en-\\nclosure, used the fence as a grand stand. The success of this\\nfirst track meet gave to that branch of athletics a firm place in\\nthe College. Annual or semi-annual meets have since been held,\\nand before many years contests with other colleges in various\\nleagues became very common.^\\nThe activity of the students was not always so healthfully\\nor harmlessly expressed as in athletic contests. In April, 1873,\\nin their indignation at what they regarded as an encroachment\\non the rights of the College, the students tore down and burned\\nthe fence at the south end of the Common. Before that time\\nthe Common had extended about thirty feet farther to the\\nsouth than at present, and in the wish to straighten the line of\\nWest and East Wheelock streets the town authorities took a\\nstrip from the Common into the road, and moved the fence\\nso much to the north. The burning of this fence caused a great\\ncommotion, and the selectmen threatened to open the road\\nwhich had formerly passed diagonally through the Common from\\nthe hotel to the present chapel corner, and which had never\\nbeen legally discontinued. The college authorities thought it\\nwise immediately to replace the fence rather than to allow the\\nA full and exact account of the successive meets and intercollegiate contests up to iSaa\\nia given in Dartmouth Athletics by John H. Bartlett and John P. Gifford of the class of 1894.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "396 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\ntown to do it and thus raise a question of title, or to have any\\ncontroversy over the road. Within a few days the fence was\\nreplaced and President Smith so effectively stated to the stu-\\ndents the unwisdom of their act that they raised $60 to repair\\nthe damage.\\nIn November of 1875 therie occurred what was commonly\\nspoken of as a riot. A bookseller of the village, named Parker,\\nin winding up his business preparatory to going to another place\\nadvertised his stock at auction. He was a man of somber\\nappearance and without the flexibility that could adapt itself\\nto the caprices of young men. When the auction came the\\nstudents attended in force, partly to buy and partly to enjoy\\nany fun that might arise. What followed was published in the\\npapers as a riot of considerable magnitude. The circum-\\nstances were given in a later issue of The Dartmouth^ with pal-\\nliation and yet with an intended fairness. Describing the\\noccurrence it said:\\nA number of stlidents attending the book sales of Mr. Parker were rather\\nboyish in behavior and, besides making a good deal of noise and crowding\\nalmost as in a rush, destroyed or injured a few pieces of furniture of no great\\nvalue, and when Mr. Parker left the store a moment fastened the door against\\nhim. In this there was nothing very criminal, yet there was certainly nothing\\nat all praiseworthy. Like other boyish pranks it deserved no very severe\\npunishment, yet we cannot see anything out of the way in Mr. Parker s\\nfeeling of dissatisfaction. He determined to take no notice of the disturb-\\nances until after the completion of his sales when he would send in a bill\\nto the students concerned for the loss he should have sustained, and then if\\nnecessary appeal to the law. The Faculty heard of the proeeedings of the\\nfirst day and endeavored to ascertain the facts from Mr. Parker, but he as\\nyet considered it a small matter, little more than a joke, and kept the facts\\nto himself. The second day somewhat aggravated the case, and after that, he\\nwas exposed to a multitude of petty annoyances such as, injury to his sign,\\nthe moving of his steps, salutations with groans and the like, which, it is\\nneedless to mention, were never approved by the students in general. These\\nwould naturally exasperate almost any man, but, when an informal propo-\\nsition was laid before him, he declared himself ready to accept it. The formal\\nproposal, however, being delayed, and no explanation given him, while the\\ninsults continued, it is not strange that he inferred that the plan had been\\nabandoned and put the matter into the hands of a lawyer.\\nIt is evident even from this temperate statement, especially\\nin view of another statement of The Dartmouth that the students\\nalmost literally turned the room inside out, that noise, dis-\\nturbance, insult and destruction of property did reach nearly", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 397\\nthe proportions of a riot, and that Mr. Parker, who set his loss\\nof property at several hundred dollars, was, in default of repara-\\ntion, fully justified in appealing to the law. This he did and\\nten days later nine students were arrested and taken to Plymouth\\non the morning train north. Nearly all the college escorted\\nthem to the station, but though they made no attempt to dis-\\nturb the officers they did prevent Mr. Parker from taking the\\ntrain by detaining him in the station. He managed to reach\\nPlymouth by another route, and obtained an indictment against\\nsix of the nine, who were put under $200 bonds to appear at\\nthe March term of court. The Faculty, meantime, had taken\\nup the case and disciplined several of those who were afterward\\nindicted, but then recalling their action till the settlement of\\nthe case, they contented themselves with re-affirming the posi-\\ntion that students were as fully subject to the laws of the land\\nas any other dwellers therein, and with separating one and\\ndegrading another of Ihose who took part in the disturbance\\nbut had not been arrested. The case came on at the appointed\\ntim.e, but being continued from time to time was finally settled\\nby the payment of $350, and thje case dismissed.\\nIn the fall of 1875 there was a very extensive outbreak of\\ntyphoid fever in the village. A few cases occurred almost\\nevery fall, but in that year the number far exceeded the ordinary.\\nBy the last of October there had been nearly sixty cases, most\\nof them of a light character, but there were a few deaths and\\namong them one of a senior. The student body was aroused\\nand the senior class petitioned the Faculty for a recess till Thanks-\\ngiving, when they believed that the epidemic would have sub-\\nsided. The Faculty after careful consideration did not grant the\\npetition, but promised that they would spare no pains to im-\\nprove the sanitary condition of the village. Fortunately, owing\\nto their efforts or because the epidemic had run its course,\\nthere was little further trouble, nor has there been since that\\ntime a similar outbreak of fever, while of late years with improved\\nsystems of water supply and sewerage, and with a careful inspec-\\ntion of all eating houses and lodging places typhoid fever has\\nalmost disappeared from the village.\\nThe later years of President Smith s administration were\\nmarked by several movements that had a great effect upon\\nthe subsequent working of the College. The first of these was\\nthe consolidation of the libraries of the old literary societies\\nwith that of the College and their union under the management", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "398 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. Xlll.\\nof the Trustees. The college library had continued to be of\\npractically little value to the students. It was nominally open\\nsix hours a week, but its shelves were not open to inspection,\\nand the selection of books from an incomplete catalogue and\\nwith the help of insufficient and untrained assistants was a\\nmatter of much difficulty. The libraries of the societies, open\\nthree hours a week, were of much greater service, but they,\\ntoo, suffered from shifting and unskilled management and from\\nthe waste of duplication. Each society made additions to its\\nlibrary without regard to the other, not wishing to be second\\nin any special branch of literature. The expenses of separate\\ncontrol were so great that, with the lack of stable and consistent\\ndirection and the loss of dues, the societies ran into debt, and\\nin 1869 had asked the Trustees to take charge of the collection\\nof dues and the assignment of members, which had become a\\npurely alphabetical matter. The result was the payment of\\nthe debts and an increase in the number of books purchased.\\nThis opened the way for the consideration of a more business-\\nlike and efficient administration of all the libraries, and to Mr.\\nC. W. Scott of the class of 1874, who during his senior year\\nwas the assistant of Professor Sanborn in the College library be-\\nbelongs the credit of devising and carrying through, against\\nconsiderable opposition, a plan for the permanent management\\nof all the libraries under the direction of the Trustees. At\\nfirst it was proposed that the society libraries should be put\\nunder the control of the Faculty and not bound up with the\\ncollege library, but to this arrangement the Trustees objected\\non the ground that they were the sole guardians of all property\\nthat came under college administration, and that the Faculty\\ncould not control property within the College except under\\nthe authority of the Trustees. They accordingly took the place\\nin the scheme of arrangement that had been intended for the\\nFaculty, and by an agreement between them and the societies,\\ncompleted in 1879 by the Fraters and in 1880 by the Socials,\\nall the libraries were brought under their direction in conformity\\nto the plan proposed by Mr. Scott. Its details are given in\\nanother place, but it involved the appointment of a general\\nlibrarian with oversight of all the libraries, and brought increased\\nefficiency and less expense.\\nThe plan went into operation in the fall of 1874 and Mr.\\nScott became the first librarian. The consolidation brought\\nunder the new management about 20,000 volumes in the library", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 399\\nof the College, 2,300 of the Northen Academy, 9,500 of the\\nSocials, 9,200 of the Praters and 1,200 from the Philotechnic\\nSociety, an organization of the Chandler School chartered in\\n1854. The ownership of the books was not at the time trans-\\nferred to the Trustees, but the care and custody and respon-\\nsibility passed to them under conditions of maintenance which\\nresulted in a greatly increased use of the library. The college\\nlibrary became equally as accessible as the others; the number\\nof assistants was increased; the hours for distribution rose at\\nonce to twenty-one a week the reading room was brought under\\nthe same control and a continuity of administration from year\\nto year secured.\\nIt was, of course, the aim of President Smith to raise the\\nstandard of scholarship in the College, and several movements\\ntended to this end. It was for this that written examinations\\nwere introduced, that the passing mark was raised, that diffi-\\nculties were put in the way of absence for teaching, that rank\\nwas restored as a basis of college honors and that the stimulus\\nof prizes was again sought. Several prizes were established\\nduring this period. The Lockwood prizes, already mentioned,\\nwere followed in 1866 by two Latin prizes, established by the\\nclass of 1846, for the best work in that subject and these were\\nreinforced for several years, beginning in 1873, by the offer of\\ntwo prizes for the best ode in Latin written in one\\nof the Horatian meters. A provisional mathematical prize,\\noffered in 1866, was made permanent three years later by the\\ngift of |i,ooo by General Thayer, and at the same time Senator\\nGrimes of the class of 1836 established, by two gifts of $1,000\\neach, two prizes for English composition, and one prize, known\\nas a general improvement prize, to be awarded at the end of\\nsenior year to the student of the graduating class, who, in the\\njudgment of the Faculty, had made the most satisfactory progress\\nduring his college course. Other temporary prizes were offered\\nfrom time to time, the largest being the rhetorical prizes given\\nin 1874 by John B. Clarke and open to competition to members\\nof the Academic and Scientific Departments.\\nThe question of admission to college was one that received\\nmuch consideration. The changes in the requirements for\\nentrance, all in the nature of increase, have been already men-\\ntioned. The only method of admission was by examination\\nand the increased requirements brought a great burden upon\\ncandidates for entrance, as examinations upon all the require-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "400 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nments were taken at one time. To relieve this strain, the Faculty\\nvoted in December of 1874 to allow candidates to divide their\\nexaminations into two parts, a preliminary and a final, the former\\nto be taken one year before admission upon all subjects completed\\nat that time, and the latter just before admission upon the\\nwork of the last year of preparation. For some reason, perhaps\\nthe introduction of the certificate plan, the announcement of\\nthis change was not made in the catalogue for several years.\\nIn the winter of 1876 President Smith brought to the Faculty\\nthe suggestion of a new plan of admission to college, the sub-\\nstitution of a certificate from a fitting school for the examination\\nby the college. Long discussions followed and the doubt and\\nuncertainty with which the proposal was received gave way\\nto a willingness to try it and a reasonable confidence in its success.\\nThe plan, as adopted April 14, 1876, was somewhat more exact-\\ning than as afterward modified and was as follows:\\nStudents from such fitting schools as have a reguar and thorough course\\nof preparation for College, of at least three years, will be admitted, without\\nexamination, on the certificate of their respective principals, that they have\\ncompleted the curriculum of the senior year, and have regularly graduated;\\nand that, in addition to the proper moral qualifications, they have mastered\\nthe entire requisites for admission, or their equivalents, as set forth in the\\ncatalogue.\\nThe statement that candidates coming on certificate must\\nhave mastered the entire requisites was regarded as so important\\nthat for many years, after the first, it was emphasized with\\ncapitals in the catalogue. At first it was proposed that students\\nthus entering should not become members of college for three\\nmonths, but the Trustees objected to the idea of having students\\nin College who were not members of College, and, therefore,\\nthe first three months of the college course were regarded as\\nprobationary. As this was really the case with all students,\\nthose who came on certificate were practically on the same\\nfooting as the rest, and after a few years the statement of pro-\\nbation was dropped from the catalogue.\\nThe plan was put into immediate operation. Announcements\\nwere sent to the schools and candidates for the next class were\\nreceived by the new method. This early announcement and\\nthe consequent committal of the College to the schools, at\\nleast for one year, was all that saved the life of the plan. The\\ndetermination of the conditions and methods of entrance to\\ncollege belonged to the Trustees and not to the Faculty. In\\nthe earlier days the Trustees legislated upon them, as upon the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 401\\ncourses in college, to the smallest detail, even to prescribing the\\nbooks to be used; afterward, under their general direction and\\nwithout express authorization, the Faculty acted upon many\\nthings that did not affect the policy of the College, but theTrustees\\nheld to the principle of complete control, as when a little\\nlater they refused to allow, except in mathematics, a division\\nof classes according to scholarship which the Faculty had made.\\nWhen, however, the President laid before the Faculty and\\nasked its action upon so important a matter as a certificate\\nsystem, the Faculty naturally felt that it did not exceed its\\nlimits in voting favorably upon the President s proposition.\\nBut when the plan came to the knowledge of the Trustees it\\ndid not meet their approval, and if it had not been too late\\nthey would probably have refused to sanction it. As it had\\nalready gone into operation they could do no less than give it\\nprovisional assent, which they did at an adjourned meeting in\\nAugust in the following vote:\\nThe Trustees, having incidentally learned that the conditions of admission\\nof students have been materially changed by the omission in certain cases of\\nexamination by the Dartmouth Faculty,\\nVoted That we do not recognize the authority of the Faculty to make\\nso radical a change, the conditions of examination being fixed by the laws\\nof the College.\\n2nd. That we authorize the Faculty to carry out the proposed plan\\nfor the present year and direct the Executive Committee, as soon as the\\nworking of the new system appears, to determine whether it shall continue\\nin force another year.\\nAs far as appears, the Executive Committee made no move,\\nso that the plan continued in operation without formal approval\\nfor six years, when, in April, 1882, the Trustees, by a definite\\nvote authorized the Faculty to accept from competent teachers\\ncertificates of the proper preparation of students for admission\\nto college in the studies required by the laws. Though to\\nthe present it has never commanded the unanimous consent\\nof the Faculty it has always been supported by a decided major-\\nity, and for many years the greater part of the students of the\\nCollege entered on certificate. In process of time the plan has\\nundergone considerable modification. A complete certificate\\nis no longer required. Minor exceptions were at first allowed,\\nlit is proper to say in reference to this phrase, which in substance occurs somewhat frequently,\\nthat from 1864 to 1892 the files of the Trustees have almost completely disappeared. Not\\none presidential report and scarcely a single report of committees for that period is to be found,\\nso that the progress of many movements can only be inferred from the scanty record of the\\nproceedings of the Trustees, and this often with more negative than affirmative force.\\n26", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "402 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI 1 1.\\nand these have been extended till they now may include nearly\\none half of the requirements for admission. Greater stress\\nis laid upon the approval of schools, certificates being received\\nfrom such schools only as have received the certificate privi-\\nlege, and since 1902 this has been given in New England by a\\nCertificate Board, composed of nearly all the colleges in that\\nsection which receive students on certificate.\\nThe financial burden which President Smith assumed on\\nentering upon ofifice did not lessen as the years went by. Ex-\\npenses steadily exceeded the income and each year showed a\\ndeficit, till at the end of his administration the sum of these\\ndeficits was over $65,000. The College grew; there was an\\nincrease in the receipts from tuition and also from additional\\nendowments, but this was more than neutralized by the\\nincrease in the salary roll, the care of the new buildings and the\\ngeneral expense of new interests and new methods, so that the\\nPresident spoke from experience when in a circular to the alumni,\\nappealing for funds, he said, it costs to prosper.\\nTo the ordinarily unfavorable course of the finances of the\\nCollege was added a specially disturbing incident in the summer\\nof 1875. Daniel Blaisdell, who had been the Treasurer of the\\nCollege for forty years, died on the 24th of August. He had\\nbeen the trusted financial adviser of the village and had enjoyed\\nthe fullest confidence of the Trustees, whose auditing committee\\nthe year before had congratulated the Board on his fidelity and\\nthe accuracy of his accounts, but after his death it was found that\\nhis accounts were almost hopelessly confused. Mr. Blaisdell\\nwas the president of the Dartmouth National Bank and the\\nDartmouth Savings Bank as well as the Treasurer of the College,\\nand the securities of all these institutions were kept in his personal\\nsafe, an arrangement which rendered possible an interchange\\nof the securities of different funds.\\nOn the death of Mr, Blaisdell, Frederick Chase of the class\\nof i860, who had been in the practice of law in Washington,\\nD. C, but had a short time before returned to Hanover, his\\nnative place, and opened a law office there, was appointed\\nacting-treasurer. The results of a long investigation into the\\naccounts of the late Treasurer conducted by him and by an\\nexpert accountant were embodied by him in an exhaustive\\nreport, presented to the Trustees at a special meeting, February\\n8, 1876.\\nBy this it appeared that though before 1865 there were a", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "1863-1877-] Administration of President Smith. 403\\nfew confused entries there were none that were not explained\\nbut from February of 1865 the accounts of every year afforded\\nmore or less entries not in accordeance with what other evidence\\nindicated to be facts. It was found that the numbers of bonds\\nowned were rarely recorded, and that many large and important\\ntransactions, involving the receipt and payment of considerable\\nsums of money, found no place on the books. Moneys were\\nreceived and paid out, bonds and other securities bought, ex-\\nchanged and otherwise disposed of, and the only evidence of\\nthe transactions was in scattered memoranda of correspondence,\\nand in some cases it came only through inquiries instituted with.\\nbrokers through whom the transactions had been conducted.\\nIt seems to have been the habit of the Treasurer to charge\\nfrom time to time bonds as purchased for various funds in order\\nto balance accounts, when the purchase had not in fact been\\nmade, and if purchases were afterward made they did not always\\ncorrespond with the previous charges. There were charges\\nof bonds purchased, which apparently never were purchased\\nor came into the possession of the Treasurer, although the books\\nshowed the existence of means to make the purchases as charged,\\nand yet on these fictitious bonds, which were sometimes incor-\\nrectly assigned to different funds, interest was credited, as if\\ncollected when due, so that on them the Treasurer credited the\\nCollege each year more than he actually received, in all to the\\namount of $18,000 to $20,000.\\nIt will be readily perceived, said the report, that a series\\nof accounts like these, continuing through a period of ten to\\nfifteen years, wherein many complicated transactions took place\\nthat are not recorded, and can, therefore, be imperfectly under-\\nstood, are incapable of being adjusted except approximately.\\nThe approximate discrepancy in the accounts was $47,840.73,\\nbut this adverse balance in the account was reduced by about\\n$20,000 through the subtraction of the amount of interest\\ncredited but not collected. Acting on this report the Trustees\\nappointed a committee to confer with the heirs of Mr. Blaisdell\\nin reference to the claims of the College on his estate, and\\nafter a report by this committee, they voted to sell and assign\\nto the heirs-at-law of Daniel Blaisdell all the claims and demands\\nof Dartmouth College against said estate in consideration of\\ntwenty thousand dollars to be paid or secured by said assigns\\nto said College. The settlement was made the next day in\\niReport of the Acting Treasurer in the college files.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "404 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\naccordance with this vote. No sufficient explanation was ever\\ngiven of the disappearance of the funds, for no known fact in\\nthe life of the Treasurer gave color to the suggestion that he\\nemployed them in speculation or converted them to his own use.\\nAt the same meeting Mr. Chase was elected Treasurer, and\\nmeasures were taken for a closer scrutiny in the future of the\\nfunds of the College through the appointment of a Financial\\nCommittee. This committee was to consist of two members\\nholding office for two years, but retiring one each year. It was\\nto see to the sufficiency of the Treasurer s bond, set at $25,000,\\nand to keep in its hands a list of all securities and other prop-\\nerty belonging to the College, with copies of all reports, schedules\\nand statements representing the several funds, in such fullness\\nas shall enable them to present a full and accurate account of\\nall the property belonging to the College and the mode of its\\ninvestment. It was also required to make an annual audit\\nof the books of the Treasurer, and he, besides being required\\nto furnish a complete list of all bonds, notes and other securities\\nbelonging to the College, with the names, numbers and amount\\nof each, also the par and cash valuation of each, was forbidden\\nto hold any similar office by which he should have or retain\\nin his hands the funds of any other corporation or monied\\ninstitution, nor could he make or change investments of\\ncollege funds without the consent of the committee.\\nTo the dark financial cloud that hung over the College there\\nwas given a silver lining by the announcement about this time\\nof three legacies, one entirely unexpected, that seemed to open\\nthe prospect of relief. Two of them were not immediately avail-\\nable, but no one anticipated the long delay that actually occurred\\nin their realization. The first was a bequest by Judge Richard\\nFletcher of Boston, who died June i, 1869, which was estimated\\nat $100,000, but of which only $30,000 were received under\\nPresident Smith, and of this sum $10,000 were reserved for a\\nbiennial prize to be offered by the Trustees for an essay tending\\nto counteract the worldly influences that draw professed Chris-\\ntians into fatal conformity to the world. In case no essay\\nwas thought worthy of the prize the amount of it was to be given\\nto some charitable institution in New Hampshire. Essays\\nhave been accepted and published from time to time, wrote\\nPresident Tucker at a later period, in accordance with the\\nterms of the will, but of late years so many manuscripts have\\nbeen rejected by the judges, that the Trustees are about to", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 405\\nask leave of the Courts to substitute some other form of carrying\\nout the devout intention of Judge Fletcher which shall insure\\nthe result which he had in mind. The amount thus far received\\nunder this bequest falls a little short of $100,000 but $15,000\\nor $20,000 more are expected.\\nThe second bequest was that of another former Trustee,\\nJudge Joel Parker of Cambridge, who died August 17, 1875,\\nleaving to the College property estimated at $140,000. Part\\nwas for the benefit of the library, but the greater part for the\\nestablishment of a law school in the College. As much of the\\nproperty was in land, and as other interests than those of the\\nCollege were involved, the settlement of the estate progressed\\nslowly, and after a time, in 1883, an arrangement was made\\nwith the heirs, the fund being found insufficient for a law school,\\nfor the founding in the College of a professorship of law and\\npolitical science. The amount realized from the estate produced\\na fund of $50,000 for the professorship, and of $37,500 for the\\nlibrary.\\nThe third and unexpected bequest was that of Tappan Went-\\nworth, a lawyer of Lowell, Mass., who died June 12, 1875.\\nMr. Wentworth was not a graduate of the College, but was\\nperhaps interested in it because he was of the same stock as\\nGovernor John Wentworth, who gave the charter to the College.\\nAt one time he visited Hanover and made his investigation of\\nthe College without the knowledge of any one connected with\\nit, and on returning to his home remarked to a friend, I have\\nbeen to Dartmouth and I think a little more money will do it\\nno harm. At his death he gave to the College his whole estate\\nsubject to some annuities and small bequests, and with the con-\\ndition that it should be allowed to accumulate till it reached\\n$500,000.\\nThe announcement of this bequest gave nev/ heart and hope\\nto the college authorities, but they were to sufifer great disap-\\npointment in its realization. The inventory of the estate was\\n$276,972.19, of which $194,750 were in houses and lands in\\nLowell, and $82,222.19 in personal property, including 910\\nshares of the stock of the National Rubber Company valued at\\n$75,000. The care of the property was put into the hands of\\nthree executors, D. S. Richarsdon of Lowell, A. O. Bowen of\\nBristol, R. L, and President Smith, who soon desired to include\\nResources and Expenditures of Dartmouth College, Dartmouth Bi-Monthly, October, 1907-\\nAugust, 1908.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "4o6 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nthe Trustees in the management of the real estate, and Messrs.\\nSpalding and Davis were associated with them in that task.\\nTwo years later the two trustees assumed the entire responsi-\\nbility for the real estate and still later of all the property, and this\\nwas continued with marked ability till the death of Dr. Spalding\\nand the resignation of Dr. Davis in 1891.\\nAn examination of Mr. Wentworth s assets and liabilities\\nwas, however, attended with some unwelcome revelations.\\nThe real estate, located mostly in the central portion of the city,\\nwas subject to mortgages, to the amount of $41,000, bearing\\ninterest at the rate of 7 percent. Mr. Wentworth had antici-\\npated the dividends of the current year from his stock in the\\nRubber company, and claims called for payment in excess of\\nall dues in his favor. The lots on Merrimack street had great\\nprospective value, but the buildings, with a single exception,\\nwere old; two thirds of them were ten-footers and all in need\\nof extensive repairs. The rents were low, the total receipts\\nfrom this source not exceeding $10,000 a year.\\nIn this state of affairs, with claims that had to be met within\\ntwelve months quite in excess of the annual income, the com-\\nmittee was much perplexed, but by help from Mrs. Wentworth,\\nwho cordially supported her husband s wishes, by the extension\\nof the notes through temporary loans, and by the sale of two\\nout-lying lots of land, the committee was able to meet the cur-\\nrent claims and to pay the $18,000 of legacies due within four\\nyears. It took up several of the notes at 7 per cent., and trans-\\nferred them to the College at 6 per cent., which was advantageous\\nIboth for the College and the estate. The trustees desired to\\nsell the rubber stock, but Mr. Bowen, the executor, did not\\nconsent to transfer it to them till after the company ceased to\\npay dividends. There was no market for it and at last the\\ncompany becoming bankrupt, the College realized from it only\\n$11,295. In 1889 the committee reported that all legacies and\\nclaims had been paid and that the College owned all the real\\nestate, except one lot, free of all encumbrance beyond a\\nmortgage for $28,000 held by the College, the net value of the\\nestate being $259,000, with an excess of income of about $4,000.\\nThe payment of this mortgage and the appreciation of the\\nproperty, which was appraised in 1892 by outside parties at\\n$501432, gave the use of the income to the College from July\\n14, 1896.1\\niReport of the Committee August 27, 1889, and A Manual for the Use of the Trustees and\\nOther Officers of Dartmouth College, printed by the Trustees in 191 1.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 407\\nIn October, 1876, President Smith issued a leaflet entitled\\nDonations to Dartmouth College Within the Last Thirteen\\nYears, the period of his administration, by which he showed\\nthat for all Departments there had been given to the College\\n$960,590, estimating the gifts at their current value. Including\\nthe Wentworth bequest at $250,000 the amount given for the\\nAcademic Department was $519,815, but only $119,050 were\\nthen available for meeting current expenses. The actual or\\nestimated value of gifts to the other Departments was $24,000\\nfor the Scientific, $205,900 for the Agricultural, $70,000 for the\\nThayer, $17,000 for the Medical, and $120,000 for the Law,\\nand $3,875 for Moor s Charity School. The amount of resid-\\nuary and other legacies, as they would be when available, was\\n$740,000.\\nNotwithstanding these gifts, some of actual but more of\\nprospective value, the College was in serious financial difficulties.\\nIn that very year its deficit was nearly $11,000, and at a special\\nmeeting of the Trustees in August the President introduced\\nthe question of retrenchment and recommended: 1st, All\\nnecessary measures to keep expenses within the income. 2nd,\\nA temporary subscription to supply deficiencies. 3rd, In case\\nof failure of the subscription by the first of April a deduction\\nnot exceeding ten per cent, from all salaries, except in cases\\nof special contract. In carrying out the first recommendation\\nthe Trustees, following the suggestions of the Faculty, voted\\nto retrench by dispensing with one tutor, by reducing expenses\\nfor the gymnasium, gas, printing, fuel, labor, etc., by dispensing\\nwith the services of Dr. Labaree, by reducing repairs to a min-\\nimum, by encouraging students to room in the buildings, and\\nafter one year to assess the rent of the unoccupied rooms on\\nthose rooming outside. These methods of retrenchment were\\nput into operation the next fall and helped materially to reduce\\nthe deficit of the year, but the subscription was not attempted\\nor was not successful and there was no reduction of salaries.\\nUnder these discouraging financial conditions the new year\\nopened, and to add to the discouragements there was disap-\\npointment also in the size of the entering class, which in the\\nAcademic Department was smaller by twenty, and in the Chand-\\nler by seven than the year before, a total of seventy-nine against\\none hundred and six. It was at this time, perhaps for his own\\ncheer as well as for that of the friends of the College, that Presi-\\ndent Smith sent out the list of donations already mentioned.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "4o8 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xill.\\nbut the strain was telling upon him. He bore up under it with\\nhis usual courage, though conscious of a lessened vitality, till\\nabout the middle of November, when he was prostrated by a\\nviolent cold, accompanied by almost complete physical exhaus-\\ntion. About this time he was greatly affected, and his weakness\\nwas increased, by a letter which he received from a prominent\\nalumnus of the College, containing a bitter and violent attack\\nupon him and his administration. To criticisms of errors of\\njudgment, such as might be brought against any administration,\\nwere added personal attacks of a peculiarly trying nature. In\\nhis enfeebled state these combined to make a serious menace to\\nhis health. He did not rally from his collapse and his physician\\nordered him to give up work altogether.\\nA meeting of the Trustees had been called for the 22d of\\nDecember at Concord. He was unable to attend, but sent in-\\nstead his resignation to take effect at the end of the month.\\nThe Trustees were dismayed, and, declining to accept the resigna-\\ntion, appointed a committee of four, Messrs. Quint, Fairbanks,\\nNesmith and Spalding, to wait upon the President and urge him\\nto withdraw it. They came to Hanover by appointment on\\nthe 3d of January, but Dr. Smith was too ill to see them. They\\nsent him a communication offering him an indefinite leave of\\nabsence and relief from all work with continuance of salary,\\nif he would only remain in office. After a night s consideration\\nhe declined their offer, but, though persisting in his resignation,\\nyet in the hope of completing some matters for which his signa-\\nture was desirable, he consented to remain in office until February.\\nOn the report of the committee the Trustees accepted his resigna-\\ntion, but fixed the date of his retirement as March i. He never\\nregained his health, and though with the coming of summer\\nhe was able to drive out, he died in the middle of the following\\nsummer, August 16, 1877.^\\nPresident Smith was fortunate in the comparatively stable\\nbody of his advisers. It is true that at his retirement there were\\nonly three members of the Board of Trust who were in office\\nlAsa Dodge Smith was born in Amherst, N. H., September 21, 1804, the son of Dr. Rogers\\nand Sally Dodge Smith, but in his infancy his family removed to Weston, Vt. After entering\\nupon the printer s trade at Windsor he determined to secure an education, and having fitted\\nat Kimball Union Academy at Meriden, N. H., he entered Dartmouth in 1826 and was grad-\\nuated in 1830. After a year s teaching at Limerick, Me., he studied for the ministry at Andover\\nTheological Seminary, and immediately on graduation was called to the Brainerd Presby-\\nterian Church, just built on Rivington Street, New York City. There and in its new home on\\nSecond Avenue and Fourteenth Street, he remained as its successful pastor for twenty-nine\\nyears, till he was called to the presidency of Dartmouth. He married, November 9, 1836,\\nMiss Sarah Ann Adams of North Andover, Mass.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "1863-1877] Administration of President Smith. 409\\nwhen he came, but the changes had occurred relatively within\\na very short time, so that especially in the latter half of his\\nadministration he could rely upon those who by long association\\nknew both one another and the College. The stability of the\\nFaculty after the first was even more marked. Of the nine\\npermanent members of the Academic Faculty at his retirement,\\nthree had been with him from the beginning, two almost from\\nthe beginning, another for seven years and the remaining three\\nhad been taken into the Faculty as tutors and advanced to pro-\\nfessorships. The leading member of the Chandler Faculty was\\nalso connected with the College for twelve years.\\nThe administration of President Smith covered a period of\\na little more than thirteen years, and was both honorable and\\nsuccessful. Under it the College prospered. Two new depart-\\nments were organized, the Agricultural College and the Thayer\\nSchool, and the older ones shared in the common advance. The\\nnumber of students in the Academic Department, though some-\\nwhat fluctuating, rose from the low point of 1864 till for two\\nyears it exceeded that of any one of the preceding thirteen years.\\nIn the Chandler Department the number nearly doubled; the\\nnumber in the Medical School also greatly increased, so that in-\\ncluding the students of the two newly organized departments the\\ntotal registration of the College reached in one year 479, the\\nlargest number in its history up to that time. The list of\\nthe general Faculty rose from seventeen to twenty-nine, partly\\nthrough small additions to the older faculties and partly through\\nthe addition of the faculties of the two new departments.\\nAn outward and lasting sign of growth appeared in the new\\nbuildings, Bissell, Culver and Conant Halls and the renovated\\nbuildings of the Chandler and Medical Schools. The equipment\\nof the Observatory was almost wholly renewed, as well as en-\\nlarged, the apparatus of the Appleton physical laboratory made\\ndoubly effective, and there were many minor improvements that\\nmade the buildings more convenient and serviceable.\\nDuring this period the College regained to a large degree the\\nsympathy of the clergy of the State, which had been alienated\\nby the pro-slavery views of President Lord. Not only was\\nPresident Smith in entire accord with the prevailing sentiment\\non the subject of salvery, but he used every effort to show that\\nin the College there was nothing at variance with it. With\\ngreat persistence and with great tact, through personal acquaint-\\nance and through personal and circular letters, he attempted", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "410 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIII.\\nto interest the ministers of the State in the moral welfare of the\\nCollege, and by attendance at the meetings of the various\\nministerial associations and by addresses before them and on\\nother occasions, to reinstate the College in the active sympathy\\nof its natural constituency.\\nPresident Smith was well qualified for his position. His\\nmind was alert and constructive, his temper sympathetic, and\\na native ease in meeting people had been trained and perfected\\nin a long city pastorate. He was fond of young men and entered\\nheartily into their feelings, so that when he was President, Pro-\\nfessor Noyes, a classmate of his in college, once said to him:\\nMr. President, I think that you are more of a boy now than\\nwhen you were in college. His sympathy for those who were\\nworking their way through college was unbounded and more\\nthan once in the early days of his presidency, when he was\\ndirecting his energies particularly to raising funds for scholar-\\nships, he pledged his salary with the treasurer to its full amount\\nfor help to needy students, trusting that he would make himself\\nwhole by what he might beg from others.\\nHe never lost sight of what he regarded as the highest interest\\nof the students, their moral and spiritual welfare, and he made\\nit his practice not to allow a student to leave college without\\nhaving a talk with him on the subject of personal religion. He\\ntook pleasure in personal contact with the students, no one of\\nwhom ever felt himself unwelcome when he wished for counsel\\nor advice, and though the President s fluency and exuberance of\\nexpression sometimes seemed to go beyond the need of the occa-\\nsion, no one doubted the genuine kindness that lay behind his\\nwords. It was his custom to meet the incoming classes with\\nan address of advice and suggestion, and he never failed to impress\\nupon them his desire to stand to them, in his common phrase,\\nin loco -parentis. His theory of college government, like that of\\nhis predecessors, was paternal, but though he was always ready\\nto listen to excuses and to make allowances he was firm in dis-\\ncipline and tempered his mercy with justice.\\nDr. Smith had the gift of public speech; he was always at his\\nease, never thrown off his balance, the master of phrase, and\\nnever happier than on occasions when something must be said\\nand yet it seemed as if there was nothing that could be said. By\\ntact and grace of expression he frequently redeemed an appar-\\nently impossible situation and even turned it into an opportunity.\\nIn this he was aided bj an unusual facility in the use of language,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "1863-1877.] Administration of President Smith. 411\\nresting upon a vocabulary of extraordinary range, and, as was\\nsaid of another, by an inexhaustible copiousness of grandilo-\\nquent phrase. He used long words by preference and his\\nvernacular, a word of which he was fond, was largely made\\nup of Latin derivatives. His style was consequently of the\\nJohnsonian order, as was illustrated by two expressions in his\\nbaccalaureates, in which he described the universe as a vast\\ncongeries of reciprocities, and a well reasoned argument as a\\nseries of well concatenated ratiocination.\\nSounding phrase was not used, however, as a mask for weak-\\nness of thought. Dr. Smith s sermons, addresses and familiar\\ntalks, though sometimes drawing attention and even causing\\na smile by expressions like those just given, were thoughtful,\\nearnest and effective. Hearers were impresssed by his real depth\\nof feeling, clear understanding, power of analysis and ability\\nof statement and illustration. Few among the students failed\\nto be impressed by his conduct of the chapel services either\\nin morning prayers or in the vesper service of Sunday evening,\\nor to recognize the strength of his convictions and to be affected\\nby the force with which they were presented.\\nIn his relations with the Trustees and the Faculty President\\nSmith was thoughtful and considerate. His leadership was real\\nbut not assertive, commending itself by the wisdom of its measures\\nand the graciousness of its methods. He was firm when firmness\\nwas necessary, but preferred to carry his plans by persuasion\\nrather than by authority, and to hide the strength of his hand\\nbeneath a silken glove. Resourceful and diplomatic, he was\\nskillful in harmonizing opposing interests and rarely aroused\\nantagonism in bringing his plans to effect.\\nHis scheme for the development of the College was compre-\\nhensive. The organization of the Thayer School, and the con-\\nnection with the Agricultural College, temporary though it was,\\nwere indicative of the university idea which he cherished. At\\nthe time it was, doubtless, better for the latter institution to\\nbe established in Hanover than elsewhere; it profited by its\\nassociation with Dartmouth, and Dartmouth gained by being\\nfree at that time from the diversion of support to another college.\\nThat the connection was not permanent does not reflect upon\\nthe wisdom of the early arrangement. Later conditions could\\niHis preference for Latin words was shown in a remark which he made in a faculty meeting.\\nIn reporting a reprimand, which he had been asked to give to a student, he said, He was\\nsaucy to me; in plain Saxon, he was impudent. The laugh of the Faculty recalled the correct\\norigin of the word.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "412 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XI II.\\nnot be effective at the start. Dr. Smith desired to concentrate\\nall the higher educational interests of the State at Hanover,\\nand thus give them the advantage of mutual support. The\\nlines of expansion on which he worked had a definite aim, whose\\nlarger realization at that time was prevented mainly by the\\nfinancial stress. That the alumni of the College did not then,\\nas later, rally to its aid was due to their wide dispersion, which\\ntook them out of touch with its immediate condition, and to\\ntheir association with the interests of the newer localities with\\nwhich many had cast in their lot.\\nIn person President Smith was tall and well proportioned, a\\nnoticeable figure in any place. Always erect, he had the habit\\nwhen speaking, as if to emphasize a serious or a humorous remark,\\nof raising himself to his full height and giving almost oracular\\nutterance to his thought. He had a rounded face, which, with\\na ruddy hue and always smooth shaven, was not characterized\\nby marked features. A slightly receding chin, a small mouth,\\na short and rather thick nose, pleasant eyes that smiled behind\\ntheir barriers of gold-bowed spectacles, and a high forehead\\ncombined to give the impression of a kindly nature. His man-\\nner, while not wholly forgetful of himself, was yet dignified and\\ncordial. In dress he recalled the former time, for he always\\nappeared in public in a dress coat, which with his erect carriage\\nmade him a conspicuous figure.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "^O^^c^", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV.\\nI 877-1 892.\\nTHE COLLEGE UNDER PRESIDENT BARTLETT.\\nWE HAVE now come to times whose events are covered\\nby the memory of many still living, and as some of\\nthese events involved controversy, which perhaps cannot yet\\nbe seen in clear perspective, it will be better to let their extended\\ndiscussion await the determination of later times, and to present\\nonly a brief summary of their progress.\\nOn the resignation of President Smith the Trustees, after\\nthe informal canvassing of many names, chose, on January\\n30, the Rev. Samuel Colcord Bartlett, D.D., as his successor.\\nDr. Bartlett, a graduate of the College in the class of 1836,\\nhad been a tutor in the College for one year in 1 838-1 839, and\\nduring successive pastorates in the east and the west and pro-\\nfessorships first in Western Reserve College and then in Chicago\\nTheological Seminary, where he was at the time of his election\\nto the presidency, had kept up a warm interest in his alma\\nmater and had been an earnest advocate of alumni representation.\\nAfter carefully considering the invitation and coming to Hanover\\nto inspect the College, he accepted the position in March, but\\nwas unable to enter upon its duties till the middle of May.\\nHis inauguration, which came on Wednesday of Commence-\\nment week, June 27, 1877, was favored with a beautiful day\\nand commanded a large audience. The exercises, which were\\nin the church, were presided over by Dr. Peaslee of the Board,\\na classmate of the President-elect, and, after music by the\\nBoston Cadet band, were opened by a prayer by Rev. Dr. N.\\nBouton. An address and delivery of the keys and the charter\\nof the College by Governor B. F. Prescott were followed by an\\nacceptance of the trust by the President, who also responded\\nto an address of welcome on behalf of the students, instructors\\nand alumni of the College by Professor E. D. Sanborn. An\\ninterlude of music was followed by the inaugural address on\\nThe Chief Elements of Manly Culture, and the exercises\\nclosed with prayer and benediction by the President.\\nThe new administration met a severe loss at the very outset\\nin the resignation of Professor Young. He had been invited to\\n413", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "414 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nthe chair of astronomy at Princeton, and in February indicated\\nto the Dartmouth Trustees his intention to accept the invitation,\\nthough he said that he would remain if the Trustees would make\\nhim professor of astronomy, without duties in the department\\nof physics, would appropriate $5,000 for the further equipment\\nof the Observatory and endow his chair in a sum sulificient to\\nensure a salary not less than his existing one. He was at once\\nmade professor of astronomy; Dr. Spalding assured the $5,000\\nfor equipment, and the Trustees, while not being able to raise\\nthe necessary endowment in so short a time, promised that\\nthey would use their best endeavors to secure it, and that the\\nsalary should not be reduced. In fact the vote of the previous\\nyear, looking toward a possible reduction in the salaries of the\\nFaculty in general was recalled. But Professor Young feeling\\nthat his condition had not been met, since the endowment was\\nnot immediately secured, put in his final resignation on March\\n22d, the same day on which the acceptance of Dr. Bartlett was\\nreceived, and at the close of the year went to Princeton.\\nDr. Bartlett accepted the presidency with the understanding\\nthat the subscription, which had been proposed, should go on,\\nthough not under his direction, and that he was to be free to\\ndevote himself to the literary interests and internal affairs of\\nthe College. The financial condition of the College was, how-\\never, too serious to be neglected. Its literary interests were\\ndependent upon a closer relation between income and expenses,\\nand it soon became evident to the new President that, whether\\nhe wished it or not, his first effort must be to relieve the college\\ntreasury. He entered upon the work with characteristic energy\\nand during all his presidency devoted himself unceasingly to the\\nincrease of the endowment and an economy of administration,\\nand with such success that in four years the annual deficit be-\\ncame a slight surplus and in the fifteen years of his presidency\\nthis pleasing result was five times repeated.\\nThe subscription was abandoned without results, but an\\nattempt was made to secure the same end by working through\\na committee of alumni, which was appointed in 1878 to confer\\nwith the Trustees on the general interests of the College and\\nto report. This committee of seven reported upon the finances\\nof the College and recommended an appeal for subscriptions,\\npayable at once or in five annual instalments. Their report was\\nsupplemented by that of another committee of the alumni, con-\\nsisting of three members and appointed the next year, which in", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 415\\na printed report considered the relations of the students and the\\nFaculty, and of the several departments and also the needs of\\nthe College, and urged co-operation in the plans of the President\\nfor the endowment by subscription of two professorships, to be\\ncalled the New Hampshire and the Daniel Webster pro-\\nfessorships. The result of these movements was donations of\\nonly a few thousand dollars.\\nThe first substantial gift that brought cheer in the darkness\\nwas a gift unexpectedly made in June, 1878, by Mr. Henry\\nWinkley of Philadelphia, who sent his check for $25,000 to be\\nused as the Trustees thought best, and to this sum he added\\n$10,000 in November following, the whole amount being then\\ndevoted to the endowment of the chair of the Anglo Saxon\\nand English Language and Literature. Mr. Winkley had not\\nreceived a college education, but entering business at an early\\nage had become a successful crockery merchant in Philadel-\\nphia. His birth in New Hampshire may have turned his atten-\\ntion to the College, as he had not been approached on its behalf,\\nand in fact it was his avowed plan not to give to causes for\\nwhich he was solicited, but to investigate his own objects of\\nbenevolence.^ His benefactions did not end with his first gifts,\\nfor in March, 1880, he gave $5,000 toward the Daniel Webster\\nprofessorship, and again in May he added $20,000 for a fund\\nfor the general purposes of the College, and his last benefaction\\nwas a bequest in his will of an additional $20,000, which were\\nreceived in 1890, and devoted to the completion of the endow-\\nment of the New Hampshire professorship.\\nThe encouragement coming from Mr. Winkley s first gifts\\nfortunately did not pass away, for they were followed in 1880\\nby the endowment of two other chairs. In April of that year\\nMr. B. P. Cheney of Boston, Mass., also a native of New Hamp-\\nshire but not a graduate of the College, put into the hands of\\nJudge Nesmith, a trustee, and Mr. John P. Healy, a graduate\\nof the College, the sum of $50,000, requesting them after con-\\nsultation with the Trustees to apply it for the use of the College\\nin such manner as should do the most good and produce the\\nbest results. In accordance with their suggestions the Trustees\\nappropriated $40,000 to the endowment of the chair of mathe-\\nmatics, $5,000 toward the endowment of the Daniel Webster\\nprofessorship and $5,000 to the increase of the presidential fund.\\nIn October of the same year the chair of intellectual and moral\\nLetter of E. A. Rollins to President Bartlett, December IS, 1882.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "4l6 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nphilosophy was endowed by the gift of $35,000 by Mrs. Valeria\\nG. Stone, of Maiden, Mass. Her husband, Mr. Daniel P.\\nStone, had not been reputed during his life as a man of wealth,\\nbut at his death the probate of his will showed that he had\\npossessed a large fortune. A large part of this he desired his\\nexecutors to distribute, in consultation with Mrs. Stone, among\\nvarious literary institutions. President Bartlett appealed to\\nMrs. Stone, and aided by Dr. Leeds, who was a warm friend of\\nDr. Wilcox, one of the executors, he secured $35,000. During\\nthis time Dr. Bartlett was soliciting subscriptions for the Daniel\\nWebster professorship, which was completed to $35,000 by\\n1883. Mr. Winkley, Mr. Cheney and Dr. Spalding, who always\\naided the College in a pinch, each gave $5,000, the classes of\\n1856 and i860 and fifteen individuals each gave $1,000, and\\nthe remainder came from small subscriptions. The realization,\\nalready mentioned, of $50,000 from the legacy of Judge Parker\\nin 1883, the gift of $5,000 by the State in 1883 and 1884, and in\\n1885 the bequest of $50,000 for the general purposes of the\\nCollege by Mr. Julius Hallgarten, a banker of New York City,\\nstill further helped to relieve the financial pressure.\\nAlong with the increase in the endowment came funds for\\ntwo much-needed buildings, a chapel and a library. The old\\nchapel in Dartmouth Hall had long before ceased to be suited\\nfor chapel services. It was the one auditorium of the College\\nand was used indiscriminately for all purposes. The rhetorical\\nexercises were held there on Wednesday afternoons and these\\nwere often followed by turbulent collisions between the classes;\\ncollege and class meetings were frequently held here, and it was\\nalso the place for political gatherings, for lectures and even\\nfor the exhibitions of jugglers. It was not seldom the scene\\nof unsavory practical jokes. A freshman or sophomore class\\ncoming to morning chapel sometimes found its seats smeared\\nwith grease or oil or molasses; an animal was occasionally found\\nin the room, as once when the students came to the rhetorical\\nexercise they found a donkey securely tethered on the stage;\\nor, worst of all, a body was once stolen from the dissecting room\\nand placed on the floor under the seats of the freshmen. The\\nseats were uncomfortable and covered with inscriptions and\\nthe names of those who sought the immortality of the jack-\\nknife, the room was unattractive and there was nothing about\\nit that tended to give dignity or sacredness to the morning\\nchapel service. Evidently these could be secured only in a", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 417\\nnew building, in which they would not be belittled or destroyed\\nby unworthy associations.\\nThe need of a new library building was not less urgent than\\nthat of a chapel. The space in Reed Hall was insufficient for\\nthe increased accommodations demanded by the consolidation\\nof the libraries, but more than all a fireproof building was needed\\nas a protection against the danger from fire to which the library\\nwas constantly exposed in its existing situation, and even if\\na fireproof building could not be secured it was very desirable\\nto remove the library to a place where it would be free from the\\nrisks attaching to a dormitory. So urgent was the need of re-\\nmoval that in 1877 a movement was started to convert the\\ngymnasium into a library, and Mr. Bissell had given his consent,\\nif other provision could be made for the gymnasium, but it\\nnever took effect.\\nFortunately provision for the two buildings came at about the\\nsame time. When, in the spring of 1883, Mr. Edward A. Rollins\\nof Philadelphia, a graduate of the College in the class of 1851,\\nwho had already shown in lesser ways his interest in the College,\\nwas approached by President Bartlett with the suggestion that\\nhe give to the College a new chapel or a new library, he replied\\nthat he was already thinking of the need of the College of a\\nchapel, and on the 27th of June he wrote offering to give\\n$30,000 for a chapel on condition that $400 a year be paid to\\nProfessor Sanborn during his lifetime, and that $60,000 be raised\\nfor a new library building before January i, 1884. If but $50,000\\nwere secured for a library then his gift for a chapel would be\\nbut $25,000.\\nMr. Rollins gift was gladly accepted and efforts were at once\\nmade to fulfill the condition. It was evident that the fund for\\na library could not be secured by a general subscription, and\\nan attempt, therefore, was made to reach a few wealthy alumni,\\nwho might individually or together give the necessary sum, and\\nto allow time for such a movement, Mr. Rollins extended the\\ndate of meeting his condition to March i, 1884. The attempt\\nwas unsuccessful, but fortunately an unexpected gift assured\\nsuccess. In January of 1883 George F. Wilson, a business man\\nof Providence, R. I., died, leaving a bequest of $50,000 to the\\nCollege. No one at the College had known of the bequest,\\nbut Mr. Wilson had been a client of Messrs. Blodgett and\\nBoardman of Boston, who were graduates and ardent friends\\nof the College, and he had doubtless been influenced by them", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "41 8 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nin making his will, and also, perhaps, by the fact that New\\nHampshire was his native State. He designed the bequest for\\nthe endowment of a professorship or for the erection of a build-\\ning as Mr. Boardman, his executor, should determine. Its oppor-\\ntuneness for a library building was too obvious to be neglected,\\nand as the executor gave his consent the Trustees devoted it\\nto that purpose.\\nMr. Rollins accepted this action as the fulfillment of his\\ncondition, and competitive plans for both buildings were at\\nonce invited. That of Mr. John Lyman Faxon of Boston was\\naccepted for the chapel and that of Mr. Samuel J. T. Thayer\\nof Boston for the library, and Messrs. Bartlett, Quint, Prescott,\\nStanley and Fairbanks were appointed a building committee\\nof the Trustees. It was decided without hesitation to build\\nthe library of red brick with red sandstone trimmings, but the\\nmaterial for the chapel was for some time in doubt. Mr. Rollins\\npreferred granite, but there was a suggestion of white marble\\nwhich Governor Proctor of Vermont, a classmate of Mr. Rollins,\\noffered to give from his quarries at Rutland. It was, however,\\neven then fully as expensive as granite, which could be obtained\\nclose at hand, and Mr. Faxon objected to its use on the ground\\nthat a marble building would not harmonize with its surround-\\nings. The choice was finally made of pink granite from Lebanon,\\nwhich it was decided to lay in irregular courses with red sand-\\nstone trimmings. Proposals were asked for the construction of\\nthe two buildings together and separately, and after they were\\nreceived the contract for the library was awarded to Currier,\\nPeabody and Russell of Lawrence, Mass., and that for the chapel\\nto Mead, Mason and Company of Boston, Mass.\\nWork upon both buildings was begun in June of 1884 and on\\nthe afternoon of Wednesday, the 25th of June, the corner stones\\nwere laid with appropriate ceremonies, in which Mr. Rollins,\\nand Mr. Boardman as Mr. Wilson s executor, took part. The\\npurpose and spirit of Mr. Rollins s gift were well illustrated\\nin his address. It is a chapel, he said, of which we lay the\\ncorner stone today, because we believe that the chapel is the\\ncorner stone of the State. Dartmouth College with no chapel\\nand no religious worship or instruction, would mean ultimately\\nthe cities and villages of our State without churches, and our\\ncivilization a delusion and a mockery.\\nWork upon the buildings was carried steadily on and in a\\nyear they were ready for occupancy. The expense of each was", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 419\\ngreater than had been planned, the cost of Wilson Hall being\\n$66,622.32 and that of Rollins Chapel $32,005.52. The amount\\nrequired for the library building above the $50,000 of Mr. Wil-\\nson s bequest was appropriated from the legacy of Mr. Hall-\\ngarten. Against the urgings of the architect for wider limits\\nMr. Rollins had steadily held his gift at $30,000, and insisted\\nthat the building should cost no more, and that there should\\nbe no excess for others to pay, but as the building neared com-\\npletion a series of memorial windows for the presidents of the\\nCollege was secured, and these seemed to call for some more\\nextensive interior decoration.^\\nThat the chapel might be perfect in harmonious detail Mr.\\nRollins enlarged his gift to the amount above stated, and a\\nfew days before Commencement forwarded the final payment,\\nto cover the full cost of the chapel completed and ready for\\nuse. The building, Romanesque in general style with entrances\\nunder heavy round arches, was in the form of a Roman cross\\nand had a seating capacity of about six hundred. Its equipment\\nfor service was completed two years later by the gift of an organ\\nby Mr. H. C. Bullard of the class of 1884, who has twice since\\nthat time supplemented his original gift by donations for the\\nenlargement of the organ, made desirable by the enlargement\\nof the chapel.\\nThe dedication of the chapel took place during Commence-\\nment week, on the morning of Wednesday, June 24. The\\ncompany gathered at the old chapel in Dartmouth Hall and\\nafter singing the doxology, Praise God from whom all blessings\\nflow, moved to the new chapel, and after an anthem and the\\nreading of the scriptures, partly from the revised version, which\\nhad appeared within the month, and partly from the old version,\\nof which a large copy had been given by the New Hampshire\\nThe windows for the first five presidents were in the apse and for the others in the transepts.\\nThose to the two Wheelocks were given by Mr. and Mrs. Frederick Billings of the Wheelock\\nkin, the one in the center for Eleazar Wheelock representing John the Baptist, and the one\\nat the side, for John Wheelock, representing Peter. Both were made in Edinburgh by John\\nBallantine and Son. The original window to Eleazar Wheelock was taken out in 1892 and\\nplaced by President Bartlett in the Christian Association building, and was replaced by the one\\nnow in the chapel. The delicate window at the right of the center in memory of President\\nBrown, representing John the Apostle, was given by Hon. Francis Brown Stockbridge of Kal-\\namazoo, Mich., and came from the Royal Bavarian Stained Glass Works In Munich. The\\nwindows at the extreme right and left representing St. Paul and St. Andrew, in honor of Presi-\\ndents Tyler and Dana, were made in Boston and were the gifts of Edward Tyler and others.\\nThe figures of Moses in the south transept, and of St. James in the north, respectively com-\\nmemorate President Lord and President Smith, the former being given by alumni in Boston\\nunder the lead of Judge Caleb Blodgett and J. W. Rollins, and the latter being secured by\\nProfessor Blanpied from friends of President Smith in the Agricultural College. The last four\\nwere from designs by Donald McDonald.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "420 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nBible Society for the new desk, an address was given by Rev.\\nDr. Quint on The Place of Religion in Education. Ill health\\nprevented Mr. Rollins from being present but he took part\\nin the exercises by a letter in which he said: I shall never\\ncease to regard the chapel with affectionate and peculiar interest,\\nnor sufTer my faith to wane that with the ministration in it of\\nfaithful Christian ministers and instructors, and the blessing of\\nheaven upon it, it will not fail, for many generations, to accom-\\nplish great good for the College itself and for all those whom\\nthe influence of the College shall reach. The unveiling of a\\nportrait of Mr. Rollins formed a part of the exercises which\\nwere closed by a prayer, an anthem and the benediction.^\\nThe first regular exercise in the new chapel was held on Thurs-\\nday, the opening day of the next college year, and Mr. Rollins\\nbeing in Hanover, though much out of health, was able to be\\npresent, but his malady, more serious than he knew, took an\\nunfavorable turn and he died two days later. On the follow-\\ning Monday his funeral was held in the chapel, the first of many\\nfunerals of college men held there since that day, and as his\\ncasket stood in front of the desk he seemed to consecrate by\\nhis death the gift of his life.\\nThe effect of the new chapel upon the character of the daily\\nservice was very marked. The customs and the traditions of\\nthe old chapel were left behind. Almost without exception\\ngood order and propriety have prevailed. Worthy surrroundings\\nhave aided worthy conduct, and respect for the place and respect\\nfor the service have helped each other. To this day the pews\\nare free from disfigurement by pencil or knife, and the spirit\\nof reverence has been preserved by the fact that the chapel\\nhas been reserved exclusively for religious and kindred services,\\nno notices, even, of a different kind being given from the desk.\\nIn 1888 the chapel barely escaped destruction by fire. Two\\ndays before the opening of the fall term a fire was built in one\\nof the furnaces to dry out the dampness that had gathered in\\nthe organ during the summer months. The attempt to force\\nall the heat through a long horizontal pipe led to overheating\\nat a point where a timber was partially exposed and this took\\nfire. Fortunately the fire was discovered in the evening before\\nit had made great headway and the prompt action of the fire\\nA marble tablet, erected by Mr. Rollins, declares the building to be a reverend and loving\\ntribute to his father, Daniel Gustavus Rollins, his mother, Susan Binney Rollins, and his wife,\\nEllen Hobbs Rollins.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 421\\ndepartment saved the building. The organ was considerably\\ndamaged and the interior of the roof was charred throughout,\\nso that later it had to be ceiled again, but no fatal damage was\\ndone to the building and it was made ready for prayers on the\\nfirst day of the term.\\nThe dedication of the chapel in the morning was followed by\\nthat of the library in the afternoon. Delays in the preparation\\nof the shelves had prevented the transfer of the books from\\nReed Hall till a week before the time set for the opening. When\\nat last the shelves were ready the President at morning prayers\\nasked for volunteers to help in the moving. The whole college\\nvolunteered. Each class was assigned a day and was divided\\ninto squads which worked two hours at a time. Each pair of\\nmen, except those employed in taking down and dusting the\\nbooks at one end and those employed in arranging them at\\nthe other, was given a tray holding as many books as two could\\nconveniently carry. An endless chain of full and empty trays\\nthus passed and repassed between the two halls till at the end\\nof four days sixty thousand volumes had been transferred and\\nthe new library was ready for inspection. For this it was thrown\\nopen to the public at two o clock Wednesday afternoon, and at\\nthree the dedicatory exercises were held in the College church,\\nwhen the address was given by Mellen Chamberlain of the\\nclass of 1844.^\\nUpon the prosperity thus indicated by the increase of endow-\\nment and the erection of new buildings there had fallen the\\nshadow of controversy. It began almost with the beginning\\nof the administration and had its occasion in the relation of\\nthe Chandler School to the College. It will be remembered\\nthat at the opening of the School the Trustees determined the\\nrequirements for admission and the curriculum, and that after\\nPresident Lord s unsuccessful attempt to put all the Faculty\\non a common footing as to work and salary, the teaching in the\\nSchool was largely done by members of the Academic Faculty\\nat the rate of payment, first of one dollar, and then of two dollars\\nan hour, and that the School also paid, after i860, one fifth of\\nall common expenses. Under this arrangement the School\\ncontinued during the administration of President Smith, without\\nfurther action by the Trustees except in the appointment of\\nofficers. The development of the university idea tended to\\n1 All the exercises of the day are to be found in a pamphlet entitled: Dedication of Rollins\\nChapel and WUson Hall. Dartmouth College, June 24, 1885. Printed for the College, 1886.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "422 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiv.\\ngive the School greater prominence, and President Smith,\\nwhile maintaining the supremacy of the Trustees, was inclined\\nto allow the Faculties, as has been seen in the matter of the\\ncertificate system, to act upon matters which had heretofore\\nbeen determined solely by the Trustees.\\nActing under this tacit permission the Chandler Faculty\\nmade considerable change in the requirements for admission\\nand in the course of study, so that by 1877 the requirements\\nfor admission had been modified by the substitution of American\\nhistory for outlines of general history, and of physical and polit-\\nical geography for geography, and by the requirement, instead\\nof the recommendation, of algebra, first to, and then through,\\nquadratics, and of all of plane geometry, and by the addition\\nof physiology.\\nThe course of study, aside from variations that necessarily\\narose from convenience or advisability of arrangement, was\\nmodified particularly by the introduction of more history and\\nmore modern language. These changes were brought about\\npartly by an aspiring consciousness in the minds of the Chandler\\nFaculty of the growing importance of the School, partly from\\nthe desire to keep pace with the enlarged requirements for\\nadmission in the Academic Department, and partly from the\\nwish to mark the contrast between the Chandler School and\\nthe Agricultural College, whose requirements for admission\\nwere stated in general to be the studies pursued in the common\\nschools, a phrase recalling the statement of Mr. Chandler s will.\\nIn the early years of the School there had been a marked feeling\\nof division between its students and those of the College, based\\nlargely upon the fact that the preparation demanded of the\\nformer was so much less than that demanded of the latter,\\nbut in process of time, as the number of the Chandler students\\nincreased and the idea of the Department became more distinct\\nthe feeling grew less pronounced, the students of both Depart-\\nments met on more familiar terms and the friends and graduates\\nof the School, as well as its Faculty, felt that the School had\\nsecured a rightful individuality. Professor Woodman and after\\nhim Professor Ruggles, as holding the place of chief importance\\nin the School, were very jealous of its name and fame and did\\ntheir utmost to give it a prominent and independent position.\\nThis they did, not by developing the technical but the general\\ncharacter of its work, and they sought to attract students by\\nadvertising the School, not merely as a school for scientific", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 423\\ntraining, but as one whose object was to give a liberal education\\non a scientific basis.\\nWhen President Bartlett entered upon office, in his survey\\nof the financial and educational needs of the College, his atten-\\ntion was at once drawn to the Chandler School. He found, as\\nhe believed, that the School had expanded beyond its resources\\nand that it was drawing upon those of the College. Since its\\nproportion of the common expenses had been fixed at one fifth,\\nit had greatly increased in numbers and was not then contribut-\\ning its fair share of those expenses. It had a comparatively\\nsmall fund, but through its connection with the College was\\nmaking a disproportionate display. Its Faculty, for instance,\\nwhich had but three permanent members, appeared larger than\\nthat of the College itself, for it was the custom to print in the\\nhst of the Chandler Faculty the names of those members of\\nthe Academic Faculty who gave instruction in the School,\\nthough they had no other connection with it and no voice\\nin its administration. Thus in 1876 and 1877 there were but\\ntwo members of the Academic Faculty that did not also appear\\nin the list of the Chandler Faculty, which, with its own members\\nand the inclusion of some other names, was larger by two and\\nfour in the respective years than the Academic Faculty. The\\ncost of the instruction thus gained was at disproportionately\\nlow rates. Professors in the College, on the ratio of work to\\nsalary, received from $5 to $6 an hour, but for their instruction\\nin the Chandler School they received but $2 an hour. All work\\nthere was of course in addition to their work in the College and\\nwas by most, if not by all, welcomed as an opportunity to add\\nto their meager salaries, but it unquestionably was a draft upon\\nstrength, which if not devoted to the same ends in the College\\nmight have been used for the personal advancement of the\\nindividual members of the Faculty.\\nTo the new President the Chandler School thus seemed to\\nbe a drain upon the College in two ways, by failing to pay its\\nproper share of common expenses, and by making excessive\\ndemands for instruction upon the College Faculty, and further\\nto have assumed an unwarranted independence of management.\\nThe first of these evils he at once sought to correct, and at\\nthe annual meeting in June of 1877 the Trustees passed the\\nvote that henceforth expenses for the catalogue should be divided\\namong the Departments according to the space occupied by\\neach, and that those for chapel and the Commencement dinner", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "424 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiv.\\nshould be divided in proportion to the number of students.\\nThis was a natural solution, but the second and third difficulties\\ncould not be dealt with so easily, and required longer attention.\\nThe educational position and claim of the Chandler School\\nwere not less disturbing to the President than the financial\\nsituation. He was a thorough believer in the superiority of\\na classical training and regarded it as the only proper method\\nof a liberal education, so that the expression, a liberal educa-\\ntion on a scientific basis, as descriptive of the work of the\\nChandler School, seemed to him misleading. He further thought\\nthat such an aim, even if secured by the School, was not in accord\\nwith Mr. Chandler s intent, which was to train young men\\nin the practical and useful arts of life, and that the require-\\nments for admission to the School were in excess of those described\\nin the will, as no other or higher studies than those pursued\\nin the common schools of New England.\\nSoon after the settlement of the financial relation of the\\nCollege and the Chandler School by the apportionment of\\nexpenses, it became evident that the President had in mind a\\ncomplete overhauling of the School. He questioned not only\\nthe validity of the requirements for admission and of the course\\nof study under the will, and the propriety of instruction by\\nmembers of the Academic Faculty, but also the constitution\\nof the School itself. He called in review the decision of the\\nBoard made at the establishment of the School, that it had\\nthe right to accept the gift of Mr. Chandler subject to a Board\\nof Visitors, and presented the question anew to various lawyers,\\nand to judges of the Supreme Court of Vermont. Upon the\\nquestion whether the curriculum of the School was in accord\\nwith Mr. Chandler s will he asked the opinion of the heads of\\nseveral technical schools. To the legal members of the Board\\nhe caused to be referred the same question and also that of the\\nrequirements for admission. The members of the Academic\\nFaculty were practically withdrawn from the School and the\\ninstruction there was restricted to its own Faculty, which was\\nenlarged by the addition of two members.\\nWithin three years these matters were so earnestly pressed\\nupon the attention of the Board that the School occupied more\\nof their thought than it had done during the preceding fifteen\\nyears. The changes that had been made under President\\nSmith were discovered to be without the express sanction of\\nthe Trustees, and were, therefore, held to be invalid. Their", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0476.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 425\\nlast vote upon the order of the School was in 1857, and the\\nproceedings of the Faculty since that time, taken partly because\\nof the growth of the School and partly for the sake of it, though\\nshared in by the President of the College and printed in the\\nannual catalogue and unchallenged by any member of the Board\\nfor twenty years, were regarded as entirely unauthorized.\\nPresident Bartlett suggested a return to the entrance require-\\nments of 1857 as the only authorized requirements, but on pre-\\nsenting the matter to the Board the subject was referred to a\\ncommittee consisting of Judge Eastman and Judge Veazey,\\nwho were requested to consider the requirements with special\\nreference to Mr. Chandler s will. In accordance with their\\nreport plane geometry was taken from the existing requirement\\nand algebra required only to quadratics, but two years later\\ngeometry was again required. Some changes were also made\\nin the course of study. But the President s main contention,\\nfortified by the opinion of lawyers whom he had consulted and\\nstrenuously urged upon the Board, that the Trustees could not\\nlegally accept a trust subject to visitorial control, was not accepted\\nby them. He was more successful, as has been said, in with-\\ndrawing the Academic Faculty from teaching in the Chandler\\nSchool, a result which was brought about by a vote, passed in\\nJune, 1879, that if any teacher in the College become instructor\\nin the Chandler Scientific department his services shall be limited\\nto fifty recitations and that one half of the compensation be\\npaid to the teacher and one half to the College except in cases\\notherwise provided for.\\nAs few cared to give up half of the small return for their\\nservices which they received for teaching in the Chandler School,\\nthe supply of teachers from the Academic Department was thus\\ncut off. This lack brought a great load upon the Chandler\\nFaculty, even when enlarged, and the securing of sufificient\\ninstruction with the restricted funds of the School was no small\\ntask for the President and committees of the Trustees to whom\\nthe matter was successively entrusted.\\nIt vvas not unnatural that these attempts to modify the existing\\norder of the Chandler School and to restrict its operations should\\narouse opposition. The Chandler Faculty soon felt that not\\nonly their privileges but what they regarded as their rights\\nwere endangered, and they resented what seemed antagonism\\nto the School. The President appeared to be the head of the\\nSchool, not to develop but to depress it, for so they interpreted", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0477.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "426 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nthe curtailment of the Hberty of action, which they had enjoyed\\nfor so many years, the reduction in the requirements for admission\\nand the withdrawal of the teachers of the Academic Department.\\nIt was not so much, however, the things that were done as the\\nway in which they were done that occasioned friction. To\\nchange established methods, to withdraw privileges and to\\nenforce restrictions are always difficult and call for tact, for-\\nbearance and the appreciation of the feelings of others. These\\nqualities were not characteristic of Dr. Bartlett. He had a\\nresolute will, intent on carrying its point, sharp incisive speech,\\na quickness of caustic retort, a tendency to controversy that\\nsometimes seemed a fondness for it, and when engaged in it\\na firmness that grew stronger with opposition, and that emphasiz-\\ning the correctness of his own view and the error of his oppo-\\nnents, regarded compromise and yielding as a mark of weakness.\\nIt is not surprising, therefore, that his attempt, undertaken\\nin all sincerity, to correct what he regarded as abuses in the\\nChandler School, soon took a personal turn, and that ill feeling\\narose between those who thought that they were being degraded\\nby an unsympathetic leader, and one, who felt that he was being\\nthwarted in his plans. In place of sympathetic confidence\\nthere came distrust on the part of the Faculty and the deter-\\nmination to carry his point on the part of the President. The\\ndifference once begun was thus enlarged by personal feelings\\nthat had nothing to do with the case.\\nIf the President had been willing to make concessions on some\\npoints he would have conciliated many who could not follow\\nhim to the extreme, but opposition only made him more stead-\\nfast, and with an inflexible determination he pushed forward\\nin the execution of his plans. Quick sensibilities, easily stirred,\\ngave stimulus to his will and made this a chief factor in his rela-\\ntions with others. It seemed to the Chandler Faculty as if\\nhe were disaffected toward the School and, with this spirit, were\\nunwilling to yield anything to its supporters.\\nThe Board, while accepting his views to some extent, guarded\\nagainst this attitude for itself by a vote passed at its annual\\nmeeting in 1880, in connection with the report of the committee\\nupon the requirements for admission:\\nResolved that we are opposed to any change in the curriculum in the Chand-\\nler Scientific Department of Dartmouth College that shall in any sense tend\\nto debase or degrade the same; that we believe the standard and usefulness\\nof this Department can not only be maintained but improved by a rearrange-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0478.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "1 877-1 892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 427\\nment and modification of the curriculum in some respects, and that the same\\nbe done by Rev. Dr. Quint in connection with Professor Ruggles as a com-\\nmittee subject to the approval of the President, Dr. Bartlett; and in case\\nof disagreement, the two may call in an arbiter whose decision shall be final\\nfor the ensuing year.\\nThe difficulties of the situation at that time gathered mainly\\nabout the securing of instructors. Under existing schedules\\nthe withdrawal of the Academic teachers left more work than\\nthe Chandler Faculty could well do, and as their only possible\\nrelief seemed to be in having help as before from the Academic\\nFaculty they were earnest to secure that permission. The\\namount of instruction required was, however, bound up with\\nthe schedule of the curriculum and it was to these two points\\nthat Dr. Quint s efforts were directed. His success in carrying\\nout his commission was told by him in a letter to Governor\\nPrescott, written from Dover under date of July 23, 1880:\\nI did not succeed quite as well as I wished. I did succeed as to curriculum,\\nvery well. I met Mr. Ruggles alone, and also with Mr. Sherman. My\\nplan was to leave the President outside, and arrange with Mr. Ruggles a\\nschedule which I knew the President could approve when it came to him.\\nI wanted to relieve him, and take (for myself and the Board) all the curses,\\nso the President should be free. I did so. Mr. R. wailed, and Mr. S. was\\nrather savage, but I put my foot down that the Board would have certain\\nthings, and I got them. Mr. Ruggles and myself signed a joint report, which\\nwas and is a thoroughly good schedule, good enough. The President approved\\nwith one provided. The provided referred to architecture. I had\\nto decline admitting his provided on the ground that Mr. Chandler s\\nwill absolutely required architecture by name, and our object is to get to\\nMr. Chandler s will.\\nBut, after I thought that we had agreed on the arrangement of teachers\\nto the studies, that part tumbled over! My agreement with Mr. R. was this:\\n1. It is impossible for the new Prof, to teach Mechanics! Mr. Sherman\\nhas been doing it. (I knew when the choice was made at the President s\\nurging, that it was a great blunder!) So we agreed that these two might\\nquietly exchange some studies this year. To this the Prest. assented.\\n2. I understood the opinion of the Board to be, at Concord, that, this year,\\nthere should be entire liberty to employ Professors of the College, on the old\\nbasis (not last year s) accepting such professors as were not fully employed.\\nYou will remember that, after I was appointed Committee, I asked the opinion\\nof the Board on this matter; that the Prest. stepped forward and said that\\nwe ought to be surprised at what he should say, but that, for this year, he\\nwas in favor of waiving all objections, and allowing full liberty except where\\nProfessors were now fully taxed, and that this was a concession. The Board\\nagreed and seemed glad at this concession.\\nI so informed Mr. Ruggles; and also that the President had this kindly\\nfeeling. He was mollified. As to Pollens, I said he was too busy. As to\\nNoyes, Sanborn, and Parker, yes, within fair limits. Mr. Ruggles said that", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0479.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "428 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nHardy had some lectures (good ones) on architecture, and it would be a good\\nthing to get him, and it would please him (he being a little disgruntled). I\\ntold him, doubtful as to Hardy, but would consider. As to Prof. Bartlett,\\nHitchcock, and Pettee, all right.\\nMr. Ruggles and myself signed report on this basis. I took it to the Pres-\\nident (Mr. R. remaining in my room) and explained it. I was glad I did\\nnot take Ruggles with me. The Prest. agreed to the employment of his\\nson, Hitchcock and Pettee. I suggested whether it would be a good stroke\\nto ask Hardy as above. The President was exceedingly irritated, it was\\nthe old plan, trying to sap the College, etc. I instantly withdrew the sug-\\ngestion, saying it was but a hint, and that Mr. Ruggles had not pressed it\\nin the slightest degree. Turning then to the employment of Noyes, Parker,\\nand Sanborn, the President opposed it in the strongest terms. It intensely\\nsurprised me. I understood him at Concord to admit the whole plan! He\\nsaid that at Concord he did not say how many and did not mention any\\nnames. I told him I understood the opinion of the Board to be unanimous\\nthat a generous liberty should be allowed this year. He renewed his argu-\\nments about sapping the College. I told him that he should have finished\\nthat up down at Concord. He finally consented that Noyes might teach. I\\ntold him it was not a question whether one or ten were to teach; it was con-\\nciliation in view of what he had done disagreeable to the Chandlers, and that\\nit was clear that he and I could not agree. I felt bound to abide by the\\nopinion of the Board, and told him so. I told him that if this was left unsettled\\nby the Committee he would have the fight on his hands. He replied that he\\ncould do it, he could stand fighting when he knew he was right. I hinted that\\nhe had had full enough of it, strong as he was, and plead for conciliation in a\\nfew words. It was useless. When we could not agree, he called my attention\\nto the fact that Dr. Davis s record did not authorize this Committee to assign\\nteachers! It was so! The intent of the Board was doubtless to have this Com-\\nmittee affirm the curriculum to the teachers, but it did not (apparently) say so.\\nI told the President that I did not doubt what the Board intended but that,\\nas we disagreed, I was very glad to be relieved of all further responsibility,\\nand should so consider myself. But I expressed to him my regret that matters\\nmust be left so unsettled, with nobody authorized to do anything, as nobody\\nhad any right to hire a teacher or appropriate money except the Board or\\nan authorized committee.\\nThe Prest. then proposed that we might assume the responsibility, and\\nwanted to know if in case he would further agree to admit Prof. Parker (making\\nNoyes and Parker) I would agree to oppose any further employment after\\nthis year. I declined making any bargain. I regarded the determination\\nof the Board at Concord as final for the year, and must abide by it.\\nI went to Prof. Ruggles; told him (not of our differences) that the Prest.\\nhad called my attention to the fact that the record of the Board did not\\nauthorize us to procure teachers, and we must take out that part of our report,\\nwhich we did; he was rather bewildered however.\\nI left Hanover. Have had letters from the President since. I have declined\\nacceding to anything except that the Board intended this year to allow a\\ngenerous liberty in employing Professors, especially to remove soreness,\\nand that I cannot bargain in the matter. There it rests.\\nI was grievously disappointed. I had relieved the President of all the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0480.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 429\\nodium in rearranging the curriculum. I had seen Noyes, and Parker, and\\nthe conciliation as to Professors had softened them wonderfully. Then\\nto have the President suddenly fly off at the minor matters, go straight against\\nthe opinion of the Board, let the favorable time go by, seemed cruel. Ruggles\\nleft town with nothing settled as to teachers. There is no authority in the\\nPresident to get teachers. A growing harmony was suddenly smashed;\\nall for a point of no principle whatever. I felt hurt, and almost despair\\nof any harmony while the President is President and the Chandler School is\\nconnected with Dartmouth College. I became fearful that the President\\nis embittered against the Chandler School, and that he means to depress it.\\nThe sudden erection of that new professorship, and filling it with the man\\nwho must do the engineering, implies it. The President insisted that Engineer-\\ning meant nothing but surveying; he will persist in that. He opposed the\\ncreation of a Professorship of Engineering; my attention was called to the\\nfact at Hanover that the professorship does now exist. It was erected\\nabout 1856, and was kept filled until Hardy was transferred to the College\\ntwo or three years ago! It is still on our records. I called the President s\\nattention to that fact, at Hanover. He refused to acknowledge it, because\\nit is not endowed.\\nI wish that you would write me. Was I mistaken as to the intent of the\\nBoard in allowing the employment of Professors this year? If I am I will\\nyield, but it will embitter the trouble fearfully. At Hanover I think not a\\nquarter of the sentiment is with the President, and not more thayi two Professors\\nbesides his son. I was grieved at it. If I saw you I could tell you of opinions\\nas to the matter which are unfortunate.\\nBy some blunder the copy which the President gave me of the vote as\\nto terms of admission, taken from 1857, omits entirely the strong recommenda-\\ntion of Algebra and Geometry! I don t understand it. That was a vital\\npart of the vote. I have called the President s attention to it.\\nUnless there is some change of feeling I frankly say I see no prospect of\\nharmony.\\nThe feeling which Dr. Quint reported was not confined to\\nthe Chandler Faculty. Dr. Bartlett was not a man with whom\\nhalf-way positions were possible. He commanded ardent sup-\\nport or equal opposition, and his policy and methods ranged\\nthe whole resident Faculty on one side or the other. Some\\nmembers of the Academic Faculty were sorry to lose the oppor-\\ntunity of teaching in the Chandler School, some sympathized\\nwith the Faculty of that School in its relation to the President,\\nbut it was not till the spring of 1881 that the parties were defi-\\nnitely alligned.\\nThere had been several recent changes in the Faculty. In the\\nsummer of 1878 Professor E. T. Quimby resigned the chair\\nof mathematics and civil engineering, which was at once filled\\nby the transfer from the Chandler Faculty of Professor Arthur\\nS. Hardy, who brought with him a warm sympathy for his", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0481.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "430 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nformer associates. In the same year Louis Pollens, who had\\ncome as instructor in French the year before, was made professor\\nof French and Librarian, and John H. Wright, a graduate of\\nthe class of 1873, who came from two years study in Germany\\nafter being assistant professor of ancient languages in the Ohio\\nState University, was appointed associate professor of Greek.\\nIn 1879 Dr. Edwin J. Bartlett, the son of the President, was\\nelected to the chair of chemistry on the recommendation of\\nmembers of the Faculty. The untimely death of Professor\\nJohn C. Proctor, which occurred October 27, 1879, made vacant\\nthe chair of Greek, and it was in connection with the appoint-\\nment of his successor that the break between the President\\nand the Faculty occurred. Under the charter the Faculty had\\nno voice in the election of new members, yet it had long been\\nthe custom for the President of the College to confer with the\\nFaculty upon appointments, for advice or recommendation,\\nbefore taking them to the Trustees. No immediate appoint-\\nment to the Greek chair was made, as the work of the Depart-\\nment was under the charge of Associate Professor Wright,\\nwho, being in the line of succession, desired the appointment\\nand was favored by several members of the Faculty. The\\nPresident did not favor him, and when at last he fixed upon a\\nman for the place he did not bring the matter to the Faculty,\\nthough he showed his credentials to most of its individual mem-\\nbers. The failure to bring the matter before the Faculty, or\\neven to consult all its members privately, brought to the surface\\nthe dissatisfaction with the President that had been gathering,\\nand when the election was announced the feeling was very strong.\\nIt was not that an unsuitable man had been chosen, or even\\nthat the Faculty had not been consulted, for after first refusing\\nto discuss the matter the President had, in a meeting of the\\nFaculty, stated his position, with the added remark that he\\nwould present to the Board the different view of any member\\nof the Faculty but he did not think that any such view would\\naffect the result. It was rather that some felt that their views\\nhad not been correctly stated to the Trustees, and that the\\nPresident s course, in line with his course in the Chandler School,\\nindicated an autocratic temper that, in carrying out a policy\\nsaw only the object he had in view and interpreted everything\\nin accordance with his desires. The order of former admin-\\nistrations seemed to be reversed, and authority to take the\\nplace of friendly association.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0482.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 431\\nThe disaffection of the Faculty corresponded in time with a\\nsimilar feeling among the students, though partly from other\\ncauses. The Chandler students were naturally disaffected toward\\nthe President, but many in the College, and mainly the senior\\nclass, had a similar feeling, arising from a case of severe disci-\\npline in which the class had been earlier involved. The Faculty\\nwas divided in its judgment concerning it, but a majority of\\ntwo to one agreed with the President in inflicting the penalty,\\nand yet, as is usually the case, the executive officer suffered the\\nodium of it.\\nThe opposition of a considerable portion of the Faculty to\\nthe President s candidate for the Greek chair becoming known,\\nthough there was nothing personal in it to him, caused that\\ngentleman to decline the election, and stirred the alumni, who\\nhad for some time been hearing that all was not at peace in the\\nCollege. Coming in addition to the unrest in the Chandler\\nSchool, and supplemented by the reported ill-feeling among\\nthe students, it moved the Association of Alumni in New York\\nCity to present the following memorial to the Trustees at their\\nmeeting, April 7, 1881\\nTo the Honorable Board of Trustees of Dartmouth College:\\nWhereas the Alumni of Dartmouth College have heard for some time past\\ndisquieting rumors concerning the state of affairs in the College, tending to\\nimpair the natural increase and growth of the College, to alienate the interest\\nof the Alumni whose co-operation and assistance are so needful, and to reflect\\nupon the management of the present incumbent of the presidential chair,\\nTherefore the said Alumni would respectfully request the Honorable Board\\nof Trustees to appoint from their own number a committee whose duty it\\nshall be to thoroughly investigate the said state of affairs, in order that errors\\nof management, if there are any, may be corrected, by the adoption of a new\\npolicy, or that the present executive may be vindicated and strengthened;\\nin either case that an end may be put to injurious rumors, harmony in admin-\\nistration may be attained, hindrances to growth may be removed, and the\\ninterest and aid of the Alumni again secured. And they would further suggest\\nthat said committee report at as early a day as practicable in order that\\nends above specified may be attained with as little delay as possible.\\nThe memorial was referred for investigation and report to\\na committee of three, consisting of the senior members of the\\nBoard, Messrs. Nesmith, Spalding and Quint. The President\\nand the disaffected members of the Faculty were at one in wish-\\ning to avoid a public investigation. The President, believing\\nin his policy and methods, felt that the public airing of dis-\\niln the matter of a Memorial of the New York Association of Alumni of Dartmouth Colleee\\nvs. President Bartlett, Vol. lo.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0483.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "432 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nquieting rumors would be harmful to the College; the members\\nof the Faculty, believing that the disquieting rumors covered\\nessential evils of administration, were equally desirous not to\\nhave them spread abroad. They felt, however, that these could\\nbe cured only by the retirement of the President, and with the\\nhope of bringing this about they expressed to the Trustees,\\nin advance of any investigation, their view that the interests\\nof the College called for his resignation. This was done in a\\npaper signed on April 29 by fifteen of the twenty-two resident\\nmembers of the Faculty, and assented to by the Treasurer. The\\nsigners included all the members of the Faculties of the\\nChandler School and the Agricultural College, the one resident\\nmember of the Medical Faculty, and seven of the twelve per-\\nmanent members of the Academic Faculty.\\nThe disquieting rumors of which the New York alumni cqm-\\nplained had, of course, their origin in the situation at Hanover,\\nbut the movement of the alumni was not the result of influences\\nthat came from there. Several things combined to bring it\\nabout. Friends of the Chandler School were disturbed by the\\nattitude of the President toward it, others distrusted him as\\nan administrator and were apprehensive of the result of his\\npolicy, and some of liberal tendencies were opposed to his rigid\\northodoxy. The paper sent from the Faculties to the Trustees\\nranged its signers with the New York Alumni, though without\\nregard to the motives of the alumni, for among the signers were\\nsome whose orthodoxy was as firm as the President s. Both\\nparties sought the same end, but in opposite ways, the alumni\\nby investigation, the signers without it. The paper, however,\\nhad exactly the opposite result from what was desired. Dr.\\nBartlett would not resign under fire and united with the alumni\\nin demanding an investigation, with the expectation not only\\nof clearing himself but of exposing the motives of hostility to him.\\nOn the 9th of May the committee of the Trustees went to\\nHanover and spent two days in conferring with the President\\nand the members of the Faculty, both those who signed the paper\\nand those who supported the President. They had interviews\\nwith individuals and also with the body of the signers, but were\\nnot able to effect a reconciliation, as they had hoped.\\nThe alumni had not desired or expected any part in the inves-\\ntigation for which they had asked. They were informed of\\nthe appointment of the committee and that it would meet in\\nHanover May 26, but in answer to an inquiry they learned", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0484.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 433\\nthat their presence was not expected. The committee met on\\nthe appointed day and had a conference with the members of\\nthe Faculty who had signed the paper, when these, in answer\\nto requests, declined to make charges against the President,\\nsaying that their action was only an expression of judgment\\nin view of the memorial of the alumni, and not an exhibit of\\ncharges. An adjournment was taken to Concord, to the 3d\\nof June, and the New York Alumni were notified to appear.\\nSanford H. Steele of the class of 1870 was sent to represent\\nthem, but as the meeting was on Friday and the notice was not\\nreceived until the afternoon of Tuesday, and as there had been\\nno expectation on the part of the alumni that they were to be\\npresent, Mr. Steele could only ask for a continuance. This\\nwas granted with the requirement that before the committee\\nnext met, an adjournment being taken to June 17 at Hanover,\\nthe alumni should present in writing their charges with speci-\\nfications. No member of the Faculty opposed to the President\\nwas present at the meeting, though a telegram was sent by the\\ncommittee, on the morning of the day, authorizing the suspension\\nof college exercises in order that members of the Faculty might\\nattend the hearing.\\nIt was very evident, however, that though the Faculty had\\nbrought no charges and had not appeared to testify, the case\\nof the Alumni rested upon facts that could be obtained only in\\nHanover and from the Faculty. Accordingly Mr. Steele came\\nto Hanover and after several days of inquiry formulated, on\\nhis return to New York, the charges against the President.\\nThese, five in number with twenty-two specifications were as\\nfollows:^\\nFirst. That said Bartlett by his habitually insolent, discourteous and dic-\\ntatorial manner in official intercourse with his associates members of the\\nFaculty has stifled all free and independent discussion of college matters\\nand that he has illegally ignored and usurped the functions of the Faculties\\nof various departments of the College.\\nSecond. That said Bartlett has deliberately and intentionally imperiled\\nthe influence of the Faculty with the students and has improperly endeavored\\nto bring certain members into disgrace in the eyes of the students and the\\npublic.\\nThird. That said Bartlett has persistently and systematically exerted\\nhis official influence to impair and diminish the prosperity of different Depart-\\nments of the College.\\nFourth. That in his public official relations to the students said Bartlett\\n1 111 the matter of a Memorial of the New York Association of Alumni of Dartmouth College\\nvs. President Bartlett, Vol. 2.\\n28", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0485.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "434 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nhas used such language as to necessarily humiliate and disgrace them and\\ngraduate them as enemies instead of friends of the College.\\nFifth. That said Bartlett has so far lost the confidence of his associate\\nmembers of the Faculty that out of a total membership of twenty-three\\nresidents sixteen openly express the belief that the best interests of the College\\nrequire his resignation.\\nThe hearing on these charges was begun before the committee\\nat the office of the Treasurer in Hanover on June 17. The\\nalumni were represented by counsel, Judge William Fullerton,\\nSanford H. Steele and Asa W. Tenney of New York City, and\\nPresident Bartlett was present with his counsel, Harry Bingham\\nof Littleton and Judge William S. Ladd of Lancaster. The\\nproceedings of this and subsequent sessions were reported sten-\\nographically by Mr. J. R. Pember, a graduate of the College\\nin 1862, and an official reporter in the courts of Vermont. Two\\ndays were spent in the hearing, most of the sixteen mentioned\\nin the last charge being called upon to testify in support of the\\ndifferent specifications, and then it was adjourned to July 12.\\nOn that day the committee met in Culver Hall, and as Dr.\\nQuint was absent Judge Stanley and Judge Veazey of the Trus-\\ntees, who were present, were invited to sit with the committee.\\nTwo more days were spent in the hearing and then the case\\nwas submitted without argument. It will be observed that the\\ncharges had to do, as Mr. Steele remarked in presenting them,\\nwith what might be called constitutional tendencies, expressed\\nnot so much in single oppressive acts as in a general and char-\\nacteristic determination on the part of the President to make\\nhis will effective and to crush opposition rather than to persuade\\nit. Their real gravamen, imperfectly expressed in the specifi-\\ncations and, therefore, ruled out in the testimony, was an infirm-\\nity of recognizing and stating a position opposite to this own.\\nThe report of the committee made to the Board and unan-\\nimously adopted at a meeting held at Concord July 28, at which\\nall the members were present except the President, was uniformly\\nin favor of the President.\\nWhile the charges, it said, were serious, the specifications were inad-\\nequate, many of them trivial, nearly half of them were withdrawn, and as\\na whole unsupported by adequate proof of any important error.\\nSome alleged remarks, of a severe or ill-timed or careless nature, mainly\\nin the early part of the administration, and if not always prudent, yet some-\\ntimes challenged by disgracefully disorderly conduct; some omission or com-\\nmission in the intercourse of the president and faculty; some differences as\\nto administration; and some occasional real mistakes on the part of the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0486.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartleti. 435\\npresident, which he himself frankly admits; such constitute the main part\\nof the case presented by the New York alumni in the alleged particular facts.\\nThe committee do not think that the formal investigation thus has disclosed\\nany results which sustain, so far as acts and words go, a claim that there should\\nbe a change of office.\\nThe report, in attempting to trace the cause of the alienation\\nthat had grown up, regarded the Chandler School as the seat\\nof the trouble, and in stoutly asserting the control of the Board\\nover the School, as against the influence of the President, it\\npractically made a confession of neglect on the part of the Board\\nin allowing the School to continue for twenty years without\\nany supervision except such as had come through the assent\\nof the President of the College for the time being, and in assert-\\ning that there could be no degradation of the Chandler Scien-\\ntific Department, and that, henceforth, the attitude of the\\nPresident must be in harmony with the policy of the Board.\\nThe committee was aware that the life of an administration\\ncould not be framed into technical charges and specifications\\ncapable of precise and tangible proof, and consequently found\\nits most serious difficulty in the relations of the President and\\nthe Faculty, for it saw that while the professors recognized\\nthe President s eminent ability, his great scholarship, his\\nconstant industry and his executive force, and were on terms\\nof personal friendship with him, they were yet out of harmony\\nwith him in their official intercourse and were positive in their\\nconvictions. It felt that the President s natural energy and\\nforce of will had, perhaps, made him somewhat inflexible,\\nthat his characteristics and opinions being in some respects\\ndifferent from those of his eminent predecessor naturally\\nhad caused som.e friction, and that extreme sensitiveness had\\nbeen developed on the one side, and perhaps inattention to the\\nfact of that sensitiveness had existed on the other. With the\\ngrounds of dissatisfaction thus explained it hoped that there\\nmight be a reconciliation between the parties. To this, said\\nthe report, the Board should exhort all parties. If it fail, the\\nBoard will be in a condition to deliberate and act with wisdom\\nand decision.\\nTo the memorial of the New York alumni the answer was\\nreturned that the Board had patiently examined into the dis-\\nquieting rumors, and while finding some errors of manage-\\nment had yet endeavored to correct all such errors in the\\nbest possible way. A committee, consisting of Messrs. Veazey,", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0487.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "436 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. Xiv.\\nTucker and Stanley, was appointed to communicate the result\\nto the President and the Faculty and to act as a committee\\nof conference. At the opening of the college year Messrs.\\nVeazey and Tucker came to Hanover, and met those who had\\nopposed the President. A day was spent in conference upon\\nthe situation. The members of the Faculty thought that since\\nthe Board had sustained the President, while their own views\\nhad not changed, the circumstances unquestionably called for\\ntheir resignations, and all without hesitation placed them at\\nthe disposal of the committee. The committee, however,\\ndeclined to receive them, earnestly declaring that the interests\\nof the College required that every one should retain his position,\\nand go on with his work.\\nUnder these conditions the work of the new year began, but\\nit was not to be expected that there should be harmony. Strong\\nfeeling existed inside the College and out. Members of the\\nFaculty held their peace, but many communications from\\nfriends and opponents of the President away from, Hanover,\\nand also among the students, appeared in the papers. Sharp\\ncriticism and keen defence of both sides were mingled with\\nrumors of resignations, asked or voluntary, till at the meeting\\nof the Trustees in April, 1882, the following votes were passed:\\nTo put at rest the disquieting rumors that have been circulated, to the\\neffect that the Trustees desire the resignation of President Bartlett,\\nResolved. That we put on record the expression of our continued confi-\\ndence in him as an able, efficient administrator, and an admirable instructor\\nand we believe that the best interests of the College require that he should\\ncontinue in his present position.\\nResolved. That we believe that the best interests of the College require\\nthat the members of the Faculty should continue in their present positions\\nand cordially co-operate in advancing the true interests of the College.\\nThe second resolution received unanimous support, the first\\nwas passed by a vote of six to four. Governor Bell not being\\npresent. The division of opinion indicated by this vote con-\\ntinued through the administration of Dr. Bartlett, varying\\nwith the shifting composition of the Board, but never giving\\nto the opposition an actual majority until the meeting in Feb-\\nruary, 1892, when all occasion for it was ended by the resigna-\\ntion of the President. It was strong enough, however, in the\\ninterval, to resist the demand for the removal of some members\\nof the Faculty and to secure the election of one professor who\\nwas opposed by the President, yet on the whole the majority", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0488.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 437\\nstood steadfastly by the President, withholding their support\\nonly in case of extreme measures which would have widened\\nthe breach between him and the Faculty.\\nThe administration of Dr. Bartlett continued for eleven years\\nmore. This period was not one of harmony either in the Board\\nor the Faculty, and the lack of it was harmful to the College,\\nbut it is a proof of the ability of the President and the fidelity\\nof the Faculty that, in spite of the division, the College held its\\nown in numbers and standards, and also made advance in endow-\\nment and equipment. The great misfortune of the period was\\nthat during those years the College was not building up a strong\\nconstituency on which it could afterward rely.\\nOne of the early movements of importance in President\\nBartlett s administration was the establishment of the Latin\\nScientific Course. As has been said. Dr. Bartlett was a firm\\nbeliever in a classical training and in this he laid no less stress\\non Greek than on Latin. He was himself an able Greek scholar,\\nand in the interval between the death of Professor Proctor\\nand the appointment of his successor, he had helped out the\\nGreek Department by taking the course in Demosthenes on the\\nCrown. But the time was one in which the push against Greek\\nwas making itself strongly felt. Educational values were\\nbecoming unsettled and there was a growing demand for an\\nA.B. degree without Greek. The President recognized the\\nforce of the movement and in the fall of 1878 a committee of\\nthe Faculty, of which he was chairman, reported favorably\\nupon the setting up of a course in the College in which Greek\\nshould have no place. After long discussions the matter went\\nto the Trustees with the approval of the Faculty, the President\\ninsisting only that the same degree should not be given to the\\nthe one who had taken Greek as to him who had not. The\\ndegree of A.B. had not so far lost the meaning which it had\\nheld up to that time, of connoting the study of Greek, that the\\nPresident or Trustees or Faculty were willing to assign it to\\na course of study which omitted that language, and they hence\\nagreed that the new course should have a degree of its own.\\nAt their meeting, March 20, 1879, the Trustees voted:\\nThat the Faculty be instructed, if practicable, to establish a Latin Scientific\\nCourse in the College, with a fixed curriculum differing from the present course,\\nby substituting for the study of Greek in College, an increased amount of\\nmathematics, physics, chemistry, geology and mineralogy, modern languages\\nand other studies, which may be judged expedient, and that the degree con-\\nferred at graduation shall be Bachelor of Letters.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0489.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "438 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nThe above vote did not imply any change in the requirements\\nfor admission, and candidates for the new course were expected\\nto bring Greek as for the regular A.B. course. But it soon\\nappeared that it was a mistake to require a leading subject for\\nadmission that was not to be continued in College, and also\\nthat the requirement would not meet the desires of those who\\nwished to avoid Greek in the preparatory school as well as in\\ncollege, accordingly at the next annual meeting the Trustees\\nvoted to omit Greek from the entrance requirements for the\\nnew course. As nothing was substituted for it students enter-\\ning the new course lacked the preparation that others gained\\nby the consistent study of Greek for two or three years and\\nwere consequently at a disadvantage in their college work.\\nAn attempt was made in 1882 partially to remedy this by re-\\nquiring for admission one year of French, and a little later,\\nphysical geography. In 1892 the requirement in French was\\nraised to two years, and botany and physiology were added,\\nbut five years later, for the last two there was substituted one\\nof the sciences, physics, chemistry and biology.\\nThe new course was advertised in the catalogue issued in\\nthe fall of 1879, and in the next year opened with four stu-\\ndents. It had a fairly rapid, though somewhat irregular,\\ngrowth, entering twenty-seven in 1890, and after 1896 partaking\\nof the general advance of the college and rising to fifty-eight\\nadmissions in 1900. Owing to the enrichment to the B.S.\\ncourse incident to the incorporation of the Chandler School\\nwith the College, and to the somewhat uncertain value attach-\\ning to the different degrees, the Latin Scientific Course was\\ngiven up with the class entering in 1901, the degree of B.L.\\nbeing conferred for the last time in 1905. After that year the\\nCollege conferred in course only the two degrees of A.B. and\\nB.S. Latin, and not Latin and Greek, was made the basis of\\nthe A.B. degree, and those who had taken neither Greek nor\\nLatin in college received the degree of B.S.\\nAlmost coincidently with the beginning of the Latin Scientific\\nCourse elective studies found a place in the curriculum. The\\nFaculty had not done violence to the recommendation of the\\nTrustees, already mentioned, of a limited and cautious use of\\nelectives, since it had restricted elections to mathematics and mod-\\nern languages in sophomore year, and to mathematics and\\nGreek and Latin in part of junior year, but beginning in 1874\\nit had offered several optional studies in senior year, consisting", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0490.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 439\\nmainly of practical courses in the sciences and of courses in\\nFrench and German. Other subjects, like Hebrew and Sanskrit\\nwere added as teachers could be secured, but they were taken\\nby comparatively few students and the relation of optionals\\nto other subjects whether attendance should be required,\\nwhether an examination should be required, and whether they\\nshould be marked and rated as other courses caused much\\ndiscussion in the Faculty. In 1880 certain courses were offered\\nin metaphysics and history in which the student was to work\\nunder the direction of a teacher, to hand in a thesis, to take\\nan examination and be marked, but no announcement of the\\ncourses was made in the catalogue.\\nThis omission was owing to the dissatisfaction of the Faculty\\nwith the system of optionals, and in the next year they presented\\nto the Trustees, with a recommendation for its adoption, a de-\\ntailed schedule of electives covering junior and senior years.\\nThis was assented to by the Trustees, to go into effect in the\\nfall of 1882, and was the beginning of the present system of\\nelectives in the College. It opened a little more than a third\\nof junior year to electives, the afternoon hour being wholly,\\nand the noon hour being partially, given to them. Greek and\\nLatin were thrown into the elective group, the prescribed sub-\\njects being physics, chemistry, astronomy, rhetoric, natural\\ntheology and English literature. In senior year the change\\nwas still greater, the noon hour only was held to prescribed work,\\nand as from that time three exercises were required of seniors,\\nas of the other classes, two thirds of their work became elective.\\nThe prescribed subjects of senior year were, psychology, logic,\\nethics, political economy. Christian evidences, constitutional\\nlaw and physiology. In these two years the languages, ancient\\nand modern, and mathematics retired to the elective group,\\nand in senior year the sciences entered the same group after\\nbeing prescribed during junior year. This system of electives,\\nwith minor changes of arrangement and subjects, continued\\nsubstantially the same until 1893, when it received a still further\\nextension into sophomore year.\\nAnother plan for the encouragement of scholarship was worked\\nout in the same year as the system of electives. It was a scheme\\nof honors, so arranged as to affect different portions of the college\\ncourse, and to have cumulative effect. Two grades of honors\\nwere devised, one called honorable mention, which was\\nawarded for general excellence in various departments mainly", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0491.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "440 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiv.\\nin the prescribed courses, not before the end of sophomore year,\\nthe other called final honors and awarded at graduation for\\ndistinguished excellence in the work of a department, and the\\npassing of an examination on the entire work of the department\\nand on such other work of reading or investigation as might\\nbe specially prescribed. To those who received both honorable\\nmention and final honors in any department a degree was given\\ncum laiide. A few years later, in 1886, the Trustees permitted,\\nin the interests of scholarship, the division of classes In classics\\nas in mathematics into sections based on rank.\\nIn the Medical College a decided advance of the standard\\nwas made in 1890 by the requirement of an additional year\\nof professional study, so that a candidate for the degree of\\nM.D. must have pursued four full years of such study instead of\\nthree, and have attended three full courses of lectures instead\\nof two, although the holding of a college degree was accepted\\nin lieu of one year of study.\\nThe Commencement of 1882 had an unusual character. A\\nvery discriminating and sympathetic address in memory of\\nPresident Smith was given by the Rev. E. B. Coe, D.D., of New\\nYork City, on Tuesday evening, and on Wednesday was observed\\nthe centennial celebration of the birth of Daniel Webster. The\\naddress was delivered by Thomas F. Bayard, United States\\nsenator from Delaware. A cloudy morning brought relief\\nfrom the heat of the preceding days and gave comfort to the\\naudience. At ten o clock Mr. Bayard was escorted by the\\nstudent body from the home of Mr. Hiram Hitchcock, whose\\nguest he was, to the church, where a great concourse awaited\\nhim and which he held in closest attention for two hours in an\\nanalysis of the character and work of Webster.\\nAt the alumni dinner, which followed the exercises, President\\nBartlett lead the speaking with the sentiment, Daniel Webster\\nand Dartmouth College, one and inseparable, and all the\\nspeakers paid their tribute to Webster in the discussion of some\\nphase of his life. Especial interest was given to the occasion\\nby the gift to the College by Messrs. Houghton Brothers of\\nBoston of the hair-cloth covered armchair which Webster had\\nused in his study at Franklin. When the chair was presented\\nby Governor Bell on behalf of the Messrs. Houghton, Mr.\\nBayard, as the guest of honor and the eulogist of Webster, was\\nescorted to a seat in it.\\nThe changes in the resident Faculty that occurred in the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0492.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 441\\nearlier part of President Bartlett s administration, and that\\nhave been already mentioned, were followed by a still greater\\nnumber in the later years. In 1881 the former Professor S. G.\\nBrown, who had just resigned the presidency of Hamilton\\nCollege, was recalled as lecturer on intellectual philosophy\\nand political economy, and remained two years. In 1882 the\\nchair of Greek, which had been vacant nearly three years, was\\nfilled by the election of Rufus B. Richardson, a graduate of\\nYale and at that time professor of Greek in Indiana University.\\nIn the same year Professor Sanborn, whose health had been\\nfailing, gave up the chair of English literature. His letter of\\nresignation displayed the simplicity and directness of the man.\\nBoston, Dec. 5, 1881.\\nTo THE President and Trustees of Dartmouth College:\\nGentlemen: For several years I have been struggling with what, now,\\nseems to be a mortal disease, attempting to rise above insurmountable obsta-\\ncles, hoping against hope, that I might, for a little longer time, discharge,\\nacceptably, the duties of my profession; but old age and sickness have pre-\\nvailed against me, have robbed me of my strength and courage and left me\\nworn out and exhausted in body, mind and estate. I, therefore, resign into\\nyour hands my professorship of Anglo Saxon and English Language and\\nLiterature, which your partiality conferred upon me two years ago, this\\nresignation to take effect immediately, or at any moment before the close\\nof the present college year, when you may think that the interests of the\\nCollege may require my chair to be filled. Grateful for your generosity and\\nkindness in the past I remain.\\nYour obedient servant,\\nEdwin D. Sanborn.\\nProfessor Sanborn had given the best years of his life to the\\nCollege with a return that alloAved him to make no adequate\\nprovision for his age. Several of his friends and former students,\\nknowing this, took it upon themselves to make some provision\\nfor his remaining years and assured him a fund of $500 a year.^\\nHis successor was Charles F. Richardson, a graduate of the\\nclass of 1871, who since graduation had been engaged in journal-\\nistic and literary work, and who cam.e to the college in the fall\\nof 1882.\\nProfessor Sanborn s resignation was followed by that of\\nProfessor Noyes in 1883, who likewise resigned under the stress\\nof physical infirmity. To both was given the title of Professor\\nemeritus. Professor Noyes was followed by the Rev. Gabriel\\n1 The movement was begun by E. A. Rollins of Philadelphia, with whom were associated\\nJames F. Joy of Detroit, Edward Tuck and Levi P. Morton of New York, and Hutchins and\\nWheeler of Boston.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0493.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "442 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiv.\\nCampbell, a graduate of Michigan University and then professor\\nin Bowdoin College.\\nIn this year Professor Hubbard also withdrew from active\\nservice in the Medical College. His connection with the College,\\nbeginning in 1836 and thus covering forty-seven years of actual\\nteaching, although in different departments, exceeded in dura-\\ntion that of any other person in the history of the College,\\nand his name, continuing in the catalogue as professor emeritus\\nin the Medical College till his death in 1900, appears in the list\\nof the Faculty for sixty-four successive years, an unexampled\\nrecord.\\nThe year 1885 was made memorable in the necrology of the\\nCollege by the deaths of Professors Brown, Noyes and Sanborn,\\nwithin a few weeks of each other. Dr. Brown died in Utica,\\nN. Y., November 4, Dr. Noyes in Chester, N. H., December\\n22, and Dr. Sanborn in New York City, December 29. All\\nwere buried in Hanover, within the sound of the college bell\\nwhose summons they had so long and so loyally obeyed. They\\nwere all graduates of the College, Drs. Noyes and Sanborn\\nbeing classmates, and Dr. Brown being one year earlier. They\\nwere men of very different characteristics, but united in love\\nof the College, to whose ser\\\\dce they had given the greater part,\\nor nearly all, of their effective manhood. Dr. Brown was a\\nman of scholarly tastes and wide attainments, refined and\\ncourteous, lacking in ease of social intercourse and finding it\\neasier to express his thoughts with his pen than in conversation.\\nHe had a pleasing and effective style in writing, but in the class-\\nroom impressed his students with the extent of his scholarship\\nrather than stimulated them by it. Dr. Noyes, who came to\\nthe College after a twelve years pastorate, was more effective\\nas a teacher in his later chair of philosophy than in his earlier\\none of ethics. He had no fondness for casuistry and subtle\\ndistinctions, but he had the gift of clear statement and was\\nmore confident in matters of intellect than in questions of\\nconscience. He was naturally religious and though without\\nthe forceful nature of an instinctive leader and with a kind of\\ntimidity of action, he held firmly to what he believed was right,\\nand made a strong impression on the students by his sympathetic\\nsincerity.\\nOf the three, Dr. Sanborn produced by far the strongest\\nimpression upon the College. He had a forceful nature, that\\ncarried the enthusiasm of a boy into whatever pleased and", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0494.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 443\\ninterested him as a man, great powers of acquisition, a capacious\\nand retentive memory, ready humor and the ability to command\\nand express in entertaining form his store of knowledge. His\\nmode of thought, in which the impulsive outweighed the critical,\\nwas discursive, and he gave frank expression to his feelings^\\nbut rarely with offence. He never shrank from any task that\\nhe felt was his duty or spared himself in its execution. In\\nperson he was large and active with a corresponding physical\\nand mental energy, and in his earlier years the combination of\\nhis mental and physical characteristics, with its suggestion of\\npower, gained for him the nickname of Bully. It clung to\\nhim throughout his connection with the College, but in later\\nyears, at least, it was wholly complimentary and expressed\\nonly the admiration and even affection of the students. During\\nnearly all of President Smith s administration and the opening\\nyears of Dr. Bartlett s, Professors Noyes and Sanborn, as senior\\nmembers of the Faculty, exercised a leading influence in its\\ncounsels.\\nIn 1885 the Parker professorship of law and political science\\nwas first filled by the appointment of James F. Colby of the\\nclass of 1872, a practicing lawyer in New Haven, Conn., and an\\ninstructor in international law in Yale Law School. In 1886\\nthe Rev. Marvin D. Bisbee, of the class of 1871 and previously\\nconnected with the editorial department of the Congregationalist,\\nwas appointed Librarian, in place of Professor Pollens who was\\nmade professor of French and German. The same year the\\nCollege suffered the loss of Associate Professor Wright, who\\nwent to Johns Hopkins University as professor of classical\\nphilology, and after a year there became professor of Greek\\nin Harvard University. The work of the Greek department\\nwas filled out by tutors for some years till in 1891 Mr. George\\nD. Lord, who had been tutor, was raised to the position of\\nassistant professor, at the same time that Arthur Fairbanks\\nreceived a similar appointment in German.\\nIn December of 1891, Professor Parker gave up the chair of\\nLatin. He had never fully recovered from the effects of an\\nHis frank outspokenness may be illustrated by two incidents. In a prayer meeting in which\\nthe subject was Growing in Grace, he rose when the minister had finished speaking, and\\nturning to the audience said: I don t know much about this growing in grace. I don t see\\nthat I have grown in grace in the last ten years, and I don t see that any of you have either.\\nRushes at night were forbidden, but, one occurring, the writer went out and broke it up\\nAt the next Faculty meeting when the matter was under discussion. Professor Sanborn spoke\\napprovingly of breaking up the rush and said. Mr. Lord did just what I did when I was a\\nyoung man big fool that I was!", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0495.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "444 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\naccident which he met in 1883, when a chimney fell on him as\\nhe was aiding in fighting a fire, and his health was gradually\\ngiving way. His withdrawal removed from the College one\\nwho had endeared himself to every student who came under\\nhim. His kindly sympathy and gracious bearing, coupled with\\na readiness to help those in distress, in addition to his literary\\ntastes, gave him a strong influence over the students with whom\\nhe came in contact, and led them to regard him as a friend,\\nand in his manner as the model of a gentleman.^ His associate\\nin the department, John K. Lord, was promoted to the vacant\\nchair.\\nIn 1890 the College sustained a severe loss in the death of\\nits Treasurer, Frederick Chase, who died on the 19th of January.\\nAn attack of grippe found him in a weakened state caused by\\nthe unremitting ardor with which, in addition to his duties\\nas Treasurer and Judge of Probate, he had devoted himself\\nto the writing of the history of the College. He had been inde-\\nfatigable in the examination of all sources of information, and\\nin his eagerness had overtaxed his strength. The history, of\\nwhich he had completed the first volume, is his memorial. He\\nwas succeeded by Mr. Charles P. Chase, at first by temporary,\\nand on March 17, 1890, by permanent appointment.\\nThe fire in which Professor Parker was injured was one of two\\ndisastrous fires that occurred in the village during the eighties.\\nIt began in the forenoon of Saturday, May 5, in a barn on the\\nsouth side of Lebanon Street, where some children were playing\\nwith matches, and spread at once to a large building on the\\nsoutheast corner of Lebanon and College Streets. It was while\\nattempting to save a little house just below this building that\\nProfessor Parker was struck by a falling chimney and sustained,\\ninjuries that were nearly fatal. A strong wind from the south-\\neast carried the fire directly toward the village, and the utmost\\nefforts were made to prevent its crossing Lebanon Street. The\\nopera house was saved with very great difficulty, but the fire,\\nleaping College Street, burned everything on the south side of\\nLebanon Street as far as the brick house on the corner of Main\\nStreet, and at one time gained a hold on a house on the north\\nside of Lebanon Street. On the fate of that building depended\\nthat of the whole west side of the village, and just as it seemed\\nimpossible to save it, the arrival of a company and engine from\\nAfter his resignation Professor Parker removed to Boston, where he died at the home of\\nhis daughter, November 7. 1896.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0496.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0497.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "DARTMOITH HOTEL, 1826.\\nDARTMOUTH HOTEL, 1866.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0498.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 445\\nLebanon gave sufficient addition to local efforts to check the\\nfire and protect the village. Several houses caught fire from\\nflying sparks, but in each case the fire was extinguished in time.\\nThe aid of the students was the only thing that made it possible\\nto hold the fire till the coming of the Lebanon company. Thir-\\nteen buildings were destroyed and twenty families thrown out\\nof home. The loss of property was not as great as might be\\nexpected, being about $25,000, since most of the buildings\\nburned were old or of inferior construction.\\nFour years later a second and much more serious fire occurred\\nin vacation, on the morning of Tuesday, January 4, 1887. It\\nbegan in the Dartmouth Hotel, which stood on the site of the\\npresent Hanover Inn, and had two parts, one of brick and one\\nof wood. The fire started in the wooden part, probably from\\na defective chimney, and was first noticed about two o clock\\nby Mr. D. B. Currier who lived in a house immediately adjoining.\\nAn alarm was given and the available force of the village at once\\ngathered, but it was insufficient to prevent the spread of the\\nfire. Mr. Currier s house was of course doomed, and soon the\\ntwo wooden buildings to the south of the hotel took fire. Next\\nbeyond these buildings, and separated from them by an alley\\nabout twelve feet wide, was a large brick structure, three stories\\nhigh, known as the Tontine, which sheltered most of the stores\\nof the village and the halls of several fraternities. It was\\nhoped that its brick wall might withstand the fire, but it had a\\nwooden jut, against which the flames from the adjoining building\\nwere thrown by an iron roof that prevented them from rising\\ndirectly upward, and it was soon on fire.\\nWith this building the fire was stayed. Lebanon again sent\\nto the assistance of the village, by special train, an engine and\\ncompany, and they came at a critical time, just as it was at-\\ntempted to hold the fire at the south wall of the Tontine. This\\nwall stood through the fire and served as a screen to protect the\\nadjoining wooden building, and the extra amount of water\\nthat was thrown upon the flam.es by the Lebanon company\\nprevented their further advance.\\nThe night was one of the coldest of the winter, with a tem-\\nperature of more than twenty degrees below zero in some parts\\nof the village, perfectly clear and without a breath of wind.\\nWhen the flames broke through a roof they rushed upward\\nlike fountains, carrying myriads of sparks and glowing cinders\\nthat rose till their weight became too great for the upward force", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0499.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "446 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiv.\\nof the heated air, when they fell back into the glowing furnace\\nonly to be thrown up again and again till they were consumed.\\nThe stillness of the night was the salvation of the village, for,\\nin the absence of the students, it would have been impossible\\nto attend to other fires that might have been kindled by sparks\\ncarried by a wind.\\nBy nine o clock in the morning the fire was under control\\nand the chief corner of the village a smoking ruin. The loss\\nin buildings, furniture and tradesmen s stocks was estimated\\nat $56,000. Six fraternities, Psi Upsilon, Delta Kappa Epsilon,\\nPhi Delta Theta, Phi Zeta Mu, Vitruvian, and Sphinx, were\\nrendered homeless; eight stores were burned besides the post\\noffice, a restaurant, a billiard room, a book bindery and an\\nupholsterer s. The buildings burned were among the land-\\nmarks of the village. Mr. Currier s house was one of the oldest,\\nhaving been built by Dr. John Crane, the first physician of the\\ntown, in 1773. Two of the most stately elms of the village,\\nthat stood in front of the house, were destroyed with it. The\\nhotel that was burned was not the original one on that site,\\nfor that had been moved away in 1813 and for a century stood\\non the northeast corner of Main and Lebanon Streets till it\\nwas torn down in April, 1913, to give room for a bank building,\\nbut was the brick structure erected in that year, to replace the\\none moved away and afterward frequently enlarged. The\\nTontine, a name probably adopted, without any regard to\\nits special significance, in imitation of some large building in\\nConnecticut, familiar to the builder, Lemuel Davenport, who\\nbuilt the medical college in 181 1 for Dr. Nathan Smith, was,\\nlike the hotel, erected in 1813. From its great size, one hundred\\nand forty feet long, forty feet wide and four stories high, it\\nproved a losing venture for several successive owners, and at\\none time could neither be sold nor given away, but during the\\nseventy-four years of its existence it had sheltered the chief\\npart of the business of the village.^\\nAs is often the case, this fire worked to the ultimate advantage\\nof the village, since in place of the old and generally unattractive\\nbuildings better ones were erected. The owners of the Tontine,\\nMessrs. Bridgman and Currier, replaced it with a building of\\na more attractive appearance and a more serviceable plan.\\nThe buildings next to it were also an improvement on those\\nThe Dartmouth. February 4, 1887, an article on the history of the burned buildings by Fred-\\nerick Chase.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0500.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 447\\nthat had been burned. As the owner of the hotel was a non-\\nresident and did not care to rebuild, the question of hotel\\naccommodations became of pressing importance for the College.\\nThere was no place at which the alumni and guests of the College\\nor even the Trustees could be entertained at Commencement\\nor at other times of interest. There was a small house, which,\\nafter the burning of the Dartmouth Hotel, took that name, but\\nit was not one on which the College could rely.\\nImmediately after the fire the Trustees took measures to secure\\nthe corner lot, on which the hotel had stood, and to prevent\\nits falling into unfriendly hands bought it for $5,000. The\\nadjoining lot of Mr. Currier they were not successful in securing\\ntill a later time. They did not then contemplate building a\\nhotel, but after waiting a year in the hope that some private\\npersons might undertake the enterprise, they felt that the lack\\nof a place of suitable entertainment was a growing injury to\\nthe College, and after much deliberation, in March of 1888,\\nthey voted to build a hotel at a cost not exceeding $25,000.\\nMessrs. Fairbanks, Hitchcock and Prescott were appointed a\\nbuilding committee, who engaged as architect Mr. Lambert\\nPackard of St. Johnsbury, Vt. His plans were approved and\\nthe contract for the building was let to W. J. Bray, also of St.\\nJohnsbury, for $22,500. The structure was of brick with red\\nsandstone trimmings, and had accommodations for about one\\nhundred guests. Work was begun in May, 1888, and the hotel\\nwas ready for occupancy by Commencement of the next year.\\nThe cost, perhaps not unnaturally, exceeded the estimate and,\\nincluding the furnishing but not the land, was a little over\\n$37,500- Of this sum $34,000 were taken from the Hallgarten\\nbequest and the balance from other funds. Some defects in\\nconstruction necessitated repairs within a year, and the general\\nplan of the house proved so unsatisfactory that in 1902 repairs and\\na rearrangement were undertaken on such an extensive scale that\\ntheir cost exceeded the original cost of the building. The house\\nwas called The Wheelock and for several years it was run, some-\\ntimes by a lessee and sometimes by a manager for the College,\\nrarely to the satisfaction of the public, and usually with loss to\\nthe College. Since the alterations in 1902, when the name\\nwas changed to Hanover Inn, the College has assumed its\\ndirection through a manager whom it employs at a salary,\\nand has thereby obtained a well appointed house and a rea-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0501.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "448 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nsonable return upon a capitalization representing the later\\nexpenditures.\\nThe construction of the hotel was soon followed by that of\\na building for the Young Men s Christian Association, for which\\nPresident Bartlett had for some time been earnestly working.\\nThe existing quarters of the Association in Thornton Hall were\\nvery inadequate and the President felt that its work and influ-\\nence could not be properly extended without a home of its own.\\nIn the summer of 1888 he presented the matter to the Trustees,\\nwho voted that it was expedient to have such a building, and\\nproposed to devote to it, if additional funds could be raised,\\nthe accumulations from the Moor fund and the future income,\\nso far as needed and to call it Moor Hall, and they even\\nwent so far as to select as a site for it the north end of the Rood\\nhouse lot, ncH: less than 140 feet from the south line.\\nThe object again coming up at a meeting in November\\nthe Trustees still further appropriated the unassigned Fletcher\\nprize, the $2,000 insurance received for South Hall and $2,100\\nto be borrowed, and repaid by six years rent of the Moor s School\\nbuilding paid by the Chandler School. As there was some\\ndoubt whether these funds could be used for this purpose, the\\nquestion was referred to Judge Veazey and Judge Smith, whose\\nreport was adverse to such use, and at the annual meeting of\\nthe Trustees in 1889 the vote of appropriation was rescinded\\nand the site abandoned. The President, however, had been\\nearnest in his efforts to secure subscriptions from individuals,\\nand on presenting the subject to the General Association of\\nthe Congregational churches of the State at its annual meeting\\nat Derry in October, 1888, had gained the support of that body,\\nwith an immediate subscription of $500, and the assurance of\\ncontributions in various churches. In this work he had an able\\nassistant in Professor Bisbee, who was equally interested in the\\ncause, and pushed it on in the absence of the President, which\\nsoon after was rendered desirable by the health of Mrs. Bartlett.\\nA six months leave of absence, beginning with the close of the\\nfirst term in December of 1888, was occupied by a trip to Cal-\\nifornia, from which he returned in the following June, when\\nthe student body expressed its pleasure at his return by meeting\\nhim at the station and escorting him to his house. During his\\nabsence Professor Parker had officiated in the place of the\\nPresident.\\nOn his return the President renewed his efforts for the Chris-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0502.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "1 877-1 892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 449\\ntian Association building with such success that in the spring\\nof 1890 he brought the matter again before the Trustees, who\\nvoted that when $9,000 had been paid into the college treasury\\nfor such a building they would appropriate for it $5,000, the\\nbequest of Micajah C. Burleigh, and $1,000 additional, pro-\\nvided the whole cost should not exceed $14,500, except as addi-\\ntional gifts might enlarge the amount. The required sum having\\nbeen raised, work was begun at once and the corner stone was\\nlaid on the afternoon of Wednesday of Commencement week,\\nJune 25.1\\nThe architect of the building was the same as of the hotel,\\nand the builders were Mead and Mason of Concord, N. H.\\nAfter considerable questioning as to a site, and the consideration\\nof one offered by the Trustees of the Agricultural College on the\\nsouth side of Wheelock Street, the present one on the north side\\nof the same street was chosen. Although the interior was far\\nfrom complete the building was dedicated on June 24, 1891,\\nand in honor of President Bartlett, to whose exertions it was\\nso largely due, it was named by the Trustees, Bartlett Hall.\\nThe cost of the building and its equipment was just under\\n$17,000, which was met by subscriptions above the appropria-\\ntion of the Trustees.\\nIt was during this period that the College began that process\\nof acquisition that has brought into its possession almost all\\nthe property around and immediately north of the Green.\\nFour houses were then secured either by purchase or gift. For\\nseveral years the President had urged upon the Trustees for\\nvarious reasons the importance of their buying a president s\\nhouse. At first he desired to secure the house now occupied\\nby the Howe Library a house peculiarly appropriate for such a\\npurpose, as it was built and occupied by the first Wheelock,\\nand Mr. Billings of Woodstock, of the Wheelock kin, was ready\\nto purchase it for the College, but it was not for sale, and after\\nthe consideration of several houses the Trustees bought for\\nthe use of the President, for $9,500, the home of Dr. Noyes.\\nThe house then stood on Main Street on the present lawn between\\niThe programme consisted of: i, Invocation by Rev. George W. Patterson of the class of\\n18S1; 2, Statement by Rev. Henry FairbanliS, chairman of the building committee; 3, Address\\nby Rev. John M. Dutton, for the churches and contributors; 4, Address by Hon. Dexter Rich-\\nards for the Christian business men; 5, Response by W. E. Reed for the Young Men s Chris-\\ntian Association; 6, Recital of the apostles creed; 7. Laying of the comer stone and address\\nby President Bartlett for the Trustees of the College; 8, Hymn; 9, Prayer by Rev. Henry\\nE. Parker, D.D.; 10, Benediction by Rev. Edward Slafter of the class of 1840.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0503.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "450 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nthe Crosby House and the tri-Kappa house but was afterward\\nremoved and now opens on Webster Avenue.\\nOn the site of Webster Hall there then stood a large white\\nwooden house, known as the Rood House. The College had\\nlong desired it, but had not the means to purchase it. In the\\nfall of 1885, however, Mr. L. P. Morton of New York City,\\nformerly a merchant in Hanover in the old Tontine, at the request\\nof the President bought the house for $7,250 and gave it to the\\nCollege. The house remained on the spot till it was torn down\\nin 1900 to give place to Webster Hall. Two houses were also\\npurchased which were afterward enlarged and made into dor-\\nmitories. The old homestead of Dr. Dixi Crosby, still called\\nthe Crosby House, was purchased in 1884, and the residence\\nof Professor Sanborn, now Sanborn Hall similarly came into\\nthe possession of the College in 1887.\\nThe title of the College to the Green was called in question\\nin the fall of 1884 by an attempt, under the leadership of Mr.\\nD. B. Currier, to erect a band stand on its southwest corner,\\nunder a claim that it was the property of the public. The fact\\nof title is, wrote the Treasurer of the College to Judge Chase,\\nthat the fee came to the College by grant from the Province\\nin 1 77 1, by prior deed from Penning Wentworth and has never\\nbeen alienated. A temporary injunction was obtained, which\\nwas continued by Judge Blodgett, sitting at Haverhill, in October.\\nThe college park had received no attention since the gift of\\nJudge Parker. The trees which he had given had grown into\\na veritable thicket, concealing the natural beauties of the place.\\nThe College had not any money to spend upon it, but President\\nBartlett suggested the idea, which was w^orked out by Professors\\nFletcher and Hardy into a plan, of beautifying it by the opening\\nof a winding road and intersecting paths, with rustic bridges\\nover ravines, with seats and benches here and there, and occa-\\nsional summer houses. For the building of these he enlisted the\\nco-operation of the students, proposing that they should do the\\nwork if the College should furnish implements. Wednesday and\\nSaturday afternooons were half holidays, and he asked for vol-\\nunteers for work in the park at those times. It was not expected\\nthat every volunteer would work at every opportunity, but by\\ndividing the volunteers into squads of fifty or more, no one s turn\\nwould come oftener than once in two weeks.\\nThe students took kindly to the idea, and park and co-\\nSee Vol. I, p. 147.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0504.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 451\\noperation became words of jest and interest. Work was begun\\nin the fall of 1879 under the direction of different members of\\nthe Faculty, though the general oversight of the work was in\\ncharge of Professor Hardy. The difficulty of clearing the under-\\nbrush, of trimming trees, of handling shovels and hoes in making\\nroads and paths was attested by many an aching back and\\nblistered hand, but the pluck of the students was sufficient\\nand by the close of the season a large part of the plan was com-\\npleted. The roads that now exist were then made, but of the\\npaths, then made or begun, several have been overgrown. Two\\nrustic bridges were built, many benches placed and an iron\\nsummer house, secured by Professor Hardy, was placed on the\\nledge that crowns the western summit. The wooden house on\\nthe eastern summit was built at a later time by the college\\ncarpenter. It was not to be expected that such labor of love\\nshould continue indefinitely, but in lessening amount it was\\nprolonged for four years till the park was well cleared and made\\nattractive to visitors. In 1882 there was constructed in the\\nhollow between the two summits near the old freshman gallows\\na bema, at which part of the exercises of class day have since\\nbeen held, and near by is a grotto made under the direction\\nof President Bartlett, partly excavated in the precipitous ledge\\nof the hillside and partly roofed with slabs of stone.\\nIn connection with the development of the park another pro-\\nposal of President Bartlett for its adornment was put into effect.\\nThe old pine that crowned the summit of Observatory Hill,\\nabout which gathered traditions of Indian students, and at whose\\nfoot the farewell pipe was smoked by each graduating class at\\nthe conclusion of the class-day exercises, was showing signs of\\nage,^ and in anticipation of its decay the President suggested\\nthat a tower of a mediaeval pattern be erected not far from it.\\nThe senior class of 1885 took up the suggestion and laid the\\nfoundations for a tov/er. Successive classes continued the\\nwork, adding section to section, indicated in the outer wall\\nby the numerals of the classes, till the topmost section was\\nadded by the class of 1895. The conical roof, which brought\\nthe tower to the height of seventy-one feet, and also the circular\\nstairway were put up by the College. The tov/er commands\\na beautiful view of Hanover and the surrounding country with\\nthe valley of the Connecticut from Ascutney to Cube.\\n1 This pine was struck by lightning July 28, 1887; its largest branches were broken in a gale\\nJune 14, 1892, and after this it rapidly decayed and was cut down in 1895. See The Dart-\\nmouth for May 3, 1895, p. 249.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0505.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "452 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nIn the attention given to aesthetics the practical was not\\nneglected. In 1879 a shop was built for the college carpenter\\non the ground now occupied by the tennis courts north of Culver\\nand east of Faycrweather Halls. It was provided with a small\\nsteam engine for power, and enabled the College to do profitably\\nmuch of its own work, for which it had before been dependent\\non others. The sidewalks of the village had for a long time,\\nespecially in the spring, been the object of extreme and deserved\\nreproach. Being made only of dirt they were pleasant enough\\nin dry weather, but were disagreeable when wet and in the\\nspring were almost impassable except by those wearing rubber\\nboots. The w^alk of tar concrete was introduced in the summer\\nof 1886 by Mr. Jospeh Emerson, who occupied the present\\nCasque and Gauntlet house. His example was followed by\\nothers with great rapidity, though the burning of some of the\\ntar after the opening of the fall term nearly put a stop to the\\nwork. In the next year the College put the concrete in front\\nand on the south of its yard, and in 1890 introduced it into\\nthe yard itself.\\nThe development of athletics was m.aking evident the insuffi-\\nciency of the gymnasium for the practice of the track and base-\\nball teams. To meet the lack a building, known as the Cage,\\nwas built in 1888 on a lot occupied by the present Sanborn\\nHall purchased by the Trustees for the purpose. The $3,000\\nnecessary for the building were raised by subscription among\\nthe students and their friends. At the same time a running\\ntrack was constructed in the gymnasium for the track team.\\nAmong the improvements of the time was one in which the\\nCollege and the village shared, the renovation of the church\\nedifice. Extensive changes had been made in it in 1877, begun\\nin the interval between President Smith and President Bartlett.\\nAt that time the building had been lengthened by an addition\\nof eleven feet on the north, the galleries had been lowered two\\nfeet, the south gallery narrowed three feet, the organ removed\\nfrom the gallery to the floor and other changes made, all at an\\nexpense of about $4,000, of which the College contributed $1,500.\\nIn 1889 another movement for the improvement of the build-\\ning was undertaken by the citizens of the village, and while they\\nwere preparing plans for it Mr. Hiram Hitchcock consulted\\nhis friend, the well known architect, Stanford S. White, of the\\n-firm of McKim, Mead and White of New York, who oflfered\\nto advise in the remodelling of the church. His advice was", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0506.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 453\\ngladly accepted and the present beautiful interior, one of the\\nfinest specimens of old colonial architecture in the country, is\\ndue to his suggestion. An extension of twelve feet in the rear\\nwas added, giving a pulpit recess, an organ room and a pastor s\\nroom, the upper tier of windows, formerly close under the eaves,\\nwas lowered, the blind windows, half of the whole number,\\nwere removed, the vestibule improved, and the whole interior\\nfinished and decorated richly but with simplicity. The whole\\nscheme of decoration, as well as the design of the pulpit, was\\nmade by Mr. White. A subscription of about $1,800 raised in\\nthe village, and $500 paid by the College were turned over to\\nMr. Hitchcock, who met all the expenses of the work above this\\nsum, which amounted to over $6,000, and, in addition, Mr.\\nHitchcock presented the church with a large and fine organ.\\nThe affairs of the Agricultural College during this period\\nwere not wholly satisfactory. Dr. Bartlett, though a member\\nof the Board from 1878 and President of the Faculty from 1880,\\nwas not made President of the College, that position being held\\nby Judge Nesmith. This fact undoubtedly relieved Dr. Bart-\\nlett of considerable labor, but in view of the relation which\\nPresident Smith had held to the Agricultural College, the situa-\\ntion was somewhat anomalous, and was so considered by Dr.\\nBartlett. But the College gained in its resources. Between\\n1880 and 1 89 1 its Faculty increased from six to twelve members,\\nthe increase being partly due to the establishment in 1888 by\\nthe United States government of an agricultural experiment\\nstation in connection with the College at an annual expense of\\n$15,000, for which a suitable building was erected in 1888.\\nIn students, however, it made no gain after 1880, when it\\nhad a maximum of forty-two, nor did it gain in popular interest.\\nAmong the farmers of the State considerable dissatisfaction\\nexisted with its progress, so that a joint resolution of the Legis-\\nlature, approved on August 29, 1885, after reciting the fact\\nthat in almost twenty years the College had graduated less\\nthan forty agricultural students, authorized the appointment\\nby the Governor and Council of a committee of three to investi-\\ngate the propriety of removing the College from Hanover.\\nThis committee, consisting of Joseph B. Walker, Greenleaf\\nClarke and Warren F. Daniel, made an extended report to the\\nLegislature of 1887. It found that the reasons for removal,\\n1 Addresses at the reopening of the College church in Hanover, October 26, 1889.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0507.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "454 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiv.\\nurged largely by the State Grange, were the failure of the College\\nto accomplish more, the want of centrality in the location of\\nthe College, the overshadowing effect of older and larger insti-\\ntutions, the inability of students comparatively few in number,\\nand working on agricultural and mechanical lines, to live har-\\nmoniously with far more numerous bodies whose studies lie\\nlargely in other directions, the fact that the management of\\nthe College had been mostly in the control of persons having\\nbut little interest in agricultural pursuits, and that its removal\\nfrom Hanover would quiet these objections, leave the insti-\\ntution more fully in control of the class it was founded to benefit,\\nand elevate it to a higher plane of usefulness.\\nThe report, which carefully considered these reasons and\\nreached the conclusion that the removal of the College would\\nnot inure to its benefit but rather to its serious injury, was\\nmade to the Legislature in 1887, and for the time being laid\\nthe question of removal, but three years later it was revived\\nwith irresistible force by a large bequest to the State for the\\nbenefit of an agricultural college. Benjamin Thompson, a\\nresident of Durham, died January 30, 1890, leaving to the State\\nproperty appraised at $408,220.71, including a farm valued at\\n$18,300. The bequest was conditioned on its acceptance by\\nthe State within two years, on the guaranty of the perpetual\\nsecurity of the principal, and of its increase by interest on the\\npersonal property compounded at 4 per cent, for twenty 3 ears,\\ntogether with the addition of an annual appropriation of $3,000\\nsimilarly compounded. The college to be established was to\\nbe erected upon his farm in Durham.\\nIt being found that the income of the estate was sufficient to\\nmeet the requirement of the interest and the annual appropria-\\ntion, the State accepted the gift with its conditions^ in March,\\nand in April following appropriated $100,000 for buildings,\\nto which $35,000 were added three years later. This action\\ncarried with it of necessity the withdrawal of the College from\\nHanover, and by an act, passed April 10, 1891, the connection\\nwith Dartmouth College was dissolved and the required notice\\nof one year was given to its Trustees of the termination of the\\ncontract with them. As the new buildings at Durham were\\nnot ready till 1893 the session of 1892-1893 was held at Hanover,\\nbut with a naturally diminished attendance in view of the break.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Seventeenth .-Vnnual Report of the Board of Agriculture of N ew Hampshire, i8S8, p. 283\\nand p. 264.\\n2N. H. Reports, 1S91, oI. II, pp. 559-563-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0508.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 455\\nIn accordance with the contract made at the erection of Culver\\nHall, the State, on withdrawing, requested the Dartmouth\\nTrustees to repay the $15,000 which it had contributed toward\\nthe building, but a more generous spirit prevailed, and in March,\\n1893, the Legislature relinquished to the College the claim for\\nthe money and also its title to the Hall.\\nThe Agricultural College naturally wished to dispose of its\\nproperty in Hanover, that it might apply the proceeds toward\\nthe erection of its new buildings at Durham, and after consider-\\nable amicable discussion offered to the Dartmouth Trustees\\nat a reasonable price that portion which was desirable for them.\\nConant Hall was almost valueless to any purchaser except\\nDartm.outh College, and was not such a building as the College\\nneeded, or would have built, if a building were needed, but it\\nwas of some value, and the lot on which it stood and the adjoin-\\ning tract were very important for the College. An agreement\\nwas, therefore, reached by which the Agricultural College sold\\nto Dartmouth for $15,000 all of its real estate, including Conant\\nHall, situated west of Park Street and south of Wheelock Street,\\nreserving only the right of occupancy till it should transfer to\\nDurham, but paying interest as long as it should remain. The\\npart of the purchase lying between Crosby and Park Streets,\\nthat is now partially occupied by the gymnasium and the athletic\\nfield, was estimated at $5,000.\\nThe experiment station was sold, as was told on a previous\\npage, to the Thayer School, and the large farm to private parties.\\nThe last exercises of the Agricultural College in Hanover were\\nheld in June, 1893, and its next year began on the 7th of Sep-\\ntember following at Durham, where it has since enjoyed a\\nsuccessful development.\\nDuring the later years of President Bartlett s administration\\nthe question of alumni representation, which had received a\\ntemporary settlement in 1876, cam^e again to the front. Accord-\\ning to the arrangement then made, the Trustees nominated by\\nthe alumni had an unlimited tenure of office, and the alumni\\nsoon began to feel that such representation was not enough.\\nThey did not find fault with the representatives who had been\\nchosen, but they wished a method of closer touch, one by which\\nthey could express their views each year with the authority of\\na direct commission.\\nThe alumni associations of Washington and Chicago first\\ntook up the matter at their midwinter meetings, passing reso-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0509.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "456 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiv.\\nlutions which were laid before the annual meeting of the General\\nAssociation in June, 1885. After discussion, this association\\ndeclared its belief that the graduates, within the limit of the\\ncharter, should be allowed an increased voice in the selection\\nof a certain part of the Trustees, and appointed a committee\\nof seven to confer with the Trustees and if possible to arrange\\na clear and well defined method of making such selection.\\nAt the next annual meeting of the association the committee\\npresented a printed report, agreed to by a majority of its members,\\nin which, after describing the existing arrangem.ent, it gave as\\nits opinion that under the charter the Trustees cannot divest\\nthemselves of the duty and responsibility of filling vacancies\\nthat might occur in their number. But in order to bring the\\nwishes of the graduates properly before the Trustees it proposed\\na Board of Councillors, fifteen in number, elected by the alumni\\nin such a way that three should retire each year after a service\\nof five 3 ears. The duty of this board was to be, to attend by\\nits committees the regular examinations, to examine the course\\nof study, the methods of instruction and administration, the\\nfinancial condition and needs of the college, and to confer with\\nthe president and trustees, whenever they think it desirable,\\nupon all these matters and upon the appointment of professors,\\ninstructors and tutors, and to make a report annually in print\\nto the alumni.\\nA diversity of feeling among the alumni was indicated at this\\nmeeting by resolutions presented by two associations. That of\\nNew York sent an earnest commendation of the movement, and\\nthat of the northwest at St. Paul gave as the opinion of the\\nassociation that it was inexpedient to attempt any action\\nproviding for a representation of the alumni upon the Board\\nof Trustees.\\nThe proposition of the committee, which was but an enlarge-\\nment of the one made in 1870 by President Smith, was not\\nfavorably received and after much discussion it was referred\\nback to the committee without instructions. The committee\\nitself was not enthusiastic in its support, and in the following\\nApril addressed a letter to the Trustees in which it said that it\\ndid not know that a majority of the alumni was in favor of the\\nplan, or would adopt it even if the Trustees approved it, and\\nthat unless both alumni and Trustees cordially favored it, the\\n\u00c2\u00bbThe committee consisted of Messrs. W. A. Field, C. H. Bell, H. Russell, W. L. Burnap.\\nS. W. McCall, E. D. Redington and H. L. Moore. Record of the General Association.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0510.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 457\\nplan would probably die of inanition, adding that the committee\\ndid not see that any great harm would come of this, and the\\nexperiment might be instructive.\\nThe opinion of the Trustees was asked upon the proposal,\\nbut no meeting was held till Commencement in June, 1887,\\nwhen a member of the committee appeared before the Board,\\nto present the matter in person. On the next day a very dip-\\nlomatic reply was delivered, to the effect that the Board had a\\nnatural hesitancy in considering plans which the alumni had not\\nyet sanctioned, and that it was a matter calling for much time\\nand labor. The reply congratulated the alumni on the pros-\\nperity of the College, but it had a Catoesque ending in the\\nphrase: half a million dollars could be speedily used to the best\\nadvantage. The alumni in their meeting postponed the matter\\ntill the next year.\\nAt the Commencement of 1888 the matter again was discussed\\nand a committee of three was appointed to confer with the\\nTrustees to ascertain if they had been able to consider the pro-\\nposal of the committee and whether or not it met their approval.\\nIf they had not considered it, the alumni asked the Trustees\\nto appoint a committee of conference. The Trustees, not as\\nyet being convinced of the feasibility of a plan so compli-\\ncated, appointed the President, Dr. Quint and Judge Smith\\na committee of conference as requested. The alumni committee\\nwas composed of Judges W. A. Field and L. W. Clark and Mr.\\nE. C. Carrigan. The report was then laid on the table till\\nthe next year, at which time the committee reported to the\\nalumni that it had had two conferences with the committee of\\nthe Trustees without result, that the matter had been referred\\nto sub-committees which had been unable to agree upon any\\nplan, and that no suggestions had been received from the Trus-\\ntees. Much discussion but no action followed upon this report\\nand the matter was left for another year in the hands of the\\ncommittee.\\nMeantime the feeling among the alumni was becoming more\\nurgent and the Board was not insensible to it, but neither party\\nwas able to suggest a plan wholly satisfactory to the other.\\nThe alumni desired a more immediate representation; the Board\\nhesitated to go beyond what it had already given, except in\\nthe way of advisers that might have influence but not authority.\\nEach was trying to bring the alumni and the College into closer\\nrelations, but the alumni, claiming representation as a right", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0511.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "458 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nor at least as a privilege, wished that it be granted before they\\ndid anything further, while the Board laid stress upon the needs\\nof the College and wished assurance of help as an advance proof\\nof the interest of the alumni.\\nOn the first day of January, 1890, the Trustees addressed a\\nletter to the several alumni associations setting forth the general\\nplans and aims of the Trustees and the more pressing needs of\\nthe College and asking the alumni to join the Trustees in indi-\\nvidual and organized effort to make these plans effective. They\\nalso asked each association to send a representative to inspect\\nthe College during the examinations, to examine into its needs\\nand to confer with the Trustees and aid them in bringing the\\nalumni into closer practical relations with the College. As a\\nkind of answer to this the Boston Association at its January\\nmeeting passed a resolution calling for direct representation.\\nThis resolution was presented to the general association of\\nthe alumni at its meeting in June, and their increasing earnest-\\nness was shown in the discussion which followed and which\\nresulted in the following resolution:\\nResolved that the alumni deem it most important for the prosperity of the\\nCollege that the Trustees cordially adopt the principle of alumni representa-\\ntion and that they provide as soon as may be for the practical embodiment\\nof the principle in such form as their wisdom and devotion to the interests\\nof the College may suggest.\\nWhile this was under discussion in the general association\\nof the alumni a communication was received from the Trustees\\nreferring to the circular of January i, and asking for a confer-\\nence the following evening with representatives of the associa-\\ntions for counsel and advice. A committee of five was appointed,\\nwhich reported the next day, recommending the appointment\\nof another committee to confer and co-operate with the Trustees\\nin devising a plan for securing to the alumni an active partici-\\npation in the affairs of the College, and to obtain suggestions\\nfrom the alumni associations toward such a plan, The confer-\\nence with the Trustees was a fruitful one, for it resulted in a\\nvote by that body reaffirming in substance the vote of 1875\\nand for the first time formally committing the Trustees, as\\nthen constituted, to the opinion that the alumni should have\\nan advisory voice in the management of the College, and in\\n1 Messrs. W. L. Burnap, David Cross, A. C. Perkins, J. S. Conner and F. S. Streeter.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0512.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 459\\nthe appointment of the committee to confer with a Hke committee\\nof the alumni.^\\nThe two committees met in Boston September 10, 1890,\\nwhen the committee of the Trustees felt authorized to state\\nonly their belief that the Board would accept the plan proposed\\nby Judge Field in 1886. To this plan the committee of the\\nalumni expressed itself as unalterably opposed, feeling that the\\nproposed Board of Councillors did not put upon the alumni a\\nreal, substantial, personal responsibility, and that a mere\\nadvisory board with no rights and uncertain privileges would\\narouse no active interest. It wished for an annually recurring\\nobligation that should assure the unity of the graduates with\\nthe administration of the College.\\nThe com.mittee was, therefore, requested to put the wishes of\\nthe alumni in writing and to present them to the committee\\nof the Trustees before an adjourned meeting which was set for\\nthe 8th of November. In response to this request the committee\\nmade a radical proposition that outran anything that had\\nbefore been suggested, and that was in fact nothing short of\\na revolution in the Board and in the control of the College.\\nIt proposed that the alumni of five years standing should be\\ninvited to recommend a suitable person to fill any vacancy in\\nthe Board, except those of the Governor and the President,\\nthat the Board should agree to elect the person thus recom-\\nmended, and that each trustee thus elected should hold office\\nfor ten years. It was also proposed that the charter limitation,\\nthat eight of the trustees be residents of New Hampshire, should\\nbe changed by the Legislature, with the consent of the Trustees,\\nso that only four need be residents of the State. An alternative\\nand less radical plan proposed a change in the charter permitting\\nfive trustees in addition to the existing twelve, to be nominated\\nby the alumni of five years standing and elected by the Trustees,\\neach to hold office for five years, and to be so arranged that one\\nvacancy and one election should occur each year.\\nThe committee of the Trustees, while declaring that it had\\nno authority to bind the Trustees, did not favor the first plan\\nor the proposition to enlarge the number of non-resident trus-\\ntees, but thought the second plan feasible, and was willing to\\nsupport it, if it were slightly modified and if it should be gen-\\n1 This committee consisted of Messrs. Quint, Smith and Chase, but as Mr. Chase was unable\\nto act with the committee, at his request and that of the other members. Dr. Tucker was invited\\nto be his substitute. The committee of the alumni consisted of Messrs. J. B. Richardson,\\nG. H. Tucker, W. L. Bumap, F. S. Streeter and J. H. Smith.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0513.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "460 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nerally approved by the alumni. In modification the committee\\nsuggested that the plan of 1876 be repealed, that the existing\\nBoard should fill its own vacancies, without the votes of the\\nadded five except in the election of a president, and that, as\\nnothing would be gained by the circuitous method of the alumni\\nnominating and the Trustees electing their nominees, the alumni\\nshould elect directly the five additional members, and further\\nthat the plan be regarded as an experiment which might be\\nterminated at the end of fifteen years by the action of the original\\ntwelve members of the Board.\\nAt a meeting of the Trustees held January i, 1891, their\\ncommittee reported that it was satisfied that a new interest\\nin the College on the part of the alumni would be created by\\ntheir participation in its management, and that it would be well\\nto ascertain the sense of the alumni as to their wish for such\\nparticipation, and whether they approved the plan of the addi-\\ntion to the Board of five members directly chosen by themselves.\\nThe constitutionality of a change in the charter was assumed\\nbut not discussed. To this report the President offered an\\namendment, widening the scope of the questions to the alumni.\\nHe proposed to ask whether the alumni preferred to keep the\\nexisting chartered board intact; if not, whether they wished\\na larger participation than that given by the plan of 1876, and\\nwhether they would favor a change in the charter. If a change\\nin the charter did seem wise, which of these three plans was\\npreferred: ist, The increase of the Board by five members\\nto be elected directly by the alumni; 2d, The election of three\\ntrustees on the nomination of the alumni, one for the next\\nvacancy in the State and the others for the next two vacancies\\noutside the State, the terms of the three to be so arranged that\\none should expire each year; 3d, The election by the alumni\\nof an Advisory Board of Councillors on the general plan\\nproposed in 1886.\\nAfter much discussion the amendment was lost, and the\\nproposition of the committee being carried, the committee was\\ncontinued to secure the judgment of the alumni of five years\\nstanding upon it. A circular was immediately sent out asking\\nthe alumni whether in their judgment the welfare of the College\\nand the interest of the graduates in it would be increased by\\na change in the existing plan of alumni representation and, if\\nsuch a change were desirable, whether they approved the addi-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0514.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "1 877-1 892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 461\\ntion of five trustees provided authority could be had, and the\\nplan should continue in operation not less than fifteen years.\\nThe authority for such a change could be had only by a change\\nin the charter, of which the legality was questioned, but as the\\ncircular made no mention of any doubt on the part of the Trus-\\ntees, the committee of the alumni not unnaturally took it for\\ngranted that the Trustees either had no doubt or were willing\\nto run the risk, and proceeded at once to secure from the Legis-\\nlature then in session the requisite authority. The bill which\\nthe committee prepared, in conference with some of the Trus-\\ntees, and which was enacted without opposition February 18,\\n1891, enlarged the corporation by the addition of five members,\\nall of whom were required to be graduates of the College and\\nat least one a resident of New Hampshire. They were to be\\nelected by the alumni for a term of five years, and were to have\\nno voice in the choice of the other members of the Board, or in\\nany vote having to do with any change in the charter.\\nThe act was conditioned for its effect on its acceptance by\\nthe Trustees of the College, and if so accepted was to remain\\nin force fifteen years, and afterward for an indefinite period\\nif again accepted by the original Board. It was distinctly\\nstated in the act that its passage was not to be taken as a claim\\nby the State of the right or power of the Legislature to change\\nthe charter, or its acceptance by the Trustees as an admission\\nof such a power. It may be said in passing that the first change\\nin the charter since the attempt of 18 15 to establish the Univer-\\nsity, was made in 1883 when an act was passed at the June\\nsession^ and accepted by the Trustees December 20 of that year,\\nremoving all limitation in the amount of property that the\\nCollege may hold. The act was communicated to the Trustees\\nby the committee of the alumni about the last of March and\\nthe hope expressed that the Trustees would meet and accept\\nthe act at as early a date as is conveniently possible.\\nAlthough the Trustees as a body had no part in securing the\\nact they did nothing to oppose it, and this fact coupled with\\ntheir circular asking the judgm.ent of the alumni on the desira-\\nbility of accepting the plan authorized by it, gave color to the\\nbelief that they favored it. As might have been expected,\\ntherefore, the answers of the alumni to the circular were almost\\nwholly favorable.\\nThe Trustees now found themselves in an uncomfortable\\nLaws of 1SS3. ch. 177.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0515.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "462 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XIV.\\nposition. Uncertain of their own counsels they were being\\nforced by the votes of the alumni into agreeing to the change\\nin the charter against their will, or, if they did not agree to it,\\ninto a contest with the alumni. Some of them favored the act,\\nsome were opposed to it, and others were doubtful of its legality,\\nand in this doubt they were sustained by some of the ablest\\nlawyers of New England. This feeling of the Trustees became\\nknown directly after the passage of the act, through an article\\nwritten by President Bartlett and published in The Dartmouth\\nof February 27, in which he said that, as far as known, no Trustee\\nhad expressed a definite opinion in the matter, and suggested\\nthat the alumni should not be misled in voting, by the belief\\nthat the Trustees desired the change.\\nTo give still wider information as to the position of the Trus-\\ntees the substance of the President s article was issued, as a\\nstatement to the alumni, and with it went two circulars from\\ndifferent groups of the alumni, advising against the change of\\nthe charter on the grounds of its questionable legality. One of\\nthese, prepared by Judge Ross of the Supreme Court of Vermont\\nand signed by him and seven other prominent alumni, opposed\\nany amendment of the charter and presented two plans between\\nwhich the alumni were asked to choose, and, if they had already\\nvoted in favor of the proposition for five additional trustees, to\\nrecall that vote. The first plan was the old one of a board of\\ncouncillors and the second provided for the nomination by the\\nalumni of four of the ten elective trustees. The latter plan was\\nalready in successful operation at Williams and other colleges,\\nand was known as the Williams plan.\\nThis move was intended to divide the vote of the alumni\\nand was successful in so doing. The board of councillors received\\nno support, but so many votes were cast in favor of the Williams\\nplan, that the Board was not forced into the dilemma of antag-\\nonizing the great body of the alumni or accepting a plan which\\nall its members did not approve, as would have been the case\\nif the voting had been only in response to the first circular of\\nthe committee. The committee of the alumni, however, was\\ngreatly disturbed by this division of sentiment. Its conference\\nwith the committee of the Trustees, which was in accord with\\nits proposition to add five members to the Board, and the later\\naction of the Trustees in putting the question before the alumni\\nhad led it to believe that no opposition would arise from that\\nquarter. When, therefore, this check to its plan came from the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0516.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 463\\nBoard itself the committee was ready to charge bad faith, although\\nthere never had been any action of the Board to support such\\na charge.\\nThe dissatisfaction of the committee was a cause of great\\nuneasiness to the Trustees. On May 5, Dr. Tucker wrote to\\nJudge Chase:\\nThe situation is awkward and liable to become ugly. The circular sent\\nout proposing two other plans is misleading in the impression it gives that\\nthe action proposed by the Trustees was hasty and ill-advised. Something,\\nI think, ought to be done to remove that impression. We don t want a wrangle\\nat Commencement. If steps could be taken looking toward a friendly suit\\nto determine at once the constitutionality of the act of the Legislature, would\\nnot the difficulty be averted? By steps toward a friendly suit, I mean an\\nunderstanding between the Trustees and the committee or committees of\\nthe Alumni that as soon as the act is accepted by the Trustees it should be\\ntested by a suit brought by one of the Trustees.\\nThe proposition for a friendly suit was not approved by all\\nthe Trustees. President Bartlett, though entirely opposed to\\nmeddhng with the charter wrote I deprecate to the last\\ndegree a needless lawsuit, however friendly. It will surely\\nrouse bad blood, become a scandal, and, whichever side prevails,\\ndrive off friends, funds and students. I am perfectly convinced\\nthat the whole matter can be adjusted to the general satisfaction\\nby promptly offering to the alumni to adopt the second [Williams]\\nplan. The President did not realize how strong was the feeling\\nof the committee of the alumni in favor of its own plan or how\\ndetermined it was to insist upon it, and the final giving way by\\nthe committee and the acceptance of the Williams plan were\\ndue to the persistence of another member of the Board.\\nThis was the Rev. Henry Fairbanks. He was in favor of\\nalumni representation, but he was unalterably opposed to a\\nchange in the charter. He accepted the opinion of Judges\\nRoss and Barrett and other prominent lawyers that a change\\ncould not legally be made, and he further believed that it would\\nbe morally wrong, on the ground that all gifts to the College\\nhad been made on the basis of its Trustees being twelve and no\\nmore, and that a change in the number would be an act of bad\\nfaith with the donors. A snow blockade on the railroad had\\nkept him from attending the meeting of the Trustees in January,\\nand he felt free to express by legal action his dissent from a\\npossible acceptance of the act of the Legislature, if the Trustees\\nLetter to Judge Chase, May i8, 1891.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0517.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "464 History of Dartmotith College.\\nshould later incline toward it. Though in accord with the\\nPresident in the matter of alumni representation, he disagreed\\nwith him in regard to a suit, for he felt that in no other way\\ncould the legality of the proposed change in the charter be\\ndetermined, and he made up his mind to test it, if need be, in\\nthis way.\\nAs he was to be absent from the country at the time when\\na decision would be reached he employed counsel to represent\\nhim before the Board and in conferences with the committee\\nof the alumni, and later, if necessary, in bringing suit. Professor\\nJames F. Colby was retained by him, who further retained\\nJudge W. S. Ladd of Lancaster, Harry Bingham of Littleton,\\nCharles A. Prouty of Newport, Vt., and Charles F. Mathewson\\nof New York City. Judge Ladd died within a few days after\\naccepting a retainer, and owing to other engagements and to\\nill health Mr. Bingham took scarcely any part in the case, so\\nthat its conduct was almost wholly in the hands of the junior\\ncounsel.\\nMr. Fairbanks sailed for Europe April 22, but before he left\\nthe country he sent to the Trustees a letter urgently opposing\\nthe acceptance of the act of February 18 on legal and mioral\\ngrounds, and requesting to be heard by counsel, whom he had\\nretained to present his views, in case the subject should come\\nup for consideration before his return.\\nThe opposition of Mr. Fairbanks to the change in the charter,\\nadded to the circulars that had been sent out proposing other\\nplans, caused much feeling among the alumni in Boston and led\\nto an uncompromising opposition on their part to any other\\nplan than that proposed by their committee, which they came\\nto regard as an ultimatum to the Trustees. The situation was\\nfast becoming what Dr. Tucker had feared, an ugly one.\\nThe Board was not united. Its committee of conference with\\nthe alumni was in favor of accepting the act of February 18.\\nOthers, opposing this, preferred a Board of Councillors or fa-\\nvored the Williams plan, but were not agreed on its details,\\nsome wishing to give the alumni four places on the Board, while\\nothers wished to give but three. Again, some wished to have\\nthe alumni nominate two candidates for each vacancy so that\\nthe Board might choose between them, and some felt that if the\\nalumni should nominate but one, the Board could not legally\\nagree always to elect him, as that would practically be giving\\nup their right of choice by disuser.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0518.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 465\\nThe committee of the alumni, on the other hand, was united\\nin insisting on its plan and in opposition to any other. At this\\njuncture Mr. Fairbanks s counsel secured conferences with both\\nTrustees and committee and were in the end happily able to\\nbring about an agreement. On June 6 Messrs. Colby, Prouty\\nand Mathewson met the committee (except Mr. G. H. Tucker),\\ntogether with Mr. I. F. Paul, their secretary, and Mr. G. F.\\nWilliams, their attorney, in Boston and found them in a very\\nbelligerent mood, but a working basis was gained by the\\nopening statement of Mr. Colby that they did not appear for\\nthe Trustees, but for Mr. Fairbanks. He represented that Mr.\\nFairbanks was advised that the act was of doubtful legality,\\nthat as a friend of the College he planned to test it, that such\\ntest in the courts must delay alumni representation in any form\\nfive years, that in that interval a new executive might be elected\\nby the existing Board, and that if the committee shared his\\ndoubts of the legality of the act or his belief that the good of\\nthe College required them to find some no7i litigious way out of\\nthe present difficulties and would describe any plan of securing\\nalumni representation, which would be presumably free from\\nlegal objections and capable of immediate adoption and satis-\\nfactory to their constituency, his counsel would undertake to\\nget its immediate and favorable consideration by the Board.\\nAfter a long and frank conference the committee seemed ready\\nto accept the Williams plan, provided five places were opened\\nto the alumni, and in the absence of its chairman. Judge Richard-\\nson, prepared a proposition to that effect. He, however, was\\nfrom beginning to end opposed to any compromise, and under\\nhis influence the committee later withheld its proposition and\\ncontented itself with saying that as it had secured the passage\\nof the act at least with the encouragement of the Board\\nand had placed the act before the Board it was not ready to\\nsay that it was illegal or inexpedient, but if that was the judgment\\nof the Board it devolved on it to make such a statement to the\\ncommittee.\\nThree days later, at the suggestion of Mr. Streeter, Messrs.\\nColby and Prouty had a conference with five Trustees,^ who\\ndid not favor accepting the act, but were willing to support\\nthe Williams plan, and to ask the alumni to accept it. The\\nonly rock ahead as it seemed to Mr. Colby, was the deter-\\nmination to insist upon two nominees for each place in order\\n1 President Bartlett, and Messrs. Davis, Prescott, Smith and Chase.\\n30", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0519.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "466 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiv.\\nto preserve the spirit of the charter in the matter of choice,\\nor to enable the Trustees with their inside knowledge the better\\nto supplement the qualities or experience needed in the Board.\\nAn informal meeting of the Trustees was called for the next\\nSaturday, the 13th, at which, however, only five were present.^\\nMessrs. Colby, Prouty and Mathewson appeared and were\\nasked to a conference, but the committee of the alumni did\\nnot respond to the informal invitation to attend, although it\\nwas understood that during the week since the meeting in Boston\\nit had become ready to accept the Williams plan if five places,\\ninstead of four, were offered to the alumni and if they were not\\nrequired to present two nominees for each place; to this the\\ncommittee was unalterably opposed. The lawyers urged upon\\nthe Trustees the desirability of proposing this plan to the\\nalumni, with the concession of five places and without the demand\\nfor two nominees, but there was some hesitation, Mr. Hitchcock\\nnot wishing to propose the plan. Dr. Tucker regarding an agree-\\nment to elect the nominee of the alumni as an evasion of the\\ncharter, as open to real legal objections as a change would be,\\nand regretting that such an evasion should be presented as a\\nnecessary alternative to the defeat of the movement for alumni\\nrepresentation, and Mr. Chase feeling that the agreement was\\ndangerously like disuser by the Board of its duty to select.\\nAfter much discussion, in which Mr. Mathewson reported\\nthat the New York alumni in general favored the Williams\\nplan but were unwilling to express that feeling in advance of\\nthe report of the committee, the meeting broke up, leaving the\\nmatter to be settled ten days later under the electrical conditions\\nof Hanover during Commencement week. This interval was\\nspent by Mr. Fairbanks s counsel in interviews with members of\\nthe committee of the alumni and of the Trustees, and in securing\\nthe opinion of Judge Ross, who had been opposed to any change\\nin the charter, as to the legality of the Williams plan. His\\nopinion held that the plan was not illegal, inasmuch as the Trus-\\ntees parted with no powers, but merely made an arrangement,\\nterminable at will, for availing themselves of the advice of the\\nalumni as to suitable appointees. As far as the Board was con-\\ncerned persons elected on the nomination of the alumni became\\nmembers for life, and their retirement at the end of a given term\\nof years was a matter of honor between them and the alumni.\\nAs neither Mr. Bingham nor Mr. Prouty could be present at\\nThe President and Messrs. Tucker, Prescott, Hitchcock and Chase.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0520.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 467\\nCommencement the other counsel secured the aid of Mr. A. W.\\nTenney of New York of the class of 1859.\\nMonday of Commencement week brought to Hanover the\\nTrustees, the committee of the alumni and of Mr. Fairbanks s\\ncounsel, Mr. Colby, Mr. Mathewson and Mr. Tenney. As\\nyet there was no certainty of agreement. The proposition to\\nchange the charter had lost ground, but still was so much within\\nthe range of possibility that Mr. Fairbanks s counsel contem-\\nplated securing an injunction in case the Trustees should act\\nfavorably upon it. The alumni, too, in anticipation of a suit\\nhad informally consulted Senator Edmunds of Vermont, with\\nthe expectation that he would appear for them if litigation should\\nfollow.^ The injunction, however, was abandoned and instead\\nthere was obtained, to use if need be, a full opinion of Judge\\nRoss against a change in the charter and a letter from Mr.\\nBingham to the Trustees, asking to be heard in behalf of Mr.\\nFairbanks if the question of a change should come to a vote.\\nThe first move toward the settlement of the question was\\nmade by President Bartlett, who on Monday brought forward\\na proposition of the Williams type, but offering only four places,\\ntwo in, and two outside of. New Hampshire, and requiring\\ntwo nominees for each place, although saying that ordinarily,\\nand, in all probability, invariably, the one having the highest\\nnumber of votes would be chosen, or, as an alternative, that\\nthe nominee having the highest number will be elected by\\nthe Trustees unless they shall have what they deem valid and\\nimperative reasons to the contrary, which they shall declare in\\nwriting. This proposal found no favor with the alumni,\\nv/ho would listen to nothing that did not require the acceptance\\nof their first choice.\\nOn the evening of the same day a committee of the Trustees\\nconsisting of Dr. Tucker and Judge Chase, giving up the idea\\nof accepting the legislative act, outlined the plan that was later\\nadopted and placed before the committee of the alumni. After\\na long session, in which Messrs. Mathewson and Tenney were\\npresent, the committee adjourned until the next morning,\\nwhen they had been invited to meet the Trustees. At that\\nmeeting the Trustees formally proposed the plan that had been\\nbrought forward the day before by their own committee, and\\nthe committee of the alumni retired to consider it. The com-\\nmittee invited Messrs. Colby, Mathewson and Tenney to confer\\n1 Letter of James F. Colby to Mr. Fairbanks, July 14, 1891,", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0521.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "468 History of Dartmouth College. [Chav. xiv.\\nwith them, and the result of their deUberations was embodied\\nin the following answer to the Trustees made in the afternoon,\\nalthough their chairman, Judge Richardson, remained to the\\neijd an opponent of concession:\\nThe committee of the Association of the Alumni of the College have con-\\nsidered the propositions and plan for Alumni representation upon the board\\nof Trustees of the College submitted by the board this day to them in certain\\nresolves proposed to be adopted by said board. This committee hereby sub-\\nmit to the board the plan in the following redraft of said resolutions, which\\nupon the undertsanding hereinafter stated they will recommend for adoption\\nby said Association.\\n1. Resolved. That the Graduates of the College, the Thayer School and\\nthe Chandler School, of at least five years standing, may nominate a suitable\\nperson for election to each of the five trusteeships next becoming vacant\\non the board of Trustees of the College (other than the Governor and Presi-\\ndent) and for his successors in such Trusteeship.\\n2. And resolved. That whenever any such vacancy shall occur in such\\ntrusteeship or the succession therein, the Trustees will take no action to\\nfill the same until the expiration of three months after notice to the secretary\\nof the Alumni of the occurrence of such vacancy, unless a nomination shall\\nbe sooner presented by the Alumni to said Trustees for that vacancy.\\nIt is understood that the Trustees will provide for three vacancies on the\\nboard at once, and two more before the next Commencement, in June 1892,\\nto be filled as above provided.\\n3. And resolved. That this plan of nomination shall be taken and held\\nto supersede the plan heretofore adopted in 1876.\\nThe recommendation was adopted by the Trustees, without\\nmodification, at a meeting in the evening of the same day, and\\non the next day was accepted by the alumni, it being understood\\nby both parties that three vacancies in the Board should be\\nprovided at once, and two more before the Comimencement of\\n1892. Two of the three vacancies for the year were obtained by\\nthe immediate resignations of Doctor Spalding and Dr. Davis.\\nBoth of these were in the State and the third, which was outside\\nthe State, soon came when Judge Veazey renewed the resignation\\nwhich had been offered but not accepted on his appointment\\nas a member of the Interstate Commerce Commission in 1889.\\nA new constitution of the association of the alumni, which was\\nnecessary to provide machinery for the nomination of trustees,\\nwas adopted after being drafted by Mr. Mathewson and care-\\nfully discussed in the committee before its presentation. Besides\\nthe usual form of organization it provided for the annual\\nappointment of a committee of five members on alumni trustees,\\nto which was given the duty of nominating five candidates for", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0522.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 469\\neach vacancy on the Board, open to nominations by the alumni.\\nIts nominations were to be sent to the secretary of the alumni\\nby the first of March of each year and by him transmitted to the\\nalumni of five years* standing, whose ballots were to be returned\\nto him by a fixed hour of the day of the annual meeting of the\\nalumni. The secretary was to count the ballots, report them\\nto the Trustees, and announce them to the alumni at the Com-\\nmencement dinner. The constitution further provided that\\nthe name of no candidate should be sent to the alumni until\\nhe had indicated in writing his acceptance of the provisions\\nof the constitution, including the one requiring his resignation\\nat the end of the term for which he was elected. In 1898\\nthe privilege of voting was extended to alumni of three years*\\nstanding.\\nThe movement which had extended over several years was\\nthus happily accomplished. It was successful from the start,\\nfulfilling the hopes of its friends and disappointing the fears\\nof those who doubted. It has never suffered from the indifference\\nof the alumni or from a tendency to cabals or parties. In some\\nyears appeals have been made in support of particular candidates,\\nbut in general the voting has been the expression of the sober\\njudgment of the alumni, unaffected by cliques or special interests.\\nWithout exception the men nominated have been conscious of\\ntheir responsibility, adding effective strength to the Board,\\nand in several cases they have been chosen by their associates\\nas permanent trustees.\\nThe relations of the alumni to the College were immediately\\nimproved and have continued to be of the closest, though very\\nfortunately for the success of the plan in this respect, its begin-\\nning coincided with that of an administration which everywhere\\ncommanded the loyalty and enthusiasm of the alumni. Many\\ncalls, financial and otherwise, have been made and all have met\\nwith cordial response. The confidence in the conduct of the\\nCollege has, perhaps, not been more deserved than before, but has\\nbeen more effective because it has been joined with responsibility.\\nThe first to enter the Board on the nomination of the alumni\\nunder the new arrangement, taking their seats at a meeting\\nheld October 26, 1891, were Dr. Carlton P. Frost of Hanover,\\nJudge James B. Richardson of Boston and Mr. Charles W.\\nSpalding of Chicago, and at the following Commencement\\nRev. Dr. Cyrus Richardson and Frank S. Streeter, Esq., took\\nthe seats vacated by President Bartlett and Mr. Hiram Hitch-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0523.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "470 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xiv.\\ncock, thus making the five alumni trustees, and since that time\\nthere has been one resignation and one election each year,\\nthough since the earlier period the term of service of an alumni\\ntrustee, through one re-election, has usually been ten years.\\nIn the more than twenty years that alumni representation\\nwas advancing many took part, and doubtless many motives\\nhad play in the movement. An inflexible charter and a con-\\nservative Board stood over against those who desired a loosening\\nof the organization, and the real or supposed strict orthodoxy\\nof the Trustees was an object of antagonism on the part of some\\nof extreme liberal tendencies. It is not strange that a body of\\nconscientious men, who deeply felt the responsibility of their\\nposition, should distrust, unduly as the result proved, a move-\\nment which many besides themselves, in whose judgment they\\nhad confidence, regarded with suspicion. Though most of the\\nTrustees believed in alumni representation, they questioned any\\nparticular form of it, and judgment, patience, tact, skill and a\\nspirit of concession were required to harmonize the aggressive\\ndemands of a varied constituency with the restrictions of the\\ncharter and the conservatism of the Trustees. That it was\\nso successfully accomplished was due to the co-operation of\\nmany, but apart from the readiness of members of the Board\\nto yield their individual preferences the credit of the result\\nbelongs especially to Mr. Fairbanks s counsel and to Mr. Streeter\\nof the committee of the alumni, who, while representing differ-\\nent interests, were at one in recognizing that the welfare of the\\nCollege would be best served by moderation and concession.\\nThe establishment of alumni representation was the last\\nimportant event in the administration of President Bartlett.\\nHe was still vigorous in mind and body at the age of seventy-\\nfour, having twice suffered in successive winters without appar-\\nent loss of vitality the breaking of an arm from falls upon the\\nice, but he determined to retire from the presidency in order\\nthat he might have time, as his letter of resignation stated,\\nfor certain special literary work. He, therefore, presented\\nhis resignation at a meeting of the Trustees, February 8, 1892,\\nto take effect at the close of the college year, at the end of full\\nfifteen years from his inauguration.\\nIn accepting his resignation the Trustees, recognizing the\\neminent ability, intellectual and executive, which Dr. Bartlett\\nhad given to the presidency of the College, his great acquire-\\nments in so many departments of learning, his unsurpassed", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0524.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "1877-1892.] Administration of President Bartlett. 471\\nenergy in administration, his untiring and incessant labors and\\nhis undoubted love and devotion to the College, summarized\\nthe results of his administration as follows:\\nDuring his presidency the tone and standard of scholarship has been raised;\\nthe range and choice of studies has been broadened and extended. The\\nnumber of professors in the College and various departments has been increased\\nfrom twenty-one to thirty-four; new college buildings have been erected;\\nthe library has been enlarged from 54,000 to 72,000 volumes; and the friends\\nof the College have contributed to its funds including that given for lands\\nand buildings over ^700,000; and during this period all the funds of the\\nCollege have been scrupulously kept to the purposes for which they were\\ngiven.\\nDesiring to retain the connection of Dr. Bartlett with the\\nCollege the Trustees offered him the Phillips s professorship\\nof divinity or a lectureship, as he should prefer, without any\\nresponsibility in the administration of the College. He chose\\nthe latter and held the position of lecturer on the Bible and its\\nrelations to science and history for six years till his death, which\\noccurred November 16, 1898.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0525.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XV.\\n1893-1909.\\nTHE COLLEGE UNDER PRESIDENT TUCKER.\\nnp HE Trustees without delay selected as Dr. Bartlett s suc-\\ncesser in the presidency one of their own number, Rev.\\nWilliam Jewett Tucker, D.D., a graduate of the College in 1861,\\na Trustee of the College for fourteen years, and at that time\\nprofessor of sacred rhetoric in Andover Theological Seminary.\\nApart from his personal qualities Dr. Tucker s knowledge\\nof educational movements and his intimate acquaintance with\\nthe character and needs of the College, gained by his long service\\nas a Trustee, gave him a peculiar fitness for the presidency,\\nbut though the alumni united with the Trustees in urging his\\nacceptance, he was so closely identified with the Andover\\nmovement, then in progress, that he felt that he could not\\nconsistently abandon either the cause or his associates in it,\\nand he, therefore, declined the election.\\nAs no one had been secured for the position by Commence-\\nment, though it had been offered to Rev. Francis Brown, D.D.,\\nof Union Theological Seminary, a grandson of the former presi-\\ndent of the College of the same name, and others had been care-\\nfully considered. Professor John K. Lord was asked to serve as\\nacting president, with the expectation that he would perform\\nthe duties of the president incident to the vacation and the\\nentrance of a new class, and that by the opening of the fall term\\na president would be secured. To Dr. Frost, a resident Trustee,\\nwas committed the oversight of current expenses. But at the\\nopening of the new college year no president had been secured\\nand Professor Lord continued as acting president throughout\\nthe year.\\nMeantime the Trustees pursued an unavailing search for a\\npresident, both among and beyond the alumni, till after nearly\\na year their thought and that of the alumni again turned to Dr.\\nTucker as the one best fitted to take up the administration of\\nthe College. He was again invited to its presidency and, unable\\nto resist the combined urgency of Trustees, Faculty and alumni,\\nespecially in view of the changed conditions at Andover within\\nthe year, he recalled his form.er decision and accepted the invi-\\n472", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0526.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "//L", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0527.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0528.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "1893-1909-] Administration of President Tucker. 473\\ntation on February 3, 1893. Owing to his duties at Andover\\nhe was unable to enter upon his new position till May, and from\\nthen till the close of the year, without taking up the immediate\\nadministration, he was engaged in perfecting his plans and\\nadjustments for the conduct of the College.\\nHe was inaugurated on Wednesday of Commencement week,\\nJune 28, 1893. As had been usual on such occasions the proces-\\nsion formed in front of Dartmouth Hall at 10.30 o clock in the\\nforenoon and proceeded to the church, with the Rev. Howard\\nF. Hill of the class of 1867 as marshal, and to the music of\\nBaldwin s band. The exercises in the church were presided\\nover by the Rev. Dr. Alonzo H. Quint, of the class of 1846, the sen-\\nior member of the Board of Trustees, who, after prayer by ex-Pres-\\nident Bartlett, presented the charter of the College to the Presi-\\ndent-elect. Addresses were made in behalf of the alumni by\\nMelvin O. Adams, Esq., of the class of 1871, and in behalf of\\nthe Faculty by Professor John K. Lord, to which President\\nTucker made suitable response. Then followed the inaugural\\naddress on The Historic College: Its Present Place in the\\nEducational System, and the exercises closed with the bene-\\ndiction by the Rev. Davis Foster, D.D.\\nThe administration thus begun was one of the most notable\\nin the history of the College. Its progress was not beset by\\nthe peculiar difficulties under which the elder Wheelock labored\\nin the founding of the College, or President Brown in the contro-\\nversy v/ith the University, but like every other administration\\nit met its own obstacles, in spite of which it brought a devel-\\nopment to the College that was proportionally unequalled\\nexcept in its first years and perhaps in the period between 1828\\nand 1842. The growth, which began at once, afTected every\\npart of the College. The Faculty and students increased in\\nnumber, the constituency widened, buildings and equipment\\nwere multiplied and the finances were enlarged and set on a\\nsecure basis. The extraordinary increase of the College, without\\na parallel in the older colleges of the country, is a conspicuous\\ninstance of the part that personality plays in the direction of\\neducational, as of other, movements.\\nThe principles, whose application brought about this result,\\nwere set forth by President Tucker, after his retirement, in a\\nreport^ that not merely outlined the course of his administration\\nThe report of President Tucker, Covering His Administration. Issued to the Alumni.\\nPublished by Dartmouth College, June 30, 1909.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0529.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "474 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xv.\\nbut was an educational document of the highest value. Recog-\\nnizing the value of the traditions and the history of the College,\\nhe capitalized them for its development and made them effective\\nby awakening among the alumni the consciousness that the past\\nof the College was not more an object of pride than its future of\\npromise, and with that consciousness the sense of their responsi-\\nbility for its welfare. Taking advantage of their representation\\non the Board of Trust he took the alumni into his confi-\\ndence and made them a party in the execution of his plans.\\nThe attitude of expectancy with w^hich they watched the early\\nyears of his administration changed to one of assurance and\\nco-operation, so that on the burning of Dartmouth Hall they\\nrallied to the support of the College by a general subscription,\\nsuch as had often been proposed before and had as often failed,\\nsufficient for the erection of Dartmouth and Wheeler Halls\\nand partially of Webster Hall.\\nPresident Tucker was met at the outset of his administration\\nby the same difficulty that had confronted previous presidents,\\nthe financial one. Notwithstanding the economy of President\\nBartlett s administration and the many gifts that marked it,\\ndeficits in the annual accounts still continued and the debt of\\nthe College was large. This difficulty was made more pressing\\nby other facts that affected the educational life of the College.\\nThe advances in methods of instruction called for by the exten-\\nsion of the subject matter of the higher education, the new\\nconstituency arising from the growth of high schools, and the en-\\nlarged scale of expenditure following on the general increase of\\ncollegiate endowments, were matters which could not be ignored\\nand which were bound up with the financial condition of the\\nCollege. It became necessary, therefore, to establish a financial\\npolicy, sufficient to meet these conditions and at the same time\\nconsistent with the traditions of the College, which, as the\\nPresident said, had in most ways stood for self-reliance.\\nThis financial policy was a part of a general policy which the\\nPresident defined as reconstruction with a view to expansion.\\nReconstruction implied putting the college plant upon its\\nmost effective basis in relation to its earning capacity, for the\\nPresident held that this was of the first importance, superior,\\nas well as essential, to the support of its alumni and the gifts\\nof its general constituency. He felt that while a college is an\\neleemosynary institution, yet to restrict its growth to funds\\nthat come only by solicitation puts it at the fortune of charity,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0530.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "1893-1909] Administration of President Tucker. 475\\nand that as a corporation asking public support it must show\\nthat it is making all its resources effective. His plans for such\\nefficiency, contemplated expansion and provided for it. His\\nconfidence in the future and his belief that the alumni and friends\\nof the College would respond to its needs, when they felt assured\\nthat its resources were all employed to their best advantage,\\nwere so strong that he set on foot measures whose justification\\nlay in expected and not in existing conditions, and whose bold-\\nness dismayed even some of the Trustees.\\nAn improvement and increase in instruction and equipment\\nand an enlargement in the facilities and the utilities of the\\ncollege plant were undertaken although special funds were not\\nprovided for them. The President had faith in the College and,\\nbelieving in it as an investment, was ready to employ its funds\\nin its own development, being assured that they would return\\na fair interest while strengthening the College by the improve-\\nments thus secured. A given investment in ordinary securities\\nmight bring in a certain income, but when made in the needs\\nof the College, like a dormitory or water supply, it would yield\\nan equal income and also provide something necessary for the\\ncollege advancement. A part of the existing funds that were\\nunrestricted was, therefore, invested in supplying the wants\\nof the College in the line of water, light, heat and sanitation.\\nNot all needs could be met at once, but gradually provision was\\nmade for all, and in such wise that they were made productive.\\nIn the fall of 1893 the College united with the village precinct\\nin introducing an abundant supply of water for all purposes\\nat a cost of $65,000, the College putting in $25,000, the precinct\\n$20,000, the balance being raised by an issue of bonds. A reser-\\nvoir capable of storing 137,000,000 gallons was constructed\\nabout two miles northeast of the village, and has since been\\nprotected from pollution by the purchase, at a cost of $34,000,\\nof all its water shed, comprising a tract of about 1,400 acres.\\nThe project has been not only of the highest sanitary value\\nbut financially profitable. Five years later a heating plant\\nwas established at a cost of $77,000, afterward increased by\\nenlargements to $89,000, having eight boilers and heating through\\n7,900 feet of mains all the college buildings situated around the\\ncampus or in the park, and also the gymnasium. In 1904 there\\nwas added an electric light plant, costing with its cables $34,000,\\nsince increased to over $40,000. All the college buildings are\\nlighted from it, and power is furnished to the college carpenter s", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0531.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "476 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV.\\nshop, and so successful has been its operation that in six\\nyears it paid all its running expenses and the entire cost of its\\nconstruction.\\nThe sanitation of the college buildings was dependent on a\\nsufficient water supply, and after the operation of the new water\\nsystem, measures to perfect the sanitation were immediately\\nundertaken. Two systems of sewers had already been estab-\\nlished by private interests in different parts of the village, but\\nas these could be made serviceable only in part the College\\nconstructed two of its own that fully met its requirements,\\nand in course of time it bought out the private interests so as\\nto control its entire system of sewerage. As soon as possible\\nbath rooms and water closets were installed in the older dormi-\\ntories and all the newer buildings were fully supplied. The\\ndevelopment of the dormitory system gave opportunity for\\nclose physical inspection, which in 1902 was put under the\\ncharge of Dr. Howard N. Kingsford as medical director. Under\\nthe system which he inaugurated and has administered, extend-\\ning to a careful inspection of the dormitories, recitation and\\nlecture rooms of the College and of the rooms and conveniences\\nof private houses occupied by students, and of eating rooms\\nand local sources of food supply, the health of the students\\nhas been carefully protected and kept at a high level. Typhoid\\nfever, whose outbreak in the fall was once regarded as an\\nalmost inevitable annual scourge, has been eliminated, and other\\nepidemics have likewise been prevented or held in check.^\\nThe policy of reconstruction and expansion implied the pre-\\nliminary processes of organization and consolidation. President\\nTucker prepared at the beginning of his administration to\\norganize all the business of the College. Standing committees\\nwere established in the Trustees and the Faculty for the exam-\\nination and preparation of all matters that would come before\\nthem for consideration. The care of the buildings arid grounds,\\nwhich had heretofore devolved upon a member of the Faculty\\nand which was steadily increasing in importance and respon-\\nsibility, was made an independent position and given in 1893,\\nA definite account of the method of inspection is given in the Dartmouth Bi-Monthly for\\nOctober, 1905, and in the Dartmouth Alumni Magazine for June, 1912, in articles by Dr. Kings-\\nford.\\n2 The committees of the Trustees were on e.xigencies, finance, instruction, equipment, build-\\nings and improvements, degrees, relation of the College to the State, and the relation of the\\nCollege to the alumni; those of the Faculty were on the catalogue, the library, scholarships,\\nrules. Commencement, athletics, admission and discipline. In course of time these committees\\nwere modified both in scope and name to meet changing conditions.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0532.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "1893-1909-] Administration of Preside?it Tucker. /^yy\\nas his whole concern, to Mr. A. A. McKenzie, with the title of\\nInspector which was changed in 1898 to that of Superin-\\ntendent of Buildings and Grounds. For the more efficient\\nadministration of college discipline, including the keeping of the\\nrecords of scholarship and the assignment of beneficiary aid, a\\ndean was appointed in 1893. Professor Charles F. Emerson\\nwas assigned to the place and combined its duties with those\\nof the professorship of physics till 1899, when he gave up his\\nteaching to devote himself entirely to the increasing demands\\nof the deanship, which in the fourteen years since he has dis-\\ncharged with unfailing fidelity to the great advantage of the\\nCollege. To provide for the conduct of college business during\\nthe repeated and sometimes protracted absences of the President\\nfrom Hanover, Professor John K. Lord was appointed acting\\npresident of the Faculty in the absence of the president, and\\nheld the position till 1909.\\nThe movement for consolidation began with the Chandler\\nSchool. Apart from the friction that had arisen in connection\\nwith it, its position called for serious attention. The raising\\nof the requirements for admission above the original standard,\\nalready mentioned, the growth of high schools offering greater\\nfacilities and range of preparation, and the increasing number\\nof students were demanding more of the School than its slender\\nendowment enabled it to meet. If the School was to keep its\\nrelative efficiency under increasing demands and increasing\\ncompetition of other institutions it was evident that its endow-\\nment and equipment must be correspondingly increased, or\\nthat some way must be devised whereby its resources and those\\nof the Academic Department could be made mutually helpful.\\nThe Trustees recognizing the situation, at their annual meeting,\\nJune 29, 1892, appointed a committee, consisting of Messrs.\\nQuint, Fairbanks, Tucker and J. B. Richardson, to obtain\\ninformation with a view to determining whether the policy\\nof the board should be to continue the Chandler School as a\\nseparate organization, securing funds for the enlargement of\\nits work in the direction of the practical arts of life, or to unite\\nit more closely with the college, so as to furnish scientific courses\\nparallel with the other courses of the college. Four members\\nof the faculties, Messrs. Colby, J. K. Lord, Ruggles and Fletcher,\\nwere asked to co-operate with the committee of the Board in\\nexamination of the subject.\\nAll were convinced after conference and separate investigation", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0533.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "478 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV.\\nthat, if it were possible, a union of the College and the School\\nwould be desirable, since an increase in the endowments and\\nequipment of the School would involve much duplication of the\\ncollege plant and also of instruction there given, and in the\\noperation of the School would tend to increase rather than\\ndiminish friction with the College. It was also doubtful whether\\nan endowment could be secured sufficient to ensure a techno-\\nlogical school of the highest grade. The possibility of a union\\ndepended upon the interpretation which the Visitors might\\ngive to Mr. Chandler s will upon certain vital points whether\\nunder the will the standard of the School could be so high that\\nits discipline and scholarship would equal that of the College,\\nwhether the terms of admission could be made to require such\\nattainments in modern languages and scientific subjects that\\nstudents at entrance should have a good degree of mental disci-\\npline, whether the tuition could be the same as that of the\\nCollege, as long as it remained moderate, whether the condi-\\ntion of the will requiring a department or school in the\\ncollege, would be met by the maintenance of a department\\nand courses of instruction in the College, without such separate\\nclassification of students as would require them to be made\\nresponsible to a purely separate faculty.*\\nThese questions in substance were presented by the Trustees\\nto the Visitors, who at that time were both graduates of the\\nSchool, Messrs. B. A. Kimball, a business man of Concord, N. H.,\\nand John Hopkins of Millbury, Mass., a judge of the Superior\\nCourt of that State, and to all of them they returned an affirm-\\native reply. Premising that it was not Mr. Chandler s intention\\nto found an independent School, for which his bequest was en-\\ntirely inadequate, or that students who came to the department\\nshould be set ofif by themselves, but that they should be students\\nof the College and receive all the benefits that could come from\\nbeing part and parcel of the College, and, therefore, holding\\nthat Mr. Chandler intended that there should be intimate\\nand close relation between that which he was adding and that\\nto which it was added, that is so well expressed by the words\\ndepartment of instruction in the College, the Visitors favored\\na closer union with the College and an advance of the standard\\nof admission to the School. Such an advance they believed to\\nDartmouth College. The Relation of the College and the Schools, May i, 1893. A pam-\\nphlet containing the reports of the committees of the Trustees and the Faculty and the opinion\\nof the Vieitors.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0534.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "1893-1909-] Administration of President Tucker. 479\\nbe compatible with the requirements of Mr. Chandler s will\\nthat no higher studies were to be required for admission than\\nare pursued in the common schools of New England.\\nThis belief rested upon a careful comparison of the school\\nsystems of the New England States as they then were and as\\nthey were at the time of Mr. Chandler s death, as defined by\\nthe statutes of the different states. It appeared, that in 1851,\\nthough the Connecticut statutes spoke of common schools of\\ndifferent grades, Vermont was the only state that used in its\\nstatutes as a distinctive title the expression common schools,\\nand this included district, graded, central and union\\nschools. Both of these states in later revisions of their statutes\\nabandoned the word common for some more general phrase,\\nor for the word public in use by the other states. Massachu-\\nsetts was the only state that defined by statute the subjects\\nto be taught in the public schools, the other states leaving them\\nto the determination of boards or committees, or to special vote.\\nThe Visitors, therefore, concluded, in interpreting the words\\ncommon schools, that, at about the time Mr. Chandler s\\nwill went into effect, there was no uniformity in the systems\\nof education, in the nomenclature employed to represent the\\nvarious schools, or in the course of study pursued in them; the\\nonly thing they had in common was this: they were all main-\\ntained at the public expense.\\nIn considering the subjects taught in the schools the Visitors\\nfurther said: In spite of all this diversity, they were common\\nschools in the sense that, in all their grades, they were main-\\ntained at the public expense, and were so distinguishable from\\nthe academies and otlier preparatory schools which were not\\nthus maintained, and the purpose of Mr. Chandler was to make\\nthe requisites for admission to the department conform to, and\\nbe no other or higher than, the standard that might, from time\\nto time, be attained in the public schools of New England,\\nbut always within the lines enumerated in his will. This\\nlogical identification of the common schools of Mr. Chandler s\\nwill with the public schools of later date made it, as the\\nVisitors said, competent for the Trustees to require for admission\\nto the Chandler Scientific Department so much French, physics\\nand chemistry as is taught in the public schools of New England,\\nincluding under that term the high schools that are maintained\\nat the public charge. The Visitors also determined that the\\ntuition might be the same as that for the Academic Department.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0535.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "480 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV.\\nThe report of the committee of the Trustees, embodying that\\nof the committee of the Faculty and the opinion of the Visitors,\\nwas presented to the Board at a meeting held December 5, 1892.\\nIn conformity to the interpretation of the Visitors it recom-\\nmended that the Chandler School become a department of\\ninstruction in the College with scientific courses parallel with\\nthe other courses, that all the students be classified together\\nunder one faculty, that the professors on the Chandler founda-\\ntion become members of the college faculty, that the tuition be\\nthe same for all students thereafter admitted, that the condi-\\ntions for admission to the Chandler Scientific course be raised\\nto include substantially as much of mathematics, physics and\\nchemistry as was furnished by the better high schools, with one\\nfull year of French at once and two a year later, and that the\\nCollege offer three parallel courses, the Classical, the Latin-\\nScientific and the Chandler Scientific, leading respectively to\\nthe degrees of A.B., B.L. and B. S.\\nThe classical course, as defined in the report of the committee\\nof the Faculty and accepted by the Trustees, made the study of\\nGreek, Latin and mathematics the greater part of the work of\\nthe first two years; in the Latin-Scientific course modern lan-\\nguages, science and mathematics were substituted for Greek, and\\nin the Chandler course both Greek and Latin were replaced by\\nmodern languages, science, mathematics and engineering.\\nTo make the consolidation more effective it was recommended\\nthat the Thayer School be brought into a closer working relation\\nwith the Chandler course, by so arranging the studies of the\\nsenior year of the Chandler course in connection with those of\\nthe first year of the Thayer course that a student might complete\\nthe two courses, and gain the degrees of both courses in five years.\\nTo prevent duplication there was also to be an equitable inter-\\nchange of instruction between the professors of the Thayer\\nSchool and the Chandler professor of civil engineering.\\nAll these recommendations were at once adopted by the\\nTrustees, the corresponding announcements were made and\\nthe changes went into operation at the opening of the next\\ncollege year. The course of study for the combined depart-\\nments was carefully prepared, first by the committee of the\\nFaculty already mentioned, and after mature consideration\\nby the Faculty, was adopted by the Trustees. The result, as\\nfar as the Faculty was concerned, was the same as that proposed\\nby President Lord in 1859, but in the classification and instruc-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0536.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "1 893-1 909-1 Administration of President Tucker. 481\\ntion of the students there was a closer union, which in the admin-\\nistration of the College was wholly beneficial. The friction\\nbetween the departments, in either faculty or students, disap-\\npeared, as there was now but one faculty for undergraduate\\nstudents and but one student body. A new sense of oneness\\narose in the College which became an effective force in its ad-\\nvance. Differences of interest with their inevitable tendency\\nto jealousies and alienations gave way to a common interest\\nand a common purpose. There was no longer a rivalry of\\ndepartments but a single college spirit that became one of the\\nchief assets of the new administration. It cannot be doubted\\nthat this consolidation was an indispensable preliminary of the\\ngrowth that followed.\\nCoincident with it was the first movement toward expansion,\\nwhich appeared in the provision for increased instruction in\\nthe fall of 1893. Three professorships were then established,\\nin history, sociology and biology, but the professor of history,\\nthough then elected, did not enter upon his duties for another\\nyear. In sociology and biology, wholly new departments, the\\nCollege recognized the progress of modern thought in two dis-\\ntinct fields. In history, which had once been a department\\noccupied by President John Wheelock and afterward by Profes-\\nsor Cogswell, instruction had of late years been given only in a\\ndesultory way by occasional lecturers or instructors, or by mem-\\nbers of the Faculty who added that subject to the work of their\\nparticular chairs, but now the subject resumed its rightful place\\namong the departments. In the spring of that year the Willard\\nfund for a professorship of rhetoric and oratory becoming avail-\\nable, the chair was filled,^ and within five years there had been\\nlarge addition to the teaching staff through temporary appoint-\\nments in the departments of biology, French, Latin, German,\\noratory, econom.ics, astronomy and physics, of those who after-\\nward became permanent members of the Faculty as professors.\\nFour years after the consolidation and at the graduation of\\nthe first united class, the Medical Department celebrated its\\nhundredth anniversary. The exercises were held on Tuesday\\nof Commencement week, June 29, 1897, at five o clock in the\\n1 Ex-Senator James W. Patterson, at that time Superintendent of Public Instruction in\\nNew Hampshire, was appointed to the professorship, but he had scarcely entered on his duties\\nwhen he died suddenly May 4, 1893. His death occurred as he was attending an evening\\nprayer meeting, and soon after its opening, but he sat so quietly that he seemed asleep and it\\nWM only at the close of the meeting that he was found to be dead. Those who sat near him\\nthen recalled a slight gasp which probably marked the time of his death, that came from a\\nfailure of the heart.\\n31", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0537.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "482 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV.\\nafternoon in the College church. The exercises observed by\\nthe President and Trustees of the College, the medical faculty,\\nthe graduates of the Medical College, the Governor and Council\\nand other invited guests, consisted of music, opening of the\\ncentennial exercises by President Tucker, a prayer by Rev.\\nDr. S. P. Leeds, and a historical address by Dr. Phineas S.\\nConner. These were followed by a banquet in Butterfield Hall,\\nat which Dr. William T. Smith presided and many addresses\\nwere made.^\\nA movement of the alumni, begun in the fall of 1891 to sup-\\nport the demand for representation on the Board of Trust and\\nhaving for its object an improvement in the physical education\\nof the students and an increase in their athletic facilities, fell\\nin with the other forms of progress. In November of that year\\nthe executive committee of the Alumni Association, after a\\nmeeting held in Boston with the alumni of the vicinity, proposed\\nto the Trustees that they would attempt to raise funds for\\nmaking repairs and additions to the gymnasium, purchasing\\napparatus therefor, securing land for an athletic field, employ-\\ning suitable agents, and using all measures calculated to promote\\ninterest in athletics at the College, and improving the physical\\ncondition of the undergraduates, if the Trustees would put\\nthe management of the gymnasium into the hands of the Alumni\\nAssociation, subject to the rules of the Trustees. The propo-\\nsition was accepted by the Trustees at a meeting held February\\n8, 1892, and the gymnasium and the immediate care and man-\\nagement of athletics were given to the alumni, subject to such\\ngeneral regulations as the Trustees might make and with the\\nproviso that the Trustees should always have a fair representa-\\ntion on the committee of management.\\nAfter this action of the Trustees a special committee of the\\nalumni, consisting of Dr. J. L. Hildreth of Cambridge, Mass.,\\nMr. Charles F. Mathewson of New York and Mr. C. W.\\nSpalding of Chicago, prepared and presented to the alumni\\nat their meeting at Commencement a plan for the improvement\\nof the g mnasium, the acquisition of an athletic field and the\\ncontrol of athletics in the College. During the next year the\\nplan was only partially carried out in the remodelling of the\\ngymnasium, since it was found impracticable to construct a\\nlAn account of the proceedings, wth Dr. Conner s address, is given in a model historical\\npamphlet containing transcripts of documents relating to the College, and entitled, Dart-\\nmouth Medical College Centennial E.xercises, Hanover, Dartmouth Press, 1897-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0538.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "1893-1909.] Administration of President Tucker. 483\\nswimming tank, as had been recommended, but was made\\nwholly effective in the preparation of an athletic field. For this\\npurpose the Trustees put at the disposal of the committee ten\\nacres of the lot between Crosby and Park Streets purchased of\\nthe Agricultural College, and these, by an expenditure of $17,000,\\nwere drained, graded and enclosed, and provided with a cinder\\nrunning track, with baseball and football fields and with a\\ngrand stand, and were henceforth called the Alumni Oval.\\nFor the control of athletics a plan was recommended and\\nadopted, that, with minor modifications, has been in effective\\noperation to the present. By this plan the control of membership\\nin athletic teams was given to the Faculty as far as it was affected\\nby restrictions in scholarship, but apart from that the direction\\nof athletics was entrusted to the alumni, and their authority\\nwas exercised by an athletic council of nine members, consisting\\nof three alumni elected at the annual meeting at Commencement,\\nthree members of the Faculty appointed by the Faculty but\\nsubject to the approval of the alumni at the same meeting, and\\nthree undergraduates who, as managers of the football, base-\\nball and track athletic departments, were ex-officio members\\nof the council. Working through an executive officer, who as\\ngraduate manager is also its financial and business agent, the\\ncouncil has brought about very beneficial results in excluding\\nprofessionalism, in systematizing and controlling financial oper-\\nations and in establishing relations with other institutions.\\nThe financial aid thus given by the alumni was not the only\\ncheer of the kind that brightened the opening years of the new\\nadministration, and provided a substantial basis for its plans.\\nIn fact, it was the good fortune of the administration that\\nalmost at its beginning it had the benefit of several large funds,\\nlike the Willard, the Wentworth and the Fayerweather funds,\\nwhich had previously been received wholly or in part, without\\nbeing available, or like the Butterfield fund, which came unex-\\npectedly. The Willard fund becoming available in 1894 and\\nthe Wentworth in 1896 greatly aided in the work of reconstruc-\\ntion.\\nOf the Fayerweather fund, the initial payment came in 1891\\nand later payments were made at intervals till 1901. It was\\nthe bequest of Daniel B. Fayerweather, a wealthy merchant\\nof New York City, who, in dividing a large estate among educa-\\ntional institutions, left $100,000 directly to Dartmouth and\\nalso made the College a sharer in a residuary bequest. The", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0539.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "484 History oj Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV.\\nestate was long in litigation, in which the counsel of the College\\nwas Judge Horace Russell, a graduate of the class of 1865,\\nbut on its conclusion the College received payments amounting\\nin all to $223,381. As the bequest was without conditions\\nthe Trustees devoted it to liquidating the debt of the College,\\nand beyond that point used it as a fund on which to draw in\\nmeeting the annual deficits that occurred in the reconstruction\\nand development of the College from 1893 to 1906, when deficits\\ndue to this account ceased. The name of Mr. Fayerweather,\\nwrote President Tucker,^ is perpetuated in the Fayerweather\\nrow of dormitories, but the effect of his bequest cannot be\\nlocalized. It made possible the growth of the College since\\n1893. No fund of many times its value, if it had been restricted\\nin its uses, could have served an equal purpose in the develop-\\nment of the College.\\nIn January of 1893 the news was received that Dr. Ralph\\nButterfield of the class of 1839, a resident of Kansas City, Mo.,\\nwho died September 2, 1892, had made the College his residuary\\nlegatee, devising his property for the foundation of a professor-\\nship or lectureship in paleontology, archseology, ethnology and\\nkindred subjects, and for the erection of a building for the\\nhousing of a museum, to which he gave his own cabinet illustrative\\nof these branches. From this bequest the College received,\\non the settlement of the estate, a little over $141,000, of which\\n^87,350 were used in the construction of Butterfield Hall, accord-\\ning to the will of the donor, and the balance was kept as a per-\\nmanent fund.\\nAnother valuable gift was made in 1897 by Mr. C. T. Wilder\\nof Olcott, Vt., amounting at its full maturity three years later\\nto $109,000, of which, at the suggestion of Mr. Wilder, $84,000\\nwere employed in the erection of a physical laboratory, and the\\nbalance, except $10,000 reserved for the use of the Observatory,\\nwas kept as a fund for the maintenance of the building and\\nits equipment. The gift was further enlarged by Mr. Wilder\\nby an additional $75,000, so restricted, however, as not to be\\nimmediately productive.\\nOf more immediate service in meeting current expenses and\\nof greater value as indicating the interest and goodwill of the\\nState was the appropriation by the Legislature in 1893 of $15,000\\ncovering two years. Four years later the Legislature of 1897\\nappropriated $10,000, and that of 1899 $20,000, in each case\\nThe Resources and Expenditures of Dartmouth College, Dartmouth Bi-Monthly.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0540.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "1893-1909.] Administration of President Tucker. 485\\nfor two years. Subsequent legislatures have severally made\\nappropriations, amounting since 1903 to $20,000 a year. The\\nbasis of the grant was the recognition of the fact that the College\\nwas educating students from New Hampshire at an expense\\nfar in excess of any return that the State had ever made.^\\nThe combination of these various influences for the develop-\\nment of the College was made effective by the increasing interest\\nand activity of the alumni. At the outset of his administration,\\nas has been said. President Tucker took them into his confidence\\nand made it an essential part of his work to go among them,\\nto their annual and special gatherings, telling them of what\\nhad been done and explaining his plans for the future. He\\npresented the College to them not as a beggar that demanded\\nand would be satisfied with their gifts, but as an object of their\\npersonal interest and responsibility, whose welfare rested upon\\nthem as really as upon the college guardians. He did not ask\\na sentimental regard, valuable as that might be, but a sober and\\nearnest recognition of the worth of the College in what it had\\ndone for them and in what it might do for others. This future\\nwork, he made clear, depended upon the alumni, which must\\nbecome for the prosperity of the College an active force in its\\nbehalf.\\nThe rapid growth of the belief in the responsibility of the\\nalumni appeared in the large number of local associations estab-\\nlished during this period. Between 1864, when the first of such\\nassociations was formed at Boston, and 1892 eleven had been\\nestablished, but from 1893 to 1909, inclusive, twelve new asso-\\nciations, scattered from New England to the Pacific coast,\\ntestified to the strength of the activity of the alumni, and in\\naddition to them there arose, again in imitation of a movement\\noriginating in Boston in 1892, five Dartmouth Clubs, with\\nmore frequent stated meetings than the associations, some of\\nthem as often as once a week, and having as their special object\\nthe fostering of alumni fraternity and the dissemination of\\ninformation concerning the College. Still further to organize\\nthe sentiment of the alumni there was formed in 1905, at the\\nsuggestion of the President, the association of class secretaries,\\nwhich has an annual meeting at Hanover in March, and has been\\nIn 1906 the following exhibit was made: Total expense of the College for the year $230,000;\\nnumber of undergraduates 950; cost per man S242; number of men from New Hampshire 235;\\ncost of educating them (235XS242) $56,870; receipts from these men through tuition or from\\nscholarship funds, 123,500; cost to College above such receipts, I33, 470. Resources and\\nExpenditures of Dartmouth College, p. 31.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0541.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "486 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV.\\nvery active in the discussion of matters relating to the College\\nand effective in keeping the graduates in touch with them.\\nThe policy of the new administration was effective from the\\nstart in attracting students. The failure to secure a president\\nin 1892 and the uncertainty of the succession were reflected in\\nthe smallness of the class entering in the fall of that year, which\\nnumbered only seventy-eight, but the satisfaction that was felt\\nat the accession of Dr. Tucker was evidenced by a class of one\\nhundred and twenty in the fall of 1893. From that time the\\nincrease in numbers was almost uninterrupted. Every class\\nthat entered was not larger than the one before it, but the\\ntotal enrollment of undergraduates was greater each year.\\nIn a village like Hanover the housing of the increasing number\\nof students offered a constant problem. It could be met only\\nby a sufificient number of quarters in private houses, by private\\ndormitories or by dormitories erected by the College. The first\\nwas impossible, the Trustees were opposed to private dormi-\\ntories and were, therefore, forced to erect their own, and it was\\nin this step that they entered upon the policy of making the\\nCollege its own investment. The capacity of the old college\\ndormitories, those about the college yard and Hallgarten, was\\nabout two hundred, inadequate as things then were, and with\\nthe supplement of the village offering scarcely any chance of\\ngrowth. This state of things, emphasized by the new idea of\\nsanitation and of the oversight of the health of the students,\\nled the Trustees in 1894 to construct a new dormitory to accom-\\nmodate fifty students, by the reconstruction and enlargement\\nof the house that had long been the residence of Professor San-\\nborn. From that fact it was called Sanborn House, and from\\nits superiority to the old buildings it became for some years a\\nfavorite dormitory.\\nThe growth of the College in numbers during the administra-\\ntion of President Tucker may fairly be traced in the construction\\nof new dormitories. There was a considerable increase in rooms\\nopen to students in the village and in later years in the rise of\\nfraternity houses, but the provision made by the College in the\\nenlargement of the dormitory system about kept pace with the\\ndemand. A seeming supply by one construction proved insuffi-\\ncient and one dormitory followed another to meet the growing\\nneed. Crosby House, for fifty-five students, was opened in 1896.\\nThis fine old brick house built by Professor Z. S. Moore about\\n1810 had been for many years the home of Dr. Dixi Crosby,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0542.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "1 893-1909] Administration of President Tucker. 487\\nand with additions and improvements was made into a dormi-\\ntory, wiiich in attractiveness is not surpassed by any of the other\\ndormitories. In the next year provision was made for fifty-\\nfive more by the erection of Richardson Hall on the west slope\\nof Observatory Hill, which by the formation of The Terrace\\ngave an approach from the college yard to the Medical College\\nin the rear of the main street. That it might not dwarf the\\nchapel from its higher position it was constructed on horizontal\\nlines, a story of brick resting on an ashlar of granite and sur-\\nmounted by a Mansard roof of shingles, which greatly diminished\\nits apparent height. The dormitory was named in honor of\\nJudge James B. Richardson, one of the Trustees, and was the\\nfirst of the more expensive dormitories, though in the then favor-\\nrable conditions of building its cost fell a little under $50,000.\\nIn 1899 the old home of Professor O. P. Hubbard, occupying\\nthe present site of the Parkhurst Administration building, was\\nconverted into a small dormitory for twenty men, and in the\\nsame year the row in the rear of Dartmouth Hall was begun\\nby the erection, in the same general style as Dartmouth, of\\nFayerweather Hall. It was built in three distinct sections,\\nwhich altogether provided for eighty-five students. The next\\nyear witnessed the addition of quarters for forty more in a\\nbuilding that was intended primarily as a center of the social\\nlife of the College and as a Commons Hall. This building,\\nwhich was erected at a cost of nearly $120,000, contained on its\\nfirst floor not only a living room for the College Club, of which\\nall students were members, a reading room, and a trophy room,\\nwith offices, but also a large dining hall beautifully finished in\\nFlemish oak and capable of seating nearly four hundred at table.\\nThe growth of the College and the lack of boarding accommo-\\ndations in the village compelled the renewal of the experiment,\\nnever before successful, and abandoned in 181 5, of a college\\ncommons, which, though it has not been wholly free from criti-\\ncism, has fairly met the needs of the students, a large majority\\nof whom have patronized it, and has been on the whole self-\\nsupporting. In addition to the regular dining room service\\nit includes a restaurant, known as the grill room, which is\\nopen at all hours of the day and attracts many.\\nIn 1903 the house formerly occupied by Dr. T. R. Crosby\\nat the corner of Elm and College Streets was conv^erted into a\\na small dormitory with accommodations for twenty and from\\nits location called Elm House, and in the next year on the lot", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0543.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "488 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xv.\\nnorth of the chapel, made vacant by the removal of the house\\nof Professor Emerson, there was built the largest of the dormi-\\ntories up to that time, with a capacity of ninety-eight, and\\nnamed Wheeler Hall in honor of the John Wheeler who had\\ngiven to the College the $i,ooo which enabled it to undertake\\nits contest with the State. After an interval of two years three\\ndormitories in 1904 added accommodations for one hundred\\nand forty-eight. The Fayerweather row was completed by the\\nconstruction of North and South Fayerweather, and in the rear\\nof the Hubbard House was built the New Hubbard, to hold\\nforty-eight. If fortune may be ascribed to a building, that of the\\ntwo new Fayerweathers was adverse, for in the winter of 1908\\nthe north building took fire and barely escaped destruction,\\nwhile the south building was completely burned on the night\\nof February 26, 1910. The latter was fully occupied, and the\\nfire, which arose in the basement from some unexplained cause,\\ngained such headway and burned so rapidly that the roomers,\\non being awakened, had barely time to make their escape, some\\nbeing forced to jump from the windows and being saved from\\ninjury only by the deep snow into which they fell. The building\\nwas immediately restored in fireproof construction.\\nTwo more dormitories completed the work of the administra-\\ntion in the housing of the students. Massachusetts Hall, for\\neighty-eight occupants, erected in 1907, was the central feature\\nin a second line of buildings in the rear of Tuck Hall, of which\\nthe northern one was the New Hubbard, that was afterward\\nremoved to the rear of Chandler Hall, and the southern one\\nwas the Proctor House, which in 1902 had been moved back\\nto give room for Tuck Hall and made into a small dormitory,\\nand which still later was torn down to open a site for South\\nMassachusetts. In 1908 New Hampshire Hall, the largest of\\nall the dormitories, having rooms for one hundred and seven,\\nwas built on the lot between the library and Hallgarten.\\nThese fourteen dormitories, built within fourteen years, and\\nall of brick, except Sanborn, Elm, Proctor and the New Hubbard,\\nadded about seven hundred to the housing capacity of the\\nCollege. The growth thus indicated was further marked by\\nnew buildings for other purposes. These were Butterfield,\\nWilder, Chandler, Tuck, Dartmouth and Webster, besides the\\nNathan Smith Laboratory, the heating plant and the recon-\\nstructed Inn. The first two, built in 1895 and 1897, have already\\nbeen mentioned as devoted to special departments. Chandler", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0544.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "1893-1909-] Administration of President Tucker. 489\\nHall, which was the enlargement in 1898 of Moor Hall through\\na bequest of over $28,000 by Frank W. Daniels of the class of\\n1868, was set apart for the use of the mathematical department.\\nTuck Hall, erected in 1902 as a part of the gift of Edward Tuck,\\nof the class of 1862, became the home of the Tuck School and\\nof the departments of history and economics.\\nThe new Dartmouth, completed in 1906, replaced the old\\nDartmouth that was burned on the morning of February 18,\\n1904. The destruction of the old hall removed the last visible\\nlink with the early days of the College and was an irretrievable\\nloss in sentiment. During the administrations of President\\nSmith and President Bartlett the building had not been highly\\nesteemed and at one time plans had been made to move it back\\nand to enlarge it with an ell, but in later years it had secured\\nits rightful place in the thought of the alumni as a building of\\nbeauty as well as of historic sentiment. The grace and simplic-\\nity of its architecture, its perfect proportions, its unique and\\nwonderful belfry, and its association with the great names of\\nthe college past had made, by contrast with so much that was\\nnew, a deep impression of its worth. The sentiment and affec-\\ntion of the alumni gathered rapidly about it as a kind of inherited\\ntreasure and historic landmark, so that the news of its burning\\nbrought a great sense of loss, as of that which could never be\\nreplaced. The report of the fire, telegraphed to Boston and\\ndisplayed on the bulletin boards, brought dismay to the friends\\nof the College, but while the fire was still in progress the President\\ncalled a meeting of the Trustees, and Melvin O. Adams, a trustee\\nof the College living in Boston, sent out a call for a meeting of\\nthe alumni, which he declared was not an invitation but a\\nsummons.\\nThe fire, which was caused by defective wiring, burned with\\nremarkable rapidity. The alarm was given during the morning\\nchapel exercise, and the students rushing out saw flames issuing\\nfrom the windows of a room, from which, not more than five\\nminutes before, students had gone to chapel without a suspicion\\nof danger. A dense smoke, in which was mixed the dust that\\nhad collected in the attic during a century, filled the upper halls\\nand so completely prevented passage through them that no ap-\\nproach was possible for firemen, and a student in one of the\\nrooms in the third story was taken out by a ladder. The morn-\\ning was one of the coldest of the winter, 20\u00c2\u00b0 below zero, and the\\nfire service, crippled in consequence, had little effect in checking", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0545.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "490 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xy.\\nthe flames. Within an hour the supports of the cupola, to\\nwhose dehcate structure the leaping flames lent an added grace,\\ngave way, and the falling bell was melted in the heat below,\\nand within two hours the whole building, except a few portions\\nof the end walls, was in ashes. The fact that the fire began\\nin the center of the third story and hence burned downward\\nsaved the adjoining halls, as the heat was drawn in from them\\nrather than thrown out toward them.\\nThe financial loss was not as great as the loss in sentiment-\\nThe old hall, begun a few years after the death of the first Whee-\\nlock, covered in its hundred and twenty years of existence\\nalmost the whole history of the institution. For many years,\\nexcept when occupied by the University, it had been the home\\nof nearly all the activities of the College, and though in the\\nincrease of buildings it ceased to be The College, as it was\\nlong called, yet it held a proud pre-eminence from its age, its\\nbeauty and its history. The determination was at once taken\\nto rebuild it on practically the same lines, but of brick instead\\nof wood, and the new building, when erected, though longer\\nand wider and higher than the old by a few feet, seemed to be\\na reproduction of it, especially as it was painted white and the\\nnew belfry was the replica of the former one.\\nThe enthusiasm of the alumni for the reconstruction of Dart-\\nmouth Hall reinforced the appeal of a subscription that was\\nalready under way for the construction of Webster Hall. The\\n$50,000 already pledged were diverted to the more pressing\\nneed of the restoration of Dartmouth Hall, and a building\\nfund of $250,000 for Dartmouth and W^ebster Halls and a\\nnew dormitory was set on foot, and in the end was secured.\\nThe laying of the corner stone was the occasion of a great\\ncelebration, made notable by a large gathering of the alumni\\nand by the presence of the Earl of Dartmouth, the fourth in\\ndescent from the Earl from whom the College was named, who\\nwith his Countess and his daughter. Lady Dorothy Legge,\\ncame from England to be present at the ceremony as the guests\\nof the College.^ The Earl reached Hanover on the afternoon\\nof Tuesday, October 25, and was greeted with the cheers of the\\nstudents gathered on the steps of College Hall. The formal\\nexercises began in the evening with a series of eight tableaux,\\nA full account is given in Exercises and Addresses attending the Laying of the Corner\\nStone of the New Dartmouth Hall, Hanover, N. H., 1905, and also in The Dartmouth for\\nOctober 38, 1904.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0546.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "1893-1909-] Administration of President Tucker. 491\\ngiven by the students under the direction of a committee of\\nthe Faculty, representing scenes and events in the life of Wheelock\\nand the early history of the College.^ The intervals between the\\ntableaux were enlivened with singing and cheering by the stu-\\ndents and with many stereopticon views that, like the tableaux,\\nhad to do with Wheelock and the College. All these were\\nexhibited on a temporary stage erected in front of the grand\\nstand on the athletic field.\\nThe exercises of the next day were somewhat marred by rain.\\nThose of the morning were held in the church, which was draped\\nwith American and English fiags. The chief features of the morn-\\ning were the historical address on The Origins of Dartmouth\\nCollege by Professor Francis Brown, D.D., the conferring\\nof the degree of LL.D. on Lord Dartmouth and his pre-\\nsentation to the College of the correspondence between Eleazar\\nWheelock and the second Earl of Dartmouth. The rain con-\\ntinuing in the afternoon, an address by Mr. Charles F. Mathew-\\nson and a poem by Mr. Wilder D. Quint that were to have been\\ngiven in the open air were transferred to the church, but later\\nit was possible for the procession to go to the grave of Eleazar\\nWheelock, to whom a brief but fitting reference was then made\\nby President Tucker, and then to proceed to the laying of the\\ncorner stone. A prayer of dedication was offered by Bishop\\nEthelbert Talbot, D.D., of the class of 1870, and when Lord\\nDartmouth, smoothing the mortar, declared the stone well laid\\nthe bells on the chapel broke into a loud and joyous peal. The\\nfoundations v/ere spanned by an electric arch making brilliant\\nthe words, 1791 Dartmouth 1904.\\nThe festivities were closed by a banquet in the evening given\\nby the President and Trustees to Lord Dartmouth. The occa-\\nsion being regarded as of civic rather than of general academic\\ninterest, representatives were invited from four colleges only,\\nHarvard as the oldest of American colleges, William and Mary\\nas the college first to identify great English names with Amer-\\nican institutions, Yale as the college of Eleazar Wheelock, and\\nHamilton as founded by Wheelock s pupil, Samuel Kirkland.\\nThese were: (i) Wheelock receiving Samson Occum at Lebanon. Conn., December 6, 17431\\n2) Occum preaching in Whitefield s Tabernacle, London; (3) First meeting of Trustees at\\nWyman Tavern, Keene, N. H., October 12, 1770; (4) Wheelock and his family at Hanover,\\n(a) ten little Indians, (b) prayers in the forest; (5) The first Commencement at Dartmouth,\\n(a) tub scene, soo gallons of New England rum, (b) Gov. Wentworth s visit; (6) Return\\nof Capt. John Wheelock and his company after Burgoyne s surrender; (7) Defence of the\\nlibraries against the University professors; (8) Daniel Webster pleading the college case at\\nWashington.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0547.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "492 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV-\\nThe presence of the governor of the State and of Dr. Charles\\nA. Eastman, a graduate of the College and a full-blood Sioux\\nIndian, gave prominence to the relations of the College and the\\nState and to the abiding effect of Wheelock s purpose for the\\nCollege.\\nThe new building, into which, to give it a physical connection\\nwith the old, had been built two of the old windows, saved from\\nthe fire, and some of the granite steps, was completed and ready\\nfor occupancy and was dedicated February 17, 1906 (as the\\n1 8th fell on Sunday), two years almost to the day from the date\\nof the destruction of the first building. The dedication took\\nplace in the morning under conditions of weather rivaling\\nthose of the day of the fire. After special exercises in Rollins\\nChapel the Trustees, Faculty, alumni and students marched\\nto the west of the campus and through a path cut through the\\ndeep snow directly to the front of the new hall, singing as they\\napproached it Milton s rendering of the 136th Psalm, as used\\nat Commencement. After a few words of dedication by Pres-\\nident Tucker, the procession, each class cheering as it advanced,\\nencircled the building, and then entered to inspect it. The\\ninterior arrangement was entirely different from that of the\\nformer building, as it was wholly given up to recitation and\\nlecture purposes, and in place of the old chapel, which cut the\\nbuilding in two in the first and second stories, there was a large\\nlecture room in the center of the first floor. The old bell was\\nreplaced by one from the same makers but of richer tone, weigh-\\ning 1,854 pounds, the gift of J. W. Peirce of the class of 1905,\\nand in place of the former erratic clock a new and accurate one,\\nwith faces on both front and rear gables, the front face being\\nilluminated at night, was given by Dr. William T. Smith.\\nWebster Hall, a stately structure containing a noble audi-\\ntorium, was long in building. The original plan included the\\ndouble purpose of an administration building and an auditorium.\\nThe first floor was to contain all the college offices and the second\\nonly an extensive hall, but in the long interval after the founda-\\ntions were laid and before construction began, the plan was\\nchanged and the office feature entirely eliminated. The subscrip-\\ntion, by which it was proposed to secure funds, was somewhat\\nslow and was delayed by the greater need brought by the burn-\\ning of Dartmouth Hall and by the construction of Wheeler Hall\\nto meet the demands for increased accommodations for students.\\nThe Trustees determined to proceed no faster than actual sub-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0548.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "2893-1909] Administration of President Tucker. 493\\nscriptions warranted and the building was finally completed\\nonly through the gift of $50,000 by Stephen M. Crosby of the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0class of 1849, who advanced that sum conditioned on an annuity\\nto himself. The laying of the corner stone, September 25,\\n1901, was used as an opportunity to celebrate the one hundredth\\nanniversary of the graduation of Daniel Webster, but in view\\nof his relation to the country this occasion also was treated\\nas of civic rather than academic interest. The gathering of\\nthe alumni was large, almost every class from 1841 being repre-\\nsented, and many others came to honor Webster s memory.\\nThe exercises, which extended over two days, began on the\\nafternoon of Tuesday by a gathering in the church, where,\\nbesides choral singing by a large body of students who had been\\ntrained for these and the exercises of the following day by Mr.\\nCharles H. Morse, the musical director of the College, two\\naddresses were given, one by Professor Charles F. Richardson\\non Mr. Webster s College Life, and the other by Professor\\nJohn K. Lord on The Development of the College Since the\\nDartmouth College Case. A game of football followed on the\\nAlumni Oval.\\nIn the evening there was a celebration of Dartmouth Night\\nby a torchlight parade, led by the college band. The Faculty\\nand students wore academic gowns, the classes being distin-\\nguished by different colors, and the alumni appeared in a Webster\\ncostume of blue coat, buflf waistcoat, stock, dickey and tall hat.\\nThe parade was enlivened by transparencies, and floats on which\\nwere carried Webster s carriage and huge plow. A few speeches\\nwere made from a platform in the college yard, and were followed\\nby an illumination, fireworks and a bonfire on the campus.\\nWednesday was the great day of the occasion and in the morn-\\ning the crowd again filled the church. Broken by the choral\\nsinging of the students the exercises were a brief address by\\nPresident Tucker on the relation of Webster to the College,\\na notable oration by Hon. Samuel W. McCall of the class of\\n1874 on Webster as orator, statesman and man, and the confer-\\nring of honorary degrees. Under the same propitious skies\\nwhich cheered all the exercises, the corner-stone was laid in the\\nafternoon, Lewis A. Armistead, the great-grandson of Webster,\\nperforming the rite, after which Bishop Abiel Leonard of Utah,\\nof the class of 1870, offered a prayer, and ex-Governor Frank S.\\n1 A complete programme and report of the exercises entitled The Webster Centennial was\\n\u00c2\u00abdited by Ernest M. Hopkins and published by the College.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0549.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "494 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xv.\\nBlack of New York, of the class of 1875, gave an address. A\\nlater meeting for personal reminiscensces of Webster was followed\\nin the evening by a banquet at which speeches relating to Web-\\nster and the College were made by prominent alumni and men\\nin public life.\\nSix years, in which there was a change of plan that necessitated\\na change in the foundations, elapsed before the hall was com-\\npleted. It was first used for the opening chapel service of the year,\\nSeptember 26, 1907, but was not formally dedicated till the\\ni8th of October, when Dartmouth Night was made to serve\\nas a dedication. Around the walls were hung the portraits of\\nWheelock and his successors, and of many whose names are\\ngreat in the history of the College, including two of Webster\\nprominently displayed, and in the apse was his office desk. In\\nhis introductory speech President Tucker described the construc-\\ntion and the purpose of the building and in declaring, on behalf\\nof the Trustees, its formal opening said\\nI set apart this hall to the uses for which it was designed to preserve the\\nhonorable and inspiring traditions of the College, to bring our illustrious\\ndead into daily fellowship with the living, to quicken within us the sense of\\na common inheritance and of a common duty, to enlarge our knowledge of\\nmen and of the world through the spoken word of scholars, discoverers, patriots\\nand benefactors of their kind, to refine our manners and to stimulate our\\ntaste through access to art, to give us the full advantage of quick and ready\\ncontact of one with another, of each with all, and of all with those who rep-\\nresent the interests, the intellectual wealth and the moral necessities of the\\nworld; and having fulfilled in us these objects of our desire, to send us out\\nyear by year inspired by example and fellowship, and charged with the sense\\nof duty.\\nThe buildings which were erected during these years were\\nequally divided between productive and non-productive build-\\nings. The latter were erected wholly with funds that were\\ngiven for such purpose or with bequests that were unrestricted.\\nThe former, including most of the dormitories, were built as\\ninvestments, and the amount thus invested, including the cost\\nof improvements, like water, heat and electricity, was $901,000.\\nThe College was fortunate in securing as its architect for all of\\nthem Mr. Charles A. Rich, a graduate of the class of 1875 and\\na member of the firm of Lamb and Rich of New York, who to\\nhis skill as an architect added the interest of an alumnus. All\\nthe buildings were erected according to a plan, that grew as\\nexpansion called for it, but that from the beginning related each\\nnew structure to existing structures and also made provision", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0550.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0551.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0552.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "1893-1909] Administration of President Tucker. 495\\nfor future development. In its expansion the College gradually\\nacquired by purchase all the private holdings about the campus\\nthat had not previously come to it, and the advance of its build-\\nings around the campus followed a consistent plan, not fixed in\\ntime or details, but steadily progressing as opportunities offered\\nand needs required.\\nThe Nathan Smith Laboratory, which was designed and built\\nby Mr. E. H. Hunter, the superintendent of buildings and\\ngrounds, was opened in 1908. It is a brick building two and one\\nhalf stories high, adapted for the work of the Medical College,\\nstanding just north of the old medical building, and containing\\nbesides lecture rooms, library and reading rooms, four small\\nlaboratories and the laboratory of the State Board of Health.\\nIt cost $20,000 which was secured through subscriptions of the\\nalumni of the School and the gifts of its friends.\\nIt was at this period that the preparations were begun for a\\nnew gymnasium. The first suggestion was made by Professor\\nJohn W. Bowler, the director of the gymnasium, to the under-\\ngraduates, and then taken up by a committee of the alumni,\\nwhich undertook to raise a subscription for its erection. The\\nestimated cost was $125,000, though it finally reached $190,000,\\nand the subscription was so far successful that the Trustees\\nbegan work in 1909, and the corner stone was laid as a part of\\nthe ceremonies attending the inauguration of President Nichols.\\nThe increase in the number of students, so clearly indicated\\nby the growth of the dormitories, also made itself manifest in\\nthe crowded state of the chapel. In 1903 an additional hundred\\nseats were gained by a gallery in the west end of the nave. The\\ngain thus secured soon proved insufficient and five years later,\\nafter the discussion of many plans, it was decided to adopt a\\nplan of Professor H. E. Keyes to move the apse bodily forty\\nfeet back and to connect it to the main structure with new walls,\\nthus lengthening the nave and with the addition of bays on\\neither side increasing the seating capacity of the chapel about\\nthree hundred.^\\nAmong the buildings at this time was one that was of great\\nservice to the College although not distinctively a college build-\\ning, the Mary Hitchcock Memorial Hospital. This was built\\nby Mr. Hiram Hitchcock, a trustee of the College, in memory\\n1 The accommodations again proving inadequate, in 1912, again under the plans of Professor\\nKeyes, the transepts were extended, giving an added dignity to the building as well as making\\nit much more commodious with a seating capacity of nearly i ,500. The desk was then removed\\nfrom the end of the chancel to the side of the nave.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0553.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "496 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV.\\nof his wife, Mary Maynard Hitchcock, and opened for use\\nMay, 1893. It was put into the charge of a corporation and\\ntrustees of its own and yet it had a direct connection with the\\nCollege, through the provision that its staff of visiting physicians\\nshould always be the Medical Faculty of the College, and this\\nassured the largest possible use of its clinical opportunities by\\nthe medical students. At the same time the hospital was of\\ninestimable service to the College at large in its provision for\\nthe care of the sick. For the former condition of sickness,\\nwhen students remained in their own rooms with only the atten-\\ntion of kindly but unskillful friends, was substituted the care\\nof trained nurses under the most favorable conditions, and the\\ncommunity likewise came to know the value of a hospital.\\nThe site selected for the hospital was a tract of seven acres\\non the northern side of the village, and no expense was spared\\nto make the construction and appointments of the building as\\nperfect as possible and its appearance architecturally attractive.\\nAmong the gifts which were made to the College during this\\nperiod for other purposes than the construction of buildings\\nnone were more noteworthy than those of Mr. Edward Tuck of\\nthe class of 1861. His business relations had for many years\\nrequired his residence in Paris, but he had kept alive his interest\\nin the College and in the spring of 1899 he made a personal\\nvisit of President Tucker the occasion of a gift to the College of\\n$300,000 in honor of the memory of his father, Amos Tuck,\\nwho was also a graduate of the College in 1835 and a trustee\\nfrom 1857 to 1866. The securities constituting the gift steadily\\nincreased in value, so that by 1907 they were worth $500,000.\\nIn indicating the object of his gift Mr. Tuck applied it\\nFirst and principally to the maintenance of the salaries of the President\\nand Faculty; second and in minor part to the maintenance and increase\\nof the college library. It is my expectation that the present and future\\nTrustees will apply a portion of the income to the increase of existing salaries\\nwhenever the best interests of the College demand it, and a portion of the\\nsalaries of additional professorships which may in the future be established\\nin the College proper or in post-graduate departments, should such be added\\nat any time to the regular college course.\\nIn carrying out the wish of Mr. Tuck the Trustees made a\\nspecial appropriation of $4,000 to the library in 1900, and at\\nI In December, 1910, Mr. Tuck still further added to his munificent gift to the College by\\nthe donation of $500,000 to its general fund, but with the purpose that its income should be\\nused in advancing the salaries of the Faculty. His total gifts rising above $1,000,000 more\\nthan double that of any otlier individual benefactor of the College.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0554.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "1893-1909] Administration of President Tucker. 497\\nthe same time added $200 to the salaries of the full professors,\\nand again a like amount in 1907. But Mr. Tuck s hint of a post-\\ngraduate department did not pass unheeded and in considering\\nthe matter the attention of the Trustees, so the President wrote/\\nWas arrested by the fact that a largely increasing number of the graduates\\nof the College was entering the more influential kinds of business, banking,\\nforeign commerce, and the like, but without any preparation comparable\\nwith that through which others were passing into the professions. This\\nsituation, of serious import to the College, as it appeared to the Trustees,\\nwas put before Mr. Tuck. Advanced courses of study, especially in economics,\\nwhich might give in part the preparation called for, were outlined. The\\nexample of the Thayer School of Civil Engineering was adduced as an illus-\\ntration of what could be done to give professional standing to a hitherto\\nunrecognized kind of work. The proposal was made looking to the estab-\\nlishment on similar lines of the Amos Tuck School of Administration and\\nFinance.\\nTo the proposal that so honorably linked his father s name\\nwith a department of the College Mr, Tuck gave instant and\\nhearty assent by cable and by letter, and, in January of 1900,\\nthe Trustees formally established the School. The announcement\\nof it was made in the fall of 1899 and a year later it was opened\\nwith an attendance of four students in the advanced and eleven\\nin the lower class.\\nThe faculty of the School, as at first organized, consisted\\nwholly of members of the Academic Faculty, but it was soon\\ngiven a more independent character by appointments of its\\nown, including those of a director and a secretary. To a limited\\nextent members of the general Faculty still gave instruction,\\nand in addition persons from abroad gave lectures on special\\nsubjects. For three years the School occupied the Hubbard\\nhouse, but in 1902 it removed to its new home in Tuck Hall.\\nThis was the gift of Mr. Tuck who, to further the interests of\\nthe School by providing it with suitable quarters, put at the\\ndisposal of the Trustees in the spring of 1901, for the construc-\\ntion of a building, securities amounting to $135,000. Its pro-\\nvision for lecture and class rooms, offices and library has been\\nample for the accommodation of the School and some depart-\\nments of the College.\\nThe requirement for admission was the possession of a bach-\\nelor s degree, but credit was given for advanced electives in\\nundergraduate courses, and, as in the Thayer School, students\\nwere allowed to relate the courses of the College and the School\\nThe Dartmouth Bi-Monthly.\\n33", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0555.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "498 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xv.\\nso as to complete the two in five years. The courses of instruc-\\ntion, requiring eighteen hours in each semester, included, besides\\nmodern history, economics, sociology, and the modern languages,\\ndiplomacy, finance, accounting, insurance, transportation, admin-\\nistration and law, subjects that were necessary for a business\\ntraining, though not a substitute for an apprenticeship to any\\nparticular kind of business.\\nThe Tuck School was not only an additional department and\\nan increase in the general equipment, it was a part of a general\\nmovement looking toward a broadening of the work and the\\nefiliciency of the College, and the high standard adopted by it\\nwas influential toward that end. The scholarship of the College,\\nespecially as affected by the growth in numbers, was a matter\\nof constant and serious consideration, and one made particularly\\nprominent by the union of the Chandler School with the College.\\nThe preparation demanded of students entering that School\\nwas not as high as that demanded of students entering the Col-\\nlege, and a strain was put upon scholarship by having students\\nof different degrees of preparation recite in the same classes.\\nCandidates for the B.S. degree were not required to present\\nfor entrance either Greek or Latin, but in their stead a larger\\namount of mathematics, modern languages and science. No\\none of these subjects received in the schools the emphasis that\\nwas given to Greek or Latin, which were required of candidates\\nfor the A.B. degree. The former occupied at least three years\\nand the latter at least four years, and apart from any question\\nof the relative value of the classics and modern languages or\\nscientific subjects, courses in the classics gave a training that\\nin coherence and continuity was not equalled by courses that\\nwere broken and shorter in time. The difficulty of finding a\\nsufficient substitute for the classics for preparation for college\\nin the matter of time still remains, but the attempt to equalize\\nthe preparation demanded of candidates ifor the different degrees\\nwas made by successively increasing the requirements for the\\nB.S. degree in 1894, 1895, and 1898, and again in 1905.\\nAnother influence that worked for a time injuriously to scholar-\\nship was the extension of the elective system that followed upon\\nthe addition of several new departments of instruction. Such\\ndepartments could of course find room in the curriculum only\\nat the expense of existing departments, and mostly in the shape of\\nelectives, so that the work that had been before prescribed was\\ngreatly reduced, and by 1896 limited to freshman year, except", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0556.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "1893-1909] Administration of President Tucker. 499\\nas certain subjects, like history, were required as preliminary\\nto so many other subjects as to become practically prescribed.\\nThe result of so many free electives, as were now opened, was\\noften a lack of concentration and purpose and of consequent\\nwaste, and in 1902 the President brought before the Faculty for\\nconsideration the question of scholarship as affected by admis-\\nsion and the curriculum.\\nAfter long discussion a group system was adopted in the\\nrequirements for admission and in the curriculum. The require-\\nments for admission were not increased, except for the B.S.\\ncourse to take effect three years later, but they were divided\\ninto groups, extending the latitude of choice, from which the\\nsubjects for admission were to be chosen according to the degree\\ndesired. In the curriculum the system required that a student\\nshould continue in freshman year the subjects which he presented\\nfor admission, as far as they were offered in that year, and that\\nafter freshman year he should arrange his electives among three\\ngroups in such a way that one subject, called a major, should\\nbe pursued for three years in one group, and that one subject,\\ncalled a minor, should be pursued for two years in each of\\nthe other two groups. The prescribed studies and those thus\\nrestricted by the groups constituted about forty per cent of the\\ncollege course, and with the prerequisites in certain subjects\\nvery materially diminished the range of free electives, giving to\\nthe studies of each student a greater definiteness and coherence.\\nA few years later, in order that incentives might be added to\\nrestrictions in support of scholarship, the scheme of college honors\\nwas greatly enlarged and made prominent by public recognition\\nof those attaining them.\\nIt was at this time that the College, in company with many\\nother institutions, gave up Greek as a requirement for admission\\nand for the bachelor s degree. It was accepted, if offered for\\nadmission, and as if to show that the College was still hospitable\\nto the humanities, students were allowed to begin the study of\\nGreek in the freshman year, but the number of those presenting\\nGreek or taking it in college has steadily declined. With the\\nremoval of Greek, Latin remained as the one distinctive feature\\nof the A.B. degree, and as there was nothing in the requirements\\nof the course to distinguish that degree from the B.L. degree\\nthere was no reason for continuing the two. The B.L. degree\\nwas, therefore, given up in 1905, twenty-one years after it was\\nfirst conferred. Henceforth the College conferred in course", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0557.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "500 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV.\\nonly the degrees of A.B. and B.S., the master s degree in course\\nhaving been last conferred in 1894.\\nIn 1900 there was a beginning of a summer school. There\\nhad previously been an attempt at one in 1881, which as a\\npurely private venture, wholly in scientific subjects, had been\\nconducted by Professors Emerson and Bartlett and their assist-\\nants in the departments of astronomy, physics and chem-\\nistry during a session of five weeks. The Trustees allowed the\\nuse of the laboratories, but assumed no responsibility for the\\nschool, and it was not mentioned in the catalogue. It had a\\ncreditable history and a fair attendance but continued only\\nthree years.\\nThe later school, whose first session opened July 5, 1900, was\\nin charge of members of the Faculty but was not supported by\\nthe Trustees, although its announcements found a place in the\\nannual catalogues. Its principal object was to furnish in-\\nstruction to teachers in grammar and high schools and acade-\\nmies, but the courses were open to others. The director of\\nthe school was Professor T. W. D. Worthen and instruction\\nwas given during four weeks in ten departments, and many\\ngeneral lectures given. The school was popular from the begin-\\nning and in 1903 attained the dignity of a Faculty in the\\ncatalogue and the publication of its list of students. Its period\\nwas extended at the same time to five weeks, and two years later\\nto six weeks. The large number of students which it attracted\\nfor the purpose of doing work in advance of their classes or of\\nmaking up subjects in which they had failed soon made it desir-\\nable for the Faculty to legislate in regard to its conduct, and still\\nlater for the Trustees to assume responsibility for it, which they\\ndid in 1910.\\nThe most striking feature of the administration of President\\nTucker was the growth of the College, but other features deserve\\nconsideration. The change in the appearance of the college\\nplant was very noticeable. The disappearance of the old hedge\\nabout the college yard and of the fence about the campus was\\nmore than justified by the neatness with which the grounds\\nwere kept. What had been the order of Commencement week\\nwas now extended throughout the year. The ragged turf of\\nthe campus became smooth under the constant use of the lawn\\nmower, and harmonized with the well kept grounds about all\\nthe college buildings. The care with which the buildings and\\ngrounds were kept had an influence on college manners. More", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0558.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "1893-1909-] Administration of President Tucker. 501\\ncomfortable and more esthetic surroundings softened asperities\\nand worked, sometimes in connection with discipline, as in the\\nabolition of horning in 1896, for a less turbulent life. They also\\nhad their effect in dress, for at the opening of the commons\\ndining hall the sweater was excluded as a dress for meals, and at\\nthe same time it was forbidden as an outer garment at the chapel\\nservice. The social life of the College found a new expression\\nand a new impulse in the celebration of Carnival Week in May\\nof 1899, which as Prom Week later became a fixed feature\\nof the year.\\nOne of the chief characteristics of the College has always been\\nits democracy, but with the growth in numbers, the greater\\nproportion of the students who came from wealthy families, and\\nthe increase in the number of fraternities and of chapter houses,\\nmany of the alumni began to express fear lest there should be a\\nweakening of the ancient spirit. The situation was one to which\\nthe administration was fully alive and measures were taken to\\npreserv^e not only the democratic spirit but the college spirit\\nagainst the divisive effect of cliques and fraternities. No one\\nclass, not even the senior, was allowed exclusive use of a dor-\\nmitory, but each dormitory was held open to members of every\\nclass, and the rooms were so graded in price that the rich and\\nthe poor were brought together.\\nTo prevent the separation of the fraternities from the general\\ninterests of the College, the Trustees restricted each chapter\\nhouse to accommodations for fourteen men and did not allow\\nany one to be used as a boarding place for its members. These\\nrestrictions prevented a fraternity from having a life independent\\nof the College, since all its members were obliged to eat, and\\nmost were obliged to room, in association with others. The\\nopening of College Hall and of the college club, of which every\\nstudent was a member, with a living room in which all had\\nequal right, tended to foster the democratic spirit. This was\\nalso fostered by an observance begun in 1895 and developed\\ninto a custom, known as Dartmouth Night. A gathering of\\nthe college on the evening of September 17 in the old chapel in\\nDartmouth Hall, around which were hung the pro traits of many\\nDartmouth worthies, was the occasion of speeches by alumni\\nand members of the Faculty in the attempt, in the words of\\nPresident Tucker, to capitalize the history of the College, and\\nto make real for the undergraduates its heroic traditions. If\\nin the recurring years the exercises of Dartmouth Night have", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0559.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "502 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. xv.\\nsometimes been filled with self-laudation, it has been no more\\nthan should be true of any college that has a history of which\\nit ought to be proud, and that is proud of the history which it\\nhas, and Dartmouth Night has not only been effective in arous-\\ning the enthusiasm of the students for the College, but, being\\nthe first of its kind, it has been an example which many\\nother institutions have followed.\\nIn 1893 there was a change in the relation of the College and\\nthe College church. Dr. Leeds, whose pastorate, then extend-\\ning to thirty-three years, was as remarkable in its strength as\\nin its length, felt the need of help at the same time that it seemed\\ndesirable to adopt the system, so advantageously used in other\\nplaces, of a board of college preachers. Such a board headed\\nby Dr. Leeds and President Tucker, till the resignation of Dr.\\nLeeds in 1900, was established and proved effective, but a return\\nwas had to a single pastorate in 1904, when the Rev. Ambrose W.\\nVernon united the care of the church with the professorship of\\ndivinity in the College. Required attendance at church, which\\nhad existed from the beginning of the College, was abandoned\\nin 1903. The vesper service of the chapel was still retained\\nas a required exercise, but it always was kept an academic service\\nin charge of the President or of some member of the Faculty.\\nIt was in this service that President Tucker came into closest\\ncontact with the moral and spiritual life of the College and\\nexercised a powerful influence. His weekly talks, sometimes\\ndealing directly with phases of college life, but more often with\\nthe principles underlying character and conduct, were marked\\nby insight and sympathy, not only carrying their own applica-\\ntion but widening the intellectual horizon in the appreciation\\nof truth. They were a constant stimulus to a fuller and larger\\nlife and to many they proved the means of moral regeneration.\\nPresident Tucker had the rare gift of inspiring confidence\\nand the assurance of personal sympathy. Unable from the\\ncrowding duties of his office to take part in instruction, he made\\nit his practice at the opening exercise of each college year to\\naddress the students on some subject of vital interest in academic\\nlife, and also to meet them soon after the opening of each year,\\nand at other times as he thought best, to set before them his\\nplans for the College as far as related to their interests, and to\\ncall upon them for such part as they could take toward their\\nexecution. The confidence in him as a man and a leader thus\\nsecured, and reinforced through the personal interviews of those", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0560.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "1893-1909-] Administration of President Tucker. 503\\nwho sought his advice or came before him in cases of discipHne,\\ngave him a wonderful hold upon the students. His personal\\nand official relations with individuals, especially in the increas-\\ning size of the College, were relatively few, but the chapel in the\\nmorning service of week days and the vesper service of Sunday\\ngave expression to his personality, and the men were first atten-\\ntive out of admiration and affection and then because what\\nhe said appealed to their manhood, stimulating their minds\\nand awakening their consciences.\\nThe presidency of a large and growing college, entailing the\\ndirection of its educational, financial and administrative inter-\\nests, with constant adjustment of men and measures, was a task\\nthat allowed no relief. President Tucker worked easily, but he\\nworked unremittingly. Vacations brought release from the rou-\\ntine of administration but not from the demands of educational\\nleadership and the cares of almost continuous building\\noperations. The imperative need for rest led to a five months\\ntrip to Europe in the winter and spring of 1899, but his other\\nabsences from Hanover were to fulfill official or personal obli-\\ngations. Under such heavy and long continued strain his\\nhealth gave way, a difficulty with the heart appearing in March\\nof 1907, and under the advice of his physician he resigned the\\npresidency.\\nBefore accepting the resignation, and in order to prevent\\na break in the succession, if possible, the Trustees unanimously\\ninvited Rev. Francis Brown, D.D., to the office, but, as fifteen\\nyears before, he was unable to accept the invitation. At the\\nearnest entreaty of the Trustees and in the belief that a successor\\nwould soon be found. President Tucker consented to hold his\\nresignation in abeyance, and, while relieved of some of his duties,\\nto continue the guidance of the College. The search of the\\nTrustees for a new president, though many persons were con-\\nsidered and in one or two cases invitations were extended,\\nproved unavailing for a long time. After nearly two years had\\npassed without a successor being found. President Tucker an-\\nnounced that he could no longer remain in office and insisted\\non the acceptance of his resignation. His last public act as\\nPresident was to speak at the Commencement dinner of 1909 and\\nhis official connection ceased with the close of the financial year,\\nJuly 15, 1909-\\nHe wa3 not able to be present at the Commencement exercises of 1907 or 1909. In the\\nformer year his place as presiding officer was taken by Judge W. M. Chase of the Trustees,\\nand in the latter year by Professor Lord.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0561.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "504 History of Dartmouth College. [Chap. XV.\\nThe progess of the College has been described, but the results\\nof an administration of sixteen years may best be seen by a\\nbrief summary. In those years the registration of under-\\ngraduate students rose from 315 to 1,107, and the total enroll-\\nment of the College, exclusive of the Agricultural College, from\\n431 to 1,233. In the same years the number of the resident\\nfaculty engaged in instruction, exclusive of the Agricultural\\nCollege, increased from twenty-seven to eighty-four, and the\\nwhole number of college officers, resident and non-resident,\\nincreased from forty-two to one hundred and seven, besides\\ntwenty-five lecturers on special subjects whose connection with\\nthe College was only temporary.\\nIn 1893 the College possessed fifteen buildings (including\\nCulver and Hallgarten just taken from the Agricultural College),\\nand several houses in the village. Of these, by 1909, Dart-\\nmouth Hall was old only in name and site, it having been built\\nentirely anew after the fire, Rollins chapel and the medical\\nbuilding had been enlarged. Chandler Hall had been remodelled\\nand enlarged, and the interior of the Observatory, the gymna-\\nsium, the Inn and Culver Hall had been remodelled. To these\\nfifteen buildings twenty more were added, besides more than a\\ndozen houses in the village, built or bought for residential pur-\\nposes. Five of these twenty were houses bought and altered\\nand enlarged for occupancy by students, and fifteen were wholly\\nnew.^ Thirteen of them were dormitories, one was a dormitory\\nand commons hall combined, four were recitation halls or labora-\\ntories, one was an auditorium and one was a heating and lighting\\nplant. In keeping with this enlargement the invested trust\\nfunds of the college rose from $1,028,929.87 in 1892 to $2,871,-\\n640.61 in 1909, and the additional value of the plant was $1,318,-\\n128.06.\\nThe moral estimate of Dr. Tucker s administration must be\\nleft mainly to the perspective of the future. Yet it can now\\nbe said that the high ideal of life and conduct, which he steadily\\nand successfully set before the college, resulted in a better morale,\\nbetter conduct and better manners, and in general in a more\\nself-respecting mode of college life, but the true measure of the\\ninfluences that were dominant during his administration can\\nbe taken only when those, whose college days were passed under\\nthem, have had time to show in the duties of responsible man-\\n1 The five were Sanborn, Crosby, Hubbard (afterward removed to give place to the Park-\\nhurst Administration building), Elm and Proctor Houses.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0562.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "1 893-1909] Administration of President Tucker. 505\\nhood how lasting was the impression which they then received,\\nand how loyal they themselves have continued to be toward\\nthe College and the ideals there set before them. Beyond the\\neffect on individuals that measure will also take into consider-\\nation the influence that formed the alumni into a highly organ-\\nized body, enthusiastically loyal to the College and devoted\\nto its advancement, and an administration that found the\\nCollege small and made it large, that found it weak and made it\\nstrong, and that brought its divergent parts into a united whole\\nand established it securely in the hearts of its alumni cannot\\nfail to hold a leading place in the great periods of its history.\\nThe long search of the Trustees for a successor to President\\nTucker was concluded in June of 1909 by the choice of Ernest\\nFox Nichols, Sc.D., professor of experimental physics in Colum-\\nbia University. Though not a graduate of the College, Professor\\nNichols was happily acquainted with it, for before going to\\nColumbia he had been professor of physics at Dartmouth for\\nfive years, from 1898 to 1903, where he not only did distinguished\\nwork as an experimenter in physics but highly commended\\nhimself as a teacher and a member of the Faculty. That he\\nwas willing to give up the position of an investigator, which\\nhad already brought him world-wide recognition and still opened\\ngreat opportunities for future success, and to take up the work\\nof an educator indicated how highly he estimated the value of\\nthat work, and inspired confidence that in his new position\\nhe would secure results equal to those of the position which he left.\\nEntering upon his new duties with the new college year he\\nwas inaugurated under the happiest auspices, October 10, 1909.\\nThe day was one of rare autumnal beauty and the great assembly,\\nconsisting of representatives of the leading educational insti-\\ntutions of the country and of the alumni associations of the\\nCollege and of other eminent men, made the occasion notable.\\nThe success of the first years of his administration, giving con-\\nfidence as well as hope for that which is to come, belongs to the\\npresent rather than to the past and must be left to some later\\nhistorian.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0563.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "SPECIAL TOPICS,\\nTHE COLLEGE LIBRARY.\\nWhile Wheelock s School remained in Connecticut a consider-\\nable number of books designed for the religious instruction of\\nits members was in the course of years gathered from various\\nsources. Many were sent from England and Scotland in 1764\\nand later by the trustees and patrons, among whom mention is\\nespecially made of Rev. Dr. A. Gifford of London, and the Society\\nfor the Diffusion of Christian Knowledge among the Poor. Some\\nof these are still to be found. Many of them were primers and\\nBibles and text books in theology for the use of the Indian chil-\\ndren, now of course valuable only as curiosities.\\nIn 1770 Theodore Atkinson, Senior, gave \u00c2\u00a3100 sterling for\\nthe library and hinted that he would do something more in his\\nwill, but the first considerable addition made to it after the es-\\ntablishment of the College came in 1772 by the will of Rev.\\nDiodate Johnson of Millington, Ct., who gave to the College his\\nlibrary, besides a generous sum of money for general purposes.\\nIn May of that year. Professor, then tutor. Woodward being\\nlibrarian, the library of the College was housed in the southeast\\nchamber of his house (on the site of the house occupied at present\\nby the Graduates Club), and this arrangement was confirmed\\nby vote of the Board in August. There Dr. Belknap saw it in\\n1774, \u00c2\u00abind commended it, though not large, as containing some\\nvery good books; and there it remained until 1777, when. Pro-\\nfessor Woodward becoming immersed in politics and, doubtless,\\nunable to give attention to the library, the Trustees authorized\\nits removal to some proper place in the College, and the appoint-\\nment of a librarian by the President with the advice of the tutors.\\nIt was placed in the second story of the Old College, at the south-\\neast corner of the Green, in the second room from the north end,\\nlooking out to the east. From certain allusions we are led to\\ninfer that Dr. Wheelock s library, which was of considerable\\nmagnitude, was deposited in the same room, on distinct shelves,\\nand it would seem probable that with clerical assistance, as in\\nother branches, he personally directed the administration of\\nit until his death in 1779.\\n506", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0564.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "The Library. 507\\nProfessor Smith was then regularly appointed librarian, and\\nin connection with the general codification that occurred the\\nlibrary regulations also were reduced to form. The use of the\\nlibrary was restricted to the officers and students of the college\\nand resident graduates.\\nIn 1783 the library was, for some reason (perhaps the ruinous\\nstate of the old building), removed to President John Wheelock s\\nhouse; and in connection with the plans for the new college\\nbuilding, in 1784, it was earnestly hoped to secure another build-\\ning expressly for the library and apparatus, to stand northwest\\nof Dartmouth Hall, corresponding to the position of the chapel\\n(built in 1790) at the south. But nothing was accomplished\\nbeyond instructing Professor Woodward, who was then master\\nbuilder, to see what could be done, and to build it when means\\ncould be obtained. As soon as Dartmouth Hall was in condi-\\ntion for it, probably not before 1791 (though voted in 1790),\\nthe library was arranged in a narrow room in the second story\\nof the front projection, extending over the middle of the build-\\ning, afterward taken into the chapel. The books were hastily\\nremoved to the President s on the occasion of the fire in 1798,\\nbut immediately returned and there remained until Dartmouth\\nHall was remodelled in 1 828-1 829. The books were then trans-\\nferred to a large room on the lower floor extending quite across\\nthe north end of the building.\\nThe system of library charges had become so odious at this\\nperiod that it was common pastime to abuse the books by\\nthrowing them down stairs, and by other indignities. It was sar-\\ncastically allowed by the students as a point gained for the au-\\nthorities that the books were by this move got down stairs in a\\nbody rather than piecemeal according to the other fashion.\\nIn 1840, on the completion of Reed Hall, the library was lo-\\ncated in the eastern half of the second story of that building,\\nwhere it remained until the erection of Wilson Hall in 1885.\\nFor the support of the library the students were charged at\\nthe first according to the use each one made of it. The rates\\nestablished in 1774 (already given in the laws), based upon the\\nnumber and kind of books taken from the library, were replaced\\nin 1793 by a stated charge of two shillings a quarter ($1.33 P^r\\nyear) upon each student, increased to $1.50 a year in 1802, and\\nto $2 in 1819, and reduced to $1 in 1825. In 1828 a return was\\nmade to the old system, with a rate of ten cents for each folio,\\neight cents for a quarto, six cents for an octavo and four cents", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0565.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "5o8 History of Dartmouth College.\\nfor a duodecimo. These rates remained nominally unchanged\\nuntil about 1855, when all special exactions on account of the\\nlibrary (and some other things equally odious) disappeared into\\nthe general tuition charge.\\nDuring the earlier years the annual product of these charges\\nwas considerable. By the vote of 1793 (in force certainly until\\n1820) one quarter of the proceeds was given to the librarian for\\nthe services of himself and an assistant whom he was permitted\\nto employ, and the remaining three fourths were appropriated\\nfor the enlargement of the library. During Professor Smith s\\nadministration, from 1779 to 1 809, the annual amount was\\nfrom \u00c2\u00a340 to \u00c2\u00a360 ($130 to $200) and afterwards sometimes\\ngreater still.\\nProfessor Smith himself kept, with the aid of his wife, a book\\nstore in his house, and was enabled thus to purchase for the\\nCollege at favorable discounts, which one sees always faithfully\\ncredited. He made journeys on horseback to Boston to make\\nthese purchases, one being specially noticed in January, 1795,\\nwhen he made that trip and spent three days in Boston upon\\ncollege business at a total cost to the College of \u00c2\u00a31-6-0. In 1796\\nthe library took a chance in the college lottery, first class, but\\nlike other adventurers in that field drew a blank, and we do not\\nfind the attempt repeated. The library was opened in 1793 to\\nthe two upper classes on Monday, and to the others on Tuesday,\\nof each week from one o clock to two. In 1796 the arrangement\\nwas changed so as to admit seniors and sophomores on Mondays,\\nalternately, and the juniors and freshmen on the corresponding\\nTuesdays, between the hours of two and three. No more than\\nfive were admitted to the library chamber at once, and no one\\nwas permitted to handle a book except by permission from the\\nlibrarian.\\nThese hours remained unchanged until 1828, when the hours\\nwere reduced to one day in the week, and the librarian s salary\\nfrom $50 to $25, but in 1849 the library was ordered opened\\nweekly at the same hours as before, to the seniors on Monday,\\nto the juniors on Tuesday, to the sophomores on Wednesday\\nand to the freshmen on Friday, But long before this, on account\\nof the growth of the society libraries, together with the anti-\\nquated character of much of the college library, and of the rules\\ngoverning its use, there had ceased to be any general use of the\\ncollege library by the students. During all this period the limit\\nof time for retaining books, fixed in 1796, remained unchanged,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0566.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0567.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0568.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "The Library. 509\\nviz., two weeks for any book except a folio or quarto, for which\\nfour weeks were allowed.\\nFrom a manuscript catalogue of 1775 we learn that the library\\nthen contained 75 folios, 40 quartos, 112 large octavos and 80\\nsmall octavos, an aggregate of 305 volumes, besides a large num-\\nber of duplicates, including Bibles and Testaments in French\\nand English, hymn books and school text books, of some as\\nmany as fifty each. After the Revolution additions began to\\ncome in from without. Thus in 1783 books were given by Dr.\\nOliver, and a polyglot Bible by Rev. J. Murray of Newbury-\\nport. The expenditure of the legacy of \u00c2\u00a3100 for books from\\nTheodore Atkinson, in 1784, was entrusted to Dr. Rose of London.\\nIn 1788 Rev. Mr. Homer of Newton gave St. Athanasius s works\\nin two volumes folio, and Harwood s Classicks octavo. In\\n1795 James Hughes gave Chambers Dictionary, and in 1796\\na donation came from Dr. Waterhouse. In 1799 a considerable\\nnumber of books was given by Moses Fiske, late tutor and editor\\nof the village paper. In 1800 Rev. Mr. Bonner gave \u00c2\u00a350, and\\nin 1803 Noah Webster received thanks for the gift of the Specta-\\ntor, referring, I suppose, to the New York newspaper of that name\\nwhich began to arrive in 1799. In 1805 Caleb Brigham and\\nElisha Ticknor gave each \u00c2\u00a3100 in books, and obtained as many\\nmore from other persons in Boston, and in 1807 Joel Barlow\\npresented a copy of his Columbiad.\\nA manuscript catalogue was prepared in 1802 by Cyrus Perkins\\nwhich involved the purchase of a half quire of paper, but it\\nis not now extant. The first printed catalogue was issued by\\ndirection of the Board in 1809, immediately after the death of\\nProfessor Smith, by his successor Professor John Hubbard.\\nIt was printed in Hanover by Spear at a cost of $30. Therein\\nare set down 2,900 volumes, nearly 1,000, however, being dupli-\\ncates of the character already indicated, of which 262 were\\nadapted to children.\\nIn 181 7 the library was seized by the University party and\\ndetained two years. During this period it not only made no\\ngrowth but suffered loss. The library taxes collected by the\\nCollege (in all about $400) were not of course expended upon\\nit, as the money was more urgently needed for another purpose,\\nand the University, still more embarrassed, was not in a condi-\\ntion to do any thing for it.\\nOne considerable donation was made to the library during\\nthis period by Thomas Walcott, Esq., of Boston, the same who", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0569.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "510 History of Dartmouth College.\\nwas in his boyhood a protege of Wheelock and scholar in the\\nMoor s School here. The donation consisted of 450 volumes,\\nof considerable value, including the better part of a collection\\nof antiquities which he had been long gathering, among them\\nbeing a folio Latin Testament printed in 1487.^ But these books\\nwere given on a pledge of secrecy as to the name of the donor,\\nand upon the condition that they should be returned to him\\nin case the University should be ruled out by the courts. Im-\\nmediately upon the happening of that event in 1819, President\\nAllen with Mr. Walcott s consent, removed the books from the\\nlibrary before its surrender, and in January, 1820, took them\\nwith him to Bowdoin College, where they fill one of the most\\nvaluable alcoves in the library. The only other additions made\\nto the library under the University were the Poems of Ossian\\ngiven by Professor Carter, and four or five other volumes pur-\\nchased, all of which were removed before the library was given\\nup-\\nWhile the University was still in possession, in order to lay\\na foundation for one of the subsidiary actions which it was\\ndeemed necessary in 1818 to begin, so that the case might be\\npresented to the Courts in all its aspects, efforts were made to\\nnegotiate a sale of the library to Andover Theological Seminary,\\nand elsewhere, and in that connection ostensible reasons for\\nwishing to part with it were assigned, such as that many of\\nthe books were ancient, injured and defaced and not suited to\\nthe existing needs, but we may readily believe that the case\\nwas not so bad that in other circumstances a sale would have\\nbeen thought of. The price demanded was $2,100, but a pur-\\nchaser could not be found willing to incur the annoyance of a\\ncontest over the title, and the plan failed. As soon as the library\\nwas restored to the ancient jurisdiction it was made the recipient\\nof a handsome addition of 470 volumes from Isaiah Thomas,\\nthe eminent publisher of Worcester, Mass., who had been for\\nmany years an earnest friend. These books bear a special label.\\nThe library when recovered by the College was found to\\nhave suffered much, not only from injury and defacement of\\nthe books but from the loss of several hundred volumes, so that\\nin 1820, with the addition of Mr. Thomas s donation, the num-\\nbers were no greater than they were in 1815, but by 1822,\\nthrough the purchase of books, $400 having been appropriated\\nfor classical works, and many having come by gift (Judge Story\\nN. H. Register, 1819, p. 97.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0570.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "The Library. 511\\nbeing among the donors), the Hbrary was as large as that of the\\ntwo societies, but as many of the books were duplicates and\\nmany others were antiquated, it was of far less service.\\nIn 1828 thanks were given to Daniel Raymond for two volumes\\nof political economy. In 1830 President Lord, in acknowledg-\\ning to the Earl of Dartmouth the receipt of the portrait of his\\ngrandfather, spoke of the library as very deficient in works on\\nnatural science and English literature. The Earl replied in\\n1 83 1 saying that he had in his library a cyclopaedia which his\\ngrandfather had intended to give to the College, now of course\\nout of date, and offered to send in its place other books such as\\nthe President would suggest. He was told that anything in the\\ndepartment of natural science would be acceptable, but I find\\nno evidence that anything came of it.\\nIn 1 83 1 $1,000 were appropriated for the increase of the library,\\nmostly in foreign books, purchased of Mr. Rich in London. In\\n1838 $2,000 were expended in medical books, mostly foreign,\\nfor the library, of which sum $1,000 was a private donation of\\nDoctors Mussey and Oliver, and the remainder derived from\\nmatriculation fees since 1831.\\nIn 1846 Professors Haddock and Young, a committee of the\\nFaculty, at the desire of the Board reported upon the condition\\nof the library that it was deficient in every branch of learn-\\ning. They estimated that no less than $10,000 would be needed\\nto place us upon a standing, in reference to books, correspond-\\ning with our position in other respects when compared with\\nsimilar institutions. It was in this year that Messrs. Joel,\\nEdmund, and Isaac Parker gave $1,000 to the library, to which\\nMr. Isaac Parker added $500 in 1859. In 1850 the Faculty,\\nthrough Professors Haddock and Brown, made to the Board a\\nspecial representation of the unsatisfactory condition of the\\ncollege library, and urged some systematic effort toward im-\\nprovement. The books were unclassified and hard to find, and\\nmany valuable sets were mutilated and incomplete, and the\\nwhole in every department far short of the collections to be\\nfound at even our second and third rate institutions.\\nThis deplorable state of affairs was somewhat relieved by the\\ngifts of Dr. Shattuck and Professor Shurtleff in 1852, which,\\nas we have earlier seen, were expended in Europe by Professor\\nYoung, who went there in the following year to purchase books\\nand apparatus. His report shows that $4,000 were committed\\nto him for books, of which $3,750 were spent for books and", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0571.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "512 History of Dartmouth College.\\nbinding (the balance going for freight and expense), distributed\\namong several departments in the following shares: astronomy\\nand natural philosophy $940, Latin $840, intellectual philosophy\\n$550, mathematics $180, chemistry $100, and English literature\\n$1,140.\\nSeventeen years elapsed before any further gift of importance\\ncame to the library, for though a residuary bequest, including\\na portion of his library, was made by Henry Bond of Philadel-\\nphia in 1859, it was forty years before it became available. In\\n1869 Senator Grimes, in making a gift of $5,000 to the College,\\nassigned $1,000 of it for the library, and in the same year Miss\\nMary C. Bryant of Boston, in memory of her grandfather. Pro-\\nfessor John Smith, so prominent in the early days of the College,\\ngave $6,000 in bonds, which, as they depreciated in value, she\\nsubsequently replaced by $5,000 in cash, as a fund whose income\\nshould be used in the purchase of books and an alcove devoted\\nto them. A fund of $5,000 was established in 1883 by the legacy\\nof Hon, George G. Fogg of Concord, N. H., and one of $6,000\\nin 1898 by the legacy of Mrs. Charlotte M. Haven of Ports-\\nmouth, N. H. In 1899 the reversion of the Bond legacy fell\\nin, amounting to over $12,000, and two years later Mrs. Susan A.\\nBrown of Hanover left $10,000, subject to an annuity, to estab-\\nlish a special library fund to be known as the Roswell ShurtlefT\\nMemorial fund.\\nBy the will of Mellen Chamberlain of Chelsea, Mass., of the\\nclass of 1844, who died June 25, 1900, the College was given his\\nlibrary and a fund for the library amounting to $2,700. In 1905\\nMrs. Addie E. Kenerson of Boston gave, in memory of her hus-\\nband, A. H. Kenerson of the class of 1876, $3,000 as a fund, of\\nwhich the income was to be spent in the purchase of unusual\\nand rare books. The general library fund was increased by a\\nbequest in 1910 of $1,000 by Rev. Edmund F. Slafter of the class\\nof 1840, but the next year witnessed the largest addition to the\\nsupport of the library in the completion of the Parker fund.\\nThe terms of the will of Judge Joel Parker and of the settlement\\nof his estate by agreement with his heirs have been heretofore\\ngiven. The property, assigned for the benefit of the library by\\nthat settlement, became available in 191 1 and with its accumula-\\ntions raised the Parker fund to $37-500, making the total funds\\nfor library use at that time about $83,000.\\nThe account of the removal of the library to Reed Hall in\\n1840 and from there to Wilson Hall in 1885 and of the union", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0572.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "The Library 513\\nof the libraries of the literary societies with that of the College\\nunder the management of the Trustees in 1874, and of the ab-\\nsorption of those libraries by the College in 1903 has been else-\\nwhere given, Down to 1874 the librarian was always a member\\nof the Faculty who added the oversight of the library to his\\nother duties, and received a small stipend for it. In that year,\\non the union of the libraries, Mr. C. W. Scott, who was largely\\nresponsible for the change, became librarian and gave his whole\\ntime to the administration of the library. After four years the\\noffice was given to Louis Pollens, who was also professor of\\nFrench. During eight years his ardent love of good literature,\\nhis knowledge of books and his efficiency of administration made\\nthemselves manifest in the development of the library and in\\nthe rapid increase of its usefulness. In 1886 he was taken from\\nthe library to become the head of the combined departments\\nof French and German, and the Rev. Marvin D. Bisbee was ap-\\npointed in his place and remained at the head of the library for\\ntwenty-four years.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0573.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "514 History of Dartmouth College.\\nTHE LITERARY SOCIETIES AND THE\\nFRATERNITIES.\\nNo mention has come down to us of any students society\\nexisting in the College during the life of the first Wheelock. The\\natmosphere of the time was hardly suited to the freedom from\\nrestraint which the existence of such a society would imply,\\nespecially if it affected secrecy. During the decade which fol-\\nlowed three great societies grew up, which dominated the life\\nof the College for more than two generations. The idea of a so-\\nciety of this kind first appears here, in practice, some four years\\nafter the death of the first President, and (what may or may not\\nbe significant) during the long absence of his successor in Europe,\\nwhile the reins of government rested in the hands of the genial\\nand kindly Professor Woodward.\\nThe Society of Social Friends was the first to be formed in\\n1783. Owing to the entire loss of its records for the first ten\\nyears, it is impossible to ascertain the particulars of its origin.\\nThat it was formed with the tacit or active assent of the college\\noflficers then on the ground is unquestionable, and we hear noth-\\ning of disapprobation from the President on his return. One\\ncan but imagine that the idea of the society may have been\\nderived from the Linonian, then thirty years old at Yale. A\\nrival, denominated the United Fraternity, was organized some\\ntime in the summer of 1786, by nineteen undergraduates.* This\\nwas no doubt an offshoot from the other, induced by some jeal-\\nousy of the nature of which, however, we have at this day no\\nhint.\\nIts existing records, down to November, 1787, are mere copies\\nfrom pre-existing memoranda; the constitution bears date\\nAugust 29, 1786, and the earliest record informs us that the first\\npublic meeting of the Fraternity was held that day, at which\\ntime, the Society being convened, an oration was exhibited by\\nElihu Palmer, and Peter Roots was initiated as a member of\\ns*^ Society. The next week there was also an oration, and\\nMessrs. Nash, Palmer, Smith and Storrs were appointed a com-\\nmittee to procure a library, and we cannot doubt that this was\\nElihu Palmer of the class of 1787. ten of the class of 1788, viz., Oliver Ayer, B. C. Curtis,\\nE. Dudley, J. Huse, A. Hyde, J. Montague, A. Parish, C. Smith, W. Storrs and J. Wilder, and\\neight of the class of 1789, viz., John Bush, M. Chittenden, J. K. Guarnsey, M. Morey. J. Nash,\\nT. Smith, J. W. Thompson and J. West.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0574.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 515\\na feature already of the Social Friends. It appears to have been\\nin both at first merely an incident to the primary objects of the\\nassociation, which were literary composition, oratory and de-\\nbate, but from the force of circumstances it soon grew to be in\\nboth the central point of existence, and at last the only element\\nof life.\\nMembership in both was originally open, by election, to persons\\nin any undergraduate class. Indeed, it was not by the consti-\\ntutions restricted even to members of college. Students of med-\\nicine and of law and other persons were occasionally admitted,^\\nbut members of either of the societies were not eligible to the\\nother. Absolute unanimity of election was not required, though\\nthree to seven might interpose a qualified negative.\\nThe struggle for members in the lower classes became so violent\\nthat articles respecting the initiation of members were at length\\nframed by a joint committee, accepted by the societies, and\\nformally ratified at a joint assembly held in the chapel August\\n21, 1790. Additional regulations were agreed on in the course\\nof the same college year for a joint administration of the libraries,\\nwhereby the books of both societies were brought together into\\na Federal Library, open to all. It was agreed that in order\\nfor the convenient keeping of the library a bookcase be procured\\nat the joint expense of both societies.\\nThe librarians were to attend weekly on Saturday from two\\nto three o clock; earlier the hours had been from five to seven.\\nThe regulations though few and crude were in general tenor\\nsimilar to those of modern times. Except by seniors, who could\\ntake two books, only one book could in general be taken at a\\ntime, but it could be retained two weeks. Failure duly to return\\nit involved a fine of sixpence a week, and damages done to books\\nwere charged for at the discretion of the librarian, while non-\\npayment of fines debarred one from library privileges, and, if\\npersisted in, subjected one to expulsion.\\nThese two societies were purely local in character, and never\\nsought relations with any similar bodies elsewhere. But in the\\nsummer of 1787 there was added a third, the Phi Beta Kappa,\\nhaving the same objects and methods of literary and forensic\\nimprovement, but different from the others in being avowedly\\na branch or chapter of a foreign organization, and in having\\n1 In 182s the Socials refused to receive medical students. The Praters at the same period\\nto avoid imposition, excluded all medical students except those who had graduated from\\nthe College. In i8s3 both Societies after some hesitation, declined to admit students of the\\nScientific Department.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0575.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "5i6 History of Dartmouth College.\\nno library. The two elder societies were inclined at first to re-\\ngard it with distrust, but seeing that its membership was lim.ited\\nin number and drawn exclusively from the two upper classes\\nmainly on the basis of scholarship, they agreed, after some\\nhesitation, in declaring its membership to be not incompatible\\nwith their own. An account of this society is given farther on.\\nThe articles regulating selection of members by the Socials\\nand Fraters proving defective, and not answering their original\\ndesign, which was to preserve the strictest equality, they\\nwere reformed, August, 1793, in fifteen articles. It was provided\\nthat neither society should admit more than half of any class;\\nthat all the classes should be enumerated on the fourth Monday\\nafter the fall vacation by a standing joint committee; and that\\nfreshmen should not be admitted into either society until after\\nthe enumeration, with other details intended to preserve at all\\ntimes an equality of numbers. The agreement was to remain\\nin force until repealed by a majority of each society, and upon\\nany violation of it a forfeit of \u00c2\u00a318 was demanded, to be appro-\\npriated to enlarge the federal library. In 1796 it was further\\nagreed that no candidate should be solicited in behalf of either\\nsociety except by joint committees from both who should convey\\nthe invitations together. In April, 1799, the articles were\\nagain revised, but in October of the same year, in consequence\\nof violations of the agreement in electioneering, etc., they were\\nby mutual consent totally abrogated and the federal library\\nwas divided. The result was an unusual rivalry, which before\\nthe end of the year made each librar larger than the united\\nlibrary had been before.^\\nThenceforth the library of each was kept separately in the\\nstudy room of some member. That of the Socials was kept in\\nthe southwest corner room of Dartmouth Hall, second story,\\nthen distinguished as No. i, middle section. In 1805 the College\\nallowed the societies to fit up two small rooms out of the unoc-\\ncupied spaceways on the second floor of that building, to be\\nesclusively devoted to their books. The Socials received the\\nspace over the southwest front entrance, adjoining the room\\nwhere their books were then kept; and the Fraters, the corres-\\nponding space over the northwest entrance. These rooms had\\neach a window, but were little more than large closets. Books\\nwere delivered through a half door opening waist-high into the\\nentry, and students wishing to inspect the books on the shelves\\nThe Dartmouth, 1872. P- 402.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0576.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 517\\nwere admitted two or three at a time, according to special regu-\\nlations governing the privilege. In 18 10 the Socials voted to allow\\nno more than two students at a time to enter their room. Shelv-\\ning was the same year ordered for the south side of it and a cur-\\ntain for the window. It was here that the libraries were kept\\nat the time of the excitement of 18 17. The year 1825 brought\\na great increase of interest in the libraries. The sophomore\\nmembers of the Social Friends, among whom were Alpheus\\nCrosby and Charles D. Cleveland, obtained from the Faculty\\nthe room adjoining their library on the north and furnished it\\nas a reference room for classical study, which they called the\\nPhilological room the object being to procure the best\\naids to a critical study of the Greek and Latin classics. For\\nthis the members taxed themselves to the utmost of their means.\\nThe books were procured in the fall of 1824, and placed in this\\nroom in the following spring. As soon as the room was opened\\nit was largely resorted to, and a new impetus given to study.\\nIt was at first in charge of a member of the class who occupied\\nit. In 1826 it was regularly accepted as an enlargement of the\\nSocial Friends library, and used as a reference and reading\\nroom.\\nThe Fraters, not to be outdone, obtained at about the same\\ntime for a reading room, the room adjoining their library toward\\nthe south which they called their Athenaeum. The vote to\\nestablish it was passed in April, 1825. In 1826 this and the lib-\\nrary room were thrown together. With this new life and expan-\\nsion came the need of greater stability, and acts of incorporation\\nwere obtained by the Socials in 1826, and by the Fraters in 1827.\\nEach had then about 3,000 volumes. In 1828 rooms were al-\\nlowed by the College to the librarians, and the library of the\\nSocials increased so much that in 1831 they ordered their libra-\\nrian s room to be taken into the library, which seems at that time\\nto have extended quite across the south end of Dartmouth Hall\\non that floor. In October of that year this Society ordered\\ninsurance to be effected, and eight large baskets to be prepared\\nfor the removal of the books in case of fire. The libraries re-\\nmained in these rooms until their removal to Reed Hall on its\\ncompletion at Commencement in 1840. There they found\\nquarters comparatively palatial, filling the west half of the\\nsecond floor, where they had the same relative position as before,\\nthe Socials having the southern section and the Fraters the north-\\n1 Crosby Memorial, etc., p. 21.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0577.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "51 8 History of Dartmotith College.\\nern. The eastern half of the floor was devoted to the College\\nlibrary, the three together then numbering 15,000 volumes.\\nThe reading rooms were of course removed with their respective\\nlibraries to Reed Hall, but, being found inconvenient there,\\nthe College in 1843 appropriated the west junior recitation\\nroom in Dartmouth Hall (understood to be the southwest\\ncorner, lower fioor) to the joint use of the societies for that\\npurpose, but they tired of the additional burden and in 1845\\ngave it up to an Athenaeum Company, which itself soon died\\nout. Notwithstanding abrogation of the federal relations in\\nI799\u00c2\u00bb a mutual interchange of library privileges, so evidently\\nadvantageous to all parties, was generally enjoyed, more and\\nmore fully as the lapse of years softened old animosities and\\nrivalries.\\nThe earliest regulations of the Fraternity library provided\\nthat folios and Guthrie s history in quarto might be retained\\nthree weeks; quartos and Blair s lectures in folio, two weeks;\\noctavos and pamphlets, one week; members could take at one\\ntime no more than one bound volume and a pamphlet, and no\\none was permitted to take a book for any person not a member\\nof the Society, unless for a member of the Faculty. Viola-\\ntions of these rules were punished by deprivation of library\\nprivileges (in later years called a veto and by fines. Modern\\nregulations have been little more than an expansion of this\\ngerm.\\nThe Fraternity library in July, 1787, comprised thirty-four\\nvolumes of books and twenty-three of magazines Blair s\\nlectures, 2 vols.; Sheridan s dictionary, i vol.; Sheridan s lec-\\ntures, I vol.; Guthrie s history, 13 vols.; Gibbon s history, 6\\nvols.; Robertson s history, 3 vols.; Moore s Views in France,\\n2 vols.; Moore s Views in Italy, 2 vols.; Citizen of the World,\\n2 vols.; Persian Letters, 2 vols. Besides donations, the enlarge-\\nment and preservation of the library were secured by an initia-\\ntion fee of twelve shillings, which was gradually increased until\\nit amounted in modern times to five dollars.\\nThe societies were early subject to internal dissensions that\\nrepeatedly threatened their existence. The Socials, as it happened,\\nwere the chief sufferers. In an outbreak of this spirit in June,\\n1793, their constitution and early records were stolen and wholly\\ndestroyed. The constitution was at once reproduced as nearly\\nas possible from recollection by juniors Riddle, Bailey and Spar-\\ni U. F. Records, July lo, 1787.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0578.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 519\\nhawk. In 1795 committees were appointed to make up anew\\nthe record of the members, and of the early history of the so-\\nciety, and to draft an account of these disturbances, but of the\\nresult of their labors nothing now remains but a fragment of\\nreport of the latter committee.\\nIt informs us that the causes of the commotion were both internal and\\nexternal that a general spirit of revolution pervaded the members of\\ncollege, the heads of most teemed with new projects. Here you might see\\ntwo or three in deep consultation, there walked others no less zealous, and in\\ntheir own apprehension plotting profoundly, within the Society reigned cold-\\nness and distrust. Exercises were ill performed, a multiplicity of excuses for\\nneglect were invented, and discipline was attempted. It happened that\\nseveral juniors, members of the Society, received invitations to join the Phi\\nBeta Kappa, the rage of a considerable part of College became if possible\\ngreater than ever, their enmity against the Phi Beta Kappa was transferred to\\nsocieties in general. As soon as the initiation of these was performed, what\\nwas before shown as transient gleams and sudden flashes, was now like a torrent\\nof fire from the top of Etna. The occupants of the room which contained the\\nsacred deposit were absent; their room was entered; the constitution and\\nrecords of the Society were taken. The deed was soon known. The discon-\\ntented now shouted on all sides, they thought the ruin complete. The\\nofficers of College interposed, but what could be done equivocation and\\nfalsehood made a prominent feature in the character of those who were called\\non to give evidence.\\nSome members were arraigned before the Society and after\\nexamination at several meetings five were expelled. Six others\\nwere dismissed with their own consent. The United Fraternity\\nalso, in June, expelled five of its members for using their en-\\ndeavors to overthrow that Society by various scandalous and\\nperfidious methods. Mr. Dewey, in a published column of\\nreminiscences, gives an account of the manner in which they were\\nfoiled.^ He says that there was at this time in College a clique of\\nabout a dozen exceptionally dissipated and reckless boys, sons of\\nwealthy and prominent parents, that were constantly in some des-\\nperate plot and clung firmly together. They wished to break up\\nall the societies in College. Their plan with the Praters was to\\nstation themselves close to the secretary s desk at the time of\\nmeeting and at a signal to make a rush and seize the constitution\\nand records and carry them off and destroy them. The secre-\\ntary suspecting some violence slipped the book unperceived\\nunder his coat and making an excuse for a moment s absence\\nhastened to deposit it with one of the professors, with whom\\nit remained more than three months,\\n1 W. W. Dewey in Parent s Monitor, March, 1850, a paper published in Hanover.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0579.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "520 History of Dartmouth College.\\nIn 1799 there was renewed agitation directed against secret\\nsocieties in general. As to freemasonry the Board of Trust\\ndeclared itself in a decree that any student becoming a mason\\nshould thereby cease to be a member of College. Ten years\\nafter the first disturbance, in May, 1803, like scenes were enacted.\\nThe constitution of the Social Friends was once more stolen,\\nand had again to be drafted from memory, as nearly resembling\\nthe lost one as recollection could dictate, by Thomas A. Merrill\\nand seniors Joseph A. Marshall and Thaddeus Osgood.^ Two\\nmembers were expelled, and the secretary (Paul Tenney), from\\nwhose room the records were taken, fell under suspicion, and\\nnarrowly escaped a similar fate. The new constitution besides\\nthe affirmation of secrecy was reinforced with the following\\nobligation: We the subscribers solemnly promise that we will\\nnever unite ourselves with any association whose interests are\\nin any way incompatible with the interests of the Society of\\nSocial Friends, and that we will never enter into any combina-\\ntion for its abolition or its division, its union, or the union of\\nits property, with any other Society. Several refused to sub-\\nscribe to this and were, in consequence, suspended from mem-\\nbership, but in the course of a few weeks most of these returned\\nto their allegiance.\\nThe United Fraternity was at this time involved in difficulties\\nmore deeply than before, though its records were again saved.\\nEzekiel Webster, a member of the junior class, gives this account\\nof it to his brother, Daniel, May 28:\\nDear Daniel, In my last letter (May 21) I informed you that a little\\naffair had taken place which so discomposed me that I had neither control\\nof my thoughts nor the command of my pen. The affair was nothing less\\nthan the discovery of a plot which had for its object the destruction of the\\nFraternity, and not merely the Fraternity, but the conspirators aimed at\\nthe abolition of every Society in College. With the secrecy of Jesuits they drew\\nup a paper to that effect, and used all their influence to procure signers, and\\nthey were but too successful. A solitary few, apparent rari nantes in gurgite\\nvasto, remained unshaken: but one in the Freshman class, one in the Sopho-\\nmore and three in mine, many of our best members however were absent.\\nBy a little exertion we procured more than a fourth, a number sufficient to\\nprevent the alteration of any article in the constitution. The conspirators\\nThese were all members of the Phi Beta Kappa, of which Merrill was vice-president, and\\nMarshall, secretary. The records of that society show that on May 23 a special meeting was\\ncalled by the order of the president, the present interest of the Alpha of N.H. rendering it\\nnecessary, and these three gentlemen with F. Hall, B. Kimball, R. D. Mussey, A. Peabody,\\nG. C. Shattuck, S. Farley, S. Gile and A. Greeley, all Socials and some of them initiated but\\nfour days before, received at their own request an honorable dismissal, and on June a were by\\nunanimous vote restored to their membership.\\n2 Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. I, p. 138.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0580.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0581.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "SOCIAL FRIENDS.\\nCXITED FRATERNITY.\\n.ITERARV .XDEI.IMII.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0582.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 521\\ndriven to despair by this measure, and conscious of possessing a large majority,\\nmade an effort to expel those members who were opposed to them and then\\nthey could alter the constitution or destroy it at their pleasure. Seaver was\\ndesignated as the first victim of their cursed policy, but the attempt failed\\nand we are yet members. I am sorry to tell you that every fellow from Salis-\\nbury but myself enlisted under the banner of the conspirators. This\\nconspiracy I believe is unparalleled. If it has a parallel it is the con-\\nspiracy of the Pazzi against Lorenzo the Magnificent. It is not like Catiline s,\\nfor Catiline himself was a saint compared with some of the fellows who plotted\\nthis scheme.\\nOwing to these double disasters it is impossible now to name\\nthe foundation members of the Social Friends, or to determine\\nthe original form of its constitution, which is said to have been\\nwritten in cypher. From extrinsic sources we learn that the\\nlatter was very crude and imperfect, that there was no provi-\\nsion for clerk or treasurer, no stated time of meeting, and that\\nthe function of president was to be exercised by the members in\\nrotation in alphabetical order. These defects were of course\\nsoon remedied. The draft of 1803, though characterized by\\ngreater brevity and simplicity than that of the Fraters, is still\\nclear and complete. In addition to other usual officers both\\nsocieties from a very early date elected from the graduate mem-\\nbers near the College, generally from the Faculty, a primarius\\nor prime president, to whom reference was made in cases\\nof difficulty. The societies both e xacted a solemn pledge of\\nsecrecy. That of the Socials, in 1803, was as follows: You\\nsolemnly affirm you will never divulge anything respecting the\\nconstitution, the transactions, or any other seCrets of this Society,\\nSo help you God. The appeal to Deity was omitted in the\\nconstitution of 18 10. The affirmation exacted by the Fraternity\\nin its original form (1786) was to like effect but appealed simply\\nto the sacred ties of honor and friendship, and added a promise\\nnot to withdraw from the society without its unanimous consent,\\nor to unite with any other until legally dismissed. To this last\\ncondition the Phi Beta Kappa, as already noted, was soon after\\nits formation made an exception.\\nThe feature of secrecy died out by degrees. It had already\\nfallen into neglect, when from some special provocation in 1826\\nthe Socials ordered that any member divulging secrets should\\nbe expelled, and likewise if, knowing another to be guilty, he\\nrefused to expose him. In 1830 the penalty was reduced to a fine\\nof $5. In 1833 the Fraternity, upon a proposition to abolish\\nthe rule as useless, confined the obligation of secrecy to the sole", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0583.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "522 History of Dartmouth College.\\nparticulars of the meaning of the symbols on the medal, and\\nafter a preliminary vote October 25, 1836, the Socials abrogated,\\nSeptember 6, 1837, their rule altogether.\\nThe following extracts from the Fraternity s first constitution\\nshow how carefully it inculcated friendship and morality:\\nArt. 2d. We agree mutually to proffer our friendship to each other, and\\nengage as a firm, united and indissoluble fraternity to promote each other s\\nprosperity and welfare.\\nArt. 3d. That nothing immoral or profane, nothing that is detrimental\\nto friendship, benevolence or good order shall be countenanced by the Society.\\nArt. 4. If any member shall be found guilty of any indecent behavior, or\\nof any thing that is uncharacteristical of a gentleman he shall upon convic-\\ntion make immediate satisfaction to the Society or be expelled.\\nArt. 5. That each member shall at all times and places address and treat\\neach brother with that affability, complaisance and respect as shall be produc-\\ntive of peace, harmony and unanimity throughout the whole Society.\\nArt. 6. That it shall be a duty incumbent on every member of the Society\\nto promote and maintain the laws and order of this institution.\\nArt. 7. That all classical distinctions (so far as respects the Society) shall\\nentirely be eradicated from between the different classes when convened.\\nThe Socials declared in a word, that no person of immoral\\ncharacter shall be admitted, and in the draft of 1810 that\\nno spirituous liquors shall be purchased with the monies of\\nthe Society, or drunk in it.\\nFor a distinguishing badge each member of the societies was\\nprovided with a medal hung by a ribbon. That of the Socials\\nwas of silver, one and seven eighths inches long and one and three\\nsixteenths inches wide, while that of the Fraters was oval and\\nnot so large. The secret of the symbols is lost. These were\\nin common use from the very earliest period for about fifty years,\\nin later times they were disused. There were also secret signs\\nand a grip, now forgotten, and a cypher for correspondence too\\ncumbersome for use. The motto of the Socials was Sol Sapientiae\\nNunquam Occidet, that of the Fraters Amicitia Sit Sempiterna.\\nDiplomas were in early days given at graduation and upon\\nhonorable dismission. A plate was after a time engraved for\\nthe joint use of the societies, and parchment diplomas from it\\nwere in use certainly as late as 1840. Although the ordinary\\nadministration of the societies was in general in the hands of\\nthe undergraduates, graduated members have always been held\\nto retain the privileges of membership, and the right to vote\\nupon any matters relating to the general welfare of the society,\\nas was expressly determined in the critical periods of 1817.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0584.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 523\\nThe revised form of diploma established by the Social Friends\\nin 1796 was:\\nAmicorum Socialium\\nsocietas\\nOmnibus has litems perlecturis\\nAmicitiam et Salutem\\nNotum sit quod nobis placuit A.B. pro moribus probis, virtute*\\neruditione, ingenioque suo Sociali, hoc diploma conferre; et eum omnium\\nbonorum amicitiae et hospitiis praesertim Fratrum nostrorum commendare.\\nCuius Sigillum Societatis nomenque nostri primarii testimonio sint.\\nDatum ex Collegio Dartmuthensi anno Salutis humanae et Societatis\\ninstitutae.\\nThe stated meetings of the societies were held weekly during\\nterm time, that of the Praters from first to last on Tuesday, and\\nthat of the Socials on Wednesday, in the evening or afternoon.\\nThursdays belonged to the Phi Beta Kappa, Monday to the\\nTheological, and Priday to the Handel Society. The place was\\nat first, doubtless, in the old College Hall, but after its destruc-\\ntion in 1789 other quarters had to be found. We find the Frater-\\nnity in 1790 charging a committee with the duty of securing\\naccommodations for this purpose. In succeeding years we find\\noccasional mention by both of the place of meeting, generally\\nat Graves s (afterwards Alden s) hall, a room in the second story\\nof the building that stood where the Dartmouth Bookstore now is,\\nbut sometimes in the chapel. On June 24, 1800, the Fraternity\\nwas unable to hold its regular meeting, since the Masonic lodge\\nwas celebrating St. John s day and both halls in the village\\nwere occupied. In 18 12, it being found that the expense of\\nattending the meetings in the hall is exhorbitant, the govern-\\nment of College offered to the rival societies the use of the lecture\\nroom, to be fitted up at their expense and occupied by them free\\nof rent, as a Society Hall. This was the eastern room south\\nof the middle entry on the lower floor of Dartmouth Hall, just\\nthen vacated by the medical department on the completion of\\nits new building. To this, as numbers increased, was perhaps\\nadded the room adjoining it on the south and extending through\\nto the southern transverse passage. At all events when the\\nnorthern one of the two was absorbed into the chapel in the im-\\nprovements of 1 828-1 829 the societies were accommodated in\\nthe southern one until it was enlarged in 1836 at their solicitation\\nso as to extend quite across the building. This was the Society\\nHall of modern days, until about 1870 it was given up and ap-\\npropriated for the north Latin recitation room.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0585.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "524 History of Dartmouth College.\\nThe ordinary weekly meetings were designed primarily for\\nthe performance of literary exercises. The Fraternity constitu-\\ntion prescribed the exhibition of an oration and a dispute,\\nbesides occasional dialogues and declamations. That of the\\nSocials left the character of the exercises to be such as the society\\nshould think proper. While the number and character of the\\nexercises varied greatly in both societies from time to time, a\\ndebate and one or more orations seem to have been during all\\ntheir existence uniformly required. The questions of course\\ntook a wide range; among those early discussed by the Fraternity\\nmay be noted (July i, 1788), whether the time spent in studying\\nGreek (excepting the Testament) would not be spent more\\nprofitably in studying the French language? Another, May\\n24, 1 79 1, whether the Society known by the name of Phi Beta\\nKappa is advantageous to this University? The only restric-\\ntion in subjects that has been observed is a vote of the Socials,\\nOctober, 1827, excluding those of a theological character.\\nThe scheme that had been devised for preserving an equality\\nof members between the two rival societies was lamentably\\ndeficient. Indeed, after its abrogation in 1799, we do not know\\nthat any treaty existed for a considerable period, although\\nmatters came to such a pass that the college Faculty was obliged\\nto interfere. The state of things was thus rehearsed by a member\\nof one of the societies to his fellows:\\nShould any one ask what are those evils so much to be deprecated, I\\nwould beg leave to direct him to the degrading scenes of a fishing campaign.\\nLet him look on with an unprejudiced eye and he will witness practices that\\nstrike at the root of our social enjoyment, corrupt our morals and call into\\nexercise the vilest passions. Slander and personal abuse are indulged, without\\nbounds; the meanest arts of deception are practiced without shame. An-\\nother said: Private characters are often involved, the most bitter animosi-\\nties are created and an implacable hatred which attends them not only at\\nCollege but through life.\\nThis rivalry, which had existed in one way or another since\\nthe commencement of the societies, was now, as the Faculty\\njustly declared, causing extensive detriment to the College.\\nThey accordingly in October, 18 14, recommended and en-\\njoined a system of alphabetical assignment. To this the rival\\nsocieties objected as having a tendency to destroy that emula-\\ntion which is necessary for their improvement in literature,\\nand proposed other measures, directed to the same end, based\\nupon a prohibition of electioneering, but the Faculty adhered", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0586.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 525\\nto their resolution, and in November, 18 15, soon after the ac-\\ncession of President Brown, promulgated an amended set of rules:\\nThe students of College shall be assigned according to the odd or even\\nplaces which their names shall hold on an alphabetical list of the members\\nof each successive class, i. e. the first, third and fifth, etc. shall be assigned to\\none society; the second, fourth, sixth, etc. to the other. The assignment shall\\nbe made in the fall term on the first Monday of November. If any shall enter\\nafter this time, they shall take their places alphabetically at the foot of their\\nclass and shall be assigned in the manner above stated on the first Monday\\nof the ensuing May. In case of future additions of members they shall be\\nassigned in the same manner on the first Monday of November and May an-\\nnually. The individuals holding the odd or even places shall fall\\nto the Societies alternately during each year. Of the members thus assigned\\neach society may elect all or so many as it shall think proper, but neither\\nsociety shall elect any of those assigned to the other; nor shall any member\\nsolicit admission into the Society to which he shall not be assigned. It was\\nprovided however, that in case any individual should have a strong predilec-\\ntion for the Society to which he shall not be assigned he might be\\nreceived into that society after the lapse of one year, but neither society should\\never have in any class a greater number than that assigned to it.\\nThese last clauses v/ere found still to leave room for that\\ndetestable practice called fishing whereby the societies suffer\\nmuch degradation, and in November, 1825, the plan was so\\nfar modified, on motion of the societies themselves and with\\nthe approval of the Faculty, as to abrogate elections and make\\nthe assignments absolute, and to include all the students without\\nexception. No person refusing to join the society to which he\\nwas assigned could ever be admitted to the other, or have any\\nprivilege of either library, and no person dismissed or expelled\\nfrom either society could thereafter enjoy any privilege of either\\nlibrary. The first assignment in 1825 was determined by lot\\nand was to be enjoyed thereafter alternately.\\nThis system, with occasional friction, was enforced as long as\\nthe societies had any active life, and even after the societies\\npractically ceased to exist, assignments were still made, in order\\nto carry out the agreement between the College and the societies.\\nBesides their ordinary weekly meetings both of the societies\\nhad from the first stated anniversaries, commenced as a birthday\\ncelebration and annually observed for many years by public\\nexercises at Commencement. The first record we have is of an\\noration and an original tragic dialogue by the Fraternity, at\\nthe end of the first year of its existence, in the College Hall, on\\nTuesday, the day preceding Commencement, 1787. The next", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0587.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "526 History of Dartmouth College.\\nyear there was a dialogue by ten members of the Fraternity, an\\nepilogue and an oration. In 1790 they exhibited an original\\ndrama, entitled The French Revolution, which was printed\\nand publicly exhibited also at Windsor, Vt. The dramatic fea-\\nture was original with the Fraters, but the Socials, we know,\\ntook care not to be behind their rivals, though the record is\\nwanting until 1792, when they were on hand with an oration\\nand an entertaining comedy, at five and seven o clock on\\nMonday evening preceding Commencement. The same hours\\non Tuesday were appropriated to similar exercises by the Frater-\\nnity. This order was preserved for several years, but, the theatri-\\ncal performances being found to intensify the rivalry, it was\\nagreed in 1796 to discontinue the practice for two years, and\\nthereafter to give one another nine months* notice of any purpose\\nto revive it. In 1800 it was suspended sine die.\\nIn 1 81 1, however, upon a general change of arrangements,\\nthe practice was revived, the Fraternity exhibiting a tragedy\\nwritten by Nathaniel Wright, and the Socials another written\\nby Amos Kendall. These affording another opportunity for\\nrivalry, a dispute arose as to the right to occupy Tuesday even-\\ning, the Fraternity claiming it by prescription as having originated\\nthe fashion of dramatic exhibition and having from the first\\noccupied that evening, but for the sake of peace the Fraters on\\nthis occasion yielded. On both evenings the College edifice\\nwas illuminated which made a brilliant and enchanting appear-\\nance. The tragedies were performed before crowded houses\\nwith much applause. The societies were unable to agree for\\nthe future and, thereafter, the anniversary exercises of each were\\nconfined by the Faculty to an oration on Tuesday, in the order\\nof their seniority. Down to 1832 these orations were delivered\\nby members of the graduating class and, thereafter, by speakers\\nfrom abroad till 1837, when the societies united in having a\\nsingle orator. From 1874 till their dissolution the societies held\\ntheir public exercises but once in three years, and with one\\norator for the two societies.\\nDuring the College troubles of 1816-1819, the societies were\\ninvolved, as we have seen, in difficulty with the authorities of\\nthe University, but were able to preserve their organization\\nand their libraries without serious loss. All their bickerings\\nwere for the time swallowed up in a harmonious resistance to\\nthe common enemy.\\nAfter the rise of the Greek letter societies interest in the literary", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0588.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 527\\nexercises of the United Societies, subject before that to violent\\nfluctuations, fell into a permanent decline, though the weekly\\nmeetings were nominally held, and exercises ostensibly required\\ndown to the close of the year i860. In their decay as debating\\nclubs, the societies permitted at times a degree of license that\\nwas destructive of dignity and good order, though the records\\nare generally silent on that point. Sometimes we find in com-\\nparatively early times note of a question like this: Where\\ndoes the fire go, when it goes out?, and in 1828 a minute like\\nthis: The whole meeting was a scene of disorder and confusion.\\nScenes of this kind were not infrequent in the later years of\\nthe societies activity at initiations and especially at elections,\\nwhich were hotly contested, with all the arts of the politician,\\nbetween parties formed by combinations among the Greek\\nletter societies, whereby the whole College was kept in an up-\\nroar for a considerable period, and lasting animosities engendered.\\nLegal questions of great nicety often arose on these occasions.\\nFor example, at the spring election of the Fraternity in 1842,\\nTyler and Fessenden were the candidates for the presidency.\\nThe existing president, Akerman, declared Tyler elected by ruling\\nout as illegal some of the votes that had been cast for one who\\nwas ineligible to office. A tremendous excitement arose and\\nthe question was finally determined by a solemn reference to\\nHon. Charles Marsh, and Judge Coolidge, and Judge Kellogg\\nof the Vermont Supreme Court, who upheld the ruling of\\nAkerman.\\nFrom 1 86 1 the meetings occurred only on the last Tuesday and\\nWednesday of each month in term time and purely for business\\npurposes connected with the library and the annual Commence-\\nment anniversary. In 1864, by request of President Smith and\\nled by some of the oudens, the societies joined in a public\\nanniversary celebration in November, at which a number of\\nliterary exercises were performed. They continued the custom\\nannually until 1870. In 1867 an effort was made by both socie-\\nties to revive the ordinary literary exercises at monthly meet-\\nings, but after seven or eight occasions running through about\\ntwo years the attempt died out in March, 1869.\\nThe method of growth adopted for both libraries was mainly\\nthat of annual donations from the graduating class. Much\\ngenerosity was often displayed, stimulated, of course, by the\\nspirit of rivalry between the two societies. In 1869 Hon. James\\nW. Grimes of Iowa, a member of the Social Friends in the class", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0589.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "528 History of Dartmouth College.\\nof 1838, gave to the College $1,000 in trust to apply the income\\nfor the increase of the library of that society.\\nBeginning with 1850 statements of the number of books\\nclaimed by each library were printed in the annual college\\ncatalogue. Prior to that the official catalogue took no notice\\nof the libraries. They were first mentioned in that connection\\nin a catalogue issued in 1849 by the students, who were dis-\\npleased with the appearance of the official edition. The state-\\nments of number so made from year to year were misleading,\\nas they took no account of losses which were sometimes heavy,\\nas all the libraries at all periods suffered much from theft. Pro-\\ntection was sought by making an annual count and by holding\\neach librarian chargeable under bonds for all books delivered\\nto him, but as the librarians were each year elected by the\\nmembers from among themselves out of the senior class, and\\nreceived but small pay, the hardship of holding them accountable\\nfor thefts, often heavy, was evident. Sometimes the donations\\nwould hardly make good the losses, and sometimes one tenth\\nof the catalogue would be missing.\\nMembers were at different times in early years expelled for\\nthis stealing, and their names published in the newspapers. Up\\nto 1830 the Fraternity had been the greatest sufferer, and a\\nspecial effort was then made to bring it up to an equal standing\\nwith the Socials. In 1832 the Socials raised a committee to\\npropose some plan for protection. In 1845 a student at the\\npoint of graduation was exposed as a wholesale robber of books\\nhere and in the college library, and was expelled from the\\nsocieties and from college. In 1851 the Socials lost nearly 150\\nvery valuable books, and committees were again raised by both\\nsocieties to devise a way of prevention. The plan proposed was\\nto put glass doors before the cases but the objections to these\\nwere so obvious that the Socials returned to the early method\\nof massing their books in one end of their room, protected by\\na counter across the room over which deliveries were made.\\nThe Praters solved the problem by using doors covered with\\nwire netting instead of glass. These worked so well that the\\nSocials in 1854 refitted their cases in the same fashion at a cost\\nof about $400. This system gave excellent satisfaction and\\nwas extended to the College library on the union of the libraries\\nin 1874. It continued in use until the libraries were removed\\nfrom Reed Hall in 1885. General catalogues of the Socials\\nlibrary were printed in 1810, 1817, 1824, 1831, 1841 and 1857,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0590.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 529\\nand of the Prater s in 1812, 1820, 1824, 1835, 1840 and 1852,\\nand there were several catalogues of members published.\\nPrior to 1824 it was forbidden to carry books out of town\\nfor use in vacation. In that year the rule was changed and a\\nsystem established by which members could draw and carry\\naway a number of books proportioned to the number of weeks\\nof the vacation, which might extend in the winter, for seniors,\\nto fourteen. To most this was an idle farce, and it brought\\ngreat damage to the books, which, it was complained, were\\nthumbed by every old farmer and snuff-taking maiden till the\\ncontents (if any remained) were rendered as brown as the ingre-\\ndients of her box.\\nWhen the Chandler Scientific Department went into oper-\\nation the question arose as to admitting its students to the\\nliterary societies and to the privilege of the libraries, and was\\nin September, 1853, determined adversely in both points, con-\\ntrary to the recommendation of at least the majority of the\\ncommittee of the Socials. There was in consequence a new\\nsociety organized on a similar plan in the Scientific Department,\\nOctober, 1853, under the style of the Philotechnic Society, which\\nwas incorporated the following June by the New Hampshire legis-\\nlature, and by October, 1854, its library numbered 300 volumes.\\nThe southeast room on the first floor of the Chandler building\\nwas devoted to this library, and the society meetings were held\\nin the adjoining recitation room. At the time of the union in\\n1874 the library numbered 1,200 volumes.\\nThe union of the libraries of the societies with that of the\\nCollege, mentioned on a previous page, was made possible by\\na change in the constitutions of the Socials and the Praters\\nadopted December 17, 1873 (that of the Philotechnic Society\\ncalling for no change), and voted by the societies July 24, 1874,\\non the condition that the Paculty (for which the Trustees were\\nsubstituted in 1879) should appoint a librarian and three assist-\\nants and fix their salaries, that the students of the Academic and\\nScientific Departments should pay to the college treasurer\\n$6 a year for the use of the library, that the College should pay\\nthe anniversary expenses of the societies (including an orator\\nat Commencement every third year) and $150 annually for the\\nincrease of each of the libraries of the Socials and Praters, and\\nfor the Philotechnic Society a proportionate amount according to\\nthe number of the students paying taxes, and that the College\\n1 U. F. Records, May is, 1832.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0591.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "530 History of Dartmouth College.\\nshould maintain a reading room. The Ubrarian was to assign\\neach incoming class to the societies according to the existing\\nalphabetical method, and was to request the president of the\\nsenior class to secure the appointment of a committee from\\neach society to select the books for purchase with the annual\\nappropriation.\\nThe system was a great improvement upon the old diversity\\nof interest, but in course of time developed essential weaknesses.\\nFor several years the different libraries were kept distinct in\\ntheir separate rooms as before, but the necessity of better classi-\\nfication of books growing more and more apparent, a beginning\\nwas made about 1879 of distributing the books without regard\\nto ownership, the societies by special vote having given their\\nconsent, provided that care should be taken by distinctive labels\\nto preserve in each the evidence of its rightful ownership. When\\nin 1885 the whole library was transferred to the new building,\\nwhere no provision existed for any separation except by subjects,\\nthe new system was put into complete operation.\\nThe transfer of the administration of the libraries to the\\nTrustees and the lack of any meetings of the societies soon made\\ntheir existence wholly artificial. Many of the students so far\\nfrom signing the constitution, the one requirement for member-\\nship, did not even know to which society they had been assigned.\\nThe triennial securing of an orator for the anniversary devolved\\nupon resident members of the Faculty, and the committees\\nfor the purchase of books, ignorant of the history of the societies\\nor the character of their libraries, were often wholly indifferent\\nin their selections. Duplicates and even triplicates were numer-\\nous; many books were valueless, which the Trustees, having\\nonly the care of the libraries, had no authority to sell or exchange.\\nLarge numbers of worn-out books called for rebinding, though\\nthe cost of the work would exceed the value of the books, and\\nit was also difficult to preserve the proof of distinct ownership.\\nUnder these conditions, which were steadily growing worse\\nand hampering the successful administration of the library,\\nthe Trustees on May 24, 1901, asked Professor James F. Colby\\nto investigate the power of the societies to modify their\\nagreements with the College concerning their respective libra-\\nries, with a view to vesting the ownership absolutely in the\\nTrustees. The report of Professor Colby, made in the following\\nNovember, showed that a change of ownership could be made\\nonly by the express approbation, in person or by proxy, of a", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0592.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 531\\nmajority of the existing members of a Society at the time of\\npassing the vote. There was no existing record of those who\\nmight have joined the societies, after assignment, since 1874,\\nand much of the record for the previous time was missing. It\\nwas, therefore, determined to secure a special act of the Legis-\\nlature authorizing the sale or gift to the Trustees of the libraries\\nof the societies. This was approved March 25, 1903, and in\\naccordance with its terms special meetings of the Socials and\\nPraters were called for Tuesday, June 23, of Commencement\\nweek.\\nA circular letter had been addressed by President Tucker\\nto the members of the societies, explaining the reasons why a\\nsingle ownership of all the libraries was desirable, and asking\\nthe proxies of those members who could not be present. The\\nproxies of the Praters ran to Charles P. Richardson and those\\nof the Socials to John K. Lord, who, however, on account of\\nillness, appointed George H. Evans in his place. All of the\\nsocieties voted unanimously to transfer by formal sale their\\nproperty to the Trustees of the College, and appointed as agents\\nfor the transfer, Edward K. Woodworth for the Socials and\\nPraters and Frank A. Sherman and John V. Hazen for the\\nPhilotechnic Society.\\nThe conveyances were formally made June 27, 1904, and on\\nthe next day occurred the adjourned and final meetings of the\\nSocial Priends and the United Praternity. That of the former\\nwas called to order in Room D, Reed Hall, in the absence of\\nDavid Cross of the class of 1841, the last president of the society,\\nby John K. Lord as president pro tern, and James F. Colby\\nwas chosen secretary pro tern. After the announcement that\\nMr. Woodworth had conveyed to the College all the property\\nof the Society, except its record and account books and its seal,\\nwhich were to be deposited in the library of the College for\\nperpetual safe keeping, and that the Trustees had accepted the\\ntrust, the society adjourned, to assemble five minutes later on\\nthe steps of Dartmouth Hall, which, though the building was\\nburned, were still in their original position, and on the steps\\nof that building, begun one year after the organization of the\\nsociety and burned the very year of its dissolution, within whose\\nwalls the society was long housed, the vote was passed and de-\\nclared by which the oldest of the literary societies of the College,\\nafter an existence of a hundred and twenty-one years, was\\nbrought to an end. The record of the last meeting of the United", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0593.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "532 History of Dartmouth College.\\nFraternity, of which Charles F. Richardson was the last secre-\\ntary, has disappeared, as also that of the final meeting of the\\nPhilotechnic Society.\\nThe library of the Northern Academy was also transferred\\nto the College by a similar process. The vote to close its cor-\\nporate existence and give its possessions to the Colleges was taken\\nat a meeting held in Wilson Hall October 31, 1903. Mr. Wood-\\nworth was also its agent for the transfer, which was formally\\ncompleted September 12, 1904, and the dissolution of the society\\nwas duly brought about at a meeting held in the same place,\\nDecember i, 1904, Professor Richardson being the secretary\\nto make the final record.\\nThe cumbersome size of the great societies and certain defects\\nin their original plan and management led to the formation after\\na while of other smaller and less unwieldy bodies for more effective\\ntraining in public debate. Among them was a society styled\\nthe Independent Confederacy, which was established in 1792\\nand continued in active operation some fifteen years, but none\\nof its ofilicial records survive, the fragmentary accounts which\\nwe have of it being drawn from collateral sources. On July\\n4, 1796, this society celebrated the birth of Independence\\n[their own anniversary] by an elegant supper at Graves s\\nHall, at which sixteen toasts were given. It is perhaps not\\nunfair to infer that it was in part a convivial association. At\\nCommencement in 1799, besides the usual anniversaries of the\\nthree other literary societies, there was also an oration before\\nthe Independent Confederacy. Whether they had enjoyed that\\ndignity before cannot as yet be determined.\\nIn the autumn of that year an effort was made to unite with\\nthe United Fraternity. An agreement was concluded between\\ncommittees of the two societies (the Confederacy being repre-\\nsented by Cyrus Perkins, A. Hilliard and Simeon Lyman),\\nthat the societies should coalesce and unite, and become a\\nsociety one and indivisible, that the constitutions should be\\nrevised, the libraries of both societies united and made to con-\\nstitute one library indivisible, that each society should initiate\\nthe members of the other, that they should assume the general\\ntitle of Dartmouth Adelphi, and that notice of the arrange-\\nment should be published in the Dartmouth Gazette. The\\nI Dartmouth Eagle, July ii, 1796.\\nSamuel Swift in his reminiscences seems to refer to this society, and says that it was orig-\\ninally composed of those who did not secure membership in the other societies, and that it was\\ncurrently known as the Potmetal society. The Dartmouth, 1872, p. 401.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0594.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 533\\nGazette of November 4, 1799, contains a notice substantially as\\nfollows\\nAdvice is hereby given to those who have left this University members of\\nthe Independent Confederacy that said Society has assumed the name of the\\nDartmouth Literary Adelphi, and is in the future to consist of members\\nof the Junior Sophister and Senior Classes.\\nRegular meetings will be held on the first Friday of every month when\\nsuch exercises will be attended to as shall be thought best calculated for\\nuseful improvement. A public oration will be pronounced annually on the\\nTuesday preceding Commencem.ent.\\nThe library will be attended to weekly as usual.\\nPer order Cyrus Perkins.\\nHanover. Dart. College, Oct. 26, 1799.\\nThe Social Friends seem to have been disturbed by this move\\nof their rival, the Fraternity. Their records showthat on October\\n30, 1799, after some debate, they elected to their own member-\\nship seniors Perkins and Hilliard and juniors Dutton, Fuller,\\nLoveland and Lyman, of the Dartmouth Literary Adelphi\\nformerly the Independent Confederacy, but Perkins and Fuller\\njoined the Fraternity in April, 1800. That the Literary Adel-\\nphi, however, retained an independent existence several years\\nlonger is shown by the fact that it enjoyed the distinction in\\ncommon with the other societies of having its special orator at\\nCommencement, but it has left no other memorials, except as we\\nfind it incidentally mentioned in the records of the other societies\\nand in the village newspaper.\\nA third society, styled the Philoi Euphradias, first comes\\nto our knowledge as the recipient of an oration by Levi Wood-\\nbury on Monday before Commencement, 1809. Again in 181 1\\nit was addressed by Jonathan Curtis under the name of the\\nOratorical Society. Amos Kendall tells us that it was com-\\nposed of members selected early in junior year at large from\\nboth the great societies, on account of supposed superior schol-\\narship, and comprised the flower of both.^ It became thus an\\nobject of envy to the rest, and in June, 181 1, a conspiracy was\\nformed to break it down, by forbidding members of the Social\\nFriends and United Fraternity to join it. The matter was\\nfirst broached in a meeting of the Socials, which was numer-\\nically much the larger, and a prohibitory vote was carried accord-\\ning to the programme. Daniel Poor, president of the Socials was\\na Philoi, and immediately demanded a dismissal from the\\nAutobiography of Amos Kendall, p. 62.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0595.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "534 History of Dartmouth College.\\nSocials, which, not being voted, he declared that he would then\\ndismiss himself, and left the chair and the hall; Shepley and\\nKendall and others followed with the same demand. This\\nunexpected turn of events broke up the scheme and the Society\\nforthwith rescinded its vote and Poor on invitation returned\\nto the chair. In November a prohibitory by-law was again\\nenacted and in March, 1812, after vain efforts to expel the\\ntroublesome members, they were punished by a loss of library\\nprivileges, whereupon eight or ten asked and received a dis-\\nmission, but the next month, the parent society coming to its\\nsenses, all were restored, and we find no further trace of the new\\norganization.\\nFrom 1 82 1 to 1828 there existed once more a society called\\nThe Literary Adelphi, or Adelphian, or Alpha Delta Society, for\\nthe cultivation of extemporaneous speaking, the only memorial\\nof which appears in the fact that Commencement orations were\\naddressed to it from 1823 to 1828 inclusive, and in its medal\\nwhich was a pendant of silver, a little more than an inch square.\\nThere was also a little later the Phi Sigma, having the same\\nobject as the preceding, an assembly of debaters, which\\noriginated with the class of 1827 as a class society. This also\\nenjoyed the dignity of a public oration at Commencement in\\n1828 and 1829, having in 1827 united with similar associations\\nin the other classes forming a general college society with four\\nbranches.^ There was also at this period, sustained for several\\nyears by the sophomore class, a burlesque moot court, which\\nafforded great amusement and also much improvement in debate\\nand the knowledge of the forms of law. The procedure was gen-\\nerally criminal, for offences against the common law, as of man-\\nslaughter appearing in a case of gallantry toward a young lady.\\nThere is an allusion in the records of the Phi Beta Kappa Society\\nin September, 1838, to a freshman society, but it cannot be\\nidentified.\\nThe Antinomian Society was organized for literary objects in\\n1 84 1, and met weekly Thursday evenings. Its exercises were\\nan oral dissertation of eight minutes, an extempore debate by\\nfour disputants, to each of whom was allowed fifteen minutes,\\nand to volunteers ten minutes, followed by an oration of eight\\nminutes. The first meeting recorded was according to adjourn-\\nment September 2, 1841, and the last November 10, 1842.\\nThe presidency was held by members of the Faculty, Professor\\nA Crosby, Memorial of class of 1837. p. 17.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0596.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 535\\nYoung first, succeeded by Professor Crosby. The members\\nwere of the senior class exclusively. This society was given a\\nplace at Commencement, 1842, and wa? addressed by Rev.\\nJ. B. Cheever.\\nThe Antinomian Society was merged in the Gamma Sigma\\n(Tvojdi ffeavTov) whose first recorded meeting was held (agreeably\\nto adjournment) March 9, 1843. Its constitution and its\\nexercises were similar to those of its predecessor. Professor\\nCrosby and President Lord were successively its presiding\\nofiticers. Its members were from the senior class, and juniors\\nwere admitted in June and July. It was apparently open to\\nany who pleased to come in. Twenty-nine were admitted in\\n1843, forty-three in 1844, and but nine in 1845. Its last recorded\\nmeeting was held November 6, 1845. It took a place at Com-\\nmencemxcnt with an oration from Rev. O. A. Bronson in 1843,\\nand one from Rev. John K. Lord in 1844, both of which were\\npublished. An orator was engaged for 1845, but failed to appear.\\nThese were all local societies, but following them came the\\nmodern Greek letter societies that now occupy the field under\\nthe chapter system, after the same fashion as the Phi Beta Kappa,\\nand still adhering to the plan of secrecy. Except in one or two\\ninstances at the beginning, they were alike in receiving new\\nmembers only from the three upper classes, until 1884, when\\nthey all admitted freshmen.\\nThe first society was the Psi Upsilon, the Zeta chapter, which\\nwas established in 1841. In the next year the Kappa Kappa\\nKappa Society was founded, largely by the efforts of Professor\\nHaddock, and has continued to be strictly local. The third\\nin order was the Alpha Delta Phi Society, which was established\\nin 1847 by the members of the defunct Gamma Sigma Society.\\nSeven years later. In 1853, was established the Pi chapter of\\nthe Delta Kappa Epsllon Society, which for the first year ad-\\nmitted freshmen. In the same year the Zeta Psi Society obtained\\na foothold in the formation of the Psi chapter, but it had a\\ncheckered existence. At first it was prosperous, but declined\\nlater and practically ceased to exist in 1863. It was revived\\nin 1871, but only again, after a brief struggle, to come to an\\nend with the graduation of the class of 1873.\\nThe Kappa Sigma Epsllon, Eta chapter, was a freshman\\nsociety established in 1857. Three years later the Zeta chapter\\nof the Delta Kappa, also a freshman society, sprang up as a\\nrival, and these two in varying proportions divided the freshman", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0597.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "536 History of Dartmouth College.\\nclass between them. They served as a testing ground for the\\nupper societies, as the others were called, and also afforded\\nan opportunity to upper classmen to turn the initiations into\\noccasions for organized hazing. Both societies fell into dis-\\nrepute, which was partly the occasion of the admission of the\\nfreshmen into the upper societies in 1884, as above stated,\\nwhen the freshmen societies went out of existence.\\nThe students of the Chandler School were not admitted to\\nthe college societies, but under the stimulus of association and\\nexample soon formed societies of their own. In 1857 they\\nfounded the Phi Zeta Mu, which continued as a local society\\ntill it was absorbed in 1893 as the Eta Eta chapter of the Sigma\\nChi Society. This society was followed in 1858 by the Sigma\\nDelta Pi, which under a charter of the legislature changed its\\nname in 1871 to Vitruvian. It was ambitious to become a\\nchaptered organization and established two chapters, one at\\nCornell and one at Wooster University, Ohio, but both are\\nextinct. In 1889 it was itself absorbed by becoming the Alpha\\nOmega chapter of the Beta Theta Pi Society. In 1884 a chapter\\nof the Phi Delta Theta was established entirely by outside\\ninfluence and not, as is usual, by the absorption of a local\\norganization.\\nThe growth of the College in numbers under President Tucker\\nwas the occasion of the coming in of many new fraternities.\\nIn 1896 the New Hampshire Alpha of the Phi Kappa Psi took\\nits place among the fraternities by absorbing a local association,\\nformed within a year, and known as the Beta Psi. Two years\\nlater another local fraternity was formed under the name of\\nAlpha Alpha Omega, but in 1902 this became the Chi chapter\\nof the Chi Phi Society. In 1901 two more fraternities were\\nadded to the list by the establishment of the Gamma Gamma\\nchapter of the Delta Tau Delta, and the Delta Upsilon chapter\\nof the Phi Gamma Delta, both of them being organized directly\\nas chapters of the general societies. Again in 1905 two frater-\\nnities were established, the Tau chapter of the Phi Sigma Kappa,\\nand the Gamma Epsilon chapter of the Kappa Sigma, the latter\\narising out of a local organization, the Beta Gamma, which was\\nformed for the express purpose of becoming a chapter of Kappa\\nSigma. Two years later a local society called the Pukwana,\\norganized in 1901, was absorbed as the Delta Beta chapter of\\nthe Sigma Nu, and in 1908 the Sigma Alpha Epsilon took in\\nas its New Hampshire Alpha a local society, the Chi Tau Kappa", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0598.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "The Societies. 537\\nwhich had been formed in 1903-1904. Another local society,\\nthe Gamma Delta Epsilon, was founded in 1908 but disbanded\\nin 191 2. The latest of the existing undergraduate fraternities\\nto be formed is the New Hampshire Alpha of the Sigma Phi\\nEpsilon, which in 1909 absorbed the Omicron Pi Sigma, that\\nhad been organized the year before.\\nNot to be behind the undergraduates, the students of the\\nMedical College organized in 1888 a fraternity called the Alpha\\nKappa Kappa, which has become the parent of thirty-six chapters\\nin other institutions. A rival, called the Ace of Spades, arose\\nin 1893, but it lasted only seven years.\\nIn the earlier years these organizations were always spoken\\nof as the societies, but of late they have been called frater-\\nnities, and the term societies has been applied to the class\\norganizations. These made their first appearance in 1886,\\nwhen a society was formed, called the Sphinx, which was\\nfollowed in the next year by the Casque and Gauntlet, both\\nbeing comiposed of seniors. A third senior society, the Tiger,\\nhad a brief existence from 1892 to 1894, and was followed four\\nyears later, in 1898, by the Dragon. A junior society, known\\nas the Turtle, was formed in 1901, but died in 1912. A\\nchapter of a sophomore society, the Theta Nu Epsilon, was\\nestablished in 1893, but after ten years of uncertain value came\\nto an end in 1903.\\nIn 1900 a society called the Palaeopitus, secret in everything\\nexcept name, was formed by members of the senior class. Se-\\ncrecy, however, was contrary to the purpose for which it was\\nformed and in 1902 it became an open society with a published\\nconstitution and a membership largely ex officio. Its announced\\nobject was to bring into close touch and working harmony the\\nvarious branches of college activity, to preserve the customs and\\ntraditions of Dartmouth, to promote her welfare and protect\\nher good name and to bestow merited recognition upon such of\\nher sons as have shown exceptional effort in her behalf. By\\nits reorganization it was to consist of fifteen members, of whom\\nthe captains and managers of the football, baseball and track\\nteams, the president of the debating union, the president of the\\nDartmouth Christian Association and the editor-in-chief of\\nThe Dartmouth were to be ex officio, and six others were to be\\nelected by the junior class from their own number. Four years\\nlater the number was increased to seventeen by the addition as\\nex officio members, of the captain and the manager of the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0599.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "53^ History of Dartmouth College.\\nbasket ball team. The president of the College is an honorary\\nmember.\\nIn 1909 a second reorganization reduced the number of mem-\\nbers to eleven, of which six are first chosen from the junior class\\nat large by the class, and five from the same class are afterward\\nchosen by the outgoing Palaeopitus. The initiation of the new\\nmembers takes place at the old pine, on the evening of the\\nsing-out, after the wet-down. The function of the Palae-\\nopitus, naturally somewhat vague and ill-defined, is practically\\nto stir and invigorate the sense of undergraduate responsibility\\nin the promotion and preservation of whatever tends to the wel-\\nfare of the College in sentiment and conduct. In this endeavor\\nit has had good success and has a growing influence.\\nIn addition to these societies and fraternities many organiza-\\ntions, some with Greek letter and some with fanciful names,\\nhave arisen and had a brief existence. They have expressed\\ndifferent purposes, social, literary, forensic, athletic, and con-\\nvivial, but none have been the expression of any important senti-\\nment or special need. They have come and gone, adding to the\\ntemporary pleasure or value of college life, but have had no lasting\\nsignificance.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0600.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "The Phi Beta Kappa Society. 559\\nTHE PHI BETA KAPPA SOCIETY.^\\nThe chapter of this society at Dartmouth, called the Alpha\\nof New Hampshire, was established in 1787, being four years\\nyounger than the Social Friends and one year younger than the\\nUnited Fraternity. The fierce rivalry that existed between\\nthose two societies, which had an unlimited membership, may\\nhave led to the desire on the part of some, particularly in the\\nupper classes, for a more select organization and a consequent\\nturning to the Phi Beta Kappa Society, which had already been\\norganized at Harvard and Yale.\\nIn December of 1779 one Elisha Parmelee, a graduate of Har-\\nvard in 1778, who had also been a student at Yale, and was then\\npursuing post-graduate studies at William and Mary, a person,\\nwe may infer, of a restless, ardent temperament, who afterward\\nbecame a preacher, and died in 1784, becoming a member\\nof the society, and conceiving a still more ambitious scheme,\\nwas, upon his own solicitation, empowered to set up branches of\\nthe same at Harvard and at Yale. After a little delay, occasioned\\nby the necessity of introducing some modifications suited to\\nthe latitude (the charter as first granted having reserved to\\nthe parent society a jurisdiction unpalatable to the New England\\nstudents), the society was formally instituted at Yale in Novem-\\nber, 1780, and at Harvard in September, 1781, designated as\\nthe Alpha of Connecticut and the Alpha of Massachusetts,\\ninstead of being (as first intended) the Epsilon and Zeta of the\\nVirginia series.\\nThe parent society in the meantime, in January, 1781, suc-\\ncumbed, with its Virginia branches and the College itself, to\\nthe confusions of war. Its records were hidden away and lost,\\nand the memory of it rested nearly a century in tradition. For\\nwant of authentic knowledge, many fanciful accounts of its\\norigin were invented later to gratify the pride and the curiosity\\nof its children. We find set down at length in the records of\\nthis chapter an exceedingly interesting account (if it only were\\ntrue) communicated by Professor Chamberlain, the President,\\nin 1827. Indifferent to anachronisms the account declared\\nthat the Virginia society was the descendant of a literary con-\\n1 This account of the society is largely taken from Mr. Chase s historical address at its cen-\\ntennial in 1887, and, with some enlargement, has appeared in the Ph.i Beta Kappa Key for\\nMarch, 1913.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0601.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "540 History of Dartmouth College.\\nvivial club at Oxford in the time of James II, which he did it\\nthe honor for political reasons to suppress; that afterward\\nseveral of its members came to Virginia and established the\\nsociety at William and Mary, that about 1741 the Alpha of\\nMassachusetts was established at Harvard, and that soon after\\nan application was made for a chapter at Yale, which the Massa-\\nchusetts Alpha refused, but Bishop Berkeley, an eminent patron\\nof Yale, having been one of the members of the original society,\\ncommunicated such of the secrets as were in his possession, and\\nthe Alpha of Connecticut was formed.\\nThe lost Virginia records were in 18 14 a special source of\\ninterest to the Dartmouth chapter. A brother, Thomas C.\\nSearles, then a divinity student at Princeton, reported that he\\nthought himself in the way, through Dr. Alexander, of getting\\npossession of them (to be deposited here) from their supposed\\ncustodian, William Cabbel, in Amherst County, Virginia. It\\nis needless to say they were not obtained. But the later dis-\\ncovery of them in the files of the Virginia Historical Society,\\nwhere they had lain forgotten some forty years, dissipated the\\nromantic dreams concerning the origin of the fraternity and\\ndisclosed the prosaic fact.\\nAfter the society was domiciled at Yale and Harvard, six\\nyears elapsed without further expansion. But in the summer\\nof 1787, when the United Fraternity scarcely reckoned its age\\nat a year, the two existing Alphas of the Phi Beta Kappa united\\nin erecting a third at Dartmouth. Of the influences that brought\\nit here we are not informed, except that Charles Marsh of the\\nclass of 1786 was the medium through whom the negotiations\\nwere conducted, and that he went to Cambridge for that purpose.\\nWe know only that a rigid policy of exclusiveness, which pre-\\nvailed in the society for many years, both before and after, was\\nin this single instance relaxed, and on application by Aaron\\nKinsman, of the class about to graduate, in the early part of\\n1787, a charter, dated the first day of June, was granted to the\\nsame Kinsman by the Alpha of Massachusetts, confirmed on\\nthe 14th of August by the Alpha of Connecticut, authorizing\\nhim, with two other persons of honor, probity, and good\\ndemeanor, to institute the society at Dartmouth. Kinsman\\nforthwith proceeded to admit to the secrets of the Society, as\\nthe law directs, four of his classmates, Simon Backus, Ebenezer\\nBrown, Jonas Hartwell and Pierson Thurston, and on Monday,\\nAugust 20, 1787, the five met and declared that this was to", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0602.jp2"}, "603": {"fulltext": "The Phi Beta Kappa Society. 541\\nbe considered as the foundation meeting of the Alpha of New\\nHampshire at the University at Hanover, and by this 20th\\nday of August, the day on which our foundation meeting was\\nheld, the anniversary of this Society is ever to be regulated.\\nA few days later, four members of the Junior class were\\nadmitted and the first permanent board of officers chosen, con-\\nsisting of a president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, and\\na judge of composition. Annually thereafter, between the first\\nday of May and Commencement, the societ was replenished\\nfrom the Juniors to a number not exceeding one third of the\\nclass, who should constitute the active society for the ensuing\\nyear. The presidents, except for the year 1789, the vice-presi-\\ndents after 1793, and the secretaries after 1799 were graduate\\nmembers.\\nThe chapter, here as elsewhere, was governed by a code of\\nlaws transmitted at first from the parent, and alterable in\\nessential points only by consent of all the chapters. An inti-\\nmate correspondence between the chapters was strictly enjoined,\\nand a secret cypher, made in the manner then current by a\\ntransposition of the ordinary alphabet, was prescribed for that\\npurpose, but it was not long, if ever, in actual use. Correspond-\\nence was also neglected, and by degrees each chapter assumed\\na good degree of independence in amending its own constitution\\nand laws. As early as 1806 there was a disccussion of radical\\nchanges in the constitution of the Harvard chapter to which\\nYale and Dartmouth were not ready to consent. In 1825 the\\nDartmouth chapter appears for the first time to have taken the\\nresponsibility of avowedly making important changes in its\\nown codes. Like all the other societies, this also enforced secrecy\\nunder the most solemn sanctions, with an appeal to the Deity\\nin an oath of initiation. The form was afterward softened\\nto a mere solemn and sincere declaration, and again to an\\nassurance based on the honor of a gentleman, and in 1826\\n(ten years in advance of the local societies, and five years before\\nthe Harvard chapter gave up its secrets under compulsion)\\nthe Dartmouth chapter, which, as already said, had by that\\ntime assumed to legislate for itself, removed the injunction of\\nsecrecy save as to the symbols on the medal, which, though\\nsufficiently idle, remained for twenty-five years more a nominal\\nmystery, till on the motion of Professor E. D. Sanborn, as\\nthe Society had no longer any secrets, the pledge of secrecy\\nwas omitted notwithstanding which the mystery remains, since", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0603.jp2"}, "604": {"fulltext": "542 History of Dartmouth College.\\nthe sure interpretation of some of the symbols has been in the\\nmeantime long since forgotten.\\nThe medal with which each member was expected to provide\\nhimself was of gold, rectangular in form and hung with a ribbon\\nof red. The earliest known medal of the chapter was, however,\\nof silver and belonged to Joseph Gofife of the class of 179 1. It\\nwas seven eighths of an inch square, rather heavy, having three\\nstars on the face in the upper corner, w^ith B, K. across the\\nmiddle and the hand in the lower right-hand corner pointing\\ndiagonally to the stars. On the reverse were the letters S. P. at\\nthe top and December 5, 1776, below. In 1798 a seal was de-\\nvised by brother Jeremiah Noyes and was purchased for seven\\ndollars.\\nThe stated meetings of the chapter were held every alternate\\nThursday afternoon in the term, at an hour varying from four\\no clock to six; and the usual exercises comprised a dispute\\nby four persons, two speaking from manuscript and two ex\\ntempore, on the same question, and in winter a declamation.\\nThe place of meeting was at first the private room of some\\nmember, afterward a public hall, and then the common Society\\nHall provided by the government in the college building. These\\nexercises were performed with a good degree of regularity,\\nsometimes bi-weekly and sometimes weekly, during many years,\\nthough often, especially in the summer term, much interrupted\\nby the initiation of members, and sometimes, unhappily, by\\nwrangling over elections.\\nThe subjects of discussion are not often recorded, but it seems\\nthat they were of a worthy character and that the meetings\\nnever issued in the farce and disorder which characterized the\\nlater meetings of the other local societies. The nearest approach\\nthat we are able to find to levity in its proceedings was the\\nsolemn discussion of a constitutional question as to the heating\\nand lighting of the hall, when it was decided, after long debate,\\nthat the treasurer might, without endangering the constitution,\\nfurnish the requisite fire and candles.\\nNew members were admitted only by the unanimous voice\\nof all present, though a single dissenter was bound to assign\\nhis reasons, and might be overruled. Later the rule was relaxed\\nstill more. In 1847 it was voted that a two-thirds vote should\\nbe sufficient to override objections, and in 1851 the proportion\\nnecessary to defeat an election (unless overruled by a two-thirds", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0604.jp2"}, "605": {"fulltext": "The Phi Beta Kappa Society. 543\\nvote) was fixed at two voted in fifteen, three in twenty-five, and\\nfour in thirty-five.\\nThe earliest initiation fee was six shillings, equal to one dollar,\\nincreased in 1826 to four dollars, later to five, reduced to three in\\n1876 and again raised to five in 1909. Graduates and other per-\\nsons not members of College, were received to honorary member-\\nship with increasing freedom, which being sometimes abused to\\nevade the stringency of ordinary rules, it was ordered in 18 12 that\\nno graduate should be received without the express recommenda-\\ntion of one or more of his classmates, except in cases purely honor-\\nary, or in consequence of some peculiar merit; and from 1825 to\\n1849 all such nominations were made to lie over a year. In\\n1899 an article was adopted forbidding the election of a graduate\\nof any other college, at which a chapter has been established,\\nand providing for a committee on nominations, to which must\\nbe referred all nominations to honorary membership, and these\\nmust be made in writing, and without the recommendation of\\nthe committee no election is to be made. Nominations must\\nbe received not later than the first of June next preceding the\\nannual meeting.\\nSchemes of more enlarged usefulness were at different times\\nagitated. In 1797 it was proposed by the other chapters to\\nestablish a fund for the encouragement of genius and the relief\\nof indigent members. In 1798 the formation of a library of\\nnatural history and chemistry was seriously undertaken, but\\nwas four years later abandoned. In 1804 this chapter assented\\nto a plan proposed by Harvard for a joint publication of a period-\\nical to be entitled the Literary Miscellany, and the next year\\na committee was here from Cambridge to complete the arrange-\\nments. At the same time, three graduate members (D. Webster,\\nJ. Noyes and T. A. Merrill) were named a committee to arrange\\nfor an independent periodical to be issued by the Dartmouth\\nchapter. It does not appear that either scheme was made\\neffectual, unless the Literary Tablet, edited at Hanover anony-\\nmously at that period every alternate week for several years,\\nindicates something of the kind.\\nThe two older societies, the Socials and the Praters, themselves\\nrivals, were for a short time at the first uncertain how to regard\\nthe Phi Beta Kappa. One of the questions formally debated\\nby the United Praternity in 1791 was whether the society\\nknown by the name of the Phi Beta Kappa is advantageous to", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0605.jp2"}, "606": {"fulltext": "544 History of Dartmouth College.\\nthis University. Unfortunately, the records do not inform\\nus of the decision in the case.\\nBut as the Phi Beta Kappa made no pretensions to rivalry\\nin regard to a library, and drew its few members on the basis\\nof personal merit indiscriminately from both the other societies\\nnear the end of the course, and by its aristocratic position and\\nconnections abroad held out hopes of both honor and advantage,\\nit was with little delay received by the others into fellowship;\\nand yet the same reasons that made it tolerable by the older\\nsocieties gave occasion for individual jealousies and rancor, that\\nrepeatedly came near destroying the entire system. Before the\\nexpiration of its second year, in July, 1789, three members of\\nthe Phi Beta Kappa istelf conspired together, and, as the record\\nruns, in a clandestine and scandalous manner broke into the\\nchest, abstracted a portion of the records, and disclosed their\\ncontents here and at Cambridge. The culprits, being detected,\\nmade written confession, renewed their oaths, and were forgiven.\\nThe Phi Beta Kappa never suffered from the severe jealousies\\nand factions that disturbed the other societies, and that have\\nbeen elsewhere described, but it did not wholly escape them and,\\nabout 1800, its numbers were much reduced by a combination\\nagainst it, which almost prevented an election from the class\\nof 1801. In three instances only, as far as its records show,\\nhas it had occasion to discipline its members. Expulsion was\\nvisited upon one who was exposed as a common thief, upon\\nanother for gross and habitual intemperance, and upon a third\\nin 1 8 12, who by several infamous and overt acts had forfeited\\nall pretensions to moral character. He had been a secret agent\\nof the British government, but, thinking himself neglected,\\nhad afterward sold his correspondence to President Madison.\\nFor which of these treacheries he was expelled the record does\\nnot disclose.\\nWith the Phi Beta Kappa, as with other societies, the chief\\nevent was the celebration of the anniversary, at which time, by\\nthe organic law, officers were to be chosen and an oration deliv-\\nered by some one selected in the preceding autumn, and the\\nexercises of the day concluded with some refreshment if the\\nSociety think proper. The first of these anniversary elections\\nwas thus celebrated with all the honors, though a little late,\\non September 5, 1788, two weeks before the college Commence-\\nment. The oration on this occasion was delivered to the society\\nin private by Daniel Chipman of the graduating class. There-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0606.jp2"}, "607": {"fulltext": "The Phi Beta Kappa Society. 545\\nafter the anniversary oration was always in public and by some\\ngraduate or distinguished stranger. In 1790, 1793, and 1796\\nthere were no public exercises. In 1791 these exercises took\\nplace on Commencement day, the record being that on August\\n24th the society convened and proceeded in regular order to\\nthe chapel, where, in the presence of a numerous and respectable\\naudience, an elegant oration was delivered by President Josiah\\nDunham, after which it repaired to Holden s chamber and\\npartook of a splendid entertainment while every heart was\\nfilled with friendship. This anniversary has ever since been\\nheld on the day preceding Commencement, excepting in 1819,\\n1820, and 1822 to 1838, when it was held on Thursday, the day\\nafter Commencement. From 1872 it was held only every third\\nyear, in rotation with other organizations, till 1902.\\nThe anniversary dinner was an occasion of high festivity.\\nIt was held in the hall of one of the village taverns or in that\\nof the Commons Hall, and was frequently enlivened by singing\\nof original odes. In 1810 there was a dinner but no literary\\nexercises. The effect was disastrous for from 181 1, confirmed\\nby a standing vote in 18 12, the dinner was omitted, although\\nin 1 8 19, in honor of the happy result of the college suits and of\\nbrother Daniel Webster who was present in high spirits, it was\\nrevived with great eclat. There were occasional dinners in\\nlater years. The fashion of publication of the anniversary\\noration began in 1800 with a sermon by the Rev. Asa Burton.\\nQuite generally, after that, copies of addresses were solicited\\nfor that purpose, but were not infrequently refused. Cata-\\nlogues of the members were published in 1806 and irregularly\\nthereafter, but often at intervals of three years. From early\\ntimes there was music at the anniversary, for which in 1805\\na tax of fifty cents, and in 1814 a tax of one dollar, was levied.\\nA procession is spoken of in 1812, though a marshal first appears\\nin 1816, and in 1824 it was voted henceforward to have the\\nprocession preceded by music.\\nLike its fellow societies, the Phi Beta Kappa had clung loyall y\\nto the College in its time of danger, and scorned the Universit y\\nthat would supplant it. The students of the University wer e\\nheld ineligible to membership; and four years after the contest\\nwas ended, a distinguished citizen of New Hampshire who had\\nbeen prominent in support of the pretentions of the University,\\non being proposed for honorary membership in the society was\\nwithout ceremony and without a division rejected.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0607.jp2"}, "608": {"fulltext": "546 History of Dartmouth College.\\nBut as the College recovered itself, the Phi Beta Kappa of the\\nold regime began its decline. Till then the stated literary exer-\\ncises had been attended with general regularity and often with\\nenthusiasm, notwithstanding, of course, repeated fluctuations of\\ninterest, but with the recovery of the College after the decision\\nof 1 8 19 and the development of the department of rhetoric under\\nProfessor Haddock, interest turned away from the Phi Beta\\nKappa. There was a spasmodic revival in 1824 and an attempt\\nin the next year to remodel the society by a revision of its con-\\nstitution. Again in 1833 there was an effort to restore the activ-\\nity of the society under the influence of Professor Hale and then\\nof Professor Haddock, but it was after all a sort of galvanized\\nexistence that could not last. The old enthusiasm was gone, and\\nwhen the modern Greek-letter societies took the field, beginning\\nin 1 84 1, the Phi Beta Kappa definitely surrendered it, by a\\nresolution of 1845 confirmed by a two-thirds vote in 1846,\\nand by a radical amendment of the constitution in 1852, which\\ntacitly excluded thenceforth from membership all under-\\ngraduates, by postponing elections until the last day of the\\nsenior year, the close of college life. The last of the stated\\nliterary exercises were performed November 10, 1845.\\nBut while the effect of the Greek-letter societies was slowly\\nbut surely to crush out the life of all the older societies of the\\nCollege, the Phi Beta Kappa, thanks to an accident which\\nevolved a new life in a different sphere out of the old, still remains,\\nthough much changed. The vote of 1845 marked the final stage\\nin a transformation, that had been some time in progress,\\nfrom an undergraduate society adapted to perform a special\\npart in college education, to an honorary post-graduate brother-\\nhood of scholars, having no college function except to award\\na measure of distinction in place of the usual college honors,\\nwhich were at that period disused and forbidden at Dartmouth.\\nBy the original constitution of the Phi Beta Kappa the senior\\nclass had the principal agency in the election of members, and\\nscholarship alone did not necessarily or actually govern the\\nselection; but under the new dispensation the actual selection\\nfell to the graduated members resident at the College in other\\nwords to the college Faculty, who were by a large majority\\nout of sympathy with the system symbolized by the lot, and\\nglad to avail themselves of an expedient, however mild, to evade\\nit by conferring this distinction solely as a badge of scholarship.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0608.jp2"}, "609": {"fulltext": "The Phi Beta Kappa Society. 547\\nIn the absence of this motive for its preservation, it is probable\\nthat the society would at that time have ceased to exist.\\nThe election of members after the revision of 1846 was at\\nfirst made according to the merit roll of the Faculty for the whole\\ncollege course, the marks on which the electicfn was based being\\nfirst recorded in 1852, but later, in 1876, after preliminary\\ndiscussion, the method was adopted of giving greater weight\\nto the later part of the college course by counting the freshman\\nand sophomore years twice each, and the junior and senior\\nyears thrice each and dividing the sum by ten. The number\\nof those elected to membership was, by the first laws, one third\\nof the junior class, and this continued to be the proportion\\nelected from the senior class after the revision till 1896, when\\na fixed standard was adopted, and all receiving a rank of 85\\non a scale of 100 were eligible, if the number did not exceed\\none third of the class, a proportion which has never been reached.\\nOf late years there has been much discussion at Dartmouth\\nover the possibility of reviving an interest in Phi Beta Kappa,\\nand several plans have been proposed to that end, but none\\nof them was put into operation till 1909, when an attempt\\nwas made to stimulate the interest of undergraduates in the\\nsociety by associating, to some degree, entrance into it with\\nthe honor night of the College. That is the occasion of the\\npublic announcement of the scholarship honors gained by the\\nstudents during the previous college year, and with the exercises\\nof the night is connected the initiation into Phi Beta\\nKappa of those members of the senior class, who for the three\\ncompleted years of their college life have held a rank considerably\\nabove that which is required for admission at graduation. The\\nplan further provides for two meetings during the year before\\nthe annual meeting at Commencement.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0609.jp2"}, "610": {"fulltext": "548 History of Dartmouth College.\\nTHE NORTHERN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND\\nSCIENCES.\\nThe Northern Academy of Arts and Sciences is to be classed\\nas a college society only as the promoters of it were members of\\nthe college Faculty, and as its valuable library has been incor-\\nporated with the consolidated libraries as a part of a compre-\\nhensive scheme of enlargement in the College.\\nThis society was organized on June 24, 1841, at a pre-arranged\\nmeeting of twenty-one gentlemen, including eight from neigh-\\nboring towns, at the study of President Lord, to consider the\\nexpediency of forming a society for promoting the knowledge\\nof the arts and sciences. Professor Ebenezer Adams being in\\nthe chair, and Professor Alpheus Crosby acting as scribe, a\\nconstitution was adopted, officers chosen^ and forty-five persons\\nwere enrolled at their request as organic members, including\\namong seventeen not resident at Hanover, Joel Parker, Carleton\\nChase, Nathaniel G. Upham and Samuel D. Bell. At the same\\ntime 137 others were elected to membership in the various\\ngrades recognized by the constitution, and at subsequent meet-\\nings, up to 1845, as many more, including many of the most\\ndistinguished men of science and literature in New England\\nand New York and Pennsylvania.\\nThe object of the society, according to its constitution, was\\nthe cultivation of the arts and sciences, with a view to the\\nhappiness of mankind, and it was composed of Fellows,\\nCorresponding Members, and Honorary Members. Besides\\nthe usual officers it had twelve curators, who had immediate\\ncharge of its government. A code of laws was adopted by the\\ncurators and approved by the society, which laid out an elab-\\norate plan, too ambitious, as it proved, for the resources at com-\\nmand. It contemplated the establishment of a library and a\\nmuseum, the prosecution of literary and scientific researches,\\nand the publication of their results in an annual or quarterly\\nperiodical. At the end of the first year, in 1842, the curators\\npublished a report in a pamphlet of twenty-eight pages, and a\\nThe officers were: Joel Parker, President; Nathan Lord, vice-president; Roswell Shurtleff,\\nCharles B, Haddock, Phineas Cooke, Ira Young. Ebenezer C. Tracy, DLxl Crosby, Amos\\nBlanchard, Edwin D. Sanborn, David Pierce, Oliver P. Hubbard.William H. Duncan, William\\nCogswell, curators; William Cogswell, corresponding secretary and librarian; Samuel G.\\nBrown, recording secretary; Daniel Blaisdell, treasurer; William Cogswell, Charles B. Haddock,\\nIra Young, publishing committee.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0610.jp2"}, "611": {"fulltext": "The Northern Academy. 549\\nsecond of eighteen pages in 1843. A draft of a charter of incor-\\nporation was prepared in 1843 and a petition to the legislature\\nsigned by direction of the society, but the journals of the House\\ndo not show that it was ever actually presented.\\nA handsome beginning was made during the first two years\\ntoward a historical library by the acquisition of some eleven\\nhundred bound volumes, upward of four thousand pamphlets,\\nand a large number of files of newspapers, some quite ancient\\nand of great historical value, also a considerable number of\\ninteresting and valuable manuscripts. Toward a museum\\nnothing was done beyond the reception of a few boxes of curios-\\nities. As to the periodical that had been contemplated, the\\ncurators deemed it so important that they declared at the end\\nof the first year that if there had been a suitable printing office\\nin this vicinity they would have already attempted it.\\nThe affair did not, however, advance much farther on the\\nscale on which it had been planned. Though there would have\\nbeen, no doubt, ample material for the maintenance of the period-\\nical, it was, owing mainly to the lack of funds, never actually\\nbegun. Neither museum nor library made any further consid-\\nerable advance, except by the addition to the latter in 1845 of\\nan exceedingly valuable collection of local newspapers, collected\\nand arranged by Samuel Smith of Peterborough.\\nThe originator and soul of the enterprise was the Rev. Dr.\\nWilliam Cogswell, then professor of history in the College.\\nEarly in 1844, he removed to Gilmanton to take charge of the\\nTheological Seminary there established, and later to Boston\\nwhere he edited the first volume of that most successful of\\nhistorical publications, the New England Historical and Genea-\\nlogical Register. Among the members of a small, hard worked\\nand poorly paid Faculty no one was found having the leisure\\nand the peculiar talents requisite to carry along the extensive\\nplans of the society. Dr. Cogswell with his characteristic enthu-\\nsiasm hoped that the society might take rank with the great\\nliterary, scientific and historical associations of the world, of\\nwhich in the first printed report he presented elaborate sketches.\\nAlthough the scheme, in its fullness, was no doubt somewhat\\nvisionary, it is not impossible that if Dr. Cogswell had remained\\nat Hanover something approaching the ideal might have been\\nbuilt up.\\nHistorical material, at least, was then abundant, but compara-\\ntively little interest was taken in it, and much even in this", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0611.jp2"}, "612": {"fulltext": "550 History of Dartmouth College.\\nimmediate region that would now be invaluable in that depart-\\nment and that could then by a little effort have been obtained,\\nhas, as the writer has more than once to his grief had occasion\\nto know, since passed from unexplored attics to the flames or to\\nthe all-destroying hands of the paper makers. The library, so\\nwonderfully favored at the outset, might easily have taken high\\nrank in that direction, and if means could have been provided,\\nsomething creditable could undoubtedly have been done with a\\nperiodical, the need of which has been many times since keenly\\nfelt. But with the departure of Dr. Cogswell from Hanover,\\nand finally with his death in 1850, all attempts toward the real-\\nizing of the project in its fullness ceased. The library had been\\nplaced by permission of the College in the southeast corner of\\nthe second story of Reed Hall, where it remained many years,\\nuntil in 1864 the newspapers and pamphlets were removed to\\na place of storage in Thornton Hall, and in 1885 to a large\\nroom in the basement of the new library building, placed by the\\ncollege Trustees at the service of the society. Most of the\\nbound books of value found, by tacit consent at the time of\\nthe first removal, a temporary place in the alcoves of the college\\nlibrary.\\nThe society retained an intermittent life as late as 1903.\\nUntil 1850 the annual meetings and elections, which occurred\\non Tuesday of Commencement week, were held with regularity,\\nafter that they were of the most perfunctory character, or wholly\\nneglected. Professor Brown continued to serve as recording\\nsecretary of the society from its organization, and at various times\\nexerted himself to revive an interest in it. Professor Sanborn\\nsucceeded Dr. Cogswell as librarian; later Rev. Dr. Richards,\\nan ardent antiquarian, officiated in that capacity from 1849 until\\nhis death in 1859; afterward Professor Sanborn resumed his\\ncharge.\\nAs a literary club the society preserved a more active life.\\nUntil the autumn of 1850 meetings were held with considerable\\nfrequency at the Academy Hall, or at the house of President\\nLord, and essays were read and discussed. During that period\\nof ten years more than forty such meetings are recorded. Sub-\\nordinate to these, but not included in the records, were other\\noccasional meetings, under the familiar name of the Pickwick\\nClub, at private houses, where the ladies were present, and\\nessays of more popular interest were read and discussed. The\\nsubjects treated were of great variety, and often of much inter-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0612.jp2"}, "613": {"fulltext": "The Northern Academy. 551\\nest; discussion was free and often earnest and protracted. In\\nApril, 1 86 1, for example, Professor Long read an essay in dero-\\ngation of the right of slavery, followed the next week by Dr.\\nLord in defence of that institution. There was sometimes relief\\nto the gravity of the subjects treated. We find record of a\\nSemi-serious divertissment by Rev. L. S. Coburn (a graduate\\nof 1 83 1, then an instructor at Norwich University) on Doc-\\ntorates of Divinity, wherein he took for his text Matthew 23:28,\\nand enumerated as the grounds of fitness for the degree of D.D.,\\ndoubly damaged i, Notoriety; 2, Caponiety or Satiety, and\\n3, Selfsufificiency. It is recollected that on one occasion, at the\\nhouse of one of the professors, who himself read a paper in the\\nPickwick, Dr. Richards fell asleep. Being taken to task by his\\nwife, also present, for his discourtesy to the professor, he retorted\\nin his gruffest tones Humph! he sleeps when preach.\\nFrom 1850 there was a cessation of interest. No meetings are\\nrecorded until March, 1853, and but four until March, 1855, when\\nfor two or three years the old activity revived, only to die out\\nagain in spite of several attempts made especially by Professor\\nBrown in 1861, 1864, and 1865 and 1866 to renew the interest.\\nIn February, 1870, under the lead of Professor C. A. Young,\\na scientific association was formed to meet the special needs of\\nquite a number of gentlemen connected with the Faculty of\\nthe College, and it has been kept up till the present time.\\nThe eminent success of this attempt in scientific subjects\\noccasioned in 1874 a renewed interest in the old Northern Acad-\\nemy among those whose tastes led in other directions. At the\\nrequest of the Scientific Association its members were taken into\\nthe Northern Academy, and the Association was regarded as\\na branch of the Academy. Meetings of the literary members\\nwere then held with considerable regularity during nearly three\\nyears, when for the sake of convenience there was formed in\\nFebruary, 1877, an association, corresponding to the scientific\\nassociation, entitled the Dartmouth Literary and Philosoph-\\nical Association, which till 1902 maintained monthly meetings\\n(during term time) with fair regularity on the same plan as the\\nliterary meetings of the Academy. Since that time, as the Fac-\\nulty has enlarged, several organizations have sprung up, such\\nas the Ticknor Club devoted mainly to modern languages,\\nand the Social Science Club.\\nThe Northern Academy was formally disbanded and its\\nproperty delivered to the Trustees of the College in 1903, at\\nthe same time that the literary societies came to an end.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0613.jp2"}, "614": {"fulltext": "552 History of Dartmouth College.\\nTHE HANDEL SOCIETY.\\nIt is probable that the earUest voluntary organization con-\\nnected with the College, next to the church, was some sort of\\na musical society, but there is little from which to draw any\\nvery definite conclusion about it. The most that is known is\\nderived from the Commencement programmes. It is recorded\\nthat at the first Commencement, in August, 1771, there were\\nperformed several anthems, one of which was composed and\\nset to music by the young gentlemen, candidates for a degree.\\nThe poet was Frisbie and the musical composer, Ripley.\\nFor the next ten or twelve years we have no records, but from\\n1785 we hear of music, both vocal and instrumental, as a regular\\nexercise on Commencement days. The record is that some\\npieces of vocal and instrumental music closed the exercises,\\nor, as in 1787, an agreeable concert of music was then exhibited,\\njust before the degrees were conferred. The year 1792 brings\\nin the earliest complete account, now extant, of the exercises\\npresented to the public on the several days of Commencement\\nweek. We learn that at one o clock in the afternoon of Monday,\\nAugust 20, 1792, the Musical Society convened in the chapel,\\nwhere was delivered an excellent and well composed oration\\nby George W. Kjrkland, on music and the fine arts; likewise\\nwere performed several pieces of music. Kirkland, a son of\\nDr. Wheelock s Indian missionary, was a member of the grad-\\nuating class, and received from the Trustees a special testimonial\\nof his musical talents and proficiency.\\nThis is the type of subsequent anniversaries. The Musical\\nSociety, sometimes denominated simply the Choir, had its\\nday and oration every year till 1802. We miss it first in 1803,\\nthough even then music figured in a small way as a part of the\\nentertainment of Commencement day. That it was still culti-\\nvated with success is testified by President Dwight, who in the\\ncourse of his travels in October, 1803, attended divine service\\nat the college church in Hanover and declared that never\\n(unless in a few instances at Wethersfield many years before)\\nhad he heard sacred music rendered with so much taste and\\nskill as were here displayed.\\nBut there was evidently no longer any enthusiasm in the\\nDwight s Travels, II, 117.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0614.jp2"}, "615": {"fulltext": "The Handel Society. 553\\nsociety itself. Not only was the annual oration dropped, but\\nin 1805 the richest of music was brought in from abroad\\nand headed the procession. In 1807 it is styled a band of the\\nbest music, and the innovation became established. The old\\nMusical Choir, nevertheless, still existed, for current every\\nday use in chapel and church. There arose, however, just at\\nthis time a general movement all over New England in oppostion\\nto the prevalent style of church music typified by the fugue.\\nNumerous societies were formed for the express object of restor-\\ning to popularity the more grand and solemn measures of the\\nbest sacred music, including especially the works of the most\\neminent European composers.^\\nIn coimection with this movement and under the influence\\nof Professor John Hubbard and Tutor Francis Brown, certain\\nmem.bers of the old musical choir joined in the formation of\\nThe Handel Society of Dartmouth College. It was organized\\nJuly 23, 1807, its declared object being, to improve and culti-\\nvate the taste, and promote true and genuine music and dis-\\ncountenance trifling unfinished pieces. Its special object was\\nsacred music, and it was, like the other college societies, nomi-\\nnally a secret society, but in order to be established on a firm\\nand sure foundation it solicited the patronage and protection\\nof Dartmouth University. Its original undergraduate members\\nwere Amos Holbrook, John Walker, Alexander Read and George\\nNewton of the class of 1808, and Levi Woodbury of the class of\\n1809. Professor John Hubbard accepted the presidency, and\\nTutor Francis Brown and Esquire W. H. Woodward joined\\nas active members at its organization. Every member was\\nrequired to provide himself with a blank book and transcribe,\\nor procure a copy of, every tune that was ordered to be sung\\nat a future meeting.\\nThe old musical choir made still a struggle for existence, but\\nthe new society gaining rapidly, and disagreements arising\\nbetween them, the old one was disbanded and its books were\\nsold at vendue. A portion of them was bought by the Handel\\nSociety which had already begun a library by private gifts\\nand by appropriation of initiation fees, which in 1809 were\\nincreased to $1.50. Professor Hubbard himself had what was\\nreputed to be the best musical library in the country. He\\nhad in his possession more means for acquiring a musical educa-\\ntion than any other man in America, having more English\\nI Ritter s Music in America, pp. 94f A. Kendall s Autobiography, p. 54.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0615.jp2"}, "616": {"fulltext": "554 History of Dartmouth College.\\npublications and treatises on the science of music than any other\\nindividual. The bulk of this collection was, after Professor\\nHubbard s death, in 1810, purchased by the Handel Society at\\na cost of $90. Other valuable additions of the best description\\nof music were made from time to time, so that the society boasted\\na library of rare excellence in its special department, the whole\\nof which has faded away, nobody knows how, since the decay\\nof the society, within the last forty or fifty years.\\nThe society had at its origin, besides the usual executive officers\\nand primarius, three choristers, and three councillors afterward\\nstyled censors. Regular meetings were held every Friday\\nevening for exercise in singing, at the Academy Hall, and later\\nin Alden s Hall, but more often in a social way at the houses\\nof Professor Hubbard, Esquire Woodward and other citizens,\\nof whom a considerable number were admitted to membership.\\nHonorary membership was also conferred upon numerous persons\\nnot resident in town, and, beginning in 181 1, upon several ladies\\nof the village. After 18 12 this society enjoyed with the others\\nthe privileges of the common Society Hall, but most of its meet-\\nings were for a good many years, down at least to 1820, still\\nheld at private houses.\\nVocal music was the primary object, but in the summer of\\n1808 a bassoon was purchased by subscription, and as in April,\\n1809, it was determined to admit members of college who are\\nskilled in instrumental music, an orchestra thenceforth became\\nan essential feature of the organization. The presence of Esquire\\nHutchinson with his violin and Deacon Long with his viol is\\nnoted in 1820; a bass viol was bought by the society in 1829\\nat a cost of $27.75, and a double bass was procured in some way\\na little later. This was played in the meeting house by Dr.\\nMussey and is said to have been the only instrument of the kind\\nin the state at that time, and Dr. Mussey the only person\\nin the state competent to play it. He carried it on one occasion\\nfrom Hanover to Portsmouth to exhibit it for the gratification\\nof the New Hampshire Medical Society of which he was a prom-\\ninent member. 2\\nIn 1839 a trombone was purchased, to be played by Tyler\\nof the class of 1842, and a second was for a time in use. There\\nwere, of course, flutes and violins and other minor instruments\\nadapted to the varying character of the current talent among\\nRitter s Music in America, p. 94, quoted from Gould s History of Church Music in America-\\nRitter s Music in America, p. 108.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0616.jp2"}, "617": {"fulltext": "The Handel Society. 555\\nthe students. In August, 1842, the record speaks of two flutes,\\ntwo trombones and a single and a double bass viol and in March,\\n1843, a post horn is mentioned.\\nIn 1838 Hemenway of the freshman class having brought\\nfrom Lunenburg, Vt., an organ in the hope of obtaining pupils,\\nwas allowed by the college authorities the privilege of putting\\nhis organ into the chapel for the use of the Society. It was\\nused down to about 1856 in aid of the orchestra, but not to its\\nexclusion. On the graduation of Hemenway in 1842, his organ\\nwas purchased by the college for $500, and it remained in the\\nchapel until 1868, when being entirely played out it was\\nput aside for a melodeon and in March, 1869, replaced by a\\nnew organ. In 1839 a room in Thornton Hall was given to the\\nsociety for its library and instruments.\\nFrom its formation the musical part of the chapel and church\\nservices was in the keeping of this society. The Sabbath ser-\\nvices in the meeting house were conducted with the aid of the\\norchestra until 1852. In March of that year a melodeon, which\\nthe society had hired two years before, was brought into use in\\nthe meeting house and near the close of the same month a sub-\\nscription of $1,000 was obtained by Professor Brown among the\\nFaculty and citizens for the purchase of the organ which con-\\ntinued in use till the renovation of the church in 1893. It was\\nset up in the gallery at the south end of the house in July ready\\nfor Commencement, and, of course, supplanted the orchestra\\nin that place.\\nLaunched, as it was, at a period of intense activity and interest\\nin musical circles, the society under the leadership of Professor\\nHubbard was brought into intimate association with several\\nother prominent societies. In July, 1809, a connection, proposed\\nin August, 1808, was formed in furtherance of the common\\nobject, with the Middlesex Musical Society of New Ipswich,\\nN. H., (where Professor Hubbard formerly resided), whereby\\nthe societies mutually admitted the members of the other to\\nhonorary membership and established a correspondence on\\nmusical topics. Their plan contemplated an extension of the\\ncombination to other similar bodies, and periodical joint public\\nmeetings.\\nTheir first meeting of this kind was at Concord, September\\n19, 1810, when they gave a public concert with about forty\\nperformers and listened to an oration from Rev. Samuel Wor-\\ncester, which was published. Though the day was rainy there", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0617.jp2"}, "618": {"fulltext": "556 History of Dartmouth College.\\nwas a large audience. Of the Handel Society performers Jona-\\nthan Curtis, of the class of 1811, and Misses Mary and Annette\\nWoodward, daughters of Hon. William H. Woodward, attracted\\nparticular attention and applause. The next joint meeting,\\nSeptember 24, 181 1, was at Merriam s Hall in Amherst, on another\\nrainy day, where these societies were joined by the long estab-\\nlished Handelian Society of Amherst, and by the Central\\nMusical Society of Concord. Rev, Asa McFarland, president\\nof the latter, delivered the oration.^\\nOn August 27, 1812, Thursday of Commencement week, the\\nassociated societies met in Hanover, where they were addressed\\nby Levi Woodbury, and performed various pieces that good\\njudges pronounced unequivocally excellent. In September,\\n18 13, the joint meeting appears to have been held at Groton,\\nMass. It is. not certain that this stated connection much longer\\nsubsisted, but the interest in music continued yet for many years\\nin effect unabated. After Professor Hubbard s death in 18 10,\\nJudge Woodward accepted the presidency and after him, in\\n1815, Dr. R, D. Mussey, who led the society devotedly for\\nmany subsequent years, being with some periodical intermissions\\nits president until his removal to Ohio in 1838. He and Deacon\\nSamuel Long habitually assisted with voice and instrument\\nin the regular Sabbath services. Subsequent to the time of\\nDr. Mussey the graduate presidents took no active part in the\\nsociety.\\nThe fourth of July, 18 18, as has elsewhere been told, was\\ncelebrated by a joint meeting in Hanover, with the Hubbard\\nmusical society of Orford and Piermont which had been incor-\\nporated in 18 1 6. There were at that time in the state upward\\nof twenty incorporated societies devoted to sacred music, includ-\\ning a New Hampshire State society incorporated in 181 8 in\\nwhich Dr. Mussey was very prominent. Beginning with 1808\\nthe Hanover society had annually, with scarce an exception\\ndown to 1 83 1, a public musical performance and an oration\\nduring some part of Commencement week; after that year the\\noration disappears. In general it occupied the evening or the\\nmorning of Tuesday. In 181 1 it took place on Wednesday\\nevening, follwed by an elegant and splendid ball, not (it is\\nneedless to say) under the auspices of the society.\\nOn November 9, 1821, the Handel Society gave an oratorio,\\nto which the citizens were invited, and sang before a numerous\\nA. Kendall s Autobiography, p. 54.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0618.jp2"}, "619": {"fulltext": "The Handel Society. 557\\naudience. At the inauguration of President Tyler, March\\n27, 1822, they sang two choruses, The Great Jehovah, and\\nthe Hallelujah Chorus, and everything went well. For\\nCommencement that year they planned a grand Oratorio,\\nwith an admittance fee of twenty-five cents, but promised\\nassistants from Boston failed and it was given up. The fourth\\nof July, 1823, was celebrated by an Oratorio of which the\\nfollowing was the programme:\\nI, Old Hundred; 2, Prayer by President Tyler; 3, after which was sung,\\nThe Lord sitteth above the water floods; 4, Declaration of Independence\\nread by Esq. Olcott; 5, Song, Strike the Cymbals; 6, Oration by Bro. Samuel\\nDelano; 7, Anthem, Holy Lord God; Intercession, and Handel s Grand\\nHallelujah. The exercises throughout were excellent and appropriate, highly\\ncreditable to the performers, and satisfactory to a numerous and splendid\\naudience.\\nThe term Oratorio, as this illustrates, was then commonly\\napplied to a sacred concert of any kind, including, of course,\\nthe Society s Commencement anniversary. In 1828 we first\\nread of an admittance fee actually collected on such an\\noccasion. The tickets were twenty-five cents each, and the\\nsale of them realized $88.86. Students of the College were\\nadmitted free, and each member of the society had the privilege\\nof inviting two ladies. The performances, says the record,\\nwere rather boisterous and, therefore, were acceptable to the\\nmultitude. To show the character of these exhibitions one\\nor two programmes are reproduced. October 28, 1836, the\\nsociety gave a concert of sacred music in the college chapel.\\nChant Our Father who art in Heaven A non\\nPrayer\\nAddress by Tutor Adams\\nChorus\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Multitude of Angels M. P. King\\nSolo and Chorus Go forth to the Mount Stevens\\nTrio The Bright Bird Mozart\\nChorus He sees and he believes Bishop\\nSolo Source of Light Power Divine Mozart\\nChorus With Angels and Archangels A non\\nTrio I would not live alway Kingsley\\nSolo and Chorus Lift up your stately heads, ye doors Anon\\nTrio How sweet is the song of the lark Anon\\nSolo and Chorus Lo, He cometh Haydn\\nDuet Arrayed in clouds of golden light Shaw\\nAnthem Rejoice, O ye righteous Chappie\\nDuet All things fair and bright are thine Shaw\\nChorus Wake the song of jubilee Haydn\\nChorus Glory be to God on high Mozart", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0619.jp2"}, "620": {"fulltext": "558 History of Dartmouth College.\\nOn Tuesday evening preceding Commencement, July 24, 1838,\\nthe society with help of the band gave a concert in the meet-\\ning house. The next year on Wednesday evening, July 24,\\nthey gave a similar concert of sacred music on their own respon-\\nsibility, assisted by Messrs. Kendall, Pushee and Post. The\\nprice of admission as before was twenty-five cents. Preparatory\\nto this concert there was a warm discussion in the society as to\\nthe propriety of mingling secular music with sacred. By a\\nmajority of 22 to 8 the decision was in favor of the innovation, and\\ntwo members of the committee resigned in consequence. The\\nsociety in spite of its decision was doubtful of the result, but\\nmade a distinguished success. Though the evening was very\\nwarm the lower part of the meeting house was full, both aisles\\nand slips, and many were in the galleries. The words of all the\\nsongs in the following programme were printed in full in a four-\\npage leaflet for the occasion:\\n1. Duet and Chorus O Lord, our Governor Stevens\\n2. Duet Who s this that on tempest rides Shaw\\n3. Chorus Child of Mortality Bray\\n4. Duet Arrayed in clouds of golden light Shaw\\n5. Chorus Awake, put on thy strength, O arm of the Lord,\\nNeukomm\\n6. Chorus He sees and believes Bishop\\n7. Chorus The Heavens are telling the Glory of the Lord Haydn\\n8. Chorus O Father, whose almighty power Handel\\n9. Trio\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The May Fly Dr. Calcott\\n10. Chorus When winds breathe soft Webb\\n11. Trio Fly on bright bird Mozart\\n12. Solo and Chorus Rejoice in the Lord Chappie\\n13. Trio The Skylark Anon\\n14. Chorus The Nativity Whitaker\\nOn July 27, 1842, the society gave its last Commencement\\nconcert. It was principally from the Oratorio of David, intro-\\nduced with Handel s Hailstone Chorus and closed with the\\nGrand Hallelujah Chorus of Beethoven. The libretto covers\\ntwelve printed pages.\\nDuring all these earlier years, and to a great extent down to\\nmore recent times, the Handel Society regularly furnished\\nmusic for the annual Commencement anniversary of the Theo-\\nlogical Society, for which they made careful preparation, and\\nfor all other special occasions, such as the oratorical quarter-\\ndays, the annual medical Commencement in November, and\\noccasional eulogies, etc. In May, 1841, in connection with a", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0620.jp2"}, "621": {"fulltext": "The Handel Society. 559\\neulogy of President Harrison by Professor Haddock, the society\\namong other things sang an original dirge composed by Leonard\\nSwain of the class of 1841.\\nThis period was distinguished in the College, among other\\nthings, by an unusual array of musical talent, and the Handel\\nSociety shone out with peculiar brilliancy. Concerts were given\\nin many neighboring towns, and for a short time a custom was\\nobserved of obtaining each year a public address on music from\\nthe Prime President, in connection with a concert by the society.\\nAmong these were addresses from Rev. John Richards in 1842,\\nfrom Professor S. G. Brown in June, 1843, and from Professor\\nAlpheus Crosby in July, 1847. This was also the period, under\\nthe influence of Lowell Mason and others, of a general revival\\nin sacred music through the medium of conventions. In many\\nof these the Handel Society took active part; at Lyme, October,\\n1844, at Haverhill, August, 1845, at Orford, June, 1847, at\\nWindsor, June, 1848, at Montpelier, May, 1850, at Lebanon,\\nNovember, 1853 (conducted for three days by Lowell Mason),\\nand at Woodstock, June, 1854. In September, 1849, it furnished\\nmusic at the agricultural fair held in this village in connection\\nwith an oration by Professor Sanborn, and a concert in the\\nevening in the chapel.\\nAbout 1850, however, the society suffered a serious decline.\\nAfterward, at different times, it enjoyed periods of flattering\\nrevival, but never resumed its ancient importance. Its exist-\\nence was prolonged for many years for the sake of the musical\\npart of the services in the chapel and church, for which from\\n1855 it received an annual allowance from the college treasury,\\nbut the change in the musical interests of the students from the\\nclassical and serious to the lighter expressed itself through the\\norganization of a glee club, which appeared in the seventies,\\nand finally the Handel Society gradually retired into the back-\\nground. Its last recorded meeting was held June 19, 1888,\\nat which, as if to emphasize the change in the organization,\\ninstead of noting a musical programme, as in earlier years,\\nthe only vote passed was one to leave the matter of a banquet\\nto the Censors to report at an early date. No report seems to\\nhave been made and we do not know whether the banquet came\\noff or not; if it did, it seems to have been fatal, for within four\\nyears all trace of the society disappears except its name, and\\neven its library and its instruments have been wholly lost.\\nThere is every reason to be proud of the record which this", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0621.jp2"}, "622": {"fulltext": "56o History of Dartmouth College.\\nsociety made. Ritter in his history of Music in America\\nawards it the highest praise. Among those musical societies,\\nsays he, which at the early part of this century were formed\\nthroughout New England, I consider the above-mentioned\\nHandel Society of Dartmouth College next to the Boston\\nHandel and Haydn Society the one that was in many respects\\nmost beneficial in its influence. It is claimed, with\\nmuch justice, that some of the best vocal and instrumental\\nmusicians have been sent forth from the Dartmouth Handel\\nSociety to various parts of the country. To a member of this\\nsociety, graduated in 1842, Dr. Jabez B. Upham, and afterward\\nPresident of the Boston Handel and Haydn Society, has been\\nascribed, in large degree, the building of the Boston Music Hall,\\nthe great organ, the musical festivals and the musical instruction\\nin the schools.\\n1 Pp. lOS. 106.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0622.jp2"}, "623": {"fulltext": "The Religious Societies. 561\\nRELIGIOUS SOCIETIES.\\nIt is not possible to say with confidence when a reHgious society\\nwas first organized in the College. The church gathered by\\nthe first President, January i, 1771, was itself essentially a\\ncollege society presided over by Wheelock himself; and there\\nis no reason to suppose that any other was for a considerable\\ntime thought to be necessary. But it would be expected that\\nsocieties of this character should arise as early as any, and that\\nthey would be encouraged by the college authorities.\\nThe earliest society of this nature whereof any certain memorial\\nexists, appears to have been organized in 1801, and to have\\nbeen styled simply, The Religious Society of Dartmouth\\nCollege. All that we know of it is derived from mere chance\\nallusions. We learn from a newspaper announcement of the\\nexercises at Commencement in August, 1804, that on the pre-\\nceding Saturday evening at five o clock an oration on Charity\\nwas delivered by Daniel Thurston before the Religious Society.\\nSimilar exercises are noted as occurring in honor of a society of\\nthat name on Monday afternoon of Commencement week in\\n1805 and 1806. In 1807 the oration was before the Theological\\nSociety, which finds like mention under that name each succeed-\\ning year, excepting in 1809, when the body is styled the Society\\nof the Religiosi.\\nThe first official record we have of the Theological Society\\nof modern times bears date April 24, 1808, and is in these words,\\nResolved that the Constitution denominated the Constitution\\nof the Religiosi of Dartmouth College commencing with the\\nfirst page of this volume has been and is accepted and substituted\\ninstead of the Constitution of the Religious Society of Dart-\\nmouth College organized A.D. 1801.\\nFrom these various allusions we are permitted to infer that\\nthe old Religious Society, founded in 1801, was transformed\\nin 1806 or 1807 into the new Theological Society which in 1808\\ncoalesced with another society, having similar objects, styled\\nthe Religiosi, that had for an uncertain period co-existed\\nwith the first, in an organic form more generally acceptable.\\nThat alongside the new title the society still retained the more\\ngeneric designation of Religiosi, is evident from the occasional\\nbut persistent recurrence of that name from time to time even\\n36", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0623.jp2"}, "624": {"fulltext": "562 History of Dartmouth College.\\nafter the passage of a unanimous vote in August, 1815, with\\nconsent of the primarius, definitely to change the name of\\nthe society from the ReUgiosi, to the Theological.\\nIt is the only ancient society connected with the College that\\nhas preserved its activity unimpaired, and essentially unchanged\\nin form, without interruption to the present day, though its\\nconstitution has been subjected to innumerable changes in matters\\nof detail and the society has accepted a change of name and\\nnew relationships. Its records are complete from 1808, except-\\ning one volume covering the period between 1838 and 1845,\\nwhich has been lost. In 1868 an admirable historical account\\nof it was prepared by Charles H. Chandler of the senior class,\\nunder the direction of the society, and published in a pamphlet,\\nwhich had been of great assistance in the preparation of this\\nchapter.\\nThe original members in 1808 are said to have numbered but\\nten. Seven more were added before the ensuing Commence-\\nment. There have been, of course, great fluctuations in num-\\nbers. An addition of four in 18 12 occasioned great rejoicing,\\nas did eight more in 1813, and eighteen in 1815. The procession\\nat Commencement in 18 16 numbered more than sixty. In 1826\\nthere appears to have been about thirty. In 1834 eighty are\\nrecorded as present and voting, eighty-four in 1836 and seventy-\\ntwo in 1868. The class of 1842 furnished fifty, the class of\\n1845 nine, and classes till recent times from ten to twenty-eight.\\nUp to 1868 the grand total was twelve hundred, including four\\nhundred and fifty ministers, sixty professors, sixteen presidents.\\nMembers were drawn without distinction from all the under-\\ngraduate classes.\\nIn October, 18 14, and for some years afterward (certainly\\ntill 1822), invitations were extended to medical students, and\\nin 1868 to members of the Scientific Department, a proposition\\nof that sort respecting the latter having been before ineffectually\\nmoved in 1852. The first constitution restricted membership\\nto persons giving evidence of experimental acquaintance with\\nthe religion of the gospel. In 1832 invitation was given to all\\nfreshmen that were members in good standing of an orthodox\\nChristian church. The constitution in its later forms admitted\\nany member of the institution who is a member of any Chris-\\ntian church in regular standing, believing in man s entire\\ndepravity, the Divinity of Christ, the atonement, regeneration\\nand future rewards and punishments.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0624.jp2"}, "625": {"fulltext": "The Religious Societies. 563\\nAt first two adverse votes excluded a candidate, later a unan-\\nimous election was necessary at a regular meeting where more\\nthan half of the society should be present. In 1869 the door\\nwas opened to any member of College who is interested in the\\nobjects of the society, and it is to be inferred that a majority\\nvote was sufficient for an election, but later a return was had to\\nchurch membership as a basis of admission.\\nAs to officers, the society has never thought it necessary to\\nbe very elaborately equipped. The President of the College\\nwas from the first perpetual primarius, and the members of the\\nsenior class presided at the meetings in rotation. There was\\nof course a recording secretary, and the affairs of the society,\\nincluding the assignment of duties, were from first to last man-\\naged by a committee. By the constitution of 1808 three ab-\\nsences from stated meetings subjected a member to expulsion,\\na rule never enforced in its stringency. The same constitution\\ndenounced expulsion upon any member who should indulge\\nhimself in scenes of revelry and intemperance or in any species\\nof gambling, or (as added a few years later) in attendance at\\nballs and assemblies or in any sense tolerate them.\\nIn 181 1 a m.ember of the graduating class was expelled for\\ncountenancing a scene of revelry, insulting a tutor, listening\\nunmoved to profanity and imitating the behavior of a drunken\\nman. He retorted with charges of shutting up cattle against\\ntwo other members, who confessed and were forgiven. The\\nsecretary adds to the record with a genuine burst of feeling,\\nWe all felt moved God grant we may use new solicitude\\nto support the honor of the Christian name.\\nIn 1824 a member, likewise of the graduating class, was\\nexpelled for consenting to be a manager at the Commencement\\nball, and again, with the approbation of the President of the\\nCollege and the pastor, another for the same cause in 1847.\\nBut the most fertile occasion of discipline was, for many years,\\nintemperance. No wonder that the moral society drew\\nhearty support from the Religiosi. In 1827 the members of\\nthis society signed and circulated a pledge to abstain from the\\nuse of wine and to withhold patronage from those who sell it,\\nand sent a committee to inform the traders on the plain.\\nThe temperance pledge was renewed in 1832 and 1833, and,\\nin consequence of some indiscretion of that sort indulged in\\nby some of the members on occasion of being elected to office,\\nthe practice of treating was condemned. In 1836 it was again", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0625.jp2"}, "626": {"fulltext": "564 History of Dartmouth College.\\nvoted that the practice of treating on election to office and\\nother occasions is inconsistent with a reputable profession of\\nreligion, though in the specific instance which gave rise to the\\ncondemnation palliating circumstances and contrition saved\\nthe offender. In April, 1815, at one of the meetings, a conver-\\nsation was held on the propriety, or rather impropriety, of\\nprofessed [Christians] joining in the common amusement of ball-\\nplaying with the students for exercise, and a few weeks later\\nthere were many spirited remarks on the subject of nocturnal\\ncowhunting, and the society was unanimous in condemning it,\\nand in voting to render it improper and contemptible. This\\nis not the only time that the same subject came up. It ought\\nto be mentioned as a palliating circumstance that the occa-\\nsion of the practice was the fact that the college green or common,\\nbeing yet unfenced, the village cows were habitually pastured\\nthereon, much to the inconvenience of the students in their\\nsports. At about the same period the habit of going to the post\\noffice on Sabbath days for letters and papers was condemned.*\\nIndeed, one cannot fail to be impressed, on reading these memo-\\nrials of the past, with the uniform, sincere and earnest purpose\\nof the members to keep their Christian character above the\\nshadow of reproach, and the general moderation and wisdom of\\ntheir measures to that end.\\nThe regular meetings of the society have always been held\\nweekly. At first they fell on Sundays, in the morning. The\\ntransaction of secular business, such as election of officers, etc.,\\nwas, when the necessity arose, adjourned to the following day.\\nIn December, 1813, the time was changed to Thursday evening,\\nand in September, 1814, to Monday evening, where it regularly\\nremained, sometimes before supper, as in 1822, but generally\\nafter it. It was then for the first time voted to hire the bell\\nrung every Monday evening, and a committee of two was\\nappointed to prepare wood and candles. This need arose\\nfrom their occupancy of the public room known as Society\\nHall, a room in Dartmouth Hall about this time devoted by\\nthe college authorities to the use of all the societies in rotation.\\nThe ordinary meetings of this society had been until then held\\nat the rooms of the members. Thereafter (excepting about a\\nyear in 18 18 and 18 19 when they were excluded by the would\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2October 26, 183s.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0626.jp2"}, "627": {"fulltext": "The Religious Societies. 565\\nbe University, and a time in 1828-1829 while Dartmouth\\nHall was being remodeled when they were held in the Acad-\\nemy the meetings were statedly in the common Society Hall\\nuntil November, 1867, when they were transferred to the room\\nof the Society of Inquiry, and in January, 1868, to a Theolog-\\nical Hall, which was fitted up by the College, aided by a sub-\\nscription among students, Faculty and townspeople, in the\\nnortheast corner of the ground floor of Thornton Hall for the\\njoint use of the two societies, and which continued still in the\\noccupancy of these societies till the opening of Bartlett Hall.\\nThe exercises, at first perhaps purely devotional, were from\\nJune, 1808, made to include one or more dissertations on religious\\nor theological topics, carefully and designedly eschewing, for\\nthe most part, debate; though for a while, beginning in April,\\n1824, and perhaps for other brief periods afterward, a discussion\\nformed a part of the regular programme. The dissertations\\nwere to be exhibited by the members according to classical\\nand alphabetical order, upon subjects selected by the standing\\ncommittee. While never secret, attendance at the stated society\\nmeetings has in general been confined to members. In 1812\\na vote was recorded after some hesitation allowing members\\nto invite other religious friends to accompany them.\\nIn April, 1815, it was voted to appropriate the first Monday\\nevening in each month to prayer for the spread of the gospel\\namong the heathen, and this was, thenceforward, a permanent\\narrangement. Meetings for a similar object began (at about\\nthe same time, we suppose) to be held by the village people\\nat the school house, and the society for short periods united\\nwith them (viz.. May, 1816, June, 1816, December, 1817, but in\\nJune, 1818, the society refused to join). In April, 1835, these\\nmeetings were ordered to be at the old chapel and public, but\\nin general the society preferred to meet by itself, and in October,\\n1822, laid it down as the duty of its members to attend the\\nmonthly concert at the hall instead of going to the villagers\\nmeeting at the school house. In October, 1826, after confer-\\nence with President Tyler it was voted to unite in monthly\\nconcerts with the church, but the vote was rescinded at the\\nnext meeting.\\n1 The loyalty of the society to the old College is evidenced by the following record, made\\nMarch 8, 1819. on the occasion of its restoration to the privileges of the hall: Thanks to God,\\nthe College is re-established in the possession of its rights and privileges. We believe it to be\\nby the kind interposition of Providence that Dartmouth College has withstood the flood of\\nevil doers that has risen up against it.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0627.jp2"}, "628": {"fulltext": "566 History of Dartmouth College.\\nAmong the outside duties assumed by the society was a public\\nSaturday evening conference meeting conducted by its members\\nand under its control, which began with the great revival of\\n1815 and continued until 1893. In May, 1815, it was ordered\\nthat the senior members of the society preside on Saturday\\nevenings as in the meetings of the society. In April, 1817, it\\nwas voted to attend Saturday evening conference at the school\\nhouse, and in 1826 a committee was chosen to make fires for\\nthe meetings there. In July, 1828, it was voted to give up the\\nSaturday evening meetings usually held in the school house,\\nand have, instead, a prayer meeting in the Society Hall. In\\nSeptember, 1828, this meeting was in the Academy, but it was\\nresumed in the school house in February, 1829. In 1833 it\\nappears in the chapel in Dartmouth Hall, and from August,\\n1835, it was statedly in the old chapel, which then stood tempo-\\nrarily near where the Administration Building now stands, but\\nin 1846 it was finally removed to the vestry, where it was held\\nuntil 1869, when it was taken to the society room.\\nIn April, 1817, the rule was inaugurated of requiring at each\\nmonthly concert a contribution of at least one cent from each\\nmember for foreign missions. In 18 19 on motion of Brother\\nWilliam T. Haddock it was voted that the society raise annually\\nmoney sufficient to support at school a native boy of Ceylon,\\nwho shall be named Francis Brown. This was faithfully car-\\nried out until, on October 13, 1828, the society having received\\nintelligence of the misconduct of Francis Brown, the heathen\\nchild supported by them, and that he had left the missionary\\nschool and obstinately persisted in this course of conduct regard-\\nless of the expostulations of the missionaries, it was voted\\nthat whereas it may have a beneficial effect on his mind to\\naddress an affectionate letter to him. Brother Asa D. Smith\\nbe appointed a committee to perform this duty. The future\\nPresident s persuasive powers must have been yet undeveloped,\\nfor we find no further mention of this Francis Brown, and the\\ncontributions were thenceforward given unrestricted to the\\nForeign Missionary Society. The subscriptions recorded during\\na period of twenty-two years amounted to nearly $300.\\nA third weekly prayer and conference meeting was pretty\\nconstantly maintained by members of the society for many years,\\non Sunday at some convenient room in the College, for the special\\nbenefit of all the students. Being outside the regular scheme\\nof society duty, it finds but occasional mention in the records.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0628.jp2"}, "629": {"fulltext": "The Religions Societies. 567\\nWe first hear of it there In November, 1818, again in 1832, and\\nagain in 1846. It has been frequently held in recent years as\\na neighborhood meeting in some private house in the village.\\nThere have been at times set on foot by the society other\\nlocal enterprises of a missionary character, and in May, 1827, it\\nwas seriously but ineffectually proposed to make the society\\na branch of a tract society, not specifically indicated. In 1832\\nand again in 1850, a systematic distribution of tracts was under-\\ntaken in the near neighborhood, and at times religious canvassing\\nthroughout the village and the town has been practised. Meet-\\nings in the fall and spring were often specially devoted to con-\\nferences for the benefit of those who taught school during the\\nwinter, upon the means of Christian usefulness in that capacity.\\nActive correspondence was for many years carried on with similar\\nsocieties at other institutions, and with missionaries in China\\nand India. The custom was begun with an exchange of letters\\nwith brothers at the Theological Seminary in Andover, at the\\nrequest of graduate members there, communicated by Daniel\\nPoor in March, 1813. It was extended to Middlebury College\\nin 1814, to Yale and to the Praying Society at Brown Univer-\\nsity in 1 815, and to Bowdoin in 18 16, afterwards to Waterville,\\nAmherst, Williams and Harvard, and to the Seminary at Auburn,\\nN. Y., to that at Bangor, Me., and to Meriden Academy. The\\ncorrespondence was at first carried on by special committees\\nwho presented each letter for approval before sending it, and\\nafterward by a corresponding secretary.\\nIn June, 1813, this society began to gather a library by sub-\\nscribing for the Christian Observer and the Panoplist, and soon\\nafter for Scott s Bible, then in course of publication in numbers.\\nIn 1819 an inventory disclosed little else besides pamphlets\\nand thirteen bound volumes of the periodicals above mentioned.\\nIn March, 1838, the library was divided between the Social\\nFriends and the United Fraternity, but the subscriptions to\\nfour religious periodicals were continued, the numbers being\\nplaced for convenience in the reading rooms of the same two\\nsocieties until 1846, when they were withdrawn. The book\\ncase belonging to the society in 1838 was given to the Society\\nof Inquiry.\\nLike all the earlier societies the Theological Society too, was\\naccustomed from its birth to celebrate that event each year\\nat the college Commencement, with an oration or a sermon,\\nand generally the service of the Handel Society was obtained to", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0629.jp2"}, "630": {"fulltext": "568 History of Dartmouth College.\\nfurnish appropriate music. Sometimes band music has been\\nsubstituted, but not without frequent objection. From 1804\\nuntil 1837 with two exceptions, 1815 and 1827, the oration,\\nwhen it occurred (as it generally did), was from some member\\nof the society in the graduating class. Ever since, to the present\\ntime, it has been by some person invited from abroad. In\\n1 81 5 a brother had been designated, but, being sick, the Rev.\\nThaddeus Osgood of the class of 1803 consented to supply the\\nsermon. In 1846 fourteen gentlemen in turn declined the\\nhonor. While the duty was discharged by one of the brethren,\\nit was customary to require him to read his piece to the society\\n(toward the last to a committee) for approbation a few days\\nbefore delivery.\\nIn 1804 the anniversary was held on Saturday preceding\\nCommencement at five o clock P. M. Thereafter it occurred\\non Monday afternoon until 1829 when it became the first exercise\\non Tuesday morning, and ten years later, when Commencement\\nwas changed to Thursday, it was transferred to Wednesday\\nmorning. In 1841 it became the last thing in the afternoon,\\nbut from 1853 to 1871 it was held Tuesday evening; the attend-\\nance, however, fell off to such an extent that in the latter year it\\nwas again transferred to Sunday evening, where it continued\\ntill it was finally abandoned in 1907. From i8i3toi8i9 there\\nwas delivered on the evening of Tuesday, by some clergyman\\nfrom abroad, what was called the concio ad clerum.\\nThe Society of Inquiry grew out of the special interest in\\nmissions on the part of the Theological Society already referred\\nto, and was formed in March, 1821, by several members of that\\nsociety specially interested in the subject. It had for its object\\nto inquire into the state of the Heathen, the importance of\\nmissions, the best means of conducting them and the most\\neligible places for their establishment; and also to disseminate\\ninformation relative to these objects, with a view to excite\\nthe attention of Christians to their importance. Members\\nwere admitted only by unanimous vote, and ceased to be such\\nby absenting themselves from two successive meetings without\\nsufficient excuse. None were admitted unless conscious of a\\nspecial interest in the subject.\\nMeetings were first held on the first Sunday evening of each\\nmonth in term time, and, after a few months, after morning\\nprayers on Monday. The ordinary exercises, assigned three\\nmonths in advance, comprised dissertations on missionary sub-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0630.jp2"}, "631": {"fulltext": "The Religious Societies. 569\\njects (for a time two in number, afterward but one), and criti-\\ncisms thereon. In the autumn of 1826 negotiations were opened\\nwith the Theological Society, which resulted in a cessation of\\nactivity in the Society of Inquiry, and in a formal vote of dis-\\nsolution in March, 1827. But five weeks later a portion of its\\nmembers with other Christian students renewed the organiza-\\ntion upon the same basis as before. In 1831 the exercises were\\nmade to include, besides an essay, the presentation of a summary\\nof the contents of the Missionary Herald and the Home Missionary\\nMonthly, and the day of meeting was changed to the last Monday\\nof the month. Soon after this the meetings were held fortnightly,\\nand from March, 1839, weekly. From 1849 the meetings on the\\nlast Friday evening of each month were devoted to prayers for\\nmissions.\\nA fee of twenty-five cents was paid on admission, and expended\\nin subscriptions for missionary periodicals, which being preserved\\nand bound formed the nucleus of a library devoted to this\\nsubject. To this was added a cabinet of heathen curiosities,\\nbegun about 1840 by gifts from Ira Tracy of the China, and\\nStephen Tracy of the Siam, Mission, and from W. C. Jackson\\nat Constantinople. Until May, 1823, the meetings were held\\nat the private rooms of the members. In the spring of 1841\\na room in the second story of Dartmouth Hall was appropriated\\nby the College to the use of the society for its meetings, and\\nfor the safe keeping of its property.\\nThe constitution underwent several revisions till in July, 1869,\\nthe society coalesced with the Theological Society under a new\\nconstitution and the title of the Theological and Missionary\\nSociety, but in 1875, from the belief that the existing name did\\nnot properly represent the purposes of the society, the name\\nwas changed to the Christian Fraternity. Seven years later,\\nin order to bring itself into closer relations with other similar\\norganizations, the Fraternity took the title of the Dartmouth\\nYoung Men s Christian Association. It was warmly supported\\nby President Bartlett, who, as has been told, was largely instru-\\nmental in securing a building for its exclusive use, but the impulse\\nthat came from its new home was not lasting and within a few\\nyears it became evident that the Association was not maintaining\\nitself as a strong influence in the College.\\nIn examining the situation President Tucker felt that it was\\nimportant to put the Association under the direction of a graduate\\nsecretary, and with the help of a generous and confidential gift", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0631.jp2"}, "632": {"fulltext": "570 History of Dartmouth College.\\nhe secured, in the fall of 1896, Henrj O. Aiken of the class of\\n1887 for that place. Mr. Aiken possessed extraordinary qual-\\nities for the work. To sympathy, insight and appreciation he\\nadded clear judgment and executive force, by which he gained\\nthe good will and assumed the leadership of those with whom\\nhe worked. In the short space of a few months he vitalized\\nthe Association and gave it a promise of great effectiveness, but\\nin June of 1897 he was stricken with a sudden illness and died\\nwithin two days.\\nSince his death the Association has been fortunate in having\\nfor a part of the time graduate secretaries who have been able\\nleaders. At other times it has worked through its own under-\\ngraduate organization. In order to give itself a somewhat\\ngreater latitude of membership and to associate itself as closely\\nas possible with the other interests of the College it changed its\\nname in 1905 to the Dartmouth Christian Association, and\\nthe basis of membership from membership in an evangelical\\nchurch to any Dartmouth man who was willing to support\\nits object, although the privilege of voting and holding office\\nwas restricted to members of evangelical churches. Under this\\nsystem and with the growth of the College the membership of\\nthe Association increased in successive classes three or fourfold.\\nTo its neighborhood activities, which have been continued,\\nit has of late years added evangelizing tours by groups of its\\nmembers to different parts of the state, and within the College\\nitself has made efforts, by the formation of classes, to promote\\nthe systematic study of the Bible and the discussion of religious\\ninterests.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0632.jp2"}, "633": {"fulltext": "Commencements. 571\\nCOMMENCEMENTS.\\nThe college Commencement has been at Hanover, as in other\\ncollege towns, the notable day of the year, bringing a concourse\\nof distinguished and learned men from abroad, and, unti Irecently,\\na general holiday for all the country within a radius of twenty\\nmiles or more around. Of late its importance in all particulars,\\nexcept socially for the alumni, has greatly diminished. The\\ngraduate or the visitor of today gets no conception of what the\\noccasion was even a half century ago. A clergyman, a graduate\\nof Edinburgh, present here at that period remarked that there\\nwas more ado over the anniversary of that little College in\\nAmerica, than at all the universities of Europe.\\nIn the height of its glory, and within the memory of the older\\nalumni, this occasion combined with the genuine and refined\\npleasures of a great literary gathering all the external attractions\\nappropriate to a fair or a general muster of the olden time. The\\ndin of preparation for these began with the break of day on\\nMonday by the construction of booths in choice spots about\\nthe southwestern corner of the Green. During that day and the\\nnext every public conveyance brought its contribution till all the\\nhouses of the village, both public and private, were filled with\\nguests. On the morning of Wednesday all approaches to the\\nvillage were crowded with vehicles of every description, and\\nnumerous foot passengers as well, all hurrying in to see the fun.\\nBy this time every available spot along the southern extremity of\\nthe square would be occupied with a booth of a trader, and, as\\nthe day passed, travelling adventurers swarmed in with their carts\\nand bivouacked on the spot. The night that followed was enli-\\nvened with their lamps and the buzz of preparation, and some-\\ntimes with the persuasions of the students, who, not relishing\\ntheir presence, attempted to induce them to depart. The sur-\\nrounding country was emptied into Hanover. Instances are not\\nwanting of persons who have attended fifty consecutive Com-\\nmencements.\\nThe peddlers, the auctioneers, the jugglers and the shows with\\ntheir attendant throngs would spread far up toward the meeting\\nhouse, and with the cider, the strong beer openly sold, and the\\n1 An interesting picture of Coinmencemeat is given in J. G. Holland s story. Miss Gilbert s\\nCareer, chapter XXIII.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0633.jp2"}, "634": {"fulltext": "572 History of Dartmouth College.\\nstronger drink scarcely concealed, toward evening the crowds\\nwould wax ruder and the turmoil more furious, until it not\\nseldom resulted in a brawl, so that all orderly people breathed\\nfreer if the usual thunder shower dispersed the noisy and profane\\nrabble.\\nA newspaper correspondent, writing August 21, 1833, said:^\\nI was sorry to see such a host of peddlars, gamblers, drunkards\\nand shows. I was never more astonished than to find at such an\\nanniversary and at such a place the unaccountable degree of\\nimmorality and vice that I have witnessed today. I should\\nthink there were in sight of one another thirty places of gambling.\\nDuring the performances in the meeting house the vociferations\\nof a dozen auctioneers were distinctly to be heard in the house.\\nThe fashion began with the first Commencement in 1771 when\\nthe whole country gathered to welcome Governor Wentworth\\nand his suite, and were regaled on the Green by his order with a\\nbarbecued ox, and a barrel of rum.* The example thus set was\\neasily followed and led to such excess that in 1775 the students\\nresolved to discountenance all vain frolicking on this occasion,\\nand presented a petition to the Trustees for their help against\\nthe fashionable vices and to discredit all appearance of dissi-\\npation, licentiousness, prophaneness and irreligion, especially on\\nthat day of public rejoicing.\\nIn 1 801 a visitor from abroad, Rev. Archibald Alexander,^\\nreturning from a call on the President to his room in one of the\\ntaverns (there were then two in the place), was surprised to\\nfind the whole house filled with a strange and motley multitude.\\nMy own room, he wrote, was occupied by a company of\\ngamblers and the usual circle of lookers on. I loudly asserted\\nmy claim to the room and made appeal to the host. He declared\\nhimself unable to turn the people out. The Green Mountain\\nboys appeared to be good natured but perfectly unpracticable.\\nMr. William Dewey, writing of it in 1835, says that from time\\nimmemorial noise tumult and revelry, gambling, tipling and\\nprofaneness prevailed.\\nThis condition of things, somewhat amended by the stringency\\nof the liquor laws and by the gradual change in public sentiment,\\ncontinued with some fluctuations till nearly i860, when deter-\\nmined and persistent efforts on the part of the authorities aided\\n^Portsmouth Journal, August 31, 1833. Life of Rev. Dr. A. Alexander, p. 259.\\nVol. I, p. 230.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0634.jp2"}, "635": {"fulltext": "Commencements. 573\\nby a change in the time of holding the anniversary gradually\\nbrought these evils ahnost to an end.\\nThe same causes that made possible this most desirable reform\\nalso brought about a decided change in the character and impor-\\ntance of the occasion in other respects. The gathering of literati\\nis no longer the same, and the interest once general is now con-\\nfined to those immediately concerned in the exercises, and to\\ngraduates whom class reunions or other special circumstances\\ndraw together. The imposing array of numerous processions\\nand the sword and sash of the high sheriff marshal have passed\\naway, no doubt forever, as well as the overpowering abundance\\nof literary entertainment that at its maximum was simply\\nappalling.\\nFor about fifteen years, until the societies came into the field\\nwith their anniversaries, the exercises at Commencement were\\nconfined to a single day. The earliest record we have of enlarge-\\nment is in 1787 when the United Fraternity celebrated its first\\nanniversary on Tuesday preceding Commencement day in the\\nhall, the College Hall no doubt with a dialogue and an ora-\\ntion. Whether the Social Friends had done the same after their\\nformation in 1783 we do not know, as their early records are lost.\\nThey certainly were not behind the Fraters thereafter, and claimed\\nprecedence by reason of seniority; so that, as early at least as\\n1792, both Monday and Tuesday were occupied. There was\\nan address to the Musical Society on Monday at one o clock,\\nfollowed at five by an oration to the Social Friends, and at seven\\nby an entertaining original comedy by its members.\\nOn Tuesday morning came the Phi Beta Kappa oration, fol-\\nlowed by the United Fraternity with an oration at five, and in the\\nevening with a pleasing dialogue. This was the basis of sub-\\nsequent arrangements. By way of exception, in 1804, the\\nReligious Society held its anniversary on Saturday preceding\\nCommencement, and in 18 12 Thursday, the day after Com-\\nmencement, was for once occupied by a joint meeting of the\\nHandel Society and other musical societies from abroad. From\\nthat time also the exercises of the literary societies were simpli-\\nfied and Monday was left exclusively to the Theological Society.\\nIn 18 19 the enthusiasm bred by the successful end of litigation\\nagain carried the celebration over to Thursday with a grand\\njubilee and dinner of the Phi Beta Kappa. This society, thence-\\nforth, retained that day until the rearrangements of 1835. Prize\\nspeaking began in 1821 with an exhibition on Wednesday, the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0635.jp2"}, "636": {"fulltext": "574 History of Dartmouth College.\\nevening of Commencement day. From 1822 to its discontinu-\\nance in 1834 the prize exhibition took place at eight o clotk A.M.\\non Thursday, the Phi Beta Kappas following at eleven.\\nThe number of society anniversaries after a time greatly dimin-\\nished, and in 1837 the burdens of Commencement were still fur-\\nther relieved by the union, under pressure from the Faculty, of\\nthe two literary societies in a single joint celebration. In 1839\\nthe Commencement exercises being themselves permanently\\ntransferred to Thursday, the society anniversaries fell for the\\nfuture on Wednesday. But there was still an abundance of\\noratory. In 1840 there were on Wednesday of Commencement\\nweek four addresses, one at ten A. M. by Dr. Beecher before the\\nTheological Society on Defence of Edwards against Fatalism,\\nfollowed immediately by one two hours long by Rev. Dr. Henry\\nbefore the Phi Beta Kappa Society on The Demands of the\\nAge on Educated Men. After a recess Rev. Mr. Lunt gave an\\naddress before the literary societies, which some called very\\nfine, others thought his subject was buried in the rubbish of\\nwords, and in the evening Professor Samuel G. Brown gave his\\ninaugural address on Oratory.\\nThe time of holding the Commencement has, since the death\\nof the founder, been subjected to a gradual but constant preces-\\nsion. The first two occasions were celebrated on the last Wed-\\nnesday of August. In 1776 it was held for special reasons on\\nJuly 24, but with that exception until 1779, inclusive, it occurred\\non the last Thursday in August. It was then changed (for what\\nreason we do not know) to the third Wednesday of September\\nand so held from 1780 to 1788. From then till 1835, the reason\\nfor the change in 1779 having now ceased, it was held on the\\nfourth Wednesday of August, excepting 1818, 1819, 1828-1830,\\n1833 and 1834, when it was on the third Wednesday of the\\nmonth. In 1835 the day was changed to the last Wednesday of\\nJuly, with the result of a much smaller attendance than usual\\nand an unusual degree of decorum, and in 1839 to the last\\nThursday of the same month. In 1864 it was again changed to\\nthe last Thursday but one of July, and in 1872 to the last Thurs-\\nday of June. In 1893 it was put one day earlier, on the last\\nWednesday of June, which is the present date.\\nThe place in which the exercises were held at the first was a\\nbooth or tent near the old college building on the southeast corner\\nof the Green. In 1772 it is spoken of as a building, 40 by 55 feet,\\nVermont Chronicle, August 5, 1840.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0636.jp2"}, "637": {"fulltext": "Commencements. 575\\nwhich was too small to hold the people. In 1774 Dr. Belknap\\nsays the exercises were held in a tent erected in the open air on\\nthe eastern [western?] side of the College/ and covered with\\nboards. They were undoubtedly transferred the next year to the\\nrecently enlarged College Hall. We hear of them there in\\n1785. From 1787 to 1789 they were held in the unfinished Dart-\\nmouth Hall; after that in the then new chapel until the meeting\\nhouse was ready for them in 1795. Here all the exercises were\\nafterward held, excepting a part of the day in 1799, and excepting\\nalso the centennial year 1869, when the great concourse made\\nnecessary larger accommodations in a mammoth tent on the\\nCommon, until the erection of Webster Hall, where the exercises\\nof Commencement day have been held since 1908.\\nThe nature of the exercies has of course often varied greatly.\\nThey invariably opened and closed with prayer, which was char-\\nacterized in early years as solemn and well adapted, able and\\npertinent, etc. The programme for the two earliest years was,\\nas elsewhere shown, quite simple, occupying a single session for a\\npart of the day, and conducted chiefly in Latin. Beginning with\\n1773 there were two sessions, with an intermission. This fashion,\\noffering six or seven parts in each session, many of them, however,\\ndialogues and disputations with sometimes six or eight speakers\\nin each, continued apparently without change, until the close\\nof the century. In 1801, owing to class dissensions, the whole\\nwas shortened into a single sitting with but six parts, beginning\\nat eleven o clock, with the dinner at the close. In 1802 there\\nwere seven parts, in 1803, nine, in 1804, eleven, and in 1808 it was\\nordered that all the class should prepare parts, but that no more\\nthan fifteen, nor less than eight, should speak. In 1823 the num-\\nber of speakers rose to seventeen, and to nineteen in 1828. In\\n1835 the abolition of the honor system led to the attempt to bring\\nall of the graduating class impartially upon the stage. This\\noccupied the entire day and necessitated a resort once more to\\nan intermission for rest and refreshment. Under this short-lived\\narrangement the speakers were divided into four sections, or\\ndepartments entitled respectively the chemical, mathematical\\nand physical, rhetorical, and the department of moral and intel-\\nlectual philosophy. In 1835 there were forty-six speakers, in\\n1836 there were forty-seven, in 1837 thirty-six, and in 1838 forty-\\nthree, of whom, however, quite a number were excused. The\\npoet Longfellow, who chanced to be here at Commencement in\\n1 See Volume I, p. 390.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0637.jp2"}, "638": {"fulltext": "576 History of Dartmouth College.\\n1837 as companion of Mr. Hilliard, the societies orator, wrote\\nto a friend: Of the thirty-five orations 1 heard twenty-five this\\nforenoon. A greater part of the afternoon I have passed on the\\nbalcony of the hotel, looking at the great crowd assembled round\\nthe carts of the peddlers who are selling their wares at auction.\\nRelief was found in 1839 in the use of the lot by which the\\nnumber of speakers was reduced to twenty-seven, seventeen before\\nand ten after the intermission. The intermission was discon-\\ntinued in 1843. The number of speakers remained substantially\\nunchanged until 1880 when they were reduced to seventeen, and\\nin later years they have been brought down by successive changes\\nto the present number of six.\\nA procession has ever been one of the prominent features of the\\nexercises. Until 18 19 it was regularly formed at the President s\\nhouse, since then at the chapel. The order of march in Septem-\\nber, 1785, was this: At ten o clock the undergraduates formed\\nthemselves into a double line reaching from the President s gate\\n[where Reed Hall now is] to the College Hall, nearly opposite, on\\nthe Green. The procession passed between the lines, uncovered,\\nin this order The President, the Rev. and Hon. Trustees, the\\nProfessors, Librarian and Secretary, and the Rev. Clerg\\\\s two\\nand two, and the students falling in closed the procession.\\nWith the clergy are mentioned in 1792 other respectable char-\\nacters, and in 1799, gentlemen of a public character.\\nThe office next in importance to the President was the Bedle,\\nthe modern Marshal, to order the movements aright. While\\nGovernor Wentworth attended, the duty devolved upon the\\nprovincial high sheriff from Portsmouth. It was afterward\\ngenerally entrusted to such gentlemen of a military character as\\nCol. James Wheelock in 1791, Capt. Josiah Dunham, 1794-1798\\nand Capt. George Woodward, 1 800-1 807. Some still living may\\nremember the imposing grandeur in this character of the Grafton\\nhigh sheriff. Col. Amos. A. Brewster, between 1820 and 1844,\\nwith his pompous manner and stentorian voice, his cocked hat\\nand sword, his gold lace and sash, and his lisping invitation, with\\nhis hand upon his heart, to the fair sex for the evening levee.\\nMusic was an essential part of the Commencement from the\\nvery beginning. The exercises in 1771 were begun with an\\nanthem, and closed by another. Anthems and other sacred\\nmusic were, thereafter, habitually employed to break the monot-\\nony of the exercises. The musical society, as soon as formed,\\nLife of Longfellow, Volume I, p. 257.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0638.jp2"}, "639": {"fulltext": "Commencements. 577\\nhad the responsibility of this part of the performances. The\\nmusic for a long time was chiefly vocal, though instruments of\\nsome kind were quite early introduced. A band for marching,\\nfirst introduced, so far as we know, in 1805, and regularly men-\\ntioned till 1810 as heading the procession, was paid for in the main\\nby voluntary contributions of the literary societies. The innova-\\ntion was not acceptable to many, and repeated attempts were\\nmade to curtail or abolish the practice, but it is needless to say\\nthat these efforts were not permanently effective.\\nIn 1822 the Trustees determined to discourage the great\\nexpense which the band occasioned, and the next year appointed\\nMessrs. Ezekiel Webster and M. P. Payson a special committee\\nfor that object. In 1832 the Trustees again urged the students,\\nin imitation of the laudable example at Yale, to dispense with\\na band altogether, and in 1838 the clerical and other gentlemen\\npresent at Commencement, in a public meeting in the chapel,\\nexpressed disapproval of the use of bands on these occasions, and\\nrequested the Trustees to use their influence to have the custom\\nimmediately cease. The Board has repeatedly in more recent\\nyears vainly urged reduction of expenditure in this direction.\\nThe band by no means wholly supplanted the musical society.\\nWe not only find vocal and sacred music expressly mentioned as\\nbeing a part of the exercises of Commencement day from 18 13 to\\n1820, but the special musical performances of the Handel Society,\\nafter its formation in 1808, in connection with the annual oration,\\nrose to a high degree of excellence and prominence. They were\\nthe lineal progenitors of the later Commencement concert, which\\nin turn gave way to a dramatic presentation by the students.\\nFrom 1822 they were generally held on the evening preceding\\nCommencement day. The first suggestion of a Commencement\\nconcert on the modern plan, independent of the society s oration,\\nappears in 1827 in the performance of an oratorio by the Handel\\nSociety on the evening before Commencement. A similar and\\nfinal entertainment was given in 1842. In 1843, in the presence\\nof Frank Johnson and Company s negro band from Philadelphia,\\nwe have the first instance of a concert wholly by talent from\\nabroad.\\nThe custom of a public dinner on Commencement day began\\nwith the first anniversary. To this gentlemen of a liberal educa-\\ntion or public character were invited, the most distinguished\\nbeing entertained at the President s table, the others at the\\nCommons Hall. In later years all dined together, and the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0639.jp2"}, "640": {"fulltext": "@4/6,\\nDolls.\\n44.16\\n44-50\\nTotal\\nDols.\\n88.66\\n13. 10.0\\n5) and wine\\n13. 14.6\\n3 13 9\\n578 History of Dartmouth College.\\nhospitality of the College has been exercised sometimes at the\\nhotel, sometimes in booths and latterly in the new commons or in\\nthe gymnasium. The graduating class was first admitted to the\\ndinner by vote of 1832, the increased expense being met by an\\naddition of eight cents to the quarter bills of every student.\\nThe amount of good cheer consumed on these festive occasions\\nin early years is marvellous to this generation\\nIn 1796 the account runs thus:\\nFor 52 bowls of punch 2/6, 2 bottles of brandy\\nand 21 bottles of wine 3/\\n89 dinners 3/\\nIn 1797 there were 90 dinners at 3/\\n61 bottles of brandy (6/\\n29^ mugs of punch 2/6\\nTotal \u00c2\u00a330.18.3\\nThe barrel of liquor dispensed by the Governor to the crowd\\nin 1772 has already been mentioned.\\nThe termination of the exercises by grand social festivities in\\nthe evening of Commencement day is also a time-honored custom.\\nThese by ancient habit consisted primarily of a levee at the Pres-\\nident s house, which is mentioned in 1827 as still held according\\nto custom, and presumably continued some years longer.\\nThe attractions of the new and spacious library room in the\\nsecond story of Reed Hall led to a new departure in this respect.\\nIn 1840, the rooms being plastered but not yet ready for books,\\nthe students procured refreshments from Boston and held their\\nlevee there. In 1845, on the application of the senior class, the\\nlibraries were granted for a levee, which on the following year was\\nadopted by the Trustees, and was for many years held under their\\nauspices in lieu of the customary reception at the President s.\\nA visitor of that year describes the rooms as very tastefully\\ndecorated and the tables magnificently spread. We had, she\\nwrote, peaches, apricots, grapes, oranges, raisins, figs, nuts of\\nall kinds, pickled fish, water melons a foot and a half and two\\nfeet long, cakes, ice cream, tea and coffee and lemonade. The\\nstudents gave this instead of a ball. Kendall s band played and\\nall went off well. In earlier years there was often a ball under\\nthe control of the graduating class. The first of which we have\\nBUls in files of College Treasurer. Letter of Mrs. John K. Lord.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0640.jp2"}, "641": {"fulltext": "Commencements. 579\\nknowledge was an elegant and splendid ball in 181 1. In later\\ntimes these gatherings were frowned upon by the Faculty and,\\nbeing generally held in bad repute, were discontinued for many\\nyears, but they were revived in 1881 and have become an impor-\\ntant function of Commencement week.\\nThe preaching of a baccalaureate sermon by the President on\\nthe Sabbath preceding Commencement is an ancient custom, the\\nbeginning of which we cannot trace. Professor Crosby mentions\\nit as observed by President Tyler, and mentions in connection\\nwith it the singing to the tune of Amesbury, according to time\\nhonored usage, of Wesley s old anthem, Come let us anew our\\njourney pursue. This usage, though still prevailing, has been\\nnow for many years connected with the last exercise in the chapel\\nwhich the graduating class attends before Commencement, and\\nwhich is, therefore, called the Sing-Out.\\nLatin was at first the only foi-eign language employed by the\\nspeakers, excepting now and then Indian. After a while we find\\na great variety of tongues. In 1785, for example, the exercises\\nconsisted of twelve parts: i, Latin salutatory; 2, Syllogistic dis-\\npute in Latin; 3, A forensic dispute in English; 4, A very\\npathetick English dialogue; 5, A dialogue in Greek; 6, A Hebrew\\noration; 7, An English oration; 8, A forensic dispute in English;\\n9, A dialogue in Chaldaick; 10, A dialogue in French 1 1 An Eng-\\nlish disputation; 12, (after the conferring of degrees) A valedictory\\noration in English. A solemn, pertinent and pathetick prayer\\nclosed the work of the day.\\nThe next year in the midst of a similar variety we are told that\\nthe audience was much amused by a Hebrew dialogue repre-\\nsenting the controversy between Job and his three friends.\\nThis was followed by a dialogue in English in which were person-\\nated the ancient philosophers, Plato, Pyrrho, Epicurus and Zeno;\\nand another, reaching the dignity of a play, in which appeared\\nAndre, Arnold, and Generals Washington, Greene, Gates, Knox,\\nand many others. In 1789 there was a dialogue in poetry by\\nSamuel S. Wilde and Josiah Dunham. In 1792 the afternoon\\nexe-cises were opened with an address by the President to an\\nCrosby, Memorial of College Life, p. 35-\\nWhether the sing-out was as early as the time of Professor Crosby is uncertain. The\\nrecords of the Handel Society for 1839 show that the origin of the custom preceded that period,\\nbut there is no way of assigning an exact meaning to the word ancient in the college vocabu-\\nlary. The record reads: On Tuesday, July l6th, the senior members of the Society (accord-\\ning to an ancient custom) sang Amesbury from the Village Harmony, this being the close of\\nthe college studies of the senior class. The sing-out, as we know it, was evidently well\\nestablished at that time.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0641.jp2"}, "642": {"fulltext": "580 History of Dartmouth College.\\nIndian warrior present, who made a spirited answer in his native\\ntongue, interpreted by Rev. Samuel Kirkland. This year a\\nnumber of parts were omitted for want of time.\\nPrior to 1816 the highest Commencement honor was the saluta-\\ntory oration. The first year of the College it was delivered in\\nEnglish, and also for a number of years. It was in English in\\n1784, but in Latin in 1785, and thereafter. The first valedictory\\nwas in Latin, but afterward it seems to have been in English.\\nThe order of honors in 1797 apparently was, i, Latin salutatory\\noration; 2, Philosophical oration; 3, Valedictory; 4, Chaldee ora-\\ntion; 5, Greek oration; 6, Dialogues; 7, Disputations. It is\\nunderstood that the Greek oration was soon after promoted to\\nthe second rank, between the salutatory and the philosophical\\noration and the fourth place was assigned to four English orations,\\none of which was the valedictory, followed by other orations of a\\nsecond grade, and dialogues and disputations. Poems ranked\\nwith the disputations.\\nThe foreign tongues fell into gradual disuse, but the programme\\nof 1807 equalled in variety that of 1785, for besides Greek and\\nLatin it included orations in Chaldee, Hebrew and French.\\nChaldee did not again appear, and the latest Hebrew exercise that\\nhas been noted was in 18 10. Till 1824 there were generally two\\norations in Latin and one in Greek, but all of these disappeared\\nafter 1849. Latin was restored with the salutatory in 1865, but\\nwas finally abandoned in 1897, when, after the consolidation with\\nthe Chandler School, the salutatory fell to one who had not\\nstudied Latin.\\nIn 1816 the valedictory (pronounced by Webster s nephew,\\nC. B. Haddock) became, as it had long been elsewhere, the\\nhighest honor. Its place was always, until its disuse in 1835,\\nafter the degrees had been conferred, but since its restoration in\\n1865 it has been delivered immediately before the conferring of\\nthe degrees. The candidates for the master s degree, which was\\ngiven in course to all graduates of three or more years standing,\\nwere represented till 1871 by one or two orations delivered at the\\nclose of the other exercises of Commencement day by graduates\\nof the third year before, appointed by the Faculty. Originally\\nthe orations were in Latin, but this was last used in 1824.\\nThe order of rank as re-established in 1865, representing\\ntwenty-four appointments, based solely on scholarship, was, i,\\nValedictory; 2, Salutatory; 3, Philosophical orations; 4, English\\nAutobiography of Amos Kendall, pp. 40. 61, 65.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0642.jp2"}, "643": {"fulltext": "Commencements. 581\\norations; 5, Disputations; 6, Dissertations, including poems, if\\nany. The division was usually two philosophical orations, eight\\nEnglish orations, three disputations each with two speakers, and\\nsix dissertations, but the numbers in each class varied somewhat\\naccording to rank, and occasionally twenty-five appointments\\nwere made.\\nUntil 1800 it was the habit of the Faculty to assign the Latin\\nsalutatory and philosophical oration to graduates, and after\\nassigning the other parts to allow the class to designate the\\nvaledictorian out of the first four English orators. The class of\\n1800 getting into a wrangle that prevented an election, the\\nFaculty made the appointment themselves, and, taught by this\\nexperience, left the choice no more to the classes.\\nThis led the next year to serious disturbances of another sort.\\nThe class of 1801 was divided into factions headed by Merrill\\nand Webster. Merrill was without question the highest scholar\\nin the appointed studies and received the salutatory. Webster,\\nthough by all odds the most prominent person in the class and\\nthe best orator, was not even second in scholarship, but his friends\\ndesired for him the valedictory. The opinion of the class,\\nhowever, was not invited and for some reasons not now very\\napparent, though Mr. Merrill in his account of it ascribes it to\\nmisunderstandings such as are honorable to both Mr. Webster\\nand the Faculty, the valedictory was assigned to another, and\\nWebster had his choice between an English oration on the fine\\narts, or a poem. He decHned both, and a number of his friends\\non his account refused the parts assigned to them and were\\nexcused.^\\nMr. Merrill adds: Webster s friends did not claim that he\\nwas entitled to the Latin oration, but they had marked him for\\ntheir valedictory orator, and considered themselves aggrieved\\nby the refusal of the Faculty to entrust them with the appoint-\\nment according to the established usage.\\nMr. Webster himself told Judge Nesmith in after years that at\\na subsequent interview with the Faculty the matter was explained\\nand the ill feeling allayed. Certainly he never harbored resent-\\nment. The foolish story so long current that Webster made a\\nscene upon the stage by destroying his diploma, or that he did so\\nSamuel Swift in The Dartmouth, 1872, pp. 403-5-\\nThey were Bingham, Dutton, Gilbert, Hotchkiss, Loveland and Noyes. See statement by\\nJudge Nesmith in The Dartmouth, 1875-1876, p. 21, derived from personal information from\\nLoveland, Pettengill and Webster himself.\\nLife of Webster, by G. T. Curtis, pp. 41-42.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0643.jp2"}, "644": {"fulltext": "582 History of Dartmouth College.\\nafterward in private has no foundation in fact. His classmate,\\nMerrill, notwithstanding their rivalry, was an intimate friend\\nand remained in Hanover three years after graduation as a teacher\\nin Moor s School and a tutor in the College, but he says he never\\nheard the story till twenty-five years later; and another. Rev.\\nElijah Smith, declares, I have no doubt the story is false. I\\nstood by his side when he received his degree with a graceful\\nbow, and such was my connection with him in our society affairs\\nthat if he had destroyed it afterwards I should certainly have\\nknown it. These troubles seem to have cast a shadow over\\nseveral subsequent Commencements. Often the highest parts\\nonly were accepted. In 1806 the exercises comprised a dialogue\\nand eight orations; in 1807 of eleven parts all were orations. In\\n1808 eight orations formed the entertainment. In 181 1 one of\\nthe speakers, thinking himself underrated, refused to prepare\\nhis part, and another camie on the stage with a slovenly dress,\\nand his stockings at his heels, took no notice of the President or\\nthe Trustees, and spoke his piece so low as to be inaudible. Both\\nlost their degrees in consequence.^\\nOf the ancient use of Latin as the official College vernacular,\\ngiven up after 1827, a single relic remained till 1893 in the time-\\nhonored formula for conferring degrees. The ceremony and the\\nformula it may be worth while to describe.\\nThe President received the candidates by detachments, himself\\nsitting and covered. As soon as they were placed he rose, removed\\nhis hat and turning towards the Trustees thus addressed them:\\nCuratores honorandi ac reverendi [whereupon they also rose and he\\nproceeded]. Hi iiivenes, coram vohis adstantes, exami7ii publico,\\npro more huius academiae, suhjecti, digni honoribus academicis\\nexistimati fiiertint. Vobis igitur comprobantibus illos nunc ad\\ngradum petitum admitto. Then resuming his seat and his hat,\\nthe President thus addressed the candidates: Pro aiictoritate mihi\\ncommissa, vos ad gradum primum [vel secundum] in artibus admitto.\\nAc dono privilegia omnia, atque honores quae ubique gentium ad\\ngradum eundem pertinent. Cuius rei hae litterae patentes testimonio\\nsint. The diplomas were then distributed by the marshal, the\\ncandidates retired, each detachment leaving the church after it\\nhad received its diplomas, and the whole process was repeated.\\nDr. Belknap tells us that in 1774 the ceremony of the book was\\nalso used, but this long since disappeared, and in later years the\\nhabit grew up of omitting the appeal to the Trustees except for\\nAutobiography of Amos Kendall, p. 65.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0644.jp2"}, "645": {"fulltext": "Commencements. 583\\nthe first detachment. Since the transfer of the Commencement\\nexercises to Webster Hall the whole class receives its degrees at\\none address, and by a simple but effective evolution marches\\nbefore the Dean to receive its diplomas at his hands.\\nThe dignity of the ceremony, now antiquated, depended much\\nupon the personal carriage of those who conducted it. The old\\ntime cap and gown, though abandoned by Faculty and students,\\nwere retained by the President until 1877, and added greatly to\\nthe harmonious propriety of the scene. Even with the anachron-\\nism, indulged by President Lord, of a shiny silk hat, the ceremony\\nwas in the highest degree impressive. In earlier times all the\\nannouncements on Commencement day were made in Latin.\\nAmong the stock phrases of the occasion which have become obso-\\nlete was the reminder to the band: musice expectatur, trans-\\nlated by the second Wheelock to an unlearned and unresponsive\\nband master by a sharp order into play up and habitually by\\nPresident Lord by the phrase music is expected. English\\norations were announced as in lingua vernacula.\\nThe use of gowns by the speakers, which we suppose to have\\nbeen in early times invariable, found occasional observance as\\nlate as 1850. They again came into use by the students in 1891\\nand were adopted by the Faculty as a whole in 1908 at the first\\nCommencement in Webster Hall.\\nThe litterae patentes, or diplomas, have been always in Latin on\\nparchment, signed by all the Trustees present, excepting in 1829\\nwhen they were signed by the President and Secretary.^ The\\nphraseology has not been invariable. They have always been\\nfurnished at the expense of the graduates. They were engrossed\\nby the pen as late at least as 1798, after that a plate was procured\\nby the students. In 1832 a new one was ordered but the students\\nobjected to paying for it and preferred the old. The plate now\\nin use was bought in 1859 for $50 from the two literary societies.\\nThe seal was attached of old by a broad blue ribbon. Since 1876\\nit has been impressed upon the parchment.\\nIn 1854 Class day was for the first time celebrated and though\\nnot observed in 1855 became, thereafter, a standing feature of\\nCommencement, to which Tuesday afternoon was devoted till\\n1894, when it was changed to Monday. This was one of several\\nindications at this period of a general strengthening of class and\\ncollege feeling. It was followed in the same direction by the\\ncustom, begun by the class of 1855, of exchanging pictures, which\\nBefore 1893 the diplomas of the Chandler graduates were in French.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0645.jp2"}, "646": {"fulltext": "584 History of Dartmouth College.\\nfor three years were in the form of lithographs copied from\\ndaguerreotypes. Photographs were introduced by the class of\\n1858. Contemporaneously with Class day came also the custom\\nof permanent class organizations to the extent at least of the\\nappointment of a secretary to preserve the history of the members,\\nand foster communication between them. Many of the secreta-\\nries have prepared and published valuable biographical reports of\\ntheir classes, and in 1905 a permanent organization of the\\nsecretaries was formed, to meet annually in March in Hanover,\\nand having as its special object the preservation in convenient\\nand accessible form of the records of the several classes. The\\npermanent renewal of the General Alumni Association in the\\nsame year, 1854, and the organization of a local association in\\nBoston in 1856 were a marked evidence of a new growth of the\\nsame spirit among the graduates.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0646.jp2"}, "647": {"fulltext": "Term Bills and Fees. 585\\nTERM BILLS AND FEES.\\nThe charge for tuition at the beginning, in 1770, was 17^ a\\nquarter 15 id a week, and the rent of rooms in the first story\\nand middle section of the college building was 45 a quarter, and\\nof other rooms 75, payable on the first Wednesday of December,\\nMarch, June and September. In 1777 tuition was fixed at 255 a\\nquarter, reduced two years later to 205 a quarter, and dismission\\nfrom college was denounced as penalty for non-payment. In\\n1795, after the change of money, the tuition was fixed at $4 a\\nquarter, besides a contingent charge of 20^. In 1793 it was\\nordered that each member of the graduating class should pay\\nhis proportion of the public dinner at Commencement. The\\ncharge for Commencement expenses in 1808 was $4 instead of\\nthe previous $3.\\nIn 1774 the Trustees had voted that each person who shall\\nhave a degree of Bachelor or Master of Arts conferred on him shall\\npay the President four dollars therefor, and that those who have\\ndiplomas of the same signed and sealed pay one guinea, vz. four\\ndollars for the President and four shillings for the Clerk who seals\\nand procures the signing of the diplomas. In 1808 the graduat-\\ning fee as a perquisite of the President was raised to $5. A stu-\\ndent on graduation was, therefore, called upon to pay two fees,\\namounting to $9. The college treasurer collected the part that\\ncame to the College, and the other part was apparently paid\\ndirectly to the officers to whom they went. This continued till\\n1819, when the books of the treasurer indicate that the College\\nmade some concession to the poverty of the students and reduced\\nits change to $3 in 1820, to $2 in 182 1, to $1 in 1822 and gave it up\\naltogether in 1823. One dollar was again demanded in the next\\nyear and in 1825 a charge of $6 was made. No votes of the\\nTrustees required the change, but the form of the charge sug-\\ngests an explanation. Up to 1823 the charge was for Com-\\nmencement expenses, but from 1825 it was for graduation fee\\nand diploma. The College seems to have given up its own fee\\nand to have consented to collect the President s for him, together\\nwith $1 for the diploma. The fee of $5 as the President s per-\\nquisite continued till 1863, when on the accession of President\\nSmith it was turned into the college treasury in view of the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0647.jp2"}, "648": {"fulltext": "586 History of Dartmouth College.\\nlarger salary paid him. The graduation fee rose to $7.50 in\\ni860 and to $8 in 1862, at which figure it still stands.\\nIn 1807 the tuition was raised to $5 a quarter, and since that\\ntime it has been successively raised as follows: In 18 19 to $7 a\\nquarter; in 1825 to $10 a term, three in the year; in 1851 to $12;\\n1855 to $14; i860 to $17; 1867 to $20; 1873 to $35, for each of\\ntwo terms; 1876 to $30 a term for each of the three terms, to\\nwhich the calendar had returned; in 1894 to $100 a year, and in\\n1909 to $125 a year.\\nIn the Chandler School the tuition at first was $5 a term, or\\n$20 a year, for the junior department and $10 a term, or $30 a\\nyear for the senior department. After one year the higher rate\\nwas required of all. On the enlargement of the course to four\\nyears the tuition was raised to $36 a year for the two lower classes\\nand to I42 a year for the two higher classes. In 1867 these sums\\nwere raised to $42 and $48, but in 1872 the rate for all was put\\nat $60 a year, and except for the addition of a library tax in 1888\\nthis remained the charge for tuition till the union of the School\\nwith the College. Tuition in the Thayer School was in the\\nbeginning $60 a year; it was raised to $75 in 1891, to $90 in 1893\\nand to $100 in 1896, and since that year has adopted the same\\ntuition as the College.\\nFrom the very beginning great difficulty was experienced in\\ncollecting college dues, and in 1775 it was ordered that good and\\nsufficient securities be exacted for the payment of bills, and that\\nno student should be admitted to a degree till all his dues had\\nbeen paid. In 1788 still more stringent rules were made in\\nrespect to the exaction of bonds, and in the same year it was made\\nthe duty of the steward to collect the quarter bills, but as diffi-\\nculty arose it was ordered in September of 1780 that the treasurer\\nshould collect the bills if the steward refused. In 1790 it was\\nrequired that one dollar should be paid on account at admission.\\nIn 1808 a penalty of six per cent (besides lawful interest) was\\nvoted upon all bills remaining unpaid more than two quarters.\\nIn 1820 it was ordered that students who should fall into arrears\\non their quarter bills for more than a year should be dismissed\\nfrom College, and that any whose college bills should not be\\nwholly paid by Monday of Commencement week should not\\nreceive a degree. It was also ordered that if any officer of College\\nshould thereafter instruct any student of the College who should\\nnot have given bonds for his bills according to the law of the Col-\\nlege, such officer should be accountable to the Trustees for the stu-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0648.jp2"}, "649": {"fulltext": "Term Bills and Fees. 587\\ndent s quarter bills and other legal charges accruing. The latter\\norder naturally soon became a dead letter, and the dire poverty\\nof the students compelled a partial relaxing from the strictness\\nof the former order, at least so far as to allow the giving of notes\\nfor the amounts due the College, but in substance the rule refusing\\na degree to one whose dues to the College are unpaid is still in\\nforce, and many experiments of greater or less strictness in the col-\\nlection of current tuition were tried with indifferent success.\\nIn 1854 it was ordered that if one did not pay within a week his\\nconnection with College should thereby cease, but this not prov-\\ning effective the apparently lesser penalty of losing full and\\nregular standing and being marked as absent without excuse\\nwas tried. When penalty failed, authority was tried and in 1883\\nthe simple statement that payment of college bills is required\\nin Advance, was left to work upon the imagination of the stu-\\ndents in conjuring up what would happen if the requirement were\\nnot met. As generally nothing happened, there came to be a\\nlarge arrearage on the treasurer s books, but of late years this has\\nbeen much reduced by a penalty of five dollars additional charge\\nfor delay, and an unqualified refusal to allow a delinquent to\\ntake examinations (except on excuse by the President), a\\nmethod which has proved fairly efficacious in securing prompt\\npayment of college bills.\\nAs has elsewhere been described, a library tax was among the\\nearliest items on the college bills, either as a fixed sum, or varied\\naccording to the use of the library. From 1855 to 1878, inclusive,\\nit was absorbed in the general charge for tuition, then it reap-\\npeared till in 1902 it was again taken into an item of $25 for col-\\nlege expenses, which also included the College Club, and this\\nitem in 1909 was taken into the tuition account. The first labor-\\natory charge appeared in chemistry in 1888,^ and in 1894 was\\nextended to the other departments having laboratories.\\nIn the Medical School the first charge given in the catalogue\\nwas $50 for the autumnal course of lectures, and this continued\\nto be the charge until 1866 when it was raised to $70, with a\\nmatriculation fee of $5, raised from $2 in 1829 and $3 in 1838, and\\ngraduating expenses of $20, raised from $18. Beginning with\\n1 82 1 the resident physicians gave private instruction in medicine\\nfrom about the middle of March till Commencement, for which\\nthey asked a fee of $45, but this was reduced to $40 by advance\\nThe earlier fees, such as were exacted in 1825, were not laboratory fees but for attendance on\\nlectures.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0649.jp2"}, "650": {"fulltext": "588 History of Dartmouth College.\\npayment. This recitation or reading term, as it was some-\\ntimes called, was omitted for three years from 1829, but was then\\nagain revived by Drs. Mussey and Hale, but after one year was\\nconducted by Dr. Mussey alone through 1836, for which his\\nfee was $35. In the later recitation term, which was begun in\\n1873, the fee was $25, but was raised the next year to $40. The\\nfees for the lecture course were raised to $77 in 1870 and the\\ngraduation fee, which a little later was called an examination fee,\\nto $25. In 1891 a division was made between the courses, and\\nfor the first and second the fee was $77 and for the third $50, but\\non the opening of four courses in 1897 the fee for the first was $100\\nand for each of the others $110. Five years later it was made\\n$125 for each, reduced to $100 in 1904, but again raised to $125\\nin 1909.\\nIn 1793 the fees to be paid for honorary degrees, one half for\\nthe benefit of the President, were fixed as follows: A.B. $10;\\nA.M. $16; LL.B., M.B. and B.D. $24; LL.D., M.D. and D.D.\\n$40. These fees have become obsolete, but in 1887 the fee of $10\\nwas established to be exacted for the honorary degree of Ph.D.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0650.jp2"}, "651": {"fulltext": "llfi-r Lilies. 589\\nCOI.IICI LAWS\\nVVf havf si-rii how I he loi in ol (.mi\\\\ n iimtiil w.i;. .il lii^.l p.itn\\nnal in its fliaracttT, and lu\u00c2\u00bb\\\\v as early as 1774 iovniior VVi Ut-\\nwortli, ill view \u00c2\u00ab)l certain domestic troubles thai j\u00c2\u00bbrew ()iit of that\\nstate of things, advised the enactment of a del mile code of laws,\\nmodelled after tlu lu St plans that experience at other institutions\\nminht su^m st. Nothing was accom| lished, hovvev r, in this\\ndii( tion, and so lon^ as the founder livetl tlu- paternal lan was\\nin ^;enelal adheifd to and the rules j ()verning the condiu t of\\nthe students, though in their jieiieral scope well understood and\\nestablished in many minor points, r\u00c2\u00ab-ni. lined lo .1 k decree\\nfraKUientury ami subject to the l lt\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^i\u00c2\u00ab!enl*^l diici (imi. These\\nhad never l)een rej ulailN odihcd not .is .1 whole appio\\\\td the\\nBoard of I rust.\\nAs soon .IS th new oid\u00c2\u00abi ol I Iuhk- \\\\v ll luulerway in 1779,\\nthe existinn lules wer brouKhl to^cihei by the Executive\\nAuthority, into a bcKly of Laws, which, as the first established\\ncode, it will be of interest, though at sonu- tost of spice, to in:;ert\\nhere in full.\\nI Ihrit Kflifjiin mtil iitotiil\\\\.\\nI ll.il thcv rili.ill .iKcikI (Ml (lie \\\\voir lii| ill .(xl iiiortiiiiK .iml -vciiiii(.: iiinl ii|i iii\\nLonl si (lay; ami dtlu-r day.t pulilii kly apiuiiiitfd kii (hat nr|K)rtf scatiunaldy\\nand with revert^iuo and ilfifiuy (ir) th\u00c2\u00bb-y sliall he in the Hall uiui at their\\nplace:! l y the time the nitiiwil tjiveii li)r their i Dining toyelher teaseri, at least\\nhelore the I lehideiit or the peiMDii who is lu perform the serviie.i enters the\\nMall, ami shall remain Iheie and hehave witii gravity and pr\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00bbpriety and nut\\nleave their placeb till the I resident liii..!-. H.u heliors and all Senior Classes\\nhavegoneout of the Hall. And Koin^ .nil ul ilu- Hall that they have no playing\\nor sporting or any noise clamor or loud talking; but shall reyularily and ..idnlv\\ndepart as soon as the services are all over; and shall always carry ihi n Ii.a\\nwhen going to meeting. That in eases ol ollente that are in their own n.iiiin-\\nprivate and may he consistently kept so, they an- strictly to observe lli iul i\\nof proceeding given by Christ in the 18 Cliapter of Matthew.\\nThai llicy watt h over themselves ami one another in the use of all proper\\nand appointed means and endeavors, to prevent a declention in religion, and\\npromote their mutual edihcation in Christ Jesus, and l\u00c2\u00bby a holy and iinblame-\\nable conversation commend themselves t\u00c2\u00bb) every man s conscience in the sight\\n..I y\\\\ni\\\\\\n_\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0 Of tluir ii,lu,l anil hfluivn r touuiuls the- I ltsuLiit.\\nThat th\u00c2\u00ab conduct and behaviour of the Students towards the lh nourable\\nI resi.lent be in every re;i| ect with that hlial duty and esteem as the impor-\\nl.m. r and di.;nilv ot hii il.ition ffipiufM (vl/ iiiu ti iuK llii-ii licidh at and", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0651.jp2"}, "652": {"fulltext": "590 History of Dartmouth College.\\nwithin the distance of four* rods from him; also when they enter his dooryard,\\nwhen the weather dont render it inconvenient and when their hands are not\\nnecessarily otherwise employed. That they never speak of him, or to him,\\nbut in a manner savory of deference and respect. That they stand when in his\\npresence till they have permission to sit. That they wait for his liberty to\\nspeak when they would address him on any occasion. That they deliver their\\nsentiments with modesty and propriety and deliberately. That they never\\ncontradict or enter into disputes with him; but propose their doubts grievances\\nor arguments by way of decent interrogation. That they wait when they\\nreturn an errand to him for his liberty to withdraw. That they carry their\\nhats when they wait on him, and use no indecent gestures in his presence.\\n3. Towards the Tutors.\\nThat they treat the Tutors and Professors with a deference and respect\\nbecoming their Office and relation to them (viz.) That they uncover their\\nheads at and within the distance of three rods from them, when the weather\\ndont render it inconvenient, and their hands are not otherwise necessarily\\nemployed. That they enter not into contro\\\\ ersy or dispute with them but\\npurpose what they have to say by way of decent interrogation. That they rise\\nwhen a Tutor enters the room where they are and stand till he is seated with\\nthem or they have otherwise liberty to sit. That they rise when spoken by\\nthem and never interrupt them when speaking. That they be not talkative\\nclamourous or noisy nor use indecent gestures before them. That they alway\\ncarry their hats when they visit one of their rooms. That they punctually\\nperform their orders (unless contradicted by the President) and always return\\ntheir errand as soon as effected, and not withdraw without liberty.\\n4. Towards Bachellors.\\nThat they show becoming respect to Bachellors of Arts and all Graduates\\nsuch as uncovering their heads in their presence and keeping them so till they\\nare bid to cover them; rising when they enter or go out of their rooms, and con-\\nduct in all other respects agreeable to the relation they stand in to them.\\n5. Towards one another.\\nThat they behave with respect and kindness towards one another avoiding\\never thing that is against the unity of the spirit or manifesting a want of friend-\\nship or contrary to the Gentleman or Christian. Junior Classqp shall properly\\nacknowledge the superiority of their Seniors by giving them the right hand in\\nwalking or sitting c. Freshmen when in the College or in the Hall and when\\nthey speak to seniors shall have their heads uncovered and when in their com-\\npany shall wait to be bidden before they cover them, unless there be such\\nreasons to the contrary as have been mentioned. Freshmen shall at times\\nhereafter appointed for deversion do the necessary errands for all the senior\\nClasses who have themselves served a freshmanship (provided they are not sent\\nmore than half a mile) and shall faithfully perform and return the same.\\nIt shall be the duty of the Tutors to inspect and form the manners of the\\nthree Senior Classes agreeable to the foregoing rules: and also to a decent and\\nGenfleman like behaviour toward all men.\\n1 This was first written six eind changed to four.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0652.jp2"}, "653": {"fulltext": "College Laws. 591\\nIt shall be the duty of the Senior class to inspect the manners of the Freshmen\\nin a decent, comely, manly and Gentleman like behaviour towards men of all\\nranks and conditions; and especially to a due observance of the foregoing and\\nother good rules of behaviour toward the Officers and students of this College.\\nAnd for this purpose shall have power to call them together or singly before\\nthem at such time and place as they shall think proper, in the hours appointed\\nfor deversion. That the hours of deversion in the winter be as follows (viz.)\\nfrom breakfast till school time, and from dinner till school time and from Supper\\ntill 7 o clock in the evening and saterday in the afternoon. In the summer the\\nsame except at evening the time of deversion shall be from 6 to 9 o clock, the\\nrest shall be accounted as study time and the students shall then attend at\\ntheir [studies] except at such times as public Collegiate exercises requires their\\nattendance elsewhere. And it shall be the duty of the Tutors so often as they\\nshall judge necessary to inspect the students Rooms to see that the last men-\\ntioned rules be duly observed.\\nWhereas the practice of manual labor is in itself useful and reputable; and\\nmay in a special manner only serve the original design of this institution, as the\\ninstructing the natives that may come here for an education in that necessary\\nart may greatly conduce to their civilization and improvement therefore it is\\nhereby strongly recommended that the members of this seminary turn their\\ndiversion into that chanel as far as it may be done with convenience, at least\\nthat they neither by action or word do anything to discountinance the practice\\nof it in others.\\nFurther more determined that there be nine weeks vacation in a year (viz.)\\nfrom Commencement 5 weeks and from the first monday in May 4 weeks.\\nThat the students pay twenty shillings quarterly for tuition and four shillings\\npr quarter for study rooms in first story and middle garrets and 6 shillings for\\nthe rest and that the bills be made up and paid quarterly (viz.) on the first\\nWednesday of September, December, March and June.\\nThat all Independent SchoUars shall at their entrance into College provide\\ngood and sufficient sureties for payment of their College expences during their\\nabode there.\\nThat Independent SchoUars who shall be admitted after the usual term shall\\npay the same tuition money for the time elapsed as others of the class into\\nwhich they are admitted, and those who are absent the same as those present.\\nAnd no one who is admitted after the usual time shall have the priviledge of\\nsending Freshmen unless he serves himself a forth part of his remaining time\\nin College.\\nThat students who neglect a punctual payment of their quarter bills to the\\nsatisfaction of the president and Tutors shall be liable to dismission for such\\nneglect.\\nThat those students who occupy rooms out of College pay study rent so long\\nas rooms remain unoccupied in College.\\nThat no scholar be admitted to a degree till he has settled his College bills\\nto the satisfaction of the board of trustees then present. That no student\\nfor the future may ordinarily expect to receive a degree at this College, unless\\nhe resides here the usual term of continuance from the time of his entrance.\\nThat a strict regard as possible be paid to merit. That examinations be strict\\nand critical; and that the idle, dissipated and vicious may not expect to be\\nfavoured with the honours of this College.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0653.jp2"}, "654": {"fulltext": "592 History of Dartmouth College.\\nSome laws to prevent disorder and immoralily.\\nThat no student of this College be permitted to play at cards, Dice or any\\nother unlawful game either in the College or any other place whatever, on\\npenalty of a fine not exceeding twenty shillings for each offence at discretion\\nof a President or a Tutor and if persisted in they shall be expelled. That no\\nstudent board at a tavern or sit at a tavern unless when on a journey or with\\nexpress leave obtained for it from the President or Tutors or by desire of a\\nParent or Guardian, on penalty of a fine of two shillings Lawful money. And\\nany one being convicted of a breach of this law four times within the space of\\nsix weeks shall be publicly admonished. Nor shall any student of said College\\nbe at a Tavern after nine o clock in the evening on penalty of a fine of three\\nshillings lawful money. That no student be absent from his study after nine\\no clock at night without liberty or such occasion as President or Tutors shall\\nthink sufficient on penalty of one shilling lawful money.\\nThat no scholar send for or procure any spirituous liquors without a permit\\nfrom the President or a Tutor for which he shall apply in person unless espe-\\ncially detained at which time he may send for one by a Freshman by whom he\\nshall assign the reason for not comming himself; and the purpose for which he\\ndesires such permit; and such permit shall specify the time and place to which\\nliberty is granted to have it procured.\\nThat each student that neglects to attend publick prayers in the Hall morn-\\ning and evening; and other public exercises of religious worship without such\\nreasons for his neglect as shall be esteemed good and sufficient by the President\\nor a Tutor shall be dealt with by them in such a manner as they shall judge\\nmost suitable to convince him of the evil of such practical contempt of those\\ndivine ordinances; and if persisted in he shall be admonished publickly till all\\nsuitable means of reformation appears ineffectual, then he shall be dismissed\\nwithout honor as an unworthy member of this seminary. That if any student\\nshall treat with disrespect any instituted worship of God or use endeavours to\\ndiscredit any exercises of social worship public or privit, which are properly\\nand regularly appointed or discourage others attending thereon being con-\\nvicted by the authority of College shall be publickly admonished. All fines\\nshall be charged and made up with the quarter bills.\\nRegulations respecting Collegiate exercizes, the Library c.\\nWhereas the practice of having the weekly exercizes of the students in\\nOratory immediately after the evening prayers is found by experience to be\\ninconvenient Tis therefore enacted that henceforth those exercizes shall\\nbe held weekly on Wednesday to begin when the signal is given for study time\\nin afternoon at which time all the students are required to attend for that\\npurpose.\\nThat there be at least two Orations delivered on each quarter day besides\\nsuch other public exercizes as shall be occasionally appointed to be held on\\nthose days. The orations to be delivered on December quarter day by the\\nSenior Class. On March quarter day by the Junior Class. On June quarter\\nday by the Sophimore Class. Also that there be an Oration in Latin on the\\nArts and sciences delivered by one of the Junior Class in the afternoon of the\\nday in which the Freshman Class shall be examined previous to the spring and\\nfall vacations. Also that the Senior Class hold a forensic dispute in English on", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0654.jp2"}, "655": {"fulltext": "College Laws. 593\\nthe first Wednesday of every month. That each pay for books taken by him\\nout of the Library as follows for the terms annexed viz.\\nFor a Folio 6 i which may be kept 4 weeks\\nQuarto 4 i 3 weeks\\nLarge Octavo S I\\nSmall Octavo 2 i\\nAny other book i^\\nPamphlet\\nI week\\nAnd if any student shall keep any book longer than the times above mentioned\\nhe shall pay double that price so often as the term shall be repeated and no\\nstudent shall have more than two books beside Classics at a time except the\\nSeniors who may take three (unless upon special occasions and with liberty)\\nbeside which they shall pay for any special damage any book may sustain while\\nin their custody.\\nRegulations for the security of the College building from damage.\\nThat all the students keep the rooms they respectively inhabit secure from\\ndamage. That if rooms that are unoccupied sustain special damage the cost\\nof repairing shall be brought into contengent charges. If a student is known\\nto have broke a window or to have done any other particular damage in the\\nCollege or Hall or any other public building, he shall immediately get it\\nrepaired or be at double the cost of reparation.\\nIf any student shall play ball or use any other deversion that exposes the\\nCollege or Hall windows within 3 rods of either he shall be fined two shillings\\nfor the first offence 4s for the 2^ and so on at the discretion of the President\\nor Tutors. It is earnestly recommended and injoyned upon the students that\\nthey observe neatness and cleanliness in their rooms and in their dress and avoid\\nevery practice in, upon or about the College that may be disagreeable and\\noffensive. Tis incumbent on every class at least and tis recommended that\\nevery room in College have a copy of these laws and regulations. The students\\nalso in school are required to pay a strict adherence to them unless inconsistent\\nwith any rules already given them and obviously unapplicable to their situation\\nas members of the School.\\nJohn Wheelock, President.\\nIn November, 1780, the instructor in Moor s School was given\\nthe authority of a college tutor, and the students were recom-\\nmended to have their heads uncovered within a rod in his pres-\\nence, unless necessarily prevented.\\nAt a meeting of the President Tutors of Dartmouth College, November\\n30th 1780.\\nWhereas Mores charity School is incorporated with this College, the\\nMaster of the same is an officer of the institution necessarily connected with\\nit; and whereas it may tend to promote the useful state existance of this\\nsociety, that he should be invested with [more] extensive power than has been\\nin time passed; therefore pursuant to authority derived from the board of\\ntrustees; Resolved that the regular instructor of said school be invested he\\n38", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0655.jp2"}, "656": {"fulltext": "594 History of Dartmouth College.\\nis hereby invested with power to advise, reprove, instruct the manners\\nconduct of the members of this institution, in the College hall as amply and\\nfully as any Tutor may be by charter, or law; it is hereby recommended to the\\nstudents of said College school to regulate their conduct to him agreeable to\\nthat relation, to have their heads uncovered within a rod, in his presence\\nunless necessarily prevented.\\nDartmo College 15th July 1782.\\nAt a meeting of the President Tutors of D. College.\\nThe authority of said College having taken into consideration that many\\ndisadvantages may arise particular by that a door may be opened to great\\nanimosities division by the practice of any student entering a complaint to\\nthe Seniors against the members of the freshman Class without being explicit\\nand particular apertaining the articles of charge or facts complained of there-\\nfore be it it is hereby enacted that no student of this institution shall enter\\na complaint to any senior against any member or members of the Freshman\\nclass, without particularly expressing the article or articles of charge in said\\ncomplaint to prevent all disputes for the future between any parties con-\\ncerned, be it further enacted that no student of this institution shall for the\\nfuture exhibit a charge to the senior against any member of the freshman class\\nwithout making the allegation with precision clearness in writing: Given\\nunder my hand, this 15th day of July A.D. 1782.\\nJ. Wheelock President, with advice of Tutors.\\nIn 1785 the Trustees raised a committee to revise the laws,\\nwhich reported that no change was necessary. But the pressure\\nof advancing ideas was too strong to be wholly resisted, and in\\n1786 and subsequent years amendments were made, and in 1794\\na thorough revision was ordered. Two years elapsed before the\\ncode was completed by careful revision and comparison with the\\nlaws of other colleges, and being adopted in 1796 by the Trustees\\nthe first ever enacted by that body became the foundation of\\nthe system that still exists. The new code was conceived in a\\nmanly tone, entirely different from the servile and petty spirit\\nof the ancient regulations.\\nThe custom of fagging had died a natural death by common\\nconsent, the freshmen having developed, here as at other colleges,\\nabout this time, a preternatural stupidity in the execution of\\norders that in the end made the sending of them on errands as\\nannoying to the sender as to them, as was illustrated in the well\\nknown instance (at another college) of a freshman who, entrusted\\nwith a dollar with which to buy pipes and tobacco at a distant\\ngrocery, returned with ninety-nine pipes and one cent s worth\\nof tobacco.^ The laws, however, formally recognized the decay\\nSee The Dartmouth for 1872, p. 273. in an article on Freshman Fagging. in which are\\ngiven the rules once in use at Harvard and Yale.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0656.jp2"}, "657": {"fulltext": "College Laws. 595\\nof the custom by ordering that freshmen should be excused from\\ngoing on errands, if they wished, and should be debarred from\\nthemselves sending freshmen on errands in their turn.\\nBoth of these early codes existed only in manuscript. That of\\n1796 was read by order of the Trustees in chapel and each class\\nwas provided with a copy at the expense of the class. It differed\\nin form and largely in substance from the code of 1779, being\\nconcerned less with rules of etiquette than with the essentials of\\ncollege life. There followed from year to year special enactments\\nwhich throw light on the troubles of the period. In 1798 students\\nwere forbidden to hold public entertainments on pain of fine and\\nexpulsion, and in 1799 they were on like penalty forbidden to be\\nfreemasons. In 1807 it was ordered that damages to the build-\\nings of of^cers by unknown students should be paid for by the\\nentire body.\\nThe next revision appears to have been made upon setting out\\nupon the new era in 18 19, the code of 1796 having served sub-\\nstantially unchanged a full quarter of a century and forming the\\nbasis of the new. The laws were now for the first time put into\\nprint, in a pamphlet of twenty pages. From that time to the\\npresent they have been subjected to repeated revision, and\\nreprinted no less than fourteen times, possibly more, between\\n1822 and 1 89 1. A copy of the laws, given to each student on\\nentering college and containing the certificate of his admission,\\nhas long been known as the Freshman Bible.\\nThe first mention of the professors and tutors as an organized\\nbody was in 1819 under the style of the immediate government,\\nbut this gave way in 1828 to the present term of faculty. For\\nsome time this body had little to do with legislation, but grad-\\nually the details of administration passed into its hands. I have\\nbeen unable to find the date of the first printed issue of its reg-\\nulations, but of late years these have appeared at irregular but\\nincreasingly frequent intervals, and cover the various branches\\nof college administration, such as registration, attendance,\\nexcuses, scholarship, conduct and penalties.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0657.jp2"}, "658": {"fulltext": "596 History of Dartmouth College.\\nCATALOGUES.\\nThe first printed catalogue of Dartmouth College was a record\\nof all prior graduates, printed on one side of a large sheet known\\nas a broadside and issued in 1786. It was followed by another\\nbroadside in 1789, printed at Newburyport, and then by others\\nof the same character at regular intervals of three years, which\\nwere consequently denominated Triennials. That of 1795,\\nand all later, were in the form of an octavo pamphlet and all\\nwere in Latin until 1873, inclusive.\\nThe Latin of this publication was so peculiar as to deserve\\nthe term given to it by Professor Crosby^ of triennial Latin.\\nHe neatly pointed out the absurdities into which it fell in attempt-\\ning to present modern names in ancient forms.\\nIt has been a question, said he, in publishing the Triennial, whether\\nHanover should be Latinized by Hanoveria as in 1795, by Leuphana, as from\\n1798 to 1831, or by Hanovera, as more recently; whether Clement Long should\\nappear as Clementinus (1828 f) or as Clemens (1843 f); Constant Storrs, as\\nplain Constant (1807 f), as Constantinus (1816 f) or as Constans (1849 f); Expe-\\nrience Porter, as Experientius (1804 f), as plain Experience (1840, 1843), or\\nwith the feminine name Experientia (1846 f), a name which manifestly makes\\nthis worthy man a woman; whether one of our class should wear the name\\nof Lyman Lewis Rix (1828-1846), or of Lymanus Lewis Rix (1849-1864),\\nor of Lymanus Ludovicus Rix (1867).\\nThere are two readings in our Triennial for 1867, and the five preceding\\nones, that are quite peculiar. They are Dies Fayette Ayer, and Samus\\nGerrish Dearborn. What can be these men s names? one is tempted to ask.\\nOn investigation he finds that the name of the first is simply Day Fayette\\nAyer, and wonders that he does not find, upon the same principle of trans-\\nlation, Hope L. Dana, King S. Hall, Royal Call, Ivory W. R. Marsh,\\nand Rejoice Newton changed into Spes L. Dana, Rex S. Hall, Regalis\\nCall, Ehur W. R Marsh and Gaude Newton. The name of the second appears\\nin the annual catalogue for 1849-1850 as plain Samuel G. Dearborn so that\\nhere the stately Triennial has stooped to take up the colloquial Sam and\\ndignify it into a Latin appellation by the aid of the suffix Sam-us.\\nThe Triennial was at first very rude and meagre. An index\\nwas first appended in 1831, though in 1814 a catalogue was\\npublished with all the names in alphabetical order. Dates of\\ndeath were added in 1849, and ages in 1858. Birth dates were\\nfirst given in 19 12. In 1880 after an interval of seven years\\nthe catalogue was enlarged, and translated into English, and\\nMemorial of the Class of 1837. P- 3i-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0658.jp2"}, "659": {"fulltext": "Catalogues. 597\\nits period of issue was made five years instead of three, whence\\nit was styled the Quinquennial, but the five years were ex-\\ntended to ten before the next issue was made in 1890. After\\nthat time it was called the General Catalogue, but the 1900\\nissue did not appear till 1901. In 1905 a Supplement was\\npublished containing the names and addresses of the living\\nalumni; these as well as their occupations will regularly appear\\nin future issues, and also the dates of death of those who have\\ndied. The issue due in 1910 did not appear till 1912, but then\\nin a greatly improved form. In 1867 there was published, by\\nthe private enterprise of Dr. G. C. Chapman of the class of 1804,\\na catalogue of the academic graduates, with a biographical\\nsketch of each, in a book of 520 pages. Beginning with 1874\\nan annual obituary record has been printed and distributed at\\nCommencement\\nOf annual catalogues none were printed complete prior to\\n1802, though lists of individual classes were from time to time\\npublished at their own expense, beginning, so far as known, with\\none of the freshman class, printed at Windsor, Vt., and dated\\nJune 15, 1788, being of the class which was. graduated in 1791.\\nThe publication was induced, very likely, by the fact that this\\nclass was the largest numerically that the College had seen. It\\nthen numbered forty; it afterward increased to fifty-three and\\nwas graduated forty-nine. This earliest catalogue, entitled\\nCatalogue of the Present Members of the Freshman Class at\\nDartmouth University, was printed on one side of a sheet\\neight inches wide, and ten inches long, and contained only the\\nnames and residences of the members. Fourteen hailed from\\nNew Hampshire, fifteen from Massachusetts, eight from Con-\\nnecticut and three from Vermont.\\nWith w^hat degree of regularity and to what extent these\\npartial catalogues were issued during the dozen succeeding years\\nit is impossible to say. We have specimens of similar class\\nlists published by the sophimore class in 1799, and in 1 800,\\nthe latter on a sheet of double the former size. Catalogues were\\nalso issued apparently by the graduating class, as they are\\nlabelled Catalogue of Graduates at Dartmouth University.\\nThe first one known was published August 3rd, 1797, and is on\\na sheet 3 1-8 by 4 3-4 inches. The next one was two years later,\\nand was printed in Concord on a sheet 6 by 7 1-4 inches.\\nThe first full Catalogue of the Officers and Students at\\nDartmouth University was issued in October, 1802, at the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0659.jp2"}, "660": {"fulltext": "598 History of Dartmouth College.\\nexpense of the sophomore class, on one side of a sheet 12 inches\\nwide and 16 inches high, printed very neatly by Moses Davis\\nat Hanover, and containing, besides the college officers, only\\nthe names and residences of the four academic classes. Cata-\\nlogues were issued in this form by the sophomore class annually\\nuntil 1819, inclusive, excepting the year 1812 when none was\\nprinted. The size of the sheet was enlarged after the first issue\\nto 14 by 20 inches in 1803, to 16 by 20 in 1809, and to 18 by 20\\nin 1 8 13. The classes bore the same designation as at present,\\nexcepting that from 18 15 to 1827, in 1831, and from 1846 to\\n1 85 1, the upper classes were designated Senior Sophisters\\nand Junior Sophisters. The rooms of the students were first\\nindicated in 18 13.\\nUntil 181 5, inclusive, the institution was invariably styled\\nin the catalogues, Dartmouth University ever since, for\\nobvious reasons, the style of Dartmouth College has been\\ncarefully adhered to. In 181 6 there was issued a broadside\\ncatalogue of Dartmouth University (not yet actually organized),\\ncontaining the same names of officers and students as the cata-\\nlogue of the College, but with the addition of the Trustees and\\nOverseers appointed by the State. This was the only official\\ncatalogue ever issued by the State University. There was,\\nhowever, one printed for it the next year by college students\\nin a spirit of ridicule to show the paucity of its numbers. This\\nwas on a sheet of 8 b}- 91-2 inches and indicated twelve students\\nin all, of which four were marked absent.\\nCatalogues of the students in the Medical Department were\\nissued in broadside form on a smaller sheet as early as 1806,\\nwhen there was printed a Catalogue of Medical Students and\\nStudents of College Who Attended Medical Lectures at Dart-\\nmouth College, and probably annually from then on. From\\n1811 to 1813 it was called the Dartmouth Medical Theatre\\nin 1814 and 1815 it was styled the Medical Institution of\\nDartmouth University, in 1816 of Dartmouth College, in\\n1817 and 1818, by a sort of compromise, the Dartmouth Med-\\nical Institution, and in 1819 again the Medical Institution\\nof Dartmouth College. In 1820 the medical and the under-\\ngraduate catalogues were consolidated and issued in the form\\nof an octavo pamphlet of fifteen pages. It was still at the charge\\nof the sophomore class, distributed without charge to the other\\nclasses, and so continued until 1832, when a part of its cost", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0660.jp2"}, "661": {"fulltext": "Catalogues. 599\\nwas borne by the College, which in 1836 assumed the entire\\ncontrol and expense of its publication.^\\nPrior to 1822 the catalogue contained nothing more than the\\nlists of names, etc., as before described. In that year was first\\nintroduced the calendar of the academic year, and a statement\\nof the terms of admission and of the course of academic study,\\ntogether with an announcement respecting the medical lectures,\\nand a table of probable annual expenses, aggregating, including\\ntuition and all others, $98.65. In 1823 the ex officio members\\nof the Board on the part of the State were first mentioned. The\\ncatalogue first took on the dignity of a cover in 1827.\\nThere is but little that is important to be noted respecting\\nthe annual catalogue of later years. Of course it has grown\\nwith the College, and now appears in a duodecimo pamphlet\\nof about 350 pages. It preserved the octavo form till 1897,\\nexcepting occasional issues in duodecimo, viz.: 1827 to 1830\\ninclusive, 1835, and 1838 to 1844 inclusive. On five or six occa-\\nsions, owing to dissatisfaction among the students with the form\\nand style of the official catalogue, other editions were put forth\\nby the students themselves. In 1840 and 1841 there were two\\neditions, both being in duodecimo, and in 1844 the official\\nedition was in duodecimo while that issued by the students\\nwas in octavo form. Again in 1849, from some misfortune or\\nother, the official catalogue appeared in covers of various strange\\nand gaudy colors, and occasioned almost a rebellion, an incident\\nof which was the appearance one morning of a package of the\\nobnoxious pamphlet flaunting at the point of the spire on Dart-\\nmouth Hall. The students themselves put forth a beautiful\\nsubstitute clad in a white, gold printed cover, containing, in\\naddition to the matter of the official edition, a statement for\\nthe first time of the libraries connected with the College, of the\\ncabinet and apparatus, and of the beneficiary funds, and a\\nsomewhat enlarged estimate of expenses. These new features\\nwere adopted in the official issues of subsequent years, and have\\nbeen since extended with the growth of the College till they\\noccupy the bulk of the pamphlet.\\nIn 1863 there were two editions, one printed at Hanover and\\none at Concord, the former apparently being an issue by the\\nstudents and the latter by the college authorities. In the\\nHanover edition appears the term Chandler Scientific Depart-\\nment, which was not adopted by the authorities till two years\\nA. Crosby, Memorial, etc., p. 27, note, and accounts of the College treasurer.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0661.jp2"}, "662": {"fulltext": "6oo History of Dartmouth College.\\nlater, and there are various verbal disagreements that indicate\\na lack of knowledge of official plans on the part of the editors of\\nthe Hanover edition.\\nPrior to 1838 in the enumeration of the Faculty no distinction\\nwas drawn between the Departments. In 1838 the Medical\\nFaculty and the Academical Faculty were for the first time\\nprinted separately, the students being distinguished as medical\\nstudents and undergraduates, and they continued under\\ntheir respective designations until 1865, when, under a policy\\nof expanding the College through the University plan of a more\\nperfect union with the Schools, the catalogue grouped the Faculty\\nand students of the College in Departments, which, five in\\nnumber, were, in 1875, designated the Medical, Academical,\\nScientific, Agricultural, and Engineering. In 1879, conformably\\nto a change of policy which aimed at a less intimate union,\\nand to keeping the old College more distinct from the Schools\\nthat had clustered about it, the designation was changed so\\nthat the Academic Department was designated as Dartmouth\\nCollege, and the Schools as Associated Institutions. This\\ndesignation continued till the union with the Chandler School\\nin 1893, when the title became The Catalogue of Dartmouth\\nCollege together with the Thayer School of Civil Engineering\\nand the Medical College. In the catalogues of the present\\nthe arrangement of the Departments is in the order of their\\nestablishment.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0662.jp2"}, "663": {"fulltext": "The Museum and Cabinet. 60 1\\nTHE MUSEUM AND CABINET.\\nThe museum and cabinet began, so far as we know, with a\\nfew coins and curiosities obtained by President John Wheelock\\nin his European tour in 1783, none of which can now be identified.\\nThe same is true of most of the articles received in early times\\nfrom other sources. We hear of valuable foreign curiosities\\nin addition to an albatross head given by Rev. Jeremy Bel-\\nknap in 1 79 1, and by Capt. Perkins.^ In 1796 Elias Hasket\\nDerby, of Salem, Mass., gave the College a large number of\\ncuriosities, among them a stuffed zebra and many rarities from\\nAsia and from the northwest coast of Africa.^ In 1799 Heman\\nHarris presented curiosities from the South Seas, possibly brought\\nhome by Captain Cook.\\nThe museum was kept in a narrow room in the third story of\\nDartmouth Hall over the middle entrance, the college library\\nbeing imm.ediately under it. This room was about twelve feet\\nwide and extended from the front of the middle projection about\\nforty feet to the center of the building.^ Prior to 1798 the\\nmuseum, as well as the library, were in the custody of Professor\\nWoodward. In the early part of that year there was a serious\\nfire in Dartmouth Hall, and the contents were hastily removed\\nand somewhat injured. The different phases of anxiety exhibited\\nby members of the Faculty amused the students so much that\\nreminiscences of it were handed down by tradition almost to\\nthe present day. All, of course, rushed breathless to the scene.\\nProfessor Smith was calling out to save the library, while Pro-\\nfessor Woodward pleaded for the air pump, and the President\\nat the same instant shouted to save the zebra. One of the\\nstudents, Ranna Cossit, was allowed $24 for attending to the\\nrepairs and arrangement of the museum and apparatus after\\nthis catastrophe. Professor Woodward was at the same time\\nexcused from further responsibility for it.\\nIn 1802 President Dwight speaks of seeing here, in the room\\nabove described,* a number of natural and artificial curiosities.\\n1 President Wheelock wrote to Dr. Belknap May 4, 1791: We are under a thousand obli-\\ngations to you for your attention in procuring the box of curiosities in addition to your last\\ngift of the albatross head and the life of Dr. Mather. Massachusetts Historical Society,,\\nColl., sixth series, Vol. IV, p. 496.\\n^Worcester Spy, September 7, 1796.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Samuel Swift, The Dartmouth, 1872, p. 401, and statement of G. W. Nesmith.\\n^Travels in New England and New York, Vol. II, p. 117.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0663.jp2"}, "664": {"fulltext": "6o2 History of Dartmouth College.\\nAmong the latter, we learn from other sources, was a working\\nmodel of a Swiss village in which, on turning a crank, the inhab-\\nitants were seen going about their appropriate avocations.-\\nAll these articles have disappeared or cannot be identified.\\nThe zebra, wrote Professor Hubbard in 1889, is probably\\nstill browsing in the attic of the medical college, a safe refuge\\nfrom the stormy period of 1816 to 1820. But he long ago left\\nfor other and unknown pastures.\\nOf minerals the specimens were very few and preserved merely\\nas curiosities. Little care was taken to protect or increase their\\nnumbers. The other curiosities, too, were sadly neglected.\\nWhen the wall of the museum was blown open with the cannon\\nin 181 1, many were destroyed or carried away. The zebra,\\nnevertheless, survived till modern days, and some of the South\\nSea curiosities are still to be seen in the cabinet at Butterfield\\nHall.\\nThe state of things in this department at other colleges was\\nno better than here. The richest and most expensive col-\\nlection of minerals in America was one of 800 specimens sent\\nto Harvard, 1 794-1 796, by Dr. Lettsom of London. In Novem-\\nber, 1802, Professor Silliman, a young lawyer, just appointed\\nat Yale, took all the minerals of Yale College cabinet, in a\\nsmall candle box, to Philadelphia to be named by Dr. Adam Sey-\\nbert, who, educated at Leyden, was the only man in this country\\nthat was able to do it.^ In the line of curiosities to offset our\\nzebra Yale boasted a tvvo-headed snake as the most remarkable\\nspecimen which it had.*\\nIn connection with the new departure of 1820 the subject of\\nmineralogy was added to the department of chemistry in the\\nMedical Department, and the incumbent. Professor J. F. Dana,\\nmade some progress in gathering a collection of specimens,\\nmost of which he took away with him in 1826. At that time\\nby far the best collection of minerals in the place belonged to\\nForrest Shepherd of Boscawen, a member of the class of 1827.\\nFor his devotion to this subject he was regarded by his fellows\\nas a crank, almost a fool as he himself expressed it. The\\nCollege had nothing worth mentioning, nor any modern books\\nin that department. In fact there had been at best but one\\nAmerican work on mineralogy then published, viz., that by\\nProfessor Cleaveland first issued in 18 16.\\nI Statement of Professor O. P. Hubbard.\\nWansey s Journal of Excursion to the United States of North America, p. 68.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0664.jp2"}, "665": {"fulltext": "The Museum and Cabinet. 603\\nProfessor Hale, succeeding Professor Dana in 1827, came in\\nas a member of the academic, as well as the medical Faculty.\\nThis marked a new departure as regarded instruction to the\\nundergraduates in both chemistry and mineralogy. Chemistry\\nhad been taught in the medical department ever since its origin\\nin November, 1797, and the undergraduates had been encouraged\\nto attend the lectures for which a small extra fee was charged,\\nbut it had not been compulsory.\\nProfessor Hale was an enthusiast in mineralogy and set himself\\nto build up a cabinet. He found among the old curiosities\\nabout forty mineral specimens labelled as variegated stones.\\nA few more had been left by Professor Dana in the laboratory\\nat the medical building in two small boxes, the whole making\\nperhaps a hundred specimens. These Professor Hale brought\\ntogether in a room at the medical building adjoining the labora-\\ntory, fitted up at his own expense, and added to them from time\\nto time such as he was able to procure. Among them were\\n400 or 500 of his own, previously collected, and 290 given by\\nProfessor Frederick Hall, then of Middlebury College, in pay-\\nment of a subscription of $200 to the new fund. Seventy were\\ncontributed by students. Some that had been collected in\\nEurope by President Wheeler of the University of Vermont\\nwere bought and presented to the College, and Rev. Mr. Goodell,\\na missionary in Syria, then in Malta, in consequence of a request\\nfrom Professor Hale, sent a box of minerals and shells. In 1831\\n$200 were appropriated to buy a valuable cabinet of minerals\\nbelonging to the Rev. T. A. Merrill of Middlebury, Vt., and\\nalso another one said to be for sale at Loudon, N. H., if it were\\nfound, on examination, to be desirable. In 1833 about a thou-\\nsand specimens were bought of Mr. Cook of Fryeburg, Me.,\\npartly by the College, and partly by subscription. The same\\nyear $35 were paid for a beryl stone.\\nBeing entrusted with a joint superintendence of the construc-\\ntion of the new buildings in 1828 Professor Hale prepared plans\\nwhich would have afforded spacious and creditable accommoda-\\ntion for the cabinet. One plan would have given it a room 38\\nfeet square occupying the entire front of the lower floor in\\nThornton Hall, and another devoted to this object the whole\\nwidth of the south end of Dartmouth Hall on the ground floor.\\nNeither of these plans was accomplished and the best that could\\nbe got for this use was a small room in Dartmouth Hall. Here\\nin 1829 Professor Hale arranged in orderly shape the specimens", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0665.jp2"}, "666": {"fulltext": "6o4 History of Dartmouth College.\\nhe had brought together, numbering in all about 2,300, ail\\nfully labelled and catalogued, mostly by his own hand. These\\nthe room in Dartmouth Hall was ample to accommodate.\\nBut in 1838 Professor Frederick Hall, then of Washington,\\nD. C, gave money to endow a professorship of mineralogy,\\nand at the same time about 5,000 specimens, comprising the\\nhalf of his collection. Professor O. P. Hubbard, who had suc-\\nceeded Professor Hale in 1836, with the same enthusiasm for\\nthis subject, went to Washington and with Professor Hall s\\nassistance packed and shipped the specimens in October, 1838,\\nbut the cabinet room in Dartmouth Hall was far too small to\\nreceive them, and they lay in the boxes until the completion of\\nReed Hall, then in prospect.\\nHere the cabinet received its due recognition in a large well-\\nlighted front room on the lower floor, extending more than half\\nthe length of the building. To this the old collection was\\ntransferred in the autumn of 1840, and during the following\\nsummer Professor Hall s specimens were opened and arranged\\nby Professor Hubbard s brother. Dr. S. G. Hubbard of the class\\nof 1843, in new cases built on the plan of those then just\\ncompleted for a similar use at Yale College. The specimens,\\nbeginning at the northeast corner of the room, were arranged\\nby Professor Hall s direction in the same order as observed in\\nhis own cabinet in Washington. The cabinet as thus displayed\\npresented a very handsome appearance and was much admired.\\nProfessor Hall came himself to see it at Commencement of the\\nsame year and expressed his entire satisfaction. In 1844 he\\nadded the balance of his collection, largely duplicates. By the\\nterms of the gift all the specimens derived from Professor Hall\\nare to be forever kept in distinct cases plainly labelled as the\\nHall Cabinet.\\nIn 1844 Dr. William Prescott of Lynn, Mass., gave 400 speci-\\nmens of shells valued at $100, comprising 200 peculiar to New\\nEngland, 60 of the middle and southern states, and 100 from\\nabroad. Large and valuable additions were made by Professor\\nHubbard during his long service in the department.\\nIn 1857 six sculptured slabs were obtained from the excava-\\ntions at Nineveh, through the influence of Rev. Austin H.\\nWright of the class of 1830, missionary since 1840 at Oroomiah,\\nPersia, and in compliance with a request made to Mr. Wright\\nby Professor Hubbard five years before. These sculptures are\\nof the best style, on gypsum (the underlying rock of the Tigris", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0666.jp2"}, "667": {"fulltext": "The Museum and Cabinet. 605\\nvalley), and second only to the collection of twelve sent out\\nby Henry Stevens of London to Boston and bought by Robert\\nLenox of New York for $3,000 and presented to the New York\\nHistorical Society.\\nThe circumstances attending the acquisition of these rare\\nand valuable stones are in themselves of much interest. In\\n1852 Professor Hubbard, stimulated by the recent distribution\\nelsewhere of some of the products of the Nineveh excavations,\\nthen going on under the direction of Sir Henry Rawlinson,\\nBritish Resident at Bagdad, wrote to Mr. Wright, a friend of\\ntwenty years standing, asking if he could not obtain some of\\nthe same for our cabinet. Mr. Wright enjoyed the intimate\\nfriendship of Sir Henry, who, on his request, promptly ordered\\nthe six best slabs at Nineveh to be reserved for Dartmouth\\nCollege. Mr. Wright s reply reached Hanover in the early\\nsummer of 1854. The gift of the stones was subject only to\\nthe condition of paying the expense of packing and transporta-\\ntion, and this, in order to avoid delay, was personally guaranteed\\nby Professors Hubbard and Young and Mr. Blaisdell, and as-\\nsumed by the Trustees when next they met. The large slabs\\nwere sawn into sections, and packed under the supervision of\\nthe American missionaries at Mosul.\\nThe sections were first wrapped in half an inch of woolen felt,\\nthen boxed, and bound up with another covering of felt, and thus\\nsecured were transported on camels backs 500 miles to Isk-\\nanderoom on the Mediterranean, with instructions that they\\nshould be sent by steamer to Beirut so as to come by the annual\\nOctober wool vessel to Boston. Being shipped wrongly by sailing\\nvessel they arrived at Beirtit too late for the fall sailing and lay\\nunder the custom house shed an entire year, arriving at last at\\nHanover in January, 1857. The next June they were unpacked\\nand set up in Reed Hall by Mr. David Parsons of Amherst\\nwho had done similar work there; afterward they were placed in\\nButterfield Hall. The entire expense of obtaining the stones\\nwas about $600.\\nIn 1 87 1 the museum and cabinet were removed to Culver\\nHall, where they remained twenty-five years till the completion\\nof Butterfield Hall, when they were transferred to that building.\\nDuring that time the museum was enriched by a model of\\nJerusalem and a fine collection of stuffed birds prepared and\\ngiven by Rev. Henry Fairbanks, a Trustee of the College.\\nThe cabinet, which was under the charge of Professor C. H.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0667.jp2"}, "668": {"fulltext": "6o6 History of Dartmouth College.\\nHitchcock from 1869 to 1908, received great additions from his\\ngeological surveys of New Hampshire and Vermont, and from\\nhis activity in other places. Under his direction there was\\nconstructed a large relief-model, on a scale of one mile to the\\ninch, of New Hampshire and Vermont, to show the areal geology\\nof the two states. He also prepared colored diagrammatic cross-\\nsections, on the same scale as the model, to show the under-\\nground structure of northern New England, and these are\\nillustrated by about 3,500 specimens of rocks which he col-\\nlected from all parts of New Hamsphire and Vermont during\\nthe geological surveys of these states, and which he supplemented\\nat other times. He also made a large collection illustrating the\\ngeology of the Hawaiian Islands.\\nBesides many casts representing extinct animals there were\\nalso secured by him large collections illustrating dynamic geol-\\nogy, together with fossil foot marks of extinct reptiles from the\\nConnecticut valley, and geological models of various sections\\nof the country. Specimens illustrative of economic geology\\nwere secured, and for a mineralogical laboratory a systematic\\ncollection of rocks of all kinds was made, and supplemented by\\nthe gift of the Clinton H. Moore collection of ores and minerals\\nfrom the Rocky Mountains. Under his successor the cabinet\\nhas been enriched by a large scale map showing the topography\\nand geology of the district within five miles of the College and\\naccompanied by rock specimens from the district, and by maps,\\nphotographs and specimens illustrating the glaciation of the\\nPresidential Range of the White Mountains.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0668.jp2"}, "669": {"fulltext": "The Philosophical Apparatus. 607\\nTHE PHILOSOPHICAL APPARATUS.\\nThe first encouragement for endowment in this department\\ncame from Dr. John PhilUps when a visitor at Commencement\\nin 1772, by a donation of \u00c2\u00a3175, which, however, failed of its\\nimmediate object from circumstances heretofore related.\\nIn 1774 Samuel Holland of Canada, Royal Surveyor General\\nof the northern district of the seacoast of North America, who\\nsent his son to the College for a year, gave a handsome bronze\\nhorizontal sun dial which is still preserved in good condition.\\nDr. Belknap the same year mentions it as set up on a post in\\nthe President s yard.\\nIn 1783 a Hadley s quadrant was given by Col. John Hurd.\\nIn 1784 President Wheelock announced to the Board that a\\nset of apparatus had been promised by Dr. William Rose of\\nChiswick, England, in conjunction with Paul Wentworth of\\nHammersmith. The President s brother, Eleazar, was sent\\nover to attend to procuring and shipping it, and it arrived in\\n1785. The donation comprised among other things a set of\\nmechanical powers and a set of globes, celestial and terrestrial,\\na folio atlas in two volumes, and twelve sets of maps of New\\nHampshire, besides some duplicates designed to be sold for the\\nbenefit of the College. The globes were in 1788 loaned to New\\nIpswich Academy (then in close relation to the College) on\\nthe responsibility of Professor John Hubbard, the preceptor.\\nThe collection being at this time meagre, it found by vote of\\nthe Board in 1790 a place of deposit, together with the museum,\\nin the narrow room in the middle front of Dartmouth Hall,\\nupper floor, the whole being in charge of Professor Woodward.\\nIn 1802 a front room on the lower floor was fitted up for the\\napparatus and the portraits, for which another room on the same\\nfloor appears to have been substituted later, and to have been\\nused for the philosophical department until 1828. Then, it\\nbeing necessary to incorporate this room into the chapel, the\\nsecond story front room was taken from the Social Friends and\\nfitted up for the apparatus and for a philosophical lecture room,\\nwith the museum and cabinet adjoining on the east.\\nAfter the death of Professor Woodward the philosophical\\ndepartment rather declined. His successor being much devoted\\nto music gave less attention to the care of the apparatus than", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0669.jp2"}, "670": {"fulltext": "6o8 History of Dartmouth College.\\ncould have been desired. Professor Adams coming to the office\\non the death of Professor Hubbard in 1810 found the apparatus\\ngreatly out of repair and of little value. It was much scattered\\nabout and some of it was lost. An astronomical clock, presented\\nto the College by William Thurston of Boston in 1803, was found,\\nafter search, broken up and laid away in the attic. We have\\nno record of any other additions made during this period of\\ndepression.^ Between 1812 and 1819 nearly $1,000 was expended\\nfor new apparatus. Prices were very high, and the articles\\noften of inferior quality. This, with the fluctuation of possession\\nduring the contest with the University, led to an early decay.\\nIn 1 8 18 a small telescope and a microscope were given to the\\nCollege by Mr. Thurston (the same who had formerly given the\\nclock), with a reservation of a right to recall them at pleasure\\nin case the College should be extinguished.\\nFor the next fifteen years this department had no addition\\nworth mentioning, so far as we know. In 1833 when Professor\\nAdams was succeeded by his son-in-law, Professor Ira Young,\\nwho had been already two years tutor, the defective state of\\nthe apparatus was so impressed upon the Board that 1 1,500\\nwere appropriated for the purchase of new appliances. But\\nthe poverty of the College was such that Professor Young confined\\nhis purchases to the most necessary articles, of American make,\\nin the departments of electricity, electro-magnetism and pneu-\\nmatics, and in the course of twelve years expended but $1,200\\nall told. In the autumn of 1840 the apparatus was removed\\nto a small apartment in the southwest corner of Reed Hall\\nconnected with a fine new philosophical lecture room. The\\ncases there provided were more than ample to contain the whole\\nof it.\\nIn 1846, soon after the endowment of the Appleton fund\\nand in connection with a general movement to bring the College\\nabreast of the times, a committee of the Faculty, consisting of\\nProfessors Young and Haddock, at the request of the Trustees,\\nreported, among other things, upon the state of the apparatus,\\nwhich was found to be of comparatively little worth. It was\\nnot possible, however, to make any advance till 1852 when the\\ngift of $7,000 by Dr. Shattuck enabled the Trustees to replen-\\ni Professor C. A. Young in a letter, dated February 26, 1889, writes: I have always under-\\nstood from my Father that a considerable quantity of the old apparatus came from the sale\\n(or gift) of Dr. Prince of Salem, who I think was a friend of Priestley s. The cylinder electrical\\nmachine, and the large Franklin 36 jar battery of Leyden jars were always mentioned as having\\nbelonged to the Prince collection.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0670.jp2"}, "671": {"fulltext": "The Philosophical Apparatus. 609\\nish the physical apparatus and to build and equip an observatory,\\nas has been already told. The most important purchases of\\ninstruments made by Professor Young in Europe were described\\nin his report as,\\nA two and one half feet meridian circle with a five feet telescope cost about\\nJ1400; a comet seeker of four inch aperture cost about ?I75; a pocket\\nchronometer, second hand cost about ?I35; Newman s standard barometer\\ncost Jioo; Newman s mountain barometer cost ^35; large armillary sphere\\nand various articles of geodetical apparatus, including a set of maps for the\\nChandler School, costing about ?I50. Apparatus for acoustics, about ?i7o;\\noptical apparatus including solar microscope and polarizing apparatus very\\ncomplete about ?330.\\nIn 1862 the old philosophical apparatus belonging to the\\nCollege was inventoried and appraised, and turned over to the\\nAppleton fund. It was then valued at $2,350. This was\\nincreased about $800 by purchases up to 1866, and between\\n1868 and 1874 there were expended upon philosophical appa-\\nratus and new astronomical instruments upwards of $10,000,\\nabout half of which was derived from subscriptions procured\\nby Professor C. A. Young. Among the instruments covered\\nby this expenditure was a new and much more powerful telescope\\nfor the observatory mounted in 1871, The old one, made by\\nMerz in Munich, had an aperture of 6 4-10 inches and a focal\\nlength of 8 feet. The new one, made by Alvan Clark and\\nSons of Cambridge, Mass., was of 12 feet focal length and 9 4-10\\ninches aperture; with it was arranged a spectroscope of the\\nhighest power and best construction.\\nGreat additions were also made to the apparatus in other\\nbranches of the philosophical department, as distinguished from\\nastronomy, especially in the direction of electricity. The begin-\\nning of a physical laboratory was made in 1882, and, more room\\nbeing needed, the whole of the first story of Reed Hall was given\\nto the department of physics after the removal of the library\\nin 1885.\\nFrom that time no extensive additions were made to the physi-\\ncal apparatus till the opening of the Wilder laboratory in 1899.\\nThe proper equipment of that building called for a great enlarge-\\nment of the existing apparatus and in the next three years\\nabout $7,000 were spent for that purpose, and in each subsequent\\nyear the expenditure for renovation and additions has ranged\\nfrom $700 to $1,600.\\nDuring the twenty years following the departure of Professor", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0671.jp2"}, "672": {"fulltext": "6io History of Dartmouth College.\\nC. A. Young few changes or additions were made in the depart-\\nment of astronomy, but on the opening of Wilder Hall in 1899\\na recitation and a library room within it were set apart for\\nastronomy, and within the next few years about $700 from the\\nincome of the fund of $10,000 given to the department by Mr.\\nWilder were spent in supplementing the astronomical library.\\nIn 1904, the department being in charge of Mr. John M. Poor,\\nthen instructor but later assistant professor, the equipment of\\nthe observatory was increased by the addition of a transit in-\\nstrument and zenith telescope, made by G. N. Saegmuller of\\nWashington, D. C, under the direction of Professor Young,\\nat an expense of $1,150.\\nFour years later, from the accumulated income of the fund,\\nand from a gift of $2,000 by Mr. H. A. Wilder, the brother of\\nthe donor of the laboratory, the equatorial telescope was fitted\\nfor photographic work by the addition of a flint glass disk,\\nknown as a corrector, made by C. A, R. Lundin of the Alvan\\nClark and Sons corporation, giving a photographic instrument\\nof ten and a half feet focal length. The telescope was remounted\\nand furnished with a new and heavy clock work, driven by\\nan electric motor instead of gravity. This change necessitated\\nthe reconstruction of the supporting pier, and the lowering of\\nthe floor of the telescope room about two feet, the expense of\\nthe whole being about $4,000. The observatory had previously\\nbeen made more serviceable by connection in 1905 with the\\nwater, heating and lighting systems of the College.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0672.jp2"}, "673": {"fulltext": "The College Bell. 6ll\\nTHE COLLEGE BELL.\\nDuring the life of the first President the wilderness knew not\\nthe sound of a bell, the little one of 80 pounds net, sent to the\\nschool at Lebanon by Whitefield, having been (it will be remem-\\nbered) broken. Wheelock made ineffectual efforts to obtain\\nthe gift of a bell for the College from England, but during his\\nlife the call to prayer and other duties was sounded from a horn,\\nand from a conch shell, similar to that which fifty years ago\\nwas cherished as an heirloom among the students, handed down\\nin secret from class to class, perhaps the same, who knows?\\nA bell was at length obtained, whence we know not, by solici-\\ntation of the second President, in the autumn of 1780 or early\\nin 1 78 1, for one Silsby was paid \u00c2\u00a32 25. od. for ringing it from\\nMay 15, 1 78 1, until Commencement in August, while in the\\npreceding September Phillips had been under pay for blowing\\nthe horn. This bell undoubtedly was very small, probably\\nless than a hundred pounds, if we may judge anything by the\\nprice it brought when broken. It was mounted, as we under-\\nstand, in the belfry at the eastern end of the famous old College\\nHall that stood by the well on the Green, and in 1790 we find\\nit broken, by what means we are not informed, but we may\\nimagine that the damage was somehow connected with the\\nviolent destruction of the ruinous old hall about this time. At\\nall events from April, 1790, the college exercises were timed to\\nthe tap of the drum (we find payments for services of a drum\\nand for damage to the drum), and the Trustees and President\\nwere earnestly seeking a new bell, which they resolved should this\\ntime be of 300 pounds weight. After trying in vain to purchase\\none at the eastern ports, the President, on the 8th of August,\\n1790, despatched senior Eaton, afterward famous as General\\nWilliam Eaton, the hero of Tripoli, to procure one to be cast\\nat the foundry of Messrs. Doolittle and Goodyear in Hartford,\\nConn., and have it, if possible, before Commencement. Eaton s\\nenergy accomplished the task. He gave his time for the journey,\\nand his note for the purchase money, and Colonel Wheelock,\\nthe President s brother, furnished a carriage to convey the bell\\nfrom Hartford. It weighed 282 pounds, and cost here \u00c2\u00a333\\n185. i-2d. It was hung in the new belfry on Dartmouth Hall\\nin due season for Commencement. The College paid, August", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0673.jp2"}, "674": {"fulltext": "6l2 History of Dartmouth College.\\n24, for two quarts of rum for the laborers engaged in raising it.\\nThe old bell was taken in part payment at \u00c2\u00a34 2s. od.\\nThis bell barely survived the short-lived University, by which\\nit was appropriated with the other college property, and in\\nOctober, 1819, we find it broken. It was in that month exchanged\\nfor a new one of 299 pounds weight, costing fifty cents a pound,\\nfrom J. W. Revere of Boston; and this again, though so far as\\nwe know still sound, was exchanged for a still larger one of 512\\npounds in February, 1821. While the exchange was in process\\nrecourse was once more had to the horn as a signal for college\\nexercises. In 1829, connected with the radical changes in Dart-\\nmouth Hall, there was a further change through a subscription\\nraised by Professor Adams by which was acquired a fine-toned\\nbell of 726 pounds that lived in the memory of more than forty\\nclasses. That, too, in turn was broken in 1867, and Professor\\nBrown was sent to secure a new and more powerful one from\\nthe foundry of E. A. and G. R. Meneely of Troy, N. Y. This\\nweighed 1,222 pounds, and at forty-six cents a pound cost\\n$562.12. It was, as usual, warranted for one year, and, break-\\ning two or three days before the expiration of that period, was\\nreplaced by the founders in July, 1868, with one heavier by a\\nsingle pound than its predecessor, and like that, with happy\\nfitness, encircled by the College motto, cast on its rim. Vox\\nclamantis in deserto.\\nThe life of this bell was barely seventeen years, as it broke\\nearly in 1885, when it was replaced by one from the same foundry,\\nslightly heavier, (1,237 pounds), at a cost of $330, which was\\nreduced by the value of the old bell, taken in exchange, to\\n$161.31. This bell, the last to hang upon the old hall, was\\nmelted on the burning of the building in 1904. Just before\\nthat happened the College received the present of a peal of\\nthree bells from William E. Barrett of the class of 1880, a memo-\\nrial to his friend, Chalmers W. Stevens, a graduate of the class\\nof 1877, and of the Thayer School in 1880, who had gone as\\nan astronomer to the observatory at Cordoba in Buenos Ayres,\\nSouth America, where he was killed by lightning in 1884. The\\nbells, which weighed 800, 1,320, and 2,530 pounds respectively,\\nwere hung in the tower of Rollins chapel, and were first rung\\non the morning of February 13, 1904, for chapel service, at\\nwhich Mr. Barrett s letter presenting the bells to the College\\nwas read, and an account of Mr. Stevens by Professor Fletcher\\nLawful money, $i.3i\\\\ to the", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0674.jp2"}, "675": {"fulltext": "The College Bell. 613\\nand a short address on the sentiment connected with the bells\\nby Professor C. F. Richardson were given.\\nAfter the burning of Dartmouth Hall five days later the\\nstudents were called together by the middle bell of the peal,\\nwhich was also used for general college purposes, except for\\nmorning prayers and Sunday vespers, when the peal was rung.\\nThis continued till the completion of the new Dartmouth Hall,\\nwhen its new bell was brought into service. That, like the peal,\\ncame from the foundry of Meneely Co., and was the gift of\\nJoshua W. Peirce of the class of 1905. Its weight is 1,854\\npounds and it has a tone of great sweetness. It was placed in\\nposition September 27, 1905, and since the opening of the build-\\ning in the following February has been used for all college pur-\\nposes except the call to chapel.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0675.jp2"}, "676": {"fulltext": "6l4 History of Dartmouth College.\\nMAILS, AND MEANS AND ROUTES OF TRAVEL.\\nIt was long after the opening of this country before there was\\nany regular conveyance for letters or for travelers. Merchandise\\ncame in boats by the river or in carts and sleds up the great\\nroad of 1762 which skirted it, but which was hardly more\\nthan a cleared track in the woods and inconceivably rough.\\nThe usual mode of land travel was on horseback. Transporta-\\ntion on the river seems to have been made something of a busi-\\nness. In November, 1773, for example, Benjamin Wright and\\nSons were paid by Wheelock for bringing sundry articles of\\nmerchandise to the College landing by boat, from Bellows Falls.\\nThe freight for three barrels of salt was \u00c2\u00a31, 15., od}\\nLetters came only by the hand of casual travellers or, if of\\nimportance, by special messenger from Hartford, Conn. In\\nFebruary, 1773, Dr. Pomeroy wrote to Wheelock from Hebron,\\nConn., that he had for him a letter from Europe waiting three\\nmonths without finding any chance to send it to Hanover. In\\nAugust of the same year Wheelock writes that for himself,\\nunder his infirmities, to reach Boston at the best season, and on\\nthe best of horses, would consume at least six days; and that\\nthere was no post road in that direction, nor any means to send\\na letter excepting by some chance hand by way of the nearest\\npost office in Connecticut, 140 miles distant. A special messen-\\nger cost three shillings a day and expenses, and a letter sent to\\nWheelock in June, 1772, from Hartford, Conn., in this manner\\ncost \u00c2\u00a31, 45. for carriage.\\nWhat travel there was lay up and down the river. Over the\\nheights to the Merrimac valley, thirty miles or more, was an\\nIndian trail, and after a time a blazed bridle path, but exceedingly\\nrough and impracticable and little improved by the first so-called\\nroads. As late as January, 1784, Professor Smith, having occa-\\nsion to take to himself a wife in Boston, brought his bride over\\nthis route on horseback and she was wont to boast, in after\\nyears, that she made the trip five times in that manner, before\\na wheel had passed. There was of course a path via Walpole,\\nKeene and Amherst, but that was almost as bad.\\nGovernor Wentworth and his party, coming to the first Com-\\nmencement in 1 771, came by way of Plymouth and Haverhill.\\nBilU In College files. Haddock s Montpelier Address, p. 7.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0676.jp2"}, "677": {"fulltext": "Mails and Routes of Travel. 615\\nThe next year the new road was opened in a fashion to his seat\\nin Wolfeboro, and he tried that, on horseback of course. In\\n1774 Dr. Belknap came from Dover by the old and longer\\nroute, which was no doubt preferable to the new road over\\nMoose Mountain, and returned by way of Keene.\\nRegular though infrequent communication with Portsmouth\\nwas established on the route through Haverhill quite early, by\\na postrider, Lieut. Nathaniel Porter. Mention is found of\\nletters and packages and money passing by his hand between\\nWheelock and the Governor in December, 1772, and in January\\nand October, 1773. This was evidently a private enterprise.\\nThe New Hampshire Gazette (Portsmouth) of February 25, 1774,\\ncontains the following announcement:\\nMr. Porter the post, or news carrier, is now in town and this day, precisely\\nat twelve o clock he starts from the printing office for Dartmouth College,\\nsituate on the delightful Connecticut river, and that flourishing part of this\\nprovince called Coos. This route he performs every three weeks in all sorts\\nof weather. Those gentlemen in Portsmouth who have sons at the afore-\\nsaid College are desired to send their letters c. by twelve o clock to the\\nprinting office.\\nIn September, 1775, Colonel Morey writes^ to the Committee\\nof Safety at Exeter urging them to send commissions by Mr.\\nPorter the post who could as he comes around bring them to\\nall the four regiments on the Connecticut River. His route was,\\ntherefore, a circuit up the headwaters of the Merrimac to Haver-\\nhill, and down the Connecticut to Walpole, or vice versa. In\\nMarch, 1775, Wheelock mentioned a regular post once a fort-\\nnight from here to Northfield.\\nThere was at that time one post route maintained by the\\nprovincial government between Boston and Portsmouth and the\\neastward, and a Postmaster General was appointed as long\\nago as 1726, and the same route was afterward supported by\\nthe Continental authority. In December, 1778, the Continental\\npostmaster, Ebenezer Hazard of Philadelphia, visiting Ports-\\nmouth, was solicited to extend this service to Exeter. He said\\nthat he was not yet able to do so, but promised that if offices\\nshould be established by the State he would take them into the\\ngeneral system as soon as he could. The suggestion seems not\\nto have been immediately adopted, but in 1781^ propositions\\nwere made by Samuel Robinson and others, and on June 27,\\n1 78 1, it was ordered by the assembly that a suitable person be\\n1 State Papers, VII, p. 6n. State files.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0677.jp2"}, "678": {"fulltext": "6l6 History oj Dartmouth College.\\nemployed by the Committee of Safety to ride from Portsmouth\\nto Haverhill by way of Concord and Plymouth, and thence\\ndown the river by way of Charlestown and Keene to Portsmouth\\nagain. In execution of this order John Balch of Keene was\\nappointed July 21, 1781, according to his proposal, to ride a\\npost for three months, setting out from Portsmouth on every\\nalternate Saturday morning and carrying all public mail free\\nof charge, for which he was to be paid seventy hard dollars\\nor paper money equivalent.^ He continued in this service at\\nleast two years, and received the first year \u00c2\u00a3120, the second\\nyear \u00c2\u00a3100.^\\nA resolution passed November 9, 1785,^ ordered a rider from\\nPortsmouth by Exeter, Nottingham, Concord and Plymouth\\nto Haverhill, thence down the river by Charlestown and Keene\\nto Amherst, Exeter and home to Portsmouth, and reversing the\\nroute every alternate trip. By this proving unsatisfactory a\\ncommittee was appointed February 13, 1786, to suggest alter-\\nations,* and by a resolve dated March 3, 1786, four routes were\\nestablished, and the President was authorized to appoint a Post-\\nmaster General, employ riders and order further routes if neces-\\nsary.^ The first route of the four ran from Portsmouth to\\nHaverhill, Orford and Hanover and back through Boscawen,\\nCanterbury, Epsom and Newmarket to Portsmouth. The\\nPresident appointed Jeremiah Libby of Portsmouth Postmaster\\nGeneral, who was also Continental Postmaster at that town.\\nLibby before accepting referred the case to Hazard to learn if\\nthe new office would be thought compatible with the old. Hazard\\nin reply, March 22, 1786, objected to the resolution in its broad\\nscope,^ as conflicting with the rights of the Continental Congress,\\nand Libby accordingly declined the office. But he made tem-\\nporary provision for supplying the route by employing Samuel\\nBean to ride to Amherst and Robert Means thence to Charles-\\ntown and Cornish, till the next June.\\nOn the 17 th of that month the routes were changed so that\\none rider should leave Portsmouth every second Monday, going\\nthrough Exeter, Nottingham, Concord and Plymouth to Haver-\\nhill and thence down the river to Charlestown, and back through\\nKeene, Amherst, Merrimac, Londonderry, Chester and Exeter.\\nThe previous resolutions to which Hazard had objected were\\nTown Papers, XII, p. 319. Ibid, p. 543.\\nIbid, VIII, p. 944. Ibid, XVIII. p. 76s.\\nState Papers, XX, p. 449- Ibid., p. 766.\\nUbid., XX. p. 461.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0678.jp2"}, "679": {"fulltext": "Mails and Routes of Travel. 617\\nrepealed, and the provision for the support of the postriders\\nwas postponed to the next session. But better thoughts pre-\\nvailed and on June 27 an order was passed to agree with a post-\\nrider on the route above described.^ In July, 1786, Samuel\\nDearborn was appointed by Libby to ride every Monday on\\nthe route to Wolfeboro and the rates of postage were fixed for\\nsingle letters (one piece of paper) at eight pence for distances\\nover forty miles, and six pence for shorter distances. Against\\nthis action Hazard again protested. On January 6, 1787\\nSamuel Bean was appointed a postrider for one year, to ride\\nfrom Portsmouth to Chester, Londonderry, Amherst and Con-\\ncord and to return by the way he may chuse, and be entitled\\nto all the perquisites he may receive. He was paid \u00c2\u00a310 for carry-\\ning State papers the preceding year.^\\nThe river service seems to have been still neglected. In\\nSeptember, 1787, on petition of Simeon Olcott of Charlestown,\\nand others, asking for a postoffice at Keene, and a postrider to\\ntravel the route formerly pointed out by the legislature,\\na committee reported to the assembly in favor of a rider from\\nConcord through Keene, Walpole and Charlestown to Hanover,\\nand thence back to Concord by way of Boscawen, with post-\\noffices to be established in the several towns. The rider was\\nto give bond, and \u00c2\u00a360 was set apart for the expense of mainte-\\nnance.\\nThis indication of a route by Boscawen, first made in 1786-\\n1787, was connected with the opening of a road from that town\\nto Dartmouth College under authority of the State. It was\\nfirst ordered by an act of legislature November 11, 1784, to\\nbe made by the towns. This proving ineffectual a second act\\nwas passed on February 13, 1786, and the road was laid by a\\ncommittee appointed by the State. But the work still hanging\\nfire, it was further ordered, January 6, 1787, that whereas the\\nformer provision is found insufficient for the purpose intended,\\nand said highway to this time in most of the towns through which\\nit is laid is wholly neglected notwithstanding, the State Com-\\nmittee, after due notice to any delinquent town, proceed to\\nconstruct its part of the road and levy a distress for the cost of it.\\nHanover disliked the location and petitioned in March, 1786,\\nand in May, 1787, for alterations to be solicited of the General\\nCourt by Jonathan Freeman. But it was voted in case it\\nState Papers, XX, p. 644. Ibid., XX, pp. 157, 461.\\nIbid., XX, p. 777; H. J. January 6, 1787.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0679.jp2"}, "680": {"fulltext": "6l8 History of Dartmouth College.\\ncould not be obtained to assess a tax of \u00c2\u00a315 to be laid out in\\nlabor at 45. per day in clearing the road, under three surveyors\\nthen elected.^ The following October it was voted to release\\nthe surveyors, collect the tax in money and let the work out\\nby the great, provided the tax payers did not work it out\\nby the 25th instant.\\nThe road was at length ostensibly built, but in the rudest\\nand most perfunctory manner. It passed from the College\\neastward along Mink brook to the Mill neighborhood, now\\nEtna, and over Hayes hill substantially by the course of the\\nexisting ancient roads to the Rudsboro valley and thence north-\\nerly of the old County Road, across the south end of Moose\\nmountain to North Enfield and down the east side of the pond\\nto Canaan.\\nThere was an earlier road south of the Boscawen road, also\\nspoken of as a Country or State road, or the road to\\nExeter, which passed over the southern side of Mount Tug\\nto East Lebanon and over the hills west of the pond. We have\\nbeen unable to find any records of its construction.\\nIn the meantime the people of the New Hampshire Grants\\nhad taken in this, as in other matters, an independent line of\\naction. Though there exists at present no certain memorial\\nof it, it is probable that the leaders on the river during their\\nindependent organization maintained some stated means of\\ncommunication among themselves. The first that appears,\\nhowever, is in September, 1783, when Hough and Spooner\\nsetting up their newspaper, the Vermont Journal, at Windsor,\\none Calvin Bennett of Lebanon, undertook to ride post with\\nit weekly on Thurdsays from Windsor to Haverhill on the New\\nHampshire side of the river. The price of the paper delivered\\nthus at Dresden was 3.9. i\\\\d. per quarter.^\\nIn March, 1784, a postal system was established by the State\\nof Vermont, with postoffices, among other places, at Windsor\\nand at Newbury, and a weekly rider from Bennington to those\\npoints, by way of Brattleboro, taking Hanover, of course, by\\nthe way, since the route from Windsor to Newbury lay of neces-\\nsity at that time on the New Hamsphire side.^\\nBy an act of February 12, 1791, the State of New Hampshire\\nfor the first time established a regular postal system and ten\\nRecords of the Town and Selectmen of Hanover, N. H,, 1761-1818, pp. 58, 71.\\nVermont Journal, September 11, 1783.\\nVermont Governor and Council, III, p. 392.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0680.jp2"}, "681": {"fulltext": "Mails and Routes of Travel. 619\\npostmasters were appointed,^ one of them, Samuel McCIure,\\nat Hanover, March 16, 179 1. On the same day John Lathrop\\nwas appointed to ride route number two, which ran from Concord\\nby way of Boscawen and Plymouth to Haverhill, and back\\nthrough Hanover, Lebanon, Canaan and Salisbury. The post-\\nriders were to ride every fortnight. Postage charges were\\nreduced to sixpence for every forty miles and fourpence for\\nless distances. Postmasters received twopence for every letter\\ndelivered through their office.\\nWe learn from the Concord HeraW that John Lathrop already\\nrode this circuit before the act was passed, certainly from Jan-\\nuary, 1790, and in November, 1792, that he was succeeded\\nby John Scofield upon a weekly schedule by way of Concord,\\nBoscawen, Grantham, Lebanon, Hanover, Haverhill, Warren,\\nWentworth, Rumney and New Chester. Starting on Thursday\\nmorning at eight, he would be once more in Concord on the\\nfollowing Wednesday evening at seven. Deacon Joseph Curtis\\nwas his newspaper agent at Hanover. On this plan letters and\\npackages destined to Concord must needs go by way of Haverhill,\\nconsuming five days in the process.\\nBy the act of the Federal Congress approved February 20,\\n1792, the postal system of the United States was for the first\\ntime extended to this section. Hanover had before been made\\nthe terminus of a weekly route from Brattleboro on which the\\nmail passed through Windsor northward every Thursday,* and\\non March 20, 1793, Samuel McClure was appointed the first\\nUnited States postmaster at Hanover. The postoffice was in\\nhis barber and tailor shop which stood about where the adminis-\\ntration building now stands. Up to 1800 the mail arrived from\\nthe south every Saturday morning about ten o clock and left\\nat two p. m., going on north. From October i, 1800, Silas\\nCurtis contracted to carry a weekly mail direct to this place\\nfrom Exeter by way of Concord, so the village had from that\\ntime two mails each week.\\nRiders on private account were still common for a long time\\nin connection with the various newspapers. Besides the papers\\nthey carried small packages and letters and did miscellaneous\\n-errands. For example, in June, 1802, a new post is announced\\nState Papers, XXII, p. 269.\\nilbid., XXII, p. 221.\\nConcord Herald, November, 1791, No% einber, 1792.\\nVermont Governor and Council, p. Ill, pp. 393-39S.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0681.jp2"}, "682": {"fulltext": "620 History of Dartmouth College.\\nby the Dartmouth Gazette,^ informing the pubUc that Mr, Levi\\nDay of Hebron who is unable to do hard labor has undertaken\\nthe business of a postrider. He rides through Hanover, Lime,\\nDorchester, Hebron, Grafton, Wentworth and several other\\ntowns. Those who wish for the Gazette will be supplied on\\nreasonable terms. The same issue proposes to the subscribers\\nin Plainfield that they take their papers in future at the printing\\nofifice, forming a company of thirteen or twenty-six and taking\\ntheir turns in coming after them. The mail carrier at this time\\nwas Daniel Blaisdell. There was also in October, 1803, a weekly\\nrider, Jonathan Edgerly, from Hanover by way of Concord and\\nExeter to Portsmouth, leaving Dewey s tavern every Friday\\nmorning.^\\nThe era of turnpikes had now arrived and carriages appear\\nfor the first time for public conveyances.^ February i, 1803,\\nSayer Bullock of Hanover informs the public that he has con-\\ntracted to carry the mail from Hanover to Haverhill once a week\\nin a carriage sufficient to carry two passengers. Passengers will\\nbe conveyed for threepence per mile. A year later the demand\\nwas sufficient to accelerate the service to twice a week. On\\nSeptember 18, 1802,* Jacob W. Brewster announced that he\\nhad contracted with the Postmaster General to run a line of\\nMail Stages from Dartmouth College to Suffield, Conn., twice\\na week, beginning the first day of October. The stages started\\nin both directions on Mondays and Thursdays, and, leaving\\nHanover at six o clock, a. m. they reached Brattleboro at noon\\nthe next day, and Suffield the third day. It was expected to\\narrange at that point to connect with the lines to New York.\\nFourteen pounds of baggage were allowed to each passenger.\\nThese did by no means dispense with the postriders. Jona-\\nthan Edgerly informs the public November, 1803, that he rides\\nfrom Portsmouth to Hanover, succeeding one Daniel Blaisdell,\\nand delivers newspapers along the route. These riders of course\\ntravelled the great or Country road of 1762-1764, along\\nthe Connecticut, which had long before this time been adopted\\nby the county, and much improved. At some time subsequent\\nto 1775 the course of it through the southern part of Hanover\\nwas changed from the half mile line to a route nearer the river,\\nso as to cross Mink brook and reach the college plain by the\\nDartmouth GazHte, June 19, 1802. Dartmouth Gazette, February 19, 1804.\\n*Il)id., October 14. 1803. Ibid., September 18. 1802.\\nIbid., February 19. 1803.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0682.jp2"}, "683": {"fulltext": "Mails and Routes of Travel. 621\\npresent route up main street, then crossing the Common\\ndiagonally, it followed substantially the course of the present\\nriver road some four miles, and thence returned up the hill to\\nthe old half mile road to Lyme by the path still designated as\\nthe County road. though that name is changing to that of\\nState road. The earliest records of the action of the county\\non this line are not found. Records, however, exist of alter-\\nations made in 1797 and 1805.\\nBut notwithstanding all that was done by the town, county\\nand State, the roads continued to be very bad for some years\\nafter the opening of the century. The Boscawen road was an\\nentire failure. In 1796 the transport of goods from Boston\\nand of produce back was so expensive, uncertain and hazardous\\nby reason of the badness of the road from Merrimac River over\\nthe height of land to Hanover, that many of the traders continued\\nto purchase their goods at New York and transport them by\\nwater, this route, though itself expensive and hazardous,\\nbeing less so than the other. The distance to Boston was 130\\nmiles and of it thirty miles over the heights were in some seasons\\nalmost impassable. People were living at Montpelier in 1844,\\nthe time of the agitation for railroads, who had brought goods\\nfrom Boston by ox-teams, occupying four weeks in a trip, at\\nan expense of $60 a ton.^ Webster in his speech in 1847 ^t\\nFranklin at the opening of the Northern railroad declared that\\nso late as when he left College (in 1801) there was no road from\\nriver to river for a carriage fit for the conveyance of persons.\\nWe have a reminiscence of this road in the memoirs of George\\nTicknor, who made his first journey from Boston to Hanover\\nin 1802, at the age of eleven. (He was a sophomore in College\\nin 1803 and graduated in 1807,)^\\nMy grandfather s farm was at Lebanon, on the Connecticut River. Dart-\\nmouth College, in Hanover, where my father was educated, was only a few\\nmiles off, and he liked to visit both. My mother went with him and so did I.\\nThe distance was hardly 120 miles, but it was a hard week s work with a\\ncarriage and a pair of horses the carriage being what used to be called a\\ncoachte. One day I recollect we made with difficulty thirteen miles, and the\\nroad was so rough and dangerous that my mother was put on horseback\\nand two men were hired to go on foot, with ropes to steady the carriage over\\nthe most difficult places.\\nSee Graves s Appeal to Boston Merchants, p. 700.\\nAddress of Professor Haddock before the railroad convention at Montpelier, January 8,\\n1844. p. 7-\\nLife and Letters of George Ticknor, Vol. I, p. 5.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0683.jp2"}, "684": {"fulltext": "622 History of Dartmouth College.\\nThe experience of another, six years later, by the southern\\nroute (the second New Hampshire turnpike), was even more\\nexciting.* Amos Kendall started from Amherst, N. H., March\\n25, 1808, to enter the freshman class at Dartmouth. Though\\nthe snow was generally gone it still covered the hill country\\nbetween the Merrimac and the Connecticut, and the second day\\nthe coach plowed through the cradle holes on runners like a boat\\non the waves, which made Amos very sick. But on reaching\\nthe Connecticut valley, and wheels again, he felt encouraged\\nthough still unable to eat. Leaving Windsor, eighteen miles\\nfrom College, soon after four o clock on the 28th, with four horses\\nand a drunken driver, a portion of the running gear was before\\nlong carried away in a collision with a cart, which made the\\nstage unsafe for riding down the many steep hills, so that the\\nprogress was slow. About eleven p. m., within three miles of\\nthe College on a level plain, the driver, now almost stupefied\\nwith his frequent potations, turned the wheels of the stage\\nsuddenly into a sled track in the snow beside the road, and as\\nthey struck a stump the stage went over. The passengers were\\nonly slightly bruised, but the stage being righted after an hour s\\nwork, by the aid of neighbors called from their beds, proved to\\nbe wholly disabled. The two passengers mounted two of the\\nhorses on borrowed saddles, with their trunks before them and\\nstarted again through the mud. The driver rode on a bag of\\ncorn flung over the back of another horse, and drove the fourth\\nbefore him. They had gone but a few rods when the bag of\\ncorn becoming untied emptied half its contents on the ground;\\nwhile that was being gathered up the fourth horse trotted oflf\\non a sled path into the woods and it took half an hour to get\\nhim back. They reached the College at two o clock in the\\nmorning, when Kendall, having eaten nothing since breakfast of\\nthe preceding day, went to bed in a state of complete exhaustion.\\nThe construction of great through lines of road by town action\\nunder the compulsion of the legislature, as in the case of the\\nBoscawen road, proved so unsatisfactory that attempt was\\nmade to bring private capital into the enterprise by turnpike\\ncharters. As early as 1792 plans began to be agitated for a\\ncomprehensive system of turnpikes that should extend from\\nBoston to Burlington, and in that year citizens of Hanover\\nand Lebanon, in expectation of it, procured a charter for a bridge\\nover the Connecticut. A bridge was built at Bellows Falls\\nAutobiography of Amos Kendall, p. 19.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0684.jp2"}, "685": {"fulltext": "Mails and Routes of Travel. 625\\nthe same year, but there was none north of it, and the matter\\nslumbered till 1796. In that year, June 16, the turnpike era\\nwas fairly inaugurated.^ The first New Hampshire Turnpike\\n(from Portsmouth to Concord) was incorporated by the legis-\\nlature and an ineffectual petition, headed by Elisha Payne of\\nLebanon and Jonathan Freeman of Hanover, was made at the\\nsame session for authority to construct a turnpike from Boscawen\\nto Lebanon. The matter was adjourned to the November\\nsession, publication was ordered, and the act to incorporate\\nthe Grafton turnpike then passed the House (60 to 50), but\\nwas lost in the Senate.\\nIt was not till four years later, upon a new petition filed in\\nJune, 1800, that a charter was granted through the influence\\nof B. J. Gilbert, the member from Hanover, to Elisha Payne,\\nConstant Storrs of Lebanon and Russell Freeman of Hanover,\\nDecember 8, 1800, under the style of the Fourth Turnpike\\nroad in New Hampshire. Of the 400 shares about 30 were\\ntaken in Hanover, where much interest was felt in the enterprise\\nin connection with the bridge over the Connecticut River, then\\nlately built, and a contemplated road up the White River valley\\nto Lake Champlain. The petition set forth the existing incon-\\nveniences from the badness of the roads between Merrimac\\nRiver and the towns of Lebanon and Hanover; that the trade\\nof the western parts of this state and of the northern parts of Ver-\\nmont is, of course, turned from our own seaports and our most\\ncommercial towns to those of Connecticut and New York; and\\nthat the natural impediments between the aforesaid places\\nand the Merrimac River render the provisions by law for making\\nand repairing public roads wholly inadequate to the purpose\\nof rendering communication easy, convenient and safe. Very\\nfew shares were taken in the towns along the road, except in\\nLebanon, but Portsmouth was a large subscriber.*\\nThe main line of this road extended from the northeast corner\\nof Boscawen through Salisbury, Andover, Wilmot, Springfield,\\nEnfield and Lebanon, following the valley of the Mascoma\\nto the Connecticut, opposite the mouth of the White River,\\nwhere Lyman s bridge was built in 1805. Hanover and the\\nNew Hampshire Gazelle, July 23, 1796.\\n\u00c2\u00abH. J., 1796, p. 59-\\nThe second from Claremont to Amherst and the third from Bellows Falls fifty miles toward\\nBoston had been granted in i799-\\nAn extended account of this turnpike by John M. Shirley is to be found in a series of five\\narticles in the Cranile Monthly, Vol. IV.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0685.jp2"}, "686": {"fulltext": "624 History of Dartmouth College.\\nnew White River Falls bridge were reached by a branch diverg-\\ning from the main road in the easterly part of Lebanon. For\\nthis branch three routes were proposed, first, the course substan-\\ntially of the old county or Boscawen road, intersecting the\\nmain line at the Great Pond, second a route by the Great\\nValley, eastward of Mount Support (through which now runs\\nthe road from Lebanon to Etna), reaching the main line at\\nAlden s bridge, about a mile east of what is now Lebanon\\nCentre village; and the third directly over Mount Support\\nitself, to the same point.\\nThe lands on the line of the old road were then pretty well\\nsettled and the people living there fully appreciated the loss\\nthey would suffer by having the traffic withdrawn so that the\\ndetermination of the route was the occasion of active contest\\nand logrolling. The committee on location. Col. Elisha Payne\\nof Lebanon and Col. Aaron Kinsman of Hanover with three\\nothers, wisely advised the second route (though 164 rods longer\\nthan that over Mount Support), as being the levellest and best\\nfor the public. The majority of votes at Lebanon, September\\n25, 1801, was, however, at first in favor of the course of the old\\ncounty road (206 to 191), though the longest and by far the most\\nhilly and difficult. But on July i, 1802, this vote was rescinded,\\nand the Mount Support route, as now used, adopted apparently\\nwithout a division. The tradition is that the change was brought\\nabout by President Wheelock, who hoped thus to enhance the\\nvalue of the college lands on Mount Support, through a promise\\nof an enlarged subscription to the stock, which, however, failed\\nof satisfactory performance. The road was opened to travel\\nin December, 1804. From the top of Sand Hill it passed through\\nthe village by what are now Lebanon, Main and Wheelock\\nStreets, to the east abutment of the bridge.\\nWithin ten years from the date of the first turnpike nearly\\nfifty were chartered in the State. The only one (besides the\\nfourth) which touched Hanover was the Grafton turnpike,\\nprojected in 1803, incorporated June 21, 1804, and completed\\nbetween 1808 and 1811. It ran, substantially parallel to the\\nfourth turnpike, from Andover to Orford, through Canaan\\nStreet and across the northeast corner of Hanover.\\nThe turnpikes did much to develop travel, but after the\\nfirst became unpopular, people objecting to the tolls and toll\\ngates which restricted freedom of use, and attempts were set\\non foot to make them free. The Grafton turnpike was made", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0686.jp2"}, "687": {"fulltext": "Mails and Routes of Travel. 625\\nfree in January 1829, and five years later a similar movement\\nwas made in Ajidover against the fourth turnpike by laying\\nit out as a highway. The owners resisted and the attempt failed\\nbecause the court adjudged that the law did not then allow the\\ncondemnation of a corporate franchise for public use. The\\npressure continued, however, and the defect in power being\\nsupplied by the act of July 2, 1838, the road was made free\\nwithin the next two years by successive condemnations. The\\ncompensation given was small, and the road, though paying an\\naverage dividend of 4.55 per cent for twenty years, proved in\\nthe end an unfortunate investment for its promoters.\\nAfter the completion of the turnpike facilities of travel im-\\nproved. In May, 1805, there was a mail route from Exeter,\\nvia Concord, to Hanover once a week, leaving Exeter Tuesday\\nmorning, arriving at Hanover Friday morning, and starting\\nback at noon the same day; connecting with it from Hanover\\nwas a route to Littleton. The following July the public was\\ninformed^ that a stage was erected to run from Hanover to\\nBoston, by way of the fourth New Hampshire turnpike and\\nConcord, leaving Dewey s Coffee House [modern Hanover Inn]\\nevery Thursday morning at six o clock, and arriving in Boston\\non Saturday. The intervening nights were passed at Boscawen\\nand Nashua Village, or Dunstable. The fare was $4.50 to\\nDunstable, and $2.40 thence to Boston.\\nTwo years later, June 10, 1807,2 announcement was made\\nthat a stage had commenced running, by the fourth New Hamp-\\nshire and Londonderry turnpikes to Boston, 115 miles, twice\\na week, in connection with the Newburyport and other eastern\\nstages. The proprietors have furnished good horses and\\nelegant carriages and every attention is paid to passengers.\\nLeaving Hanover on Mondays and Fridays at five o clock a. m.,\\nthe stages reached Concord at the same hour in the evening,\\nand starting again next morning arrived that evening in Boston.\\nThe fare was the same as before, and the way fares six cents a\\nmile.\\nThere was at the same time a mail stage running to Haverhill\\nowned by Urial Bascom and R. W. Goold, both Hanover men.\\nIt went up on Wednesdays and returned on Thursdays. In\\nOctober, 1807,^ there was started with these connections a line\\nby White River to Royalton, twice a week, and to Burlington,\\nDartmouth Gazette. July 5, 1805. Dartmouth Gazette, October 28, 1807.\\nDartmouth Gazette.\\n40", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0687.jp2"}, "688": {"fulltext": "626 History of Dartmouth College.\\nonce a week, and the time was expedited so that a passenger\\ncould reach Royalton or Haverhill in two days from Boston.\\nAs time went on the number of trips increased and the time\\nwas shortened. By 1809 the Concord stage ran three times a\\nweek, leaving Concord at five a. m., and reaching Hanover\\nat four p. m., but making the return trip in an hour less, as it\\nleft Hanover at six a. m. and reached Concord at four p. m.^\\nBy 1830 the trip between Boston and Burlington, 213 miles,\\nwas made in two days. The Vermoiit Journal of July 22 of\\nthat year, announces, that on Monday last the Burlington\\nstage arrived at Hanover at half past five p. m. and proceeded\\nto Enfield, where it met the stage from Boston, which left the\\ncity the same morning.\\nConnections were made in other directions; as in 1814^ the\\nnorthern stage under the proprietorship of the Goolds and\\nWoodbury of Hanover, left the village at five a. m. every Wed-\\nnesday and connected through to Lancaster and to Guildhall,\\nVt., on Friday. On Sunday stages left Hanover and Haverhill\\nat the same hour and meeting at Orford returned the same day.\\nA few years later the Haverhill stage ran three times a week.\\nBut as the postriders gave way to the stages, so the stages gave\\nway to the railroads, and by 1850 they had wholly ceased on\\nthe through lines, and the more rapid means of communication\\nhad succeeded.\\n1 Dartmouth Gazette, May 25, 1809, and September 23, 18 18.\\nDartmouth Gazette, March 14. 1814.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0688.jp2"}, "689": {"fulltext": "The River. 627\\nTHE RIVER: DAMS, LOCKS AND BRIDGES.\\nThe Connecticut River has been of great importance to\\nHanover in many ways, as a means of communication, as a\\nbarrier against hostile attack, and as a source of power, to say\\nnothing of it as a source of ever recurring delight to the lover\\nof wild and beautiful scenery, as rich today as it was a hundred\\nyears ago. The jurisdiction of New Hampshire as fixed by the\\nKing in 1764 extends to its western bank.\\nUntil times comparatively modern, as already mentioned,\\nmuch of the heavy freight destined for this region came by boat.\\nPrior to the opeinng of the Fourth New Hampshire Turnpike\\nabout 1804, communication toward the southeast being very\\ndifficult, most of traffic was up and down the river, and did\\nnot wholly cease till long after. When the College was located\\nhere in 1770, boats were in common use and there was already\\na usual landing place on the western shore. There was, of\\ncourse, thenceforward a common landing place on our own\\nbank, the shelving beach just under the eastern end of the\\npresent bridge. Below the landing the bank at that time did\\nnot drop into the river, as it now does, by a steep pitch, but\\nfurnished a strip of meadow along the eastern shore similar to\\nthat on the western side, and wide enough to afford ample room\\nfor a cart road to the meadows at the mouth of Mink brook,\\nguarded by a gate at its northern entrance.\\nWe know little of the early boats, but there are surviving\\naccounts which inform us that in November, 1773, Benjamin\\nWright and Son were engaged in navigation, and it is said that\\nthe trip to Hartford, Conn., and back occupied fifteen days.^\\nThe indication is of a regular transportation business. The\\ngreatest hindrance to the river traffic was, of course, the numer-\\nous rapids and the carries that were necessary at the principal\\nfalls. Between Hanover and Hartford the distance by river\\nis 170 miles, and the river falls 365 feet over thirteen well defined\\nbars of greater or less magnitude, at which it was in general\\nnecessary to break bulk and carry by. At these bars little\\nsettlements naturally grew up with a tavern and perhaps a\\nstore and, if opportunity served, a mill.\\nLess than two miles below the College plain is a series of\\nTucker s History of Hartford, Vt., p. 141.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0689.jp2"}, "690": {"fulltext": "628 History of Dartmouth College.\\nfalls of the first magnitude beginning almost precisely at the\\nsouthern line of Hanover. Though about equally distant from\\nthe College and the early settlement at West Lebanon, and\\nactually within the limits of Lebanon, they have been from\\nearly times controlled by Hanover men, and improved by their\\ncapital and enterprise. The limits of Dresden apparently\\nembraced them. We have been wont to regard them as a\\nfeature of our surroundings, and our history would be incomplete\\nwithout an account of their improvement.\\nFrom their nearness to the mouth of the White River these\\nfalls were distinguished, long before settlements began, as the\\nWhite River Falls of the Connecticut. They were cele-\\nbrated for their violence and furnished one of the most trouble-\\nsome of all the obstructions in the river. The experience of\\nMajor Robert Rogers affords the earliest mention that we\\nfind of their dangers. Returning in September, 1759, from the\\nsack of the Indian village, St. Francis, he left the starving rem-\\nnant of his party at the mouth of the Ammonoosuc, and with\\ntwo companions, a man and an Indian boy, undertook to navi-\\ngate the river on a raft to No. 4 (Charlestown) and bring help\\nand provisions. He tells us that,^\\nThe current carried us down the stream in the middle of the river, where\\nwe kept our miserable vessel with such paddles as could be split and hewn\\nwith small hatchets. The second day we reached White River Falls, and\\nvery narrowly escaped running over them. The raft went over and was\\nlost, but our remaining strength enabled us to land and march by the falls;\\nat the foot of them Capt. Ogden, and the ranger, killed some red squirrels\\nand a partridge while I constructed another raft. Not being able to cut\\nthe trees I burnt them down, and burnt them at proper lengths. This was\\nour third day s work after leaving our companions.\\nIt was done, of course, on the beach at the foot of the lower\\nbar, and probably on the eastern shore.\\nIn the spring of 1762 the first two white settlers in Haverhill\\nand Newbury, returning in a canoe down the river, were upset\\nat the lower bar of these falls and one of them, named Michael\\nJohnston, was drowned.^ The island just below the bar, on\\nwhich his body was washed ashore, bears his name to this day.\\nThe river at that period abounded in salmon, and that these\\nfalls were a favorite and regular resort of the Indian fishermen\\nwe may readily believe, though there is little that can be definitely\\nLetter of Rogers to General Amherst in Reminiscences of the French War, containing\\nRoger s expeditiona, p. 92f.\\nWell\u00c2\u00bb 8 History of Newbury. Vt., p. 17; Powers Coos County.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0690.jp2"}, "691": {"fulltext": "The River. 629\\nstated on the point. But we have Wheelock s mention of that\\ncircumstance, as if it were of common notoriety, in his enumer-\\nation of the advantages of the college location. In verification\\nof it we have by authentic tradition from Mr. Luke Dewey the\\nfact that he and other children living then on the Vermont side,\\nabout a hundred years ago, while digging a cave in their play\\non the river s western bank under a large pine stump near the\\nprincipal fall, uncovered a quantity of ancient pottery more or\\nless broken, which even they admired and remembered for its\\nstrangeness and preserved for a time to furnish the make-believe\\ntea tables in their cave. Of course the river furnished the\\nIndians an accustomed route of travel between the settlements\\nand Canada. The party which attacked Deerfield in 1704,\\nand carried ofif Mr. Williams, camped at the mouth of White\\nRiver, and a part of them went up the Connecticut, but they\\nhad bad luck, and two of them died of starvation on the way.^\\nThe possibilities of power which these falls promised, was,\\nas we know, another principal argument for the location of the\\nCollege at Hanover.\\nThe falls comprise three distinct bars or ledges of rock\\nextending across the stream within the distance of about a mile\\nas the river runs. They are known as the upper, the middle\\nand the lower bars respectively. The upper bar situated just\\nbelow the great eddy at the foot of Negro Island is now quite\\nobliterated by the raising of the level by the new dam, but its\\nposition is shown by two little islands. Before the building of\\nthe dam there was a rocky, turbulent rapid at certain stages\\nof water wholly impracticable for boats. The great fall, where\\nthe dam now is, constitutes the middle bar, and the lower bar\\nshows itself very evidently a half mile farther down.\\nThe carry at these falls was on the eastern side and was a\\nlong one. Its path is still visible, and a good part of it is in\\ncommon use for farm purposes. It began at the foot of the\\nlower fall, passed through a gap in the rock where till lately\\nwas a ruined lock, skirted the river bank on the low m.eadow\\n(known as winrov,^ meadow up to the foot of the middle\\nbar, and then by a short turn to the left and a sharp climb\\nreached a higher level, which it followed about a quarter of a\\nmile quite beyond the middle bar itself, and thence forced back\\nby the precipitous banks, rose by the private road now in use\\nthrough the woods to the crest of the rocky knoll near the Han-\\nB. H. Hall s History of Eastern Vermont, p. ii; Wells s History of N ewbury, Vt., p. 9.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0691.jp2"}, "692": {"fulltext": "630 History of Dartmouth College,\\nover line, and thence back again to the river by a cart road still\\nused, to the eddy south of Negro Island. At certain stages of\\nwater the carry was much shortened by drawing in to the river\\nbelow the upper bar, 150 rods or so above the middle fall.\\nThe public highway known to us as the river road, the\\ngreat country road of 1762-1764 as first laid, after crossing\\nMink brook, going south, turned to the right of its present\\ncourse at a point now indicated by a clump of willows half\\nway up the first hill, and passing to the west of all the houses\\nnow there, came, according to the Lebanon records, into this\\ncarrying road near the top of the above mentioned rocky knoll,\\nat the house of Mr. Charles Tilden, the first proprietor (the\\nsite of which is indicated by the ancient orchard on the hill side),\\nand utilized it thence to the lower fall. The course of that\\nsection was afterward changed, prior certainly to 1794, so as\\nto take the present course of the road as far as Mr. Packard s,\\nalong the eastern face of the hill and thence going straight on\\nwest of the Barstow house and down to the meadow through\\nthe deep narrow ravine, which the present road to the main fall\\ncrosses by a short causeway. The line of its approach may\\nstill be seen through the grove of tall pines on the right as one\\ngoes to the falls, but this portion of the road was given up and\\nthe road thrown into its present course about 1809 in conse-\\nquence of the erection of works at the lower bar which flooded\\nthe adjacent meadow at high water, and was attended with\\nlitigation.^\\nThe earliest settlement was naturally at the lower bar, where\\nthe carry began; no other spot on this side was equally\\nfavorable. We hear of it in 1779, and there can be no doubt\\nthat it existed considerably earlier than that. Capt. Samuel\\nPaine, somewhat distinguished in the defence of the frontier,\\nconveyed in that year to Capt. John House the house on the\\neast side of the highway, which he had built and occupied till\\na short time before.\\nIn January, 1785, this house (then occupied by Thomas\\nBrigham) and the bulk of the land adjoining the lower bar,\\npassed from Capt. House into the hands of one Daniel Phelps\\nof Stafford, Conn., a trader of much enterprise, who continued\\nsome twenty years to flourish in the neighborhood. From 1790\\nto 1804 he owned also the mills at the middle bar on the Vermont\\nside. The lower fall has always been distinguished as the\\nAdams s New Hampshire Reports. 1816-1819, PP- 339^-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0692.jp2"}, "693": {"fulltext": "The River. 631\\nPhelps bar. There were several houses there and the settle-\\nment increased to a cluster of seven or eight dwellings, one of\\nthem of some pretension; a blacksmith s shop, a store, a grist\\nmill and a tavern are spoken of in 1792.^\\nIt is certain that there was at some time a mill at the point\\nof rocks at the western end of the lower fall, taking water through\\nthe sluice, of which traces were visible till a short time since,\\nand connected with it were several dwellings on the top of the\\nbluff near by. At the middle bar by far the most eligible site\\nfor mills was on the Vermont side. The lay of the land was\\nsuch that no dam was necessary in ordinary stages of the water\\nfor the development of considerable power and we hear of a\\ngrist mill and a fulling mill (and probably a saw mill) in oper-\\nation there in 1784, not far from the south end of the present\\ndam. One or more of these had been built, and was then oper-\\nated by Simeon Dewey of Hanover.\\nThese all stood on a parcel of four acres of land belonging\\nto Israel Gillett (whose descendants still hold the neighboring\\nfarms), which in June, 1788, he conveyed to three Hanover\\npeople, viz., John Payne, John Payne, Jr., and Elizabeth Turner.\\nThe elder Payne had been for a number of years an innkeeper\\nnear the College. In 1790-1791 the grist and saw mills came\\ninto the hands of Daniel Phelps, from whom they passed\\nin 1804 to Daniel Gillett and in 1813 to Gordon Whitmore, and\\nthey seem to have been standing as late as 1825.\\nThe land at the middle bar on the New Hamsphire side was\\na part of the orginal right of David Turner, and in 1794 was\\nowned by Charles Tilden. In October of that year Tilden\\nconveyed five acres abutting on the falls to James Wheelock,\\na son of the first President, for \u00c2\u00a3100, L. M., and with it an\\nallowance for a road to be laid two rods wide out to the great\\nroad by the course of the present path. It does not appear\\nthat there had been as yet any mill on this side the stream at\\nthat point, but a saw mill was then built, and perhaps others,\\nby Wheelock and his father-in-law. Col. Aaron Kinsman. At\\nthe upper bar there has never been a mill or any improvement.\\nThe entire fall in the river at the two lower bars is 37 feet,\\nand the carry was about a mile and a half in length. The\\nimportance of so improving the river as to dispense with this\\nlong and troublesome land transit, began early to be appreciated.\\nOn June 20, 1792, a charter was granted by the New Hampshire\\nNotes given by Dartmouth College to Parsons for work on Dartmouth Hall.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0693.jp2"}, "694": {"fulltext": "632 History of Dartmouth College.\\nlegislature to Ebenezer Brewster and Rufus Graves of Hanover,\\nand Aaron Hutchinson of Lebanon, under the name of the\\nWhite River Falls Bridge Co., authorizing them among other\\nthings to lock the falls between the mouth of Mink Brook and\\nthe eddy below the lower bar, if completed within seven years.\\nNothing was in fact done under this charter for the improvement\\nof the falls, the energies of the company being expended in 1796\\ntoward the other object of their charter, the building of a bridge,\\nof which more will appear farther on.\\nFacilities for navigation were first afforded by the enterprise\\nof Mills Olcott. In 1806 the mills built upon the parcel of\\nWheelock and Kinsman were in the hands of one Gordon Whit-\\nmore, from Middletown, Conn. There was at that time a rude\\ndam which raised the water some four feet. In March, 1806,\\nWhitmore persuaded Mr. Olcott to join him in making a passage\\nor slip for the purpose of passing lumber by the fall, at an\\nestimated cost of $300. After considerable work had been done,\\nand some $600 expended it became evident that, to accomplish\\nthe object in view, much more elaborate works were needed, em-\\nbracing the lower as well as the middle fall, and involving the rais-\\ning of the dam eight feet so as to flow the water back upon the\\nrapids of the upper bar and make it passable for boats and rafts.\\nThe estimated expense, all told, was $4,000.\\nThe plans were, accordingly, modified in July 1806, and as\\nWhitmore had but limited means (none at all as it afterward\\nproved), Mr. Olcott bought three quarters of his interest on\\nthe New Hampshire side and agreed to advance the money to\\ncomplete the improvements. Whitmore, who pretended to be\\nan expert in such matters, was to superintend the construction.\\nThe work went on the same year under this arrangement. A\\nfreshet soon carried away a part of the dam, and a new one\\nbuilt the same fall, at an expense of $800, was also partially\\ndestroyed, together with the mills, in April following, and the\\nlocks and gates greatly injured by a freshet which at the same\\ntime carried off the bridges at Bath and Wells River.\\nMr. Olcott rebuilt the mills at a cost of about $1,000, and\\nproceeded anew with the dam. In order to make the work\\navailable it was necessary to extend the improvements to the\\nlower bar and Mr. Olcott purchased the rights in his own name.\\nOn an evening in September, 1808, half of the dam at the lower\\nfall, in course of construction, was carried away by another\\nfreshet and three of the workmen (Moore, Southerd and Clark)", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0694.jp2"}, "695": {"fulltext": "A4", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0695.jp2"}, "696": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0696.jp2"}, "697": {"fulltext": "The River. 633\\nwere drowned. To illustrate his imperturbability it is related\\nthat the intelligence of this disaster was brought to Mr. Olcott\\nby a horseman who dashed at full speed up to his door in the\\nevening in great excitement and delivered his tale to him as he\\nsat in his parlor engaged in reading a play of Shakespeare to\\nhis family. Mr. Olcott heard him through unmoved and saying\\nquietly, Well, I don t see how I can help it, resumed his\\nreading. In October, 1808, he contracted with Roger Sargent,\\nAlexander Clinton and Jonathan Austin for $1,200 to complete\\nthe dam twelve feet above low water mark and to warrant it\\nfor a year, and with William and Collin Preston for $2,000 to\\nblast out and complete the lock.\\nMuch of the difficulty experienced arose from the incom-\\npetency of Whitmore, and after this last mishap Mr. Olcott\\ncalled his brother-in-law, Ben Porter, to his aid, and gave the\\nwork into other hands, but the enterprise still suffered from\\nthe careless work that had already been put into it, and in the\\nfall of 1809 a contract was made with Roger Sargent for $50,\\nto make the upper dam so tight that the water should fairly\\nrun over it at low water. The upper lock too was so poorly\\nconstructed that on being filled for the first time with water\\nit wholly burst and had to be torn down and rebuilt at great\\nexpense.\\nNot until 1 8 10 were the works completed so as to be effectual,\\nand Mr. Olcott found that he had expended, instead of the I300\\noriginally contemplated, nearly $23,000 on the work itself,\\nbesides his own services for four years and some $5,000 for interest\\non money borrowed from time to time to carry on the work.\\nReady money was scarce and he was often put to great straits\\nto procure it, and was often subjected to usurious charges. The\\nwork was so protracted and he had to borrow so much that his\\ncredit suffered. In this connection the following story is told:\\nBeing at one time in special need of a sum of money for this\\nwork, and hearing that a gentleman in Lebanon had $1,000\\nto loan, and knowing that he himself could not borrow it, he\\nagreed with Richard Lang, a prominent merchant of Hanover,\\nto borrow it as if for his own account, promising to pay him\\n6 per cent extra by way of commission for his services. The\\nmerchant procured it, but represented to Mr. Olcott that he\\nwas obliged to pay 12 per cent interest, which made it cost Mr.\\nOlcott under his agreement, 18 per cent for a single year. Mr.\\nOlcott made no remark, but found means during the year to", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0697.jp2"}, "698": {"fulltext": "634 History of Dartmouth College.\\nascertain the real facts of the case, and learned that his friend\\nhad, in truth, procured the loan not at 12 per cent but at 6 per\\ncent. At the end of the year he placed $1,000 in one package\\nand provided himself with three other packages of |6o each.\\nThen entering Mr. Lang s store at the busiest hour of the day\\nwhen it was full of customers, he addressed him in a loud voice:\\nMr. Lang, I have come to pay you the money which you\\nborrowed for me a year ago of Mr. in Lebanon. There;\\nSir, are the $1,000 you borrowed, there (laying down a second\\npackage) are the $60 interest you had to pay for it. There\\n(laying down a third package) are the extra $60 which I agreed\\nto pay you for getting it, and there are $60 that you jewed me\\nout of.\\nThe three locks at the upper fall and the two at the lower\\nwere all open to traffic in the spring of 1810, each lock was 88\\nfeet long inside, giving a working length of 66 feet clear.\\nPending all this Mr. Olcott had applied to the New Hamp-\\nshire legislature, in 1806, for authority to maintain the locks\\nand levy tolls, and June 12, 1807, an act of incorporation was\\ngranted him under the style of the White River Falls Company,\\nwith a reservation of any existing rights under the former charter\\nof 1792, of which he procured a release. Two years later upon\\na further petition, reciting the difficulties he had encountered\\nin the works, they were by law exempted from taxation for ten\\nyears.\\nLogs in those days passed down the river loose, as is customary\\nnow, and the charter expressly forbade the creation of any ob-\\nstruction to the passage of logs in the manner theretofore used.\\nThere had been a series of laws from 1792 regulating the running\\nof logs loose in the river and in June, 1808, Mr. Olcott procured\\nthe enactment of a further law applicable to the Connecticut\\nRiver and prohibiting the running of timber of any dimension\\nnot rafted and controlled, ostensibly because of the damage\\nwhich loose logs were likely to occasion to dams and other works,\\nand for the sake of encouraging the manufacture of lumber\\nwithin the State.^ The law accomplished that object and inci-\\ndentally compelled an extensive use of the locks. Indeed, Mr.\\nOlcott has himself left it on record that only under the operation\\nof such a law could the works have proved remunerative.\\nLogs and lumber, thenceforward, were floated down in rafts\\nmade up of sections called boxes, of a size convenient to\\nActs of June lo. 1808; Laws of New Hampshire, iSis, P- 7-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0698.jp2"}, "699": {"fulltext": "The River. 635\\npass the locks and be reunited below. Huts were constructed\\non the central sections in which the raftsmen lived. The rafts\\nfloated with the current, guided by the use of sweeps, and were\\nat night tied up along the shore. They disappeared from the\\nriver soon after 1850. The tolls were at first $1 per thousand\\nfor lumber and $1 per ton for merchandise and $2 for a boat.\\nThey produced the first year $2,343 ^^^1 gradually increased until,\\nin 181 7, they amounted to $4,683.\\nMr. Olcott s troubles by no means ended with the completion\\nof the works. Litigation harassed him incessantly for the next\\ntwenty-five years. His associate Whitmore proved not only\\nincompetent but insolvent. The land on which stood the works\\nat the upper falls lay under a mortgage from Whitmore to\\nWheelock and Kinsman. In 18 10 it was foreclosed, and Mr.\\nOlcott redeemed it. Next Whitmore, aided by Col. Bellows,\\nsued him in the Vermont courts, and afterward in chancery in\\nthe United States Circuit Court of New Hampshire. Not until\\n1 82 1, did this come to an end. It was settled by giving up to\\nWhitmore and Bellows one quarter interest (one eighth to each)\\nin the works on the New Hampshire shore, at both falls, and\\nreceiving in turn a three-quarter interest in the mills and lands\\nadjacent to the falls on the Vermont side, which Whitmore had\\nhitherto retained. The one-quarter interest of Whitmore and\\nBellows very soon passed through different channels to William\\nHarris of Portland and to his brother James Harris of Boston,\\nand remained in the ownership of that family till 1880.\\nThe town of Lebanon early exhibited a hostility to the improve-\\nments. The erection of the lower dam, as I have already ob-\\nserved, flooded the great road along the meadow, and compelled\\na change of its location. The charter seemed to contemplate\\nsuch an event and provided for a reference to the selectmen of\\nPlainfield to award damages in any case where the town of\\nLebanon might be injured. The Plainfield officers were in\\n1809 called upon and assessed a damage of $240. Lebanon was\\ndissatisfied and brought a suit in the State courts which was\\nat length decided favorably to Mr. Olcott.\\nThe period of ten years special exemption from taxation given\\nby the act of 1809 having expired, it was discovered that property\\nof this description independent of that act was not enu-\\nmerated as taxable by existing laws, so that the exemption prac-\\ntically continued. Lebanon accordingly renewed the attack by\\na petition to the legislature in November, 1820, for a law enabling", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0699.jp2"}, "700": {"fulltext": "636 History of Dartmouth College.\\nthe town to tax the property of the corporation, alleging by way\\nof aggravation divers grievances against it. Mr. Olcott, himself\\nat that time a member of the House, met the petition by a\\nremonstrance, and the whole matter was quietly postponed to\\nthe next session and for the time passed out of sight.\\nHostility next took the form of direct opposition to the collec-\\ntion of tolls. The charter of 1807 had given the right to fix\\nand collect tolls for the period of twelve years. That period\\nhad now expired and George Banfill and Ebenezer Carleton of\\nBath, extensive lumber dealers, refused payment and were sued\\nby Mr. Olcott in 1825. He was again successful both at the\\ntrial term and in the Law Court, but the cause was, nevertheless,\\non a minor point remanded for a new trial and lingered some\\nyears on the docket. The next step (pending the suit against\\nBanfill) was an application to the legislature in June, 1825,\\nby Ezekiel Ladd and others, including the same Banfill, rehears-\\ning the expiration of the twelve-year period of tolls, and alleging\\nthat the tolls were exorbitant and oppressive, at least four\\ntimes too high, and asking redress. After notice to Mr. Olcott\\na hearing was had at the June session, 1826, and the Justices\\nof the Superior Court of Judicature were directed to regulate\\ntolls on application of at least six persons. No proceedings\\nhowever were taken under that authority.^\\nBut the most formidable attack came in June, 1827, upon\\npetition by Hamlin Rand and others for directions to the At-\\ntorney General to test the franchise by quo warranto. Mr.\\nOlcott appeared as usual with a remonstrance, but to no effect,\\nand the legislature gave the desired instructions to the Attorney\\nGeneral (George Sullivan) to proceed at the next term of the\\nCourt.\\nThe proceedings were subject to embarrassment from the\\nfact that no organization had ever been had under the charter,\\nMr. Olcott being sole corporator and also claiming to enjoy\\nthe privileges independent of the charter, because of his owner-\\nship of both banks of the river. Two separate informations\\nwere accordingly filed, one against the corporation and one\\nagainst Mr. Olcott and his associates individually. For the\\npurpose of defence he at one time claimed that he had never\\naccepted the charter, but finding himself unable to stand on that\\nground, as the Court held the river to be a public highway,\\nhe was driven at last to his charter to justify the dam. Mr.\\nAct of July 7, 1826, Pamphlet Laws, p. 6115.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0700.jp2"}, "701": {"fulltext": "The River. 637\\nOlcott, as has been said, was a stanch and prominent Federahst.\\nThe State had fallen into the hands of the Democrats under\\nlead of Isaac Hill, and Mr. Olcott with some reason believed\\nthat political prejudice lay at the bottom of the proceedings,\\nso far as the legislature was concerned. The causes were\\ncontinued from term to term upon one ground and another\\nuntil the immediate excitement had died away.\\nIn January, 1833, the legislature repealed the special act\\nof 1808 which forbade running logs loose and thereafter the logs\\nin this river were subject only to the general law. In June, 1833,\\nthe Harrises very adroitly opened correspondence with Isaac\\nHill on their own behalf as non-residents, stating frankly Mr.\\nOlcott s apprehensions, and their own belief that it was after\\nall essentially a matter of rates of toll, and asking advice as to a\\nmethod of closing the controversy by legislative interference.\\nTheir letter is a model of adroit presentation. The nature- of\\nMr. Hill s reply I do not know, but a few days later, on the\\n5th of July, the legislature ordered the cessation of proceedings\\non certain easy terms, involving the settlement of rates by the\\nCourt on application of the corporation every five years, and\\nwaived, remitted and extinguished all causes of forfeiture of\\nrights heretofore accruing.\\nNo doubt this result was facilitated by the fact that during\\nthe pendency of the proceedings a meeting had been held at\\nSpringfield, March 6, 1829, by delegates from the lock and canal\\nowners on the river, including those at South Hadley, Montague,\\nBellows Falls, Waterquechee and White River Falls, at which\\nmeeting an agreement was entered into for the expenditure on\\njoint account of $1,000 in improving sundry bars, and (most\\nimportant of all) for the reduction of tolls to a schedule then\\nestablished, pursuant to which the toll on merchandise at White\\nRiver Falls was reduced from $1 to 50 cents per ton, though on\\nlumber $1 per thousand continued to be charged as before, and\\n$2 on boats.\\nAll preliminaries being arranged, the Court took up Mr.\\nOlcott s matter in July, 1834, and appointed Benjamin Pierce,\\nCharles H. Atherton and Salma Hale a committee to examine\\nthe locks, hear the parties and report a schedule of tolls. A\\nhearing was had at the Dartmouth Hotel the following October\\nand continued three days, Mr. Olcott with Joseph Bell and\\nIchabod Bartlett appearing for the corporation and Jonathan\\nI Pamphlet Laws, 1833, p. 136.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0701.jp2"}, "702": {"fulltext": "638 History oj Dartmouth College.\\nSmith and Peter Burbank for the contestants; the result was\\nthe final settlement of tolls in 1835 for the next five years at\\n57 cents per ton for merchandise and lumber, and rafts, a reduc-\\ntion of nearly one half upon lumber and logs which comprised\\nthe bulk of the business.\\nThe result surprised everybody; not only had a great deal\\nof lumber been held back in expectation of the reduction, but\\nthe water in the river continued during the fall lower than it\\nhad ever been known, and the lumber which was destined to\\ngo forward was prevented from moving till it was locked up by\\nthe early frost. At the opening of the spring, the matter of\\ntolls having been settled, it was sent forward in such quantities\\nthat Mr. Olcott s receipts for tolls the following year amounted\\nto upward of $10,000, which was double what had been collected\\nin any previous year and for several following years the receipts\\nwere in the region of $5,000 per year.\\nHere practically ended the long course of hostile litigation\\nfrom which Mr. Olcott had hardly been for a moment free dur-\\ning twenty-five years. Suits for costs, etc., connected with it\\nharassed him still, but the franchise thenceforward was secure.\\nThe county put in a heavy claim for costs at the fall term of\\n1835, which was contested by Mr. Olcott, attending at Concord\\nin person. His opponents under the lead of Ira Goodall, Esq.,\\nof Bath, who had been identified with them as attorney in the\\nlitigation, made one more attempt (hardly more than a threat)\\non different lines. Stephen Underwood of Bath having devised\\nand patented a marine railway for the overland transportation\\nof loaded boats past obstructions to navigation, a charter was\\nobtained from the Vermont legislature November 14, 1836,\\nauthorizing Messrs. Underwood and Goodall with Simeon\\nLyman of Hartford, Vt., under the style of The Norwich and\\nHartford Railroad and Forwarding Company, to construct\\na single, double or treble railway between the head of these\\nfalls on the Vermont side and Lyman bridge, at the mouth\\nof the White River, to transport, take, and carry persons and\\nproperty on the same by power of steam, animals, or mechanical\\nor other power. But it does not appear that the scheme\\nadvanced any further than this.\\nNext to Mr. Olcott s own shrewdness and pluck, his success\\nin resisting attack was due in large decree to the advantages\\nhe enjoyed in the professional support of Nathaniel Chipman\\non one side of the river, and of Joseph Bell, Jeremiah Mason,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0702.jp2"}, "703": {"fulltext": "The River. 639\\nJeremiah Smith and Webster on the other. He had also the\\ngreatest advantage in being in possession and on the defensive;\\nable to continue quietly collecting the tolls which furnished\\nhim the sinews of war, while his enemies were being wasted\\nin purse and discouraged by delays, the advantage of which he\\nand his able counsellors never forgot.\\nWhen in 1835 the Court was engaged in settling the rates of\\ntoll Mr. Olcott was of course present and was heard. In the\\ncourse of his statement he laid stress on the hazardous nature\\nof the property as affecting the rates of toll. Judge Richardson,\\nwho presided, said to him, Mr. Olcott, you speak of the property\\nas being extraordinarily hazardous. Is it fire you fear or freshets?\\nPray tell us where the great danger lies. Yes, replied Mr.\\nOlcott, we are in some danger from lire, and in some from\\nfreshets, but we fear most the legislature of New Hampshire\\nand its courts.\\nHe was destined to endure one more piece of unpalatable\\ninterference from this body, which by a law passed in December,\\n1840, without notice, made a further reduction in his tolls of\\nfrom twenty-five to sixty per cent.^\\nThe works had hitherto remained under the personal manage-\\nment of Mr. Olcott himself, but advancing age and renewed\\nannoyances led to the calling in at this time of his son-in-law,\\nWilHam H. Duncan, Esq., to his assistance. Mr. Duncan\\nmanaged the works from that time till 1851. Mr. Olcott died\\nJuly 12, 1845, and his wife, to whom he left this property with\\nhis other possessions, followed him in May, 1848. Circumstances\\nat that period were greatly changed, mainly by the advent of\\nrailroads, and it seemed necessary to take a new departure.^\\nA new act of incorporation was accordingly obtained by the\\nheirs to whom the property fell, and an organization effected\\nunder a slightly dififerent name, which has survived to the present\\ntime.3 The capital was fixed at $100,000 and attention turned\\nto manufacturing in which extensive operations were contem-\\nplated. An engineer was employed who made a very flattering\\npreliminary report on the capabilities of the power, but the\\nscheme died ere it was fairly produced and nothing practical\\nPamphlet Laws, 1840, p. si3-\\nThe locks and mills had fallen into decay, and two years after the death of Mr. Olcott,\\nMr. Duncan, the superintendent, caused them to be repaired. There were then two mills\\nwith four upright saws, and a shingle, clapboard and lath mill, all under two roofs.\\nRufus Choate, Joseph Bell, W. H. Duncan and the children of Mr. Olcott, together with\\nJames Harris, were the corporators, and the title was The White River Falls Corporation.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0703.jp2"}, "704": {"fulltext": "640 History of Dartmouth College.\\nresulted from it. The dams, however, were maintained, the\\nsaw mills were operated as long as they stood, and the locks\\ncontinued in gradually diminishing use till the destruction of\\nthe dam at Sumner s Falls in 1857, though after the opening\\nof the railroad in 1850 they barely paid expenses.\\nIn 1825 there were two mills on the Vermont side at the upper\\nfail and one or more on the New Hampshire shore. I do not\\nknow when the Vermont mills perished, but of the New Hamp-\\nshire mills, rebuilt in 1835, which stood at the eastern end of\\nthe dam on either side of the upper lock, one occupied a perilous\\nposition on the outside edge of the lock, and was carried away\\nby a freshet in 1856. President Lord, led by curiosity to venture\\nupon it, narrowly escaped going with it. The remaining mill\\nwas taken down in 1865, the center of the dam having been\\ncarried out by a freshet, so that the mill was useless. In 1866\\nalmost all that remained of the old dam was torn away to obtain\\nthe old growth pine logs, of which it was built, to convert into\\nshingles. A small remnant that clung to the Vermont side was\\ntaken out by the great freshet of 1869. A paper mill was built\\nand operated on the Vermont side by Horace French and D. D.\\nGillette without any dam, from 1865 to 1872, when the mill was\\nwashed away.\\nAfter this the franchise and privilege were long in the market,\\nand several times a sale seemed probable, but it was not till\\n1880 that they, with lands adjoining, were sold to D. P, Crocker\\nof Holyoke, Mass., who intended extensive operations, but\\nbeing turned aside, after changing the name of the White River\\nFalls Corporation to the Olcott Falls Company in 1881, he sold\\nthe property in the next year to Messrs. C. T. and H. A. Wilder\\nof Boston. Their first effort for the improvement of the prop-\\nerty was the construction of a dam, which the contractors,\\nS. S. Ordway and Co., began in the late summer of 1882 under\\nfortunate conditions of unexampled low water, and completed\\nin the following spring. A pulp mill on the Vermont side was\\nfirst built in 1885, and adjoining it a paper mill was erected in\\n1888 and enlarged in 1891. A pulp mill was constructed on\\nthe New Hampshire side also in 1890, to which an addition was\\nmade in 1894. All the property passed in 1899 into the hands\\nof the International Paper Company.\\nPlans for connecting this river with other waters by means\\nof canals began very early to be agitated. Gen. Jonathan Chase\\nof Cornish (the father-in-law of Dr. Nathan Smith) in 1794", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0704.jp2"}, "705": {"fulltext": "OLCOTT FALLS, 1H62\\nOLCOTT FALLS, 188;", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0705.jp2"}, "706": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0706.jp2"}, "707": {"fulltext": "The River. 641\\npetitioned the legislature for a grant of the privilege of cutting\\na canal from the Merrimac to the Connecticut by way of Sunapee\\npond and after two or three years obtained a grant, designed,\\ndoubtless, to connect with the system which from 1801 was in\\nactive operation between tide water at Boston and the waters\\nof the Merrimac as far north as Concord. This Middlesex\\ncanal from Boston to the Merrimac at Chelmsford, which was\\nchartered in 1793, and begun in September, 1794, was finished\\nin 1803, and the system of locks on the Merrimac River was\\ncompleted July i, 1815, so as to pass boats as far as Concord,\\nN. H. Surveys were made to connect this with the Connecticut\\nRiver via Sunapee Lake, but the route was found impracticable.\\nIn 1796 the people of Portsmouth sought legislative authority^\\nfor a canal to connect the Piscataqua with the Connecticut by\\nWinnipiseogee pond. The scheme was more fully agitated and\\na charter granted in 1824 for a canal designed to enter the\\nPemigewasset at Plymouth and the Connecticut at Haverhill.\\nLocal works of small magnitude, like that of Mr. Olcott s,\\nexisted at various points on the Connecticut, but it was not until\\nthe Erie Canal began to approach completion, and the canal\\nfrom Lake Champlain to the Hudson was under way, that\\nany organized movement was made to improve the navigation\\nof the river on a comprehensive plan.\\nIn January, 1824, the subject began to be actively canvassed,\\nand an association was at that time formed at Hartford, Conn.,\\nwhich a little later obtained a chartered existence under the\\nname of the Connecticut River Company. A committee\\nconsisting of David Porter and Eliphalet Averill was sent out\\nto visit the tow;is adjacent to the river, and as a result of their\\nefforts a general convention was called to be held at Windsor\\non the 1 6th day of February, 1825, and more than 200 delegates\\nfrom various towns in the valley assembled at that time and\\ncontinued two days in session. They passed resolutions, ap-\\npointed committees, and memorialized Congress for aid toward\\nthe improvement of the navigation of the river. Measures were\\ntaken to ascertain the terms upon which all the existing works\\ncould be purchased, and a committee was sent to Washington\\nto procure government assistance in making the necessary sur-\\nH. J.. 1796, p. SO.\\nThe delegates, appointed in many cases by the formal vote of the towns, represented thirty-\\nseven towns in Vermont, twenty-five in New Hampshire and one each in Massachusetts and\\nConnecticut. Vermont Governor and Council, VII, p. 482, Windsor Republican, February 25,\\n1825.\\n43", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0707.jp2"}, "708": {"fulltext": "642 History of Dartmouth College.\\nveys. The War Department under the influence of members\\nof Congress from New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts\\nand Connecticut received the application favorably, and detailed\\nan officer of engineers, DeWitt Clinton, Jr., to make a survey\\nfor a canal from the Connecticut River at Barnet to Lake Mem-\\nphremagog, and from Connecticut Lake to Long Island Sound,\\nin conjunction with commissioners appointed by the four states\\nspecially interested. This officer proceeded, accordingly, to\\nBarnet in May, 1825, and in the course of the summer made\\nsurveys of three routes to Lake Mem.phremagog and a survey\\nof the Connecticut above Barnet.^\\nIt being apparent that he would be unable in that season to\\ncomplete the work along the entire length of the river, the\\nConnecticut River Company which had been organized in Hart-\\nford early in that year employed an eminent engineer. Holmes\\nHutchinson, of much experience on the Erie canal, with an\\nassistant, two surveyors and a party numbering fourteen persons\\nin all, to continue the survey downward to Hartford from Barnet.\\nThey began at Barnet in June, 1825, and on December 21 Mr.\\nHutchinson printed an elaborate report to the directors, who laid\\nit before the stockholders at their annual meeting at Hartford,\\nJanuary 3, 1826. This report was printed in a pamphlet, and\\nembodies a great deal of interesting information.\\nThe plans of the company contemplated the creation of a\\nsingle corporation under the authority of the four states (Massa-\\nchusetts, Connecticut, Vermont and New Hampshire) and an\\nexpenditure of $1,500,000. Mr. Hutchinson s survey and esti-\\nmates were based on the plan of slack water navigation, contem-\\nplating the improvement or construction of sixteen dams between\\nBarnet and Hartford, and forty-one locks to overcome a fall\\nof 420 feet in a distance of 219 miles, of which seventeen miles\\nwould be by canal and 202 miles by slack water navigation in\\nthe river, with a minim.um depth of four feet. The Vermont\\nlegislature took the lead by passing an act in October 1825,\\nwhich was adopted and confirmed with additions by the legis-\\nlature of New Hampshire, July 7, 1826.^ The Massachusetts\\nlegislature was not so responsive. In January 1826 the senate\\npassed a bill confirming the Vermont act,* but the house did\\nnot concur, and the matter came before successive legislatures\\nReport in House Document, No. IS4. ipth Congress, ist Session.\\nSee also U. S. State Papers, Vol. 9, No. 154. ist Session, 19th Congress.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2See for both acts New Hampsiilre Pamphlet Laws 1826, p. 117.\\n\u00c2\u00abS. J.. Vol. 46, p. 334-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0708.jp2"}, "709": {"fulltext": "The River. 643\\nwithout favorable action till in 1828 an act was passed, incor-\\nporating the Proprietors of the Central Locks and Canals on\\nConnecticut River, but not ratifying the act of Vermont.*\\nConnecticut was more friendly and the legislature in May\\n1826 confirmed the entire act of Vermont, with only minor\\namendments relative to the rights of the chartered company\\nwithin the limits of Connecticut.\\nIt is of interest to quote Mr. Hutchinson s remarks upon the\\nstate of the river near us.\\nAt Hanover bridge the river is narrow and a large pier is constructed in\\ndeep water to support the center of the bridge, which occasions a rapid current\\non each side in high water. Two miles below [one mile he should have said]\\nat the narrows there are several rocky islands in the river, there is a crooked\\nchannel on the east side through which the water flows in freshets and which\\nwould probably afford a facility of passage by excavating the earth and placing\\na guard lock at the entrance.\\nThe White River falls are one and one half miles lower down, the descent\\nof the river at these falls in one mile is thirty-seven feet. There has been\\nan imperfect improvement in navigation made round these falls. The works\\nconsist of two dams and five locks, at the upper dam there is a saw mill on\\neach side of the river with two saws in each. [The other mills seem by this\\ntime to have disappeared.] The locks are on the east side, the walls being\\nof stone without mortar, and combined; the hollow quoins are of wood secured\\nto the stone work, and the gates are worked by a windlass and chain without\\nbalance beams. Some of the walls are lined with plank.\\nMr. Hutchinson s plan was to raise the upper dam six feet\\nand construct a new canal on the west side through the high\\nbank to the eddy below the lower fall, with four locks at its\\nlower end. The total expense he estimated at about $85,700.\\nThis is practically the same plan adopted for the manufacturing\\nworks constructed in the eighties, saving the canal and locks.\\nIt is needless to add that no further progress was ever made\\ntoward the execution of this plan.\\nAn alternative plan was advocated by others, which wholly\\ndiscarded slack water navigation and involved the construction\\nof a canal the entire distance. The controversy was hot among\\nthe partisans of the two methods, and a rival survey was made\\nby Mr. Hurd, which I have not been fortunate enough to obtain.\\nA canal from New Haven to Northampton formed part of the\\nscheme, and in 1827 was actually under construction. It was\\ncalled the Farmington Canal from New Haven to the Massa-\\nchusetts line, fifty-six miles, and the Hampshire and Hampden\\nMass. Legislative Docs, passim.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0709.jp2"}, "710": {"fulltext": "644 History of Dartmouth College.\\nCanal from that point to Northampton, thirty miles. The\\nestimated cost was a little over $700,000. The total rise and\\nfall in the eighty-six ntiles was 520 feet, to be overcome by sixty\\nlocks.\\nGovernor DeWitt Clinton was an ardent advocate of the\\ncontinuous canal, and in the summer of 1827 made a tour of\\ninspection along the proposed line from New Haven to Barnet\\nin company with Samuel Hinckley, James Hillhouse and Thomas\\nSheldon, a committee of the Hampshire and Hampden Co.\\nHe estimated the cost of the section from Northampton to\\nBarnet at a little over $1,500,000, or $10,000 per mile, and the\\nprobable annual income of the whole line twelve percent on a total\\ncost of $2,500,000. Elaborate calculations were made to show\\nthe great advantage of this canal over a railroad.\\nGovernor Clinton s journey was a sort of triumphal progress.\\nHe was received along the route with the greatest enthusiasm.\\nAside from the special occasion of his visit, political sympathies\\nwere very strong. General Richard Kimball of Lebanon, who\\nhad been with the Governor on the Erie canal, received him in\\nhis fine old manison on the magnificent location on the top of\\nthe hill overlooking the confluence of the White River and the\\nConnecticut, and did his utmost to give eclat to his visit. The\\nprominent men of this region joined in giving the Governor\\na dinner at the Dartmouth Hotel in Hanover. Mr. Olcott\\ncomplimented him in a formal speech, and altogether it was a\\ngreat occasion.\\nIn January, 1828, Mr. Hinckley and the others applied to\\nthe Massachusetts legislature for leave to extend the Hampshire\\nand Hampden canal up the Connecticut and the committee to\\nwhich it was referred unanimously preferred the continuous\\ncanal and recommended requisite legislation.^ The New Hamp-\\nshire legislature passed an act for the same object December\\n29, 1828.2 i^ ^he same connection a canal to Lake Champlain\\nby the White and Onion Rivers was surveyed in 1828 by United\\nStates engineers by authority of a Vermont act of November,\\n1825, but this part of the plan was found impracticable because\\nof inadequate water supply for the locks over the heights of\\nthe Green Mountains.\\nFrom various causes the whole grand scheme came to naught,\\nand a second general convention was called to meet at Windsor,\\nSeptember 29, 1830, to consider the subject anew, and devise\\nH. R., p. 41. New Hampshire Laws p. 335.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0710.jp2"}, "711": {"fulltext": "The River. 645\\nsome practicable but less pretentious method to restore the river\\ntrade to its former prosperity. The convention was attended\\nby eighty delegates from twenty-seven towns, of which fourteen\\nwere in Vermont, nine in New Hampshire, three in Massachu-\\nsetts and one in Connecticut, Mr. Olcott being of course the\\nHanover delegate.^ It determined to renew the application\\nfor congressional aid, and to take steps toward a reduction and\\nequalization of tolls at the different falls. An enthusiastic\\nreport was made and adopted in favor of a system of steam\\nnavigation on the river and practical measures were inaugurated\\nto put five steam boats on as many sections of the river, to\\nrun in connection with each other as a continuous line and to be\\noperated by the Connecticut River Steamboat Company, which\\nhad been incorporated by the Vermont legislature at its last\\nsession.\\nOne boat was to run between Hartford and Hadley Falls,\\none between Hadley Falls and Miller s Falls, one between Miller s\\nFalls and Bellows Falls, one from Bellows Falls by the aid of\\nsome contemplated improvements at Quechee Falls, to White\\nRiver Falls, and one between White River Falls and Wells\\nRiver. It was expected that each boat would make a round\\ntrip every day, the distance ranging from seventy to one hun-\\ndred miles. The boats were to be of twenty horsepower, broad,\\nlong and shallow, propelled by stern wheels and designed not only\\nto carry freight, but to tow other boats and barges. Great\\nresults by way of enlarged traffic and reduced freights were\\nanticipated.\\nBefore this scheme was put in operation an experimental trip\\nwas made in July, 1831, by a diminutive steamer, the John\\nLedyard, commanded by Captain Samuel Nutt, a veteran\\nriverman. This steamer came\\nUp the river from Springfield, Mass., and was received at various places\\nwith speeches and other demonstrations deemed appropriate to the opening\\nof steam navigation on the upper Connecticut. Captain Nutt went as far\\nas Wells River where he found obstructions that he was unable to surmount.\\nTwo or three hundred Scotchmen, who lived in the vicinity and were\\nanxious to have the steamer go farther, undertook to pull her over the bar,\\nwith the aid of ropes, but after raising her so far from a horizontal position\\n1 Journal of the Convention, holden at Windsor, Vt., September 29 and 30, 1S30, for the\\npurpose of taking into consideration subjects connected with the improvement of navigation\\nof Connecticut River, Windsor, 1830.\\nAddress of W. H. Duncan at the opening of the John Ledyard Free Bridge at Hanover,\\nJuly I, 1859. See also Tucker s History of Hartford, Vt., pp. 373, 374. where the names of\\nthe other boats are given.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0711.jp2"}, "712": {"fulltext": "646 History of Dartmouth College.\\nthat the explosion of the boiler became imminent the Captain asked them\\nto desist, and it took twenty or thirty of them to pull her back into deep\\nwater again.\\nCaptain Nutt became superintendent of this portion of the\\nnew line of boats, and Hved at White River Junction till January\\nI, 1871. It is said that Captain Nutt made a still earlier trip to\\nBarnet in 1829 with a small side wheel steamer named the Barnet,\\nbut I am doubtful of the accuracy of the tradition.^\\nThe new boats were built in the winter and spring of 1831 and\\nput upon the river in the following May or June. The boat\\ndesigned for the upper part of the route appears to have been\\ndelayed in construction until the succeeding year. It was built\\nby the company at Wells River under the superintendence of\\nCaptain Nutt and bore the name of Adam Duncan. It made\\na few trips arousing great interest and giving free rides to the\\ninhabitants on the route, but, the contemplated improvements at\\nthe Quechee not having been made, it was unable to make con-\\nnections with its neighbor below except by means of a long carry\\nat Sumner s falls. It was before long ignominiously attached\\nfor debt, and tied up at Wells River for about a year. It was\\nthen sold, bought in by Mr. Olcott, and dismantled, the machinery\\ntaken out and shipped to Hartford, and the hulk abandoned near\\nthe shore some fifty rods above the middle bar of the White\\nRiver falls. The signboard bearing its name Adam Duncan\\nwas preserved as a relic about the mills for a good many years,\\nand after Mr, W. H. Duncan took charge of them he had a fancy\\nto fasten up the old sign conspicuously in the mill, which occa-\\nioned a profane jest at his expense from Mr. Bell, that led to the\\nspeedy disappearance of the relic.\\nThe fate of the other boats of the line I have not ascertained\\nin detail. It is sufficient to say that traffic refused to be coaxed\\nback to the river, and the whole scheme ended in failure. It was\\nnever revived, attention being turned almost immediately to the\\nsubject of a railroad of which we shall speak in another place.\\nIt would be inexcusable not to allude in this connection to an\\nearlier application of steam to the navigation of the river, though\\nused by way of experiment only.\\nSamuel Morey of Orford began to experiment with steam (as\\nI See Conn. Val. Hist. Soc. Papers, Vol. I, p. ii8.\\nThe printed reports of these various conventions and surveys are full of interesting statistics\\nrelating to the trade, manufactures and capabilities of this region; many of these documents\\nare now somewhat rare. See also Vermont Governor and Council, VII, 48^ et seq. Haddock s\\noration at Montpelier, January 8, 1844.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0712.jp2"}, "713": {"fulltext": "The River. 647\\nearly, it is said, as 1780), and in 1799 and 1800 took out patents\\nfor a method of obtaining a force or power from water with the\\nhelp of steam, which he called a water engine and in his\\nspecifications commends it as applicable to any mechanical\\npurpose from that of turning a spit for roasting meat up to that\\nof driving mills or propelling boats. The minor uses of turning\\nspits and bruising and grinding coffee appear to have mainly\\nabsorbed his attention, but it is certain that he did in fact apply\\nhis invention to the propulsion of a boat on the Connecticut near\\nOrford.\\nRev, Cyrus Mann, a graduate of this college in 1806, and a\\nnative of Orford, testifies to the fact as witnessed by himself.^\\nHe says:\\nThe astonishing sight of this man ascending the Connecticut\\nRiver between Orford and Fairlee in a little boat just large enough\\nto contain himself and his rude machinery connected with the\\nsteam boiler and a handful of wood for fire, was witnessed by the\\nwriter in his boyhood and by others who yet survive\\nas early as 1793. This was written in 1858. Fulton s famous\\nvoyage from New York to Albany took place in 1807, though his\\nearliest ideas on the subject are said to have been formed in 1793.\\nIt is asserted for a fact fully attested that Fulton, before his\\nplans were completed, visited Captain Morey at Orford for the\\nspecial purpose of conferring with him on this subject, and exam-\\nining his work, and was afterward visited by Morey at New\\nYork. This must have been after 1806, since Fulton was in\\nEurope till that year. 2\\nWe have so far been considering the river lengthwise as a help\\nto communication. We have now to look at it crosswise as a\\nhindrance. We have already seen how in this aspect it saved our\\ncommunity in 1780 from a definite hostile purpose of the Indians,\\nand we may well suppose that it stood at many other times a-\\nbeneficent obstacle between the unconscious settlers and danger.\\nBut to peaceful trade and friendly intercourse between the eastern\\nand the western banks, it has given rise from first to last to no\\nlittle disturbance.\\nThe spot where our bridge now is was peculiarly favorable for\\na boat landing on either side, and was so used from the earliest\\ntimes. Of course there was more or less passing back and forth,\\nand as early at least as 1770 one John Sargeant lived where Mr,\\n1 Sanborn s History of New Hampshire, p. 222; Conn.Val. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I, p. 119.\\n\u00c2\u00abConn. Val. Hist. Soc. Collections, 1881. Vol. I, p. i2of.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0713.jp2"}, "714": {"fulltext": "648 History of Dartmouth College.\\nLewis lately did on the Vermont side, and kept a ferry, and others\\nwere doubtless kept in a small way at other points in Hanover.\\nBut the Provincial authorities claimed to control this use of the\\nriver, and on Dr. Wheelock s application Gov. John Wentworth,\\nin the name of the crown, granted to the Trustees and their\\nassigns for the benefit of the College, June 22, 1772, the sole\\nprivilege of keeping, using and employing a Ferry Boat or Boats\\nfor the transporting of men, horses, goods, cattle, carriages, etc.,\\nfrom the shore of Hanover across the river Connecticut\\nto the opposite shore and back again, to\\nextend the whole length of the township of Hanover, with the\\nright to levy toll on condition, that they should at all times keep\\nsuch boat or boats, and give such attention as the now (or any\\nhereafter) laws do or may require, on penalty of forfeiture of\\nthe grant. All persons were expressly forbidden to set up any\\nother ferry within the same limits. Wheelock had solicited the\\ngrant the previous year but it was delayed in consequence of\\nexisting jealousies that made it prudent for the Governor to wait.\\nHe gave up to the College his fees that were usual in such cases.\\nIn May, 1773, the Trustees directed their treasurer to lease\\nout the ferries, whose management occasioned from time to time\\nno little trouble. In August, 1775, reciting that sundry persons\\nhad presumed to put canoes on the river near the College, whereby\\nthe profits of the stated ferry were reduced, the Trustees voted\\nthat the rates of toll for the present should be two coppers for\\neach person, and fourpence for a man and a horse, until the in-\\ntruders should be driven away. The m.onopoly enjoyed by the\\nCollege was offensive not only to Sargeant and others on the\\nwestern side, but equally so to the town of Norwich which claimed\\na sort of concurrent authority and even owned at one time a\\nferry boat. Sargeant was naturally especially grieved, as he\\nregarded the college claim as subversive of his prior rights, and\\nquite a feud existed for a time on account of it between him and\\nDr. Wheelock.\\nOn October 27, 1772, he wrote to Wheelock: Let me tell you\\nthat I am not about to give up my rite to said ferrey So Long as\\nI think Justice and Equaty gives it to me, but by 1775 he seems\\nto have been reconciled, and in 1776 he hired the ferry of the\\nCollege for a year for \u00c2\u00a34. The toll was three coppers for man\u00c2\u00bb\\nhorse and load, one copper for a footman if no canoes were kept\\nin the river, otherwise two coppers, but Wheelock s natural\\nfamily was to be passed free.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0714.jp2"}, "715": {"fulltext": "The River. 649\\nIn 1779 the management of the ferry for the next year was\\nentrusted to a committee consisting of Messrs. Paine, Woodward\\nand Ripley. The town of Norwich, in April, 1780, directed their\\nselectmen to confer with Mr. Sargeant, and the Trustees of\\nDartmouth College, and the Selectmen of Dresden respecting\\nthe ferry by Mr. Sargeant s, and regulate the same as they may\\nthink best. In September, 1780, the Trustees committee was\\ninstructed to build a ferry house where they should judge most\\nconvenient and to lease it with the ferry for a term not exceeding\\neight years.\\nBut the town of Norwich grew more urgent in its claims, on\\nwhat grounds we do not know. They voted, May 2, 1781,\\nthat we will challenge and maintain our right and privilege of\\nsaid ferry unless by law or the judgment of some court proper to\\ntry the same, we become wholly and entirely deprived of it,\\nand they chose Peter Olcott, Joseph Hatch and Elisha Benton a\\ncommittee to take the whole charge and management of the\\nmatter, and conduct therein as they shall find prudent and neces-\\nsary.\\nThe Trustees on the other hand strengthened their position\\nby buying out Sargeant (as Wheelock had wished to do several\\nyears before, in 1 773,0 and thus controlling the landing on the\\nVermont side. The deed is dated December 19, 1781, and runs\\nto Joseph Marsh, Bezaleel Woodward and Aaron Storrs.\\nIn March, 1782, Norwich voted that a committee of three be\\nappointed to take the care and management of the ferry leading\\nto Dresden in behalf of the town as otir property it being found\\nthat great inconveniences have arisen for want of faithful attend-\\nance, and that said committee be desired to lease out or dispose\\nof the same for the term of one year to such person as will give\\ngood security for constant and faithful attendance, and to engage\\nto such person the quiet and unmolested possession of said ferry\\nand that they immediately procure a boat for that\\npurpose.\\nThe Trustees on their part made to one John Burnap, April\\n10, 1782, a lease for one year of the ferry between the College\\nand John Sargeant s in Norwich, Burnap agreeing to provide a\\nboat, and constantly attend the ferry, taking only reasonable\\ntolls, and to transport free the Trustees and officers of the College\\nand their families. In April, 1783, Messrs. Marsh and Wood-\\nward conveyed all their interest in the Sargeant purchase to\\nLetter to J. Phillips, July 21, I773-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0715.jp2"}, "716": {"fulltext": "650 History of Dartmouth College.\\ntheir co-tenant, Aaron Storrs, and the College leased him the\\nferry for three years on the same terms as to Burnap, with the\\naddition that Storrs paid an annual rent of \u00c2\u00a37 2s.\\nIn the Norwich records for March, 1783, we find the following:\\nA letter from Capt. Storrs respecting the ferry was read, and the question\\nthereupon put by Bezaleel Woodward to the meeting, whether the town will\\nagree to sell the boat put in by the town to Capt. Storrs. It passed unani-\\nmously in the negative. It was then voted that a committee be appointed\\nto take the care of said boat and offer the Trustees of Dartmouth College\\nto take half the privilege of the ferry, the town reserving the privilege of\\nthe other half to itself as we wish to avoid future controversy respecting\\nthe same, and in case this proposition be declined by the Trustees the said\\ncommittee are hereby desired and empowered to lease out said ferry and\\nboat in such way as they may judge most beneficial to the town and public\\nthe ensuing season.\\nAt the same meeting it was\\nVoted, that the said committee be also desired to treat with said trustees\\nrespecting the expediency of endeavoring to obtain a lottery for the purpose\\nof erecting a bridge between this town and Dresden.\\nMr. Storrs, however, had the advantage, for we find Norwich\\na year or two later voting to look up their boat and dispose of it\\nto the best advantage.\\nIn June, 1793, Captain Storrs sold the Sargeant property to\\nDr. Joseph Lewis, who had previously owned the grist mill on\\nBlood brook, and who now moved in and took the ferry which he\\nretained till a bridge was built in 1796. Besides the free trans-\\nportation stipulated by the College, he was accustomed also to\\ncarry free those who took grist to his mill. The Sargeant place\\nwas occupied by his descendants to the third generation.\\nThe approaches to the ferry were not for many years formally\\nlaid out on either side. In 1778 the highway was laid from Nor-\\nwich to the ferry place near John Sargeant s On the Hanover\\nside the ancient cart path up the ravine from the landing developed\\ninto a highway without formal dedication. The high hills on\\neach side were heavily wooded, and there was no gully between\\nthem, the road filled the entire ravine, not over forty feet wide,\\nand the fallen trees lay thickly across overhead. The same road\\ngave access to the meadows near the mouth of Mink brook, by\\na cart path along the bank of the river, skirting the high bluff,\\non a strip of meadow some three rods wide and in those days\\nextending quite up to the ferry, of which every trace has since\\ndisappeared.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0716.jp2"}, "717": {"fulltext": "The River. 651\\nThe unsightly gully that long gave so much trouble to the road\\nbegan to appear within the memory of persons now living. It\\ntook its start from the cutting away of the growth along the sides\\nof the ravine in 1826. This was done under the order of Gen.\\nJames Poole, to whom the land belonged. Preparatory to the\\nbuilding of the bridge, of which we are soon to speak, application\\nwas made by General Brewster and his associates to the select-\\nmen of Hanover, February 27, 1796, to lay out a road and proper\\nallowance for abutments to accommodate it.^ The selectmen,\\nSamuel Slade and Joseph Curtis, in reply certified their opinion\\nthat the petitioners have the free use of the road that is now\\ntravelled from the College plain to the river for the purpose of\\nerecting and using said bridge, and that they have free liberty to\\nerect a butment in Hanover anywhere within twenty rods north\\nof the usual place of coming to the river as the road now goes, in\\na way not to hinder the access to the river at or near where the\\nroad now goes for any persons who choose to go to the same to\\ndraw up timber or anything else. This, however, seems to\\nhave been unsatisfactory and in October, 1797 the selectmen of\\nHanover laid out in due form a highway four rods wide from the\\ncollege plain to the northeast end of the bridge (then built),\\nand an extension two rods wide running northerly from the main\\nroad on the east side of the toll house and thence by the path\\ntheretofore used as a pass-way to the river. The circuitous\\nroute was necessary as the end of the ravine had always been\\nsteep and cumbered with logs and bushes.\\nThe toll house, built under the vote of 1780, was a house of\\none story, standing just north of the present road, near the east\\nend of the bridge, and the path to the river bank encircled it on\\nthe east and north, and reached the river below the present\\nbridge. It was, we suppose, the same house that was destroyed\\nby fire on that spot October 19, i860.\\nThree other stated ferries were at different times operated\\nunder the college grant. One located about a mile above the\\nvillage, at the mouth of the Vale of Tempe, and just below\\nGirl Island, was known as Rope Ferry, because the boat\\n(probably unlike the others at the first) was attached to a rope\\nstretched across the river. It is impossible to say when this\\nferry was first established. As it lay in direct line to the seat of\\nGovernor Peter Olcott and to the old Norwich meeting house on\\nGoddard Hill (located in 1773), we cannot doubt that the ferry\\nRecords of Hanover, N. H., p. 144.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0717.jp2"}, "718": {"fulltext": "652 History oj Dartmouth College.\\nwas in use in some fashion during the period between 1776 and\\n1783, when the Dresden committee had its headquarters at the\\nCollege, and probably earlier still. The existing road from the\\nferry to the side of the old meeting house, near Governor Olcott s,\\nis an ancient highway, located in 1773, begun in 1778 and finished\\nin 1785, and first recorded in that year with mention of the Rope\\nFerry. The approach on the Hanover side, though in its upper\\nportion disused, bears still the name (as of old) of the Rope\\nFerry Road. We find it mentioned under that name in 1793.\\nThere is no record of its being laid out as a highway, though its\\ncharacter as such has been within the present generation judi-\\ncially established. In 1798 the town voted that the owners of\\nland on this road might erect a gate for one year.\\nNovember 3, 1788, the Trustees leased the ferry right in that\\nlocality, covering the river lots 61 and 62, for twenty years to\\nJohn Forbes of Hanover, and John Forbes, Jr., late of Marl-\\nborough, Windham County, Vt., at a price to be annually settled\\nby disinterested persons. Its utility in public estimation is\\nevidenced by the persistence with which it was kept up after the\\nbridge was built, and by the anxiety of the bridge proprietors to\\nsuppress it, evidenced in threats in 1799 and again as late as 1806,\\nIt is believed that the ferry was in use much more recently than\\nthat, but all definite memorials of it seem to have perished.\\nAt the confluence of the Pompanoosuc River there was, of\\ncourse, a ferry of some sort from very early years. In 1785 the\\nTrustees conveyed to Isaac Rogers, by lease for 999 years, for a\\nquarter of the annual income, all their ferry rights in Hanover\\nnorth of a large rock in the Connecticut, fifty rods below the lower\\nend of the island near the mouth of the Pompanoosuc. There\\nseem to have been some disagreement about the matter, similar\\nperhaps to the case of Sargeant. We find the town of Hanover in\\n1790, voting that Gideon Smith (who lived on the Hanover shore\\nabove the island) have the approbation of the ferry. Rogers\\nevidently held his ground, since the ferry was designated by his\\nname as late as 1797, but he, as well as the town, was evidently\\nrestive under the college authority for in June, 1794, the same\\nIsaac Rogers describing himself as of Hanover, having bought\\nGideon Smith s land on the river bank, presented the following\\npetition to the General Court of New Hampshire:\\nThe petition of Isaac Rogers of Hanover etc. humbly sheweth that there\\nis no public ferry kept over the river Connecticut from Brewster s ferry in\\nRecords of Hanover, N. H., p. 90.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0718.jp2"}, "719": {"fulltext": "The River. 653\\nLime, so-called, to the College ferry in the lower part of said Hanover, the\\ndistance of about nine miles; that there is about four miles of said river,\\nopposite to the upper part of said Hanover, which remains ungranted; that\\nyour petitioner owning the land adjoining to said river within the aforesaid\\nungranted part, and where a ferry will be most convenient, he therefore prays\\nthat your Honors would grant to him his heirs and assigns the exclusive\\nright of keeping a ferry over said river, from Lime for three miles down said\\nriver, and your petitioner as in duty etc.\\nIsaac Rogers.\\nHanover, May 28, 1794.\\nThe subscribers selectmen of Hanover are satisfied that the facts stated\\nin the within petition are true, that the said ferry will be a public benefit,\\nare desirous the prayer of the within petition may be granted.\\nJoseph Curtis\\no c selectmen.\\nSamuel Slade J\\nBefore 1804 this ferry passed into the hands of Timothy Bush,\\nwho Hved on the Norwich side below the island (as we suppose)\\nand to his son, John. The ferry and the island were both called\\nby their name.\\nJohn Bush was graduated at Dartmouth in 1789, and in 1809\\nwas keeping a tavern on Hanover plain. The ferry had before\\nthis reverted to the College, and for some reason had been sus-\\npended. In August, 1807, petition was made to the Trustees by\\nJohn Fairfield and thirty-seven others to re-establish it, which\\nwas denied. But local convenience has ever since induced at\\ntimes the maintenance, at a point a quarter of a mile above the\\nmouth of the Pompanoosuc River, of some sort of facilities for\\ncrossing. July i, 1831, by consent of the College, a charter for\\na toll bridge near this point (in Hanover north of a point one mile\\nsouth of the Pompanoosuc) was obtained from the New Hamp-\\nshire legislature on petition of William Sweat and sixty-three\\nothers, to be built in four years, but it was never utilized.\\nThe actual location of the ferry has varied at different times.\\nAt one time it is supposed to have been just below the island, at\\nanother immediately opposite the present railroad station, and\\nmore recently about a quarter of a mile higher up. Another\\npoint where the popular convenience has indicated a crossing is\\nat the house of Timothy Smith, a mile or two below the Pom-\\npanoosuc, where a winter road has been often used upon the ice.\\nInhabitants of Norwich and Thetford in January, 1837, petitioned\\nthe selectmen of Hanover to lay a highway from Timothy Smith s\\nto the river, free from gates or bars, in the most convenient place\\nfor crossing. About that time a ferry was operated there for", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0719.jp2"}, "720": {"fulltext": "654 History of Dartmouth College.\\nsome years by a Mr. Cummings, succeeding others before him,\\nbut it never was very prosperous. A trial was made here of\\nrunning the boat on a wire so that by detaching either end of the\\nboat it would swing at an angle to the stream and be pushed across\\nby the current, but this method proved troublesome and was\\nabandoned. Aside from this, at neither of the upper ferries,\\nwas any contrivance of that kind regularly used, but the boats\\nwere propelled and guided by setting poles in primitive fashion.\\nThe charter of June 20, 1792, before mentioned, authorized\\nEbenezer Brewster, Aaron Hutchinson and Rufus Graves, among\\nother things, to build within four years a toll bridge across the\\nConnecticut River. The limits of location, which the under-\\ntakers wished to have cover the entire fronts of the towns of\\nLebanon and Hanover, were restricted by the legislature to the\\nspace between the eddy at the lower bar of White River falls and\\nthe mouth of Mink brook subject, of course, to the ferry rights\\nformerly granted to the College.\\nThis feature of the charter was induced by the recent opening\\nin 1787, by act of the legislature, of the State road from Boscawen\\nto the College, and by the renewed activity in the project of\\nbuilding a route from the eastward to Lake Champlain. The\\noriginal plan was to locate the bridge, in connection with con-\\ntemplated improvements of navigation, at the narrows at the\\nfoot of the middle bar, a spot that had been by common agree-\\nment long since set apart for that object, but the inconvenience\\nof that location and the probability of its being quite out of the\\nline of travel became so apparent that an extension of the fran-\\nchise was secured January 21 1794, so as to cover the Connecticut\\nfrom the mouth of the White River to a point two miles north of\\nMink brook. This was fortified by a similar act from the Ver-\\nmont legislature, October 2, 1795, and in 1796 the White River\\nFalls Bridge was built on the spot where our free bridge now\\nstands.\\nA petition was made to the legislature the same year for the\\nincorporation of a turnpike from the Merrimac River to Hanover,\\nand a favorable answer was confidently expected at the next\\nsession. The relative importance which Hanover, owing to the\\nCollege, at that time enjoyed, is well evinced by the location of\\nthe bridge here, notwithstanding one of the three corporators was\\nresident near the river in Lebanon, and the face of the land\\npointed inevitably to the valley of the White River as the most\\navailable route for the expected thoroughfare in Vermont.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0720.jp2"}, "721": {"fulltext": "The River. 655\\nThe College took every means to encourage the building of\\nthe bridge at Hanover. It subscribed for several shares of the\\nstock and, April 15, 1797, leased to the corporation, for 999 years,\\nat an annual rent of $50, all the privileges of a ferry between the\\nLebanon line and the southern limit of Rogers ferry, described\\nas a large rock in the river about forty rods below Bush s island.\\nThis lease was subject to forfeiture if a bridge should be wanting\\nor disused for the space of two years.\\nNotwithstanding the evident utility of a bridge in preference\\nto a ferry, there was in other quarters serious opposition to the\\nproject as it was then presented. Dr. Lewis still had the ferry,\\nand carried the patrons of his mill free; more than half the mem-\\nbers of the College church lived in Vermont, and enjoyed like\\nexemption in going to meeting. The bridge seemed likely not\\nonly to curtail this freedom but even to obstruct the approaches\\nso as to prevent the use of the ice road in winter. The easterly\\nabutment as it turned out did in fact stand squarely across the\\nold road by the landing.\\nThe town of Norwich was also decidedly hostile. It voted in\\nMarch, 1796, unanimously for a free bridge, appointed a commit-\\ntee to solicit subscriptions for that purpose, and to apply to the\\nselectmen of Hanover to lay out a highway to accommodate the\\nabutment, but it declared outright for a ferry in preference to a\\ntoll bridge.\\nThe bridge proprietors finding it essential to disarm the opposi-\\ntion, and allay the prevalent apprehensions, made a formal\\npledge to the public, recorded at length in the town records of\\nNorwich, signed by the proprietors, and dated March 10, 1796:\\nThe Bridge Company to the Public:\\nTo all persons to whom it may come, greeting.\\nThe subscribers assure you that it never has been our intention to obstruct\\nthe passing of Connecticut River near Doct. Lewis by any bridge we may\\nerect, and that we never shall obstruct the same, but every person shall ever\\nhave liberty to pass by water or on the ice in the same manner as they now do,\\nand no road to the river shall ever be obstructed by us.\\nThey also entered into agreement under seal, dated May 10,\\n1796, with Elisha Benton, Joseph Hatch and Roswell Olcott,\\nacting for the body of the people, that the bridge should be open\\ntoll free on Sabbath as long as it should stand, for the people of\\nNorwich, Hanover and Hartford and their friends and com-\\npanies to pass to meeting; and that for four years it should be\\nopen toll free during an average period of three months in every\\nyear, when there should be passing on the ice, and snow on the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0721.jp2"}, "722": {"fulltext": "656 History of Dartmouth College.\\nbridge; all in consideration that the erection of the bridge should\\nnot be further impeded. This contract was recorded at length\\non the Norwich town records. Doctor Lewis shared in the reluc-\\ntance to have a toll bridge, though desirous of a free one. He\\nsecured that privilege as far as he was concerned by refusing to\\nsell the land needed for the western approach, but leased it to\\nthe company upon condition of free passage for himself and\\nfamily. The fears of the opposition, allayed for the time by\\nthese pledges, were fully justified by the sequel.\\nMr. Graves was himself the architect and superintendent of\\nconstruction. He was also the financier, and with this added to\\nhis mercantile business became hopelessly involved and insolvent.\\nIn August, 1796, he sought support for the enterprise in Boston,\\nwhere he disposed of a large share of the stock to prominent\\nmerchants, who entertained large hopes of trade by the routes\\nin which it formed a link. So sanguine were the proprietors\\nthemselves that they guaranteed these gentlemen a return of\\neight or nine per cent a year for the first three years, and confi-\\ndently predicted ten to twenty per cent thereafter.^ The delay\\nin the completion of the turnpikes, if nothing else, rendered these\\nhopes visionary. The stock of the corporation consisted of two\\nhundred shares upon which a first assessment of $60 was laid in\\nJanuary, 1797, and two or three very small amounts later; so\\nthat the total cost of the structure was upward of $13,000. The\\nbridge was opened to travel in the fall of 1796, though not\\nyet quite finished, and on December 8 the New Hampshire\\nlegislature passed an act to increase the tolls, reciting that a\\nbridge had been erected that year at a cost far exceeding the\\ncalculations.\\nSee Appends G., Circular of R. Graves.\\nFollowing were the tolls thus allowed:\\nFoot passenger 2 cents.\\nHorse and rider S\\nHorse-chaise, chair or sulkey 12^\\nSleigh drawn by one beast 8\\nSleigh drawn by more than one beast 12J\\nCoach, phaeton, chariot or other four wheeled carriage for passengers 30\\nCurricle 25\\nCart or other wheeled carriage of burden drawn by one beast 8\\nby two beasts 15\\nby three beasts 20\\nby four beasts 25\\nfor every additional beast above four 4\\nSled drawn by one beast 5\\nby two beasts 10\\nby three beasts 20\\nfor ever additional beast 4\\nHorse, mule or jack exclusive of those rode on 3\\nEach neat creature not in a team 2\\nEach sheep or swine i", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0722.jp2"}, "723": {"fulltext": "The River. 657\\nThe bridge was, indeed, a wonderful structure, and excited\\nwidespread interest. It consisted essentially of a single span of\\n236 feet chord, arched to such a degree that the roadway at the\\ncenter of the bridge was about twenty feet higher than at the\\nends, presenting thus a sharp ascent on entering, and a corre-\\nsponding downward pitch on leaving. Mr. William W. Dewey,\\nwho records these particulars, styles it a noble structure.\\nIt was built of the largest selected pines, sixty feet long, many of\\nthem hewed eighteen inches square. Mr. Dewey tells us that\\nhis father. Deacon Benoni Dewey, furnished for it twenty such\\ntrees at one dollar each, which sixty years later would have read-\\nily brought from $150 to $200 each. President Dwight remarked\\nthis bridge with admiration on his journey in 1797. He tells\\nus that its entire length was 344 feet, its width thirty-six feet,\\nand its stone abutments forty feet square. It arch, he says, was\\na copy of the arch of the Piscataqua bridge, and, excepting that,\\nthe longest of New England.^ A drawing of the Hanover bridge\\nwas preserved until modern times but is now lost.*\\nIt is not surprising that a bridge constructed like this soon\\ncame to grief. It fell by its own weight in 1804, the same year\\nin which the turnpike at last reached it. President Dwight\\nsays one of the piers was undermined by the stream. No one\\nwas injured by the fall, though a team bearing a messenger for\\nthe doctor barely escaped. Steps were taken by the proprietors\\nin January, 1805, to raise a subscription, and make other arrange-\\nments to rebuild. The subscription seems not to have proved a\\nsuccess, but on February 9, 1805, a contract was made with Cal-\\nvin Palmer, Stephen W. Palmer and Reuben Dickinson to build\\na bridge according to a plan exhibited by said Palmer, twenty\\nfeet wide within the rails and crowning in the center. It was to\\nbe completed by the last day of October, and of such strength\\nas to last till timbers rot, a stipulation of which experience had\\ntaught the need. It was finished the same year and opened to\\ntravel on Tuesday, November 26, 1805.\\nIts cost was about $2,600 raised by assessment upon the pro-\\nD wight s Travels, II, 117.\\nThis was the second bridge that ever spanned the Connecticut. The first was built at Bel-\\nlows Falls in 1785 by Col. Enoch Hale, at a cost of \u00c2\u00a3800. L. M., which ruined him, and was\\nopened to travel in 1792. The bridge at West Lebanon, just above the mouth of White River,\\nwas built under this charter in 1804 by Elias Lyman, who bought the franchise from the incor-\\nporators for I300, to accommodate the travel on the main line of the fourth New Hampshire\\nturnpike. The completion of the bridge was announced February i, 1805. {Dartmouth\\nGazette, February i, 1805.) It was a king-post structure and stood till 1835- It was replaced\\nin the next year by the covered wooden bridge which gave way in 1895 to the present free iron\\nbridge, that was opened to traffic in March, 1896. (Tucker s History of Hartford, Vt., p. 145.)\\n43", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0723.jp2"}, "724": {"fulltext": "658 History oj Dartmouth College.\\nprietors. It rested in the center on a pier thirty feet square at\\nthe top, built by Reuben Dickinson, which was considered in its\\nday a marvel of substantial construction, and which remained\\ntill 1859, when it was razeed to the surface of the water and now\\nserves as the foundation of the present pier. Notwithstanding\\nthe stringent provisions of the contract the new bridge within\\ntwo years called loudly for repairs. In May, 1823, it was declared\\nby the proprietors to be in such a ruinous state that it could not\\nany longer be economically repaired. It was, however, repaired\\nthe same year at a cost of $1,800, and survived sixteen years\\nmore, till 1839, when it was entirely rebuilt (excepting the stone\\nwork) at a cost of about $3,000. It was completed to the full\\nsatisfaction of the proprietors, under a specific contract, within\\n100 days by Stephen W. Palmer, one of the contractors, doubt-\\nless, for the preceding bridge. It was accepted by the proprie-\\ntors January 20, 1840, and $100 extra compensation voted to\\nthe contractor as a token of their satisfaction. This bridge\\nstood about fifteen years. It was open like its predecessors,\\nhaving a parapet on each side about four feet high broken by tall\\nheavy timbers connected by cross pieces.\\nThese bridges of 1805 and 1839 are understood to have been\\nof about the same length as the first one. Both were at any rate\\nmuch shorter than our present bridge, the abutments on either\\nshore were near to the water, and the middle pier was about\\ntwice the width of the present one, so that the stream was greatly\\ncontracted and in high water the bridge was often endangered.\\nThe gate was at the eastern end and the toll gatherer subse-\\nquent to 1847 was one Samuel T. Cutler, who had a little shop\\nfor cabinet work just at the end of the bridge. He was assisted\\nby his son, Samuel. Both were skillful mechanics. The bridge\\nbeing open was a favorite post of observation especially in times\\nof high water and of moving ice. It was Mr. Cutler s habit to\\nallow all, who wished, to enter it and remain, without charge, but\\nif only a foot were allowed to rest on the ground at the Norwich\\nside toll must be paid. He would spend hours watching the\\nloungers to detect any infraction of his rule; of course the stu-\\ndents kept him busy, and their relations to one another were not\\nalways happy.\\nThe promises made by the proprietors to the people of the\\ntowns of Hanover and Norwich were not always faithfully kept,\\nand were a constant cause of friction. In March, 1804, a special\\nmeeting was held to see if the road under the bridge should be", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0724.jp2"}, "725": {"fulltext": "The River. 659\\ndiscontinued, and again in 18 13 the proprietors made an unsuc-\\ncessful application for its discontinuance. The standing dis-\\nsatisfaction with the management of the bridge is shown by the\\nfollowing petition taken from the Hanover files of 1819:\\nNorwich, Feb. loth, 18 19.\\nWe the subscribers Inhabitants of Norwich in Windsor County and State\\nof Vermont, make this our petition to the Selectmen of Hanover in the State\\nof New Hampshire that the said Selectmen if they should deem it expedient\\nwould appoint or take measures to appoint a committee to meet a committee\\nfrom Norwich and confer upon the interests of the Inhabitants of Norwich and\\nHanover passing the bridge over Connecticut River called the White River\\nfalls bridge near Doct J. Lewis, and that said committees may meet the direc-\\ntors of s Bridge or a committee of said directors and see if they can enter into\\nany agreement with them for the terms of said Inhabitants and others in like\\nlocal situation passing the bridge upon some more favorable terms than those\\nnow adopted and in force by said directors. Also pray said Selectmen will\\ntake measures to open and keep in repair a road from the turnpike to the waters\\nof Connecticut river on the east side of the same.\\nWaterman Ensworth and thirty one others.\\nIn January of the same year the bridge company, being in\\narrears for two years rent to the College, voted not to pay the\\n$100 due the Literary Institution, nor any dividends on its\\nstock till the litigation over the state acts should be decided.\\nIn 1830 the proprietors voted indefinitely to postpone a peti-\\ntion of David Newton and others for liberty to cross the bridge\\nfree at certain seasons of the year. The general Sabbath privi-\\nlege was discontinued, doubtless at the destruction of the first\\nbridge, but it was renewed in 1824 in favor of the clergymen of\\nHanover and Norwich. In early times all residents of the con-\\ntiguous towns were privileged to pass free in the winter, and at\\nhalf toll at all other seasons. In March, 1852, the proprietors\\nadopted a less conciliatory policy and voted to exact full tolls at\\nall seasons. The bridge having in the meantime fallen into a\\nprecarious state, a bridge builder was called in that year to\\nestimate for repairs, and declared it not worth repairing. The\\npeople, of course, made the most of this condition of things.\\nThree of the owners happening one day to be riding over the\\nbridge in the coach which ran to the cars, the driver, out of\\nmischief, put his horses to speed so that the vibrations of the\\nbridge alarmed the passengers, one of whom remonstrated, but\\nthe driver replied that there was no danger for he had the owners\\naboard.\\nThe action of the proprietors in raising the tolls and reducing", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0725.jp2"}, "726": {"fulltext": "66o History of Dartmouth College.\\nthe privileges aroused great indignation throughout both com-\\nmunities. Meetings were held and arrangements made the\\nfollowing fall to reopen for winter use the old road to the river\\nbank, which had been obstructed and fenced up by the bridge\\ncompany. The proprietors met this movement by threatening\\nsuits and prosecutions, and the citizens to avoid any such com-\\nplications, by permission of the land owners, constructed a path\\ndown the gully along its southern slope, which gave access to the\\nriver and took, of course, the entire travel so long as the ice\\nlasted. The proprietors took great offence at this action, and\\nrenewed their threats, particularly against Dr. Dixi Crosby and\\nProfessor Sanborn who were specially prominent in the move-\\nment. In January, 1854, Professor Sanborn being at Woodstock\\nto deliver a lecture, was arrested at the suit of the bridge company\\nwhile walking with ladies in the streets of that village. This\\nill-advised act of the proprietors intensified the hostile feeling,\\nand methods began to be seriously discussed for ridding the com-\\nmunity of the burden, by action of the town authorities.\\nAs usual, however, the special interests of the village commu-\\nnity met scanty recognition in the eastern section of the town, and\\nno progress was made. The bridge company saw that they had\\nmade a mistake, and withdrew their suit against Professor San-\\nborn, but yielded nothing on the main points at issue. In the\\nfollowing August, toward morning of the night of Sunday, the\\n6th, the bridge was destroyed by fire, much to the joy of the com-\\nmunity. The cause of the fire was never determined, though an\\nincendiary origin was naturally suspected, and the proprietors\\nin the existing state of feeling dared not attempt to rebuild.\\nBoats were put on the river by the bridge company and for nearly\\nfive years the public was remitted to the primitive and dangerous\\nservice of a ferry. Two boats were used, a small wherry for\\nfoot passengers, and a large fiat boat, capable of holding several\\nteams at once, which was pulled by hand along a rope stretched\\nacross the river. The old highway was of necessity reopened,\\nand the winter of course gave free passage to all upon the ice.\\nThe same rates of toll were exacted as had been taken at the\\nbridge. Mr. Kibling undertook to run a ferry on his own account\\nbut was forbidden by the company.\\nThe question of a free bridge soon began to be agitated. An\\napplication had been contemplated the previous year to the\\nselectmen of the town to lay out a public highway over the river\\nto the Vermont shore, involving, of course, the construction of a", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0726.jp2"}, "727": {"fulltext": "The River. 66l\\nfree bridge, and the extinction of the old franchise. The destruc-\\ntion of the bridge brought the matter to a crisis and in 1855 a\\npetition of that sort was promoted. It encountered bitter opposi-\\ntion, not only from the bridge company, but from the easterly\\nsection of the town, which at that time predominated in town\\ncounsels. The selectmen denied the petition but the leaders in\\nthe matter were of stuff that is not easily discouraged, and a\\npetition headed by Dixi Crosby was presented to the Court of\\nCommon Pleas at its October term, 1855, laid over until April,\\nand then in the usual course of business referred to the Commis-\\nsioners of the County, D. C. Churchill, O. F. Fowler and John\\nSargent, who after two sessions of four days each in August and\\nSeptember, laid out a highway over the river at the point where\\nthe bridge had stood. They awarded damages of $1,500 to the\\nbridge company, and $833.33 ^o the Trustees of Dartmouth Col-\\nlege for its ferry rights.\\nBut opposition did not even then cease, as the town joined\\nhands with the company. Exceptions were taken by Harry\\nHibbard for the town, and by Mr. Blaisdell for the company, on\\nfifteen points, which were argued before the Supreme Court in\\nJune, 1857, and all overruled with a single exception relating to\\na minor matter of detail, open to correction.\\nHaving expended about $1,000 in the controversy, most of the\\nparties were now in a frame of mind to yield, as gracefully as they\\nmight, but many residents of the eastern section of the town were\\nstill firm in opposition; hostile feelings had grown up, personal\\nrancor was exceedingly bitter, and it seemed impossible that\\nharmony should be restored. However, a meeting of the town\\nwas called for November 19, 1858, to consider the matter. The\\nstore at Mill Village, now Etna, was then as now the forum where\\nall such matters passed under discussion of the village conclave,\\nand the great interest attaching to this subject brought a daily\\nconcourse that filled the store. Just before the time set for the\\ntown meeting it happened that President Lord, as he was driving\\none day by the store, stopped in the most casual way to make\\nsome small purchase, at an hour when the store was full, and after\\nattending to his ostensible business, entered into friendly con-\\nversation on general matters, as v/as his wont, with such of his\\nacquaintances as chanced to be there. Of course some of them\\nsoon broached the subject nearest their hearts and loudly com-\\nplained of the hostile and selfish attitude of the people of the Col-\\nlege Plain. Professor Sanborn had incurred their special hostility", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0727.jp2"}, "728": {"fulltext": "662 History of Dartmouth College.\\nby some sharp sayings. Dr. Lord laughed and said, You all\\nknow him, he is a good man and a kind hearted man, his bark is\\na great deal worse than his bite, and hearing them all through\\nquietly, in his courteous, kindly way, explained and reasoned\\nand laughed with them, till their irritation subsided, misunder-\\nstandings were cleared away, and good nature revived. He\\nspent several hours in that way, and nobody ever knew that his\\nvisit was not the merest accident in the world, nor did any one\\nbut the shrewd storekeeper then suspect it, but it was very\\ntimely, and very efficacious. When the town met, a proposition\\nfor an amicable adjustment met ready acceptance, and a com-\\nmittee was appointed, Isaac Ross, Isaac Fellows and E. T. Miller,\\nwhich made a report at an adjourned meeting. The College\\nwaived its damages and presented its ferry rights, at the valuation\\nof the commissioners, to the town upon a nominal rent, con-\\ntioned upon the perpetual maintenance of the free bridge. The\\nbridge company withdrew opposition, and the citizens of the\\nCollege Plain subscribed toward the cost of the bridge $833,\\nthe same amount presented by the College. The town built\\nthe bridge accordingly, at a cost of about $6,000. It was com-\\npleted in June, 1859.\\nIt is a covered bridge 402 feet in length, of which eighty feet\\nat its western end, located in the jurisdiction of Vermont, were\\nbuilt by the town of Norwich. It enjoys the distinction of being\\nthe first free bridge over the Connecticut River, and for many\\nyears it was the only one. The occasion of its completion seemed\\nto demand some special recognition, and on the first day of July,\\ni859\u00c2\u00bb a large and highly respectable audience from both sides\\nof the river gathered in the College church to celebrate it. Dr.\\nDixi Crosby presided. Professor Sanborn delivered an historical\\noration upon bridges, and several happy speeches were made.\\nThe bridge at that time received the name of Ledyard Free\\nBridge, from the circumstance of its location near the spot where\\nthe tree was cut, out of which Ledyard fashioned his canoe when\\nhe set out on his travels. The prophecy made at that time that\\nthe existing generation would see the Connecticut in its whole\\nlength free while not entirely fulfilled, has so far been true that\\nthe majority of the bridges are now free, and all new ones are of\\nthat kind.\\nN. S. Huntington, who gave the above account.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0728.jp2"}, "729": {"fulltext": "Railroads. $63\\nRAILROADS.\\nThe turnpike craze (if such it may be called) lasted from about\\n1796 to i8io. Hardly had the roads then chartered and built\\nwith the private funds of the stockholders been put into opera-\\ntion, when the toll gates and toll gatherers began to be hateful\\nto the people, and their eagerness was turned from obtaining the\\nroads to getting rid of paying for the use of them, though, as was\\nperhaps natural, this spirit was more rife along the lower part\\nof the route, where fewer shares were held.\\nThe subject of railroads began to be discussed in New England\\nabout 1830. The Boston and Lowell, one of the earliest in the\\ncountry was chartered in 1832, and while that charter was under\\nconsideration the General Court of New Hampshire, at its No-\\nvember session in 1832, granted a charter to a connecting line\\nunder the style of the Boston and Ontario Railroad, whose\\ncourse was described as commencing at any point on the south-\\nerly line of the State, in or near the town of Dunstable, and run-\\nning northwesterly and westerly to the westerly line of the State,\\non Connecticut river. It was conditioned on being organized\\nby September i, 1835, and being completed within five years\\nfrom that date.\\nThe people of the State, and especially the Democratic party\\nthen in the ascendency, were traditionally hostile to corporations,\\nand charters were sparingly conceded and hedged with stringent\\nlimitations. But in June, 1835, a charter was granted to the\\nNashua and Lowell railroad, and four days later to the Concord\\nrailroad, with Isaac Hill as the first corporator, and to the Boston\\nand Maine railroad, and in June of 1836 to the Eastern railroad.\\nIn 1837 Amos A. Brewster of Hanover, then a Democratic\\nmember of the legislature, with associates largely from Lebanon\\nobtained a charter for a railroad from Concord to the west bank\\nof the Connecticut River in Lebanon, near the mouth of the\\nWhite River under the name of the Concord and Lebanon\\nRailroad. The idea at that time was that the railroad should\\nbe a sort of turnpike with toll houses and gates for the collection\\nof tolls from persons using it. Power was specially given the\\ncorporation to regulate the construction of wheels, the form of\\ncars and carriages, the weight of loads, and all other matters\\nand things relative to the use of the road and the", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0729.jp2"}, "730": {"fulltext": "664 History of Dartmouth College.\\nroad may be used by any person who may com.ply with such regu-\\nlations. The lack of confidence actually reposed in the new\\nmethods is shown by additional acts passed at this very time for\\nthe improvement of navigation on the Merrimac.\\nAt the same time interest in railroads was developing in the\\nvalley of the Connecticut and came into such prominence very\\nsoon after the failure of the navigation scheme that on November\\n10, 1835, the legislature of Vermont chartered the Connecticut\\nand Passumpsic Rivers Railroad Company, and on the 20th of\\nthe following January a convention of over one hundred and\\nfifty members from towns between Brattleboro and Newport,\\nVt., with some from Springfield, Mass., Hartford, Conn., and\\nNewport, R. I., assembled at Windsor, Vt., to take preliminary\\nmeasures for the construction of a railroad through the valleys\\nof the Connecticut and Passumpsic Rivers to the St. Lawrence,\\nbut neither Hanover nor Lebanon was represented. The result\\nwas an appropriation at the next session of the Vermont legis-\\nlature in November, 1836, of $3,000 for a preliminary survey the\\nwhole length of the State. Under this an engineer, Alexander\\nC. Twining of Connecticut, was employed, and in company with\\nErastus Fairbanks of St. Johnsbury, and John C. Holbrook of\\nBrattleboro, commissioners on the part of Vermont, made a\\ngeneral reconnaisance, in May, 1837, from the Massachusetts\\nto the Canada line, and two surveying parties were put into the\\nfield and in fifty days completed the work over a distance of 209\\nmiles. The surveys made and published ten years before for\\nthe canals were now utilized for the railroad.\\nBut the railroad era for this region did not fairly set in before\\n1844. The Boston and Lowell was opened to traffic in 1835,\\nthe Nashua in 1838, and the Concord in 1842, In 1844 their\\nstocks were held at a premium of twenty to thirty per cent,^ and\\nagitation for the extension of the system northward was renewed\\nwith increased fervor. Into this agitation Professor Haddock\\nand other Hanover gentlemen heartily entered. The citizens\\nof Lebanon were also very active. A line from Concord to Frank-\\nlin had been surveyed in October, 1842, and at a railroad meeting\\nheld at Lebanon October 10, 1843, of w^hich Elijah Blaisdell of\\nLebanon w^as president and William Kendrick of Lebanon and\\nWilliam H. Duncan of Hanover were secretaries, it was agreed\\nto continue the preliminary survey to Lebanon, and this was\\ndone during the next seven weeks. The result was published\\nProfessor Haddock s Montpelier Addresi, p. 19.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0730.jp2"}, "731": {"fulltext": "Railroads. 665\\nearly in 1844 and widely circulated in pamphlet form with map\\nand profile.\\nTwo different routes were urged by other parties. One of\\nthese (called the southern) was the same since covered by the\\nConcord and Claremont road, with an alternative variation\\ndiverging from Sunapee Lake to Enfield Pond and Lebanon, and\\nthe other (known as the middle route) kept the present line of\\nthe northern road from Lebanon to Andover and then leaving\\nFranklin to the left reached Concord by the valleys of the Black-\\nwater and the Contoocook Rivers, thus saving certain heavy\\ngrades and shortening the distance about five miles. The route\\nby Franklin was finally adopted, partly for the sake of the busi-\\nness expected from that town, and partly in consequence of the\\nadroit management of the Franklin interests under the lead of\\nHon. G. W. Nesmith.\\nInterest in the project was diligently promoted by public meet-\\nings in various quarters. A convention in Montpelier January\\n8, 1844, was entertained with a persuasive and interesting address\\nfrom Professor Haddock. In June the New Hampshire legisla-\\nture granted a charter for the Northern Railroad to corpora-\\ntors, among whom were Amos A. Brewster of Hanover, and\\nothers of the old Concord and Lebanon charter, substantially\\nin the form of that act. The route indicated was from Concord\\nor Bow to the Connecticut at some point between Haverhill and\\nCharlestown.\\nThe illiberal narrowness of the legislative grants, and certain\\nstrange ideas upon the law of rights of way frightened away\\ncapital and seemed likely to prevent all beneficial use of the\\nfranchise. It was the doctrine of the dominant party, of which\\nMr. Baker, a lawyer who had represented the town of Hills-\\nborough for a number of years prior to 1844, was a leading cham-\\npion in the legislature, that railroad charters were merely of a\\nprivate nature, and did not represent the interests of the public\\ngenerally; hence the right to take land for the use of the road\\nexcept by agreement with the owner, was denied. This doc-\\ntrine was enforced when the Concord and lower roads were\\nbuilt, and caused, of course, no end of litigation and doubt, es-\\npecially in cases of unsettled title. The subject, therefore, caused\\ngreat debate in connection with the new roads, and in 1844 peti-\\ntions began to pour into the legislature from all parts of the\\nState north of Concord, where the doctrine was depriving the\\npeople of the hope of railroad facilities, and the leading Demo-", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0731.jp2"}, "732": {"fulltext": "666 History of Dartmouth College.\\ncrats became alarmed. Isaac Hill opened the column of the\\nPatriot in favor of the right to take land on the ground that rail-\\nroads were of public necessity, and at the fall session the party\\nleaders, Judge N. G. Upham, Charles H. Peaslee, member of\\nCongress, Judge Levi Woodbury, and Hon. H. Hubbard of\\nCharlestown, convened at Goss s hotel to devise some way to\\nmeet the public urgency for a more liberal policy. The result\\nwas the act of December 25, 1844, which established a machin-\\nery of condemnation that, though ostensibly in favor of the\\npublic, secured to the railroad company by the form of a lease\\nin perpetuity from the State the necessary land and right of way.\\nTwo days later the charter of the Northern railroad was re-\\nenacted to meet the new conditions in a form reported by Pro-\\nfessor Haddock from the road committee in the House. Mr.\\nHaddock himself, with Daniel Blaisdell and William H. Duncan\\nwere named among the corporators and the western terminus\\nwas fixed in the town of Lebanon. The charter was liberalized\\nalso in other parts; that of June having been drawn upon the\\nold turnpike idea, while that of December struck more upon\\nmodern lines. On the same date in December were passed simi-\\nlar charters for the Boston, Concord and Montreal, the Cheshire,\\nthe Ashuelot and the Wilton railroads. The change of sentiment\\nwas plainly evident, but the old jealousy was still disclosed in\\nstringent general laws of regulation and has not yet ceased to\\ninfluence the relations between the State and the corporations.\\nThe difficulties being thus measurably removed, agitation for\\nthe building of the Northern road was forthwith actively pros-\\necuted and on January 21, 1845, a notable convention was\\nheld at Lebanon, where Col. Truman Ransom of Norwich made\\na very effective speech, and in May a pamphlet Address was\\nissued by the Northern Railroad Company to the friends of\\ninternal improvement in New Hampshire, written by Pro-\\nfessor Haddock and setting forth in the most vivid language\\nthe advantages of the contemplated system of transportation,\\nwhich had no small influence among the people in securing sub-\\nscriptions to the stock. To indicate the directness of the route\\nit was shown that a straight line drawn on the map from Boston\\nto Burlington touches this route in Lebanon and is nowhere\\nmore than fifteen miles from it; that between Concord and Bur-\\nlington the route was never more than eight miles from the\\nstraight course, and that a straight line from Boston to Montreal\\ntouches this route at eight places, among which were Lowell,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0732.jp2"}, "733": {"fulltext": "Railroads. 667\\nReeds Ferry (near Concord), Lebanon and Montpelier. The\\nstock was taken with alacrity in small lots by the people all along\\nthe line, and it is worthy of remark that very much of it remains\\nto this day in the hands of the descendants of the original\\nsubscribers.\\nThe road was opened to Franklin January i, to Canaan Sep-\\ntember I, and to Lebanon November 17, 1847. At Franklin\\nand at Lebanon the occasion was celebrated by a grand dinner,\\na large concourse of people and speeches, the principal address\\nat the latter place being made by Daniel Webster.\\nBut the Northern road was only a link in the grand chain then\\nactively projected. It was intended to reach Montreal by two\\nroutes which were described as twin branches of the Northern\\nroad, one following the White River and the other the Connec-\\nticut. As in New Hampshire, so in Vermont, railroad activity\\nhad, after the first heat, slumbered nearly ten years. In 1843\\nit began to revive and October 31, 1843, a charter was granted\\nfor the Vermont Central Railroad from Lake Champlain\\nby the Onion River to the Connecticut at the most convenient\\npoint to meet a railroad either from Concord, N. H., or Fitch-\\nburg, Mass., to transport passengers and property\\nby the power of steam, or otherwise. It will be noticed that\\nthe Vermont ideas as to the function of a railroad corporation\\nwere in advance of those of the New Hampshire legislature.\\nA southern line from Burlington to the Connecticut through\\nAddison, Rutland and Windsor or Windham counties, under the\\nname of the Lake Champlain and Connecticut River Railroad\\nwas chartered on the same day. The Vermont and Canada\\nrailroad received a charter October 31, 1845, and on November\\n5, 1845, the old Connecticut and Passumpsic charter was divided\\ninto two corporations whose territory separated at the mouth of\\nthe White River, the northern section retaining the old name,\\nand the southern taking the style of Connecticut River Rail-\\nroad.\\nThe second proposed route to Montreal was to be on the New\\nHampshire side of the Connecticut from the line of the Northern\\nrailroad as far at least as the mouth of the Ammonoosuc. For\\nthis two routes were feasible and both were earnestly advocated;\\n1 Work on the Vermont Central was pushed as rapidly as possible to make connection with\\nthe Northern railroad. The first ground was broken at Windsor December is. 1845- The\\nfirst rail was laid at White River Junction early in 1847; the first regular passenger train wai\\nrun from that place to Bethel June 26, 1848, and the road opened to Burlington June ao, 1849.\\n(Tucker s History of Hartford, Vt., p. 155.]", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0733.jp2"}, "734": {"fulltext": "668 History of Dartmouth College.\\none, known as the Goose Pond route, would leave the main\\nline at Canaan and cross the northeast corner of Hanover sub-\\nstantially by the course of the old Grafton turnpike, while the\\nother would follow the eastern bank, of the river, passing, of\\ncourse, near the College. In furtherance of this latter plan, a\\ntentative survey was made for the location of the main line of\\nthe Northern to a crossing of the Connecticut at Hanover by the\\ncourse, formerly recommended for the turnpike, through the\\nvalley northeast of Lebanon Center village, and down the valley\\nof Mink brook. This was reported as offering over the Lebanon\\nroute considerable advantage of easier grades and cheaper cross-\\ning of the Connecticut, but as not so convenient to the probable\\nroute of Vermont connection, which was expected to be by the\\nvalley of the White River.\\nPublic agitation for this feature of the system on New Hamp-\\nshire soil was organized by a convention at Carlton s Hotel in\\nOrford February 7, 1845, which was largely attended from towns\\non both sides of the river. It met, of course, opposition from\\nthe promoters of the Boston, Concord and Montreal route, which\\nwas surveyed between February and July, and chartered in\\nDecember of 1844, and was not encouraged by the Northern\\nroad, which, not realizing the great advantages that would ulti-\\nmately be derived from a route wholly in New Hampshire and\\nboth shorter and easier than any other route that could be lo-\\ncated, feared that it might be deprived of some of its traffic for\\nthe eighteen miles between Canaan and the river. The result\\nwas that the most persistent efforts, in which Hanover people\\nwere particularly interested, were unavailing to obtain from\\nthe New Hampshire legislature the requisite charter, and the\\nroad was forced to the Vermont side of the river, where more\\nenlightened counsels for the moment prevailed.\\nThe company under the second Vermont charter was organized\\nJanuary 15, 1846, with Erastus Fairbanks of St. Johnsbury as\\npresident, and after a final survey begun in April entered upon\\nconstruction on the seventh of the next September. The first\\nrail was laid July 15, 1847, and on October 10 the road was\\nopened and the first passenger train run to Bradford. In another\\nmonth the road was opened to Wells River and in 1852 to St.\\nJohnsbury. Its extension to Newport was not completed till\\n1863, and its connection with the Grank Trunk at Lenoxville,\\nby the Massawippi Valley road, was delayed till 1870.*\\nTucker s History of Hartford, Vt., p. i6o.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0734.jp2"}, "735": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n6\u00c2\u00ab9", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0735.jp2"}, "736": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0736.jp2"}, "737": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX A.\\nMEMORIAL.\\nThe Honorable Senate, and House of Representatives,\\nIN General Court convened.\\nHonorable Legislators:\\nThe citizens of New Hampshire enjoy security and peace\\nunder your wise laws; prosperity in productive labors by means\\nwhich you have adopted and, by your counsels, increasing knowl-\\nedge in the establishment of literature through the State. But,\\nfor none of these, can so much be ascribed to your attention, as\\nfor Dartmouth College. By your patronage and munificence\\nit was flourishing in former years; and so it still would have\\ncontinued, had the management of its concerns been adapted\\nto answer the designs of your wisdom, and the hopes of its most\\nenlightened and virtuous friends.\\nTo your honorable Body, whose guardian care encircles the\\nInstitutions of the State, it becomes incumbent on the citizen\\nto make known any change in their condition, and relations,\\ninteresting to the public good: To you, alone, whose power\\nextends to correct, or reform their abuses, ought he to apply,\\nwhen they cease to promote the end of their establishment the\\nsocial order and happiness. Gladly would the offerer of this\\nhumble address, avoiding to trouble your counsels, have locked\\nup his voice in perpetual silence, while the evils are rolling on\\nand accumulating, were he not otherwise compelled by a sense\\nof duty to your Legislature, and to the best interests of man-\\nkind, in the present and future times.\\nWill you permit him to suggest there is reason to fear, that\\nthose who hold in trust the concerns of this Seminary, have for-\\nsaken its original principles, and left the path of their predecessors.\\nIt is unnecessary to relate how the evil commenced in its embryo\\nstate; by what means and practices, they, thus deviating, have\\nin recent years, with the same object in view, increased their\\nnumber to a majority controlling the measures of the Board: but\\nmore important is it to lay before you, that there are serious\\n671", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0737.jp2"}, "738": {"fulltext": "672 Appendix.\\ngrounds to excite apprehensions of the great impropriety and\\ndangerous tendency of their proceedings; reasons to believe,\\nthat they have appUed property to purposes wholly alien from\\nthe intentions of the donors, and under peculiar circumstances to\\nexcite regret: that they have in the series of their movements,\\nto promote party views, transformed the moral an,d religious\\norder of the institution by depriving many of their innocent\\nenjoyment of rights and privileges, for which they had confided\\nin their faith that they have broken down the barriers and vio-\\nlated the charter, by prostrating the rights, with which it ex-\\npressly invests the presidential office that to subserve their\\npurposes, they have adopted improper methods in their appoint-\\nments of executive officers, naturally tending to embarrass, and\\nobstruct the harmonious government, and instruction of the\\nSeminary; that they have extended their powers, which the\\ncharter confines to the College, to form connexion with an acad-\\nemy, in exclusion of the other academies in the State, cementing\\nan alliance with its overseers, and furnishing aid from the college\\ntreasury for their students; that they have perverted the power,\\nwhich, by the incorporation, they ought to exercise over a branch\\nof Moor s Charity School, and have obstructed the application\\nof its fund according to the nature of the establishment and the\\ndesign of the donors and that their measures have been oppress-\\nive to your memorialist, in the discharge of his office.\\nSuch are the impressions as now related, arising from the acts\\nand operations of those who have of late commanded the deci-\\nsions of the Board. He does not pretend to exhibit their motives;\\nwhether they have been actuated by erroneous conceptions or\\nmistaken zeal, or some other cause in attending to the concerns\\nof the institution. But, with great deference, he submits the\\nremark, unless men in trust, preserve inviolable faith, whether\\npledged by words, by action, or by usage, to individuals, unless\\nthey cautiously keep within the limits assigned to them by law;\\nif they do not sacredly apply the fruits of benevolence, committed\\nto their charge, to the destined purpose, if the public matters,\\nin their trust, are not conducted with openness, impartiality,\\nand candor, instead of designed and secret management if they\\nbecome pointedly hostile to those, who discern their course, and\\nhonestly oppose their measures esteemed destructive if they\\nbear down their inofTensive servants faithful to the cause of\\ntruth; how can an establishment, under these circumstances, be\\nprofitable to mankind? How a gleam of prospective joy to any,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0738.jp2"}, "739": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 673\\nbut to those, who are converting its interest into their own channel\\nto serve a favorite design? What motive, then, will remain to\\nbenefactors to lay foundations, or bestow their charities on such\\nan object?\\nThere is also ground for increasing fearful apprehension by\\nadding to the immediate, what may be the ultimate effect of the\\nmeasures which have been described. In a collective view, they\\nappear to the best acquainted and discerning, to be all in their\\nadaptions, tending to one end; to complete the destruction of\\nthe original principles of the College and School, and to establish\\na new modified system to strengthen the interests of a party or\\nsect, which, by extending its influence, under the fairest profes-\\nsions, will eventually effect the political independe7ice of the people,\\nAND MOVE THE SPRINGS OF THEIR GOVERNMENT.\\nTo you, revered Legislators! the writer submits the foregoing\\nimportant considerations. He beholds in your Body, the sove-\\nreign of the State, holding by the Constitution and the very\\nnature of sovereignty in all countries, the sacred right, with\\nyour duty and responsibility to God, to visit and oversee the\\nliterary establishments, where the manners and feelings of the\\nyoung are formed, and grow up in the citizen, in after life; to\\nrestrain from injustice, and rectify abuses in their management;\\nand if necessary, to reduce them to their primitive principles, or\\nmodify their powers to become subservient to the public welfare.\\nTo your protection, and wise arrangements, he submits what-\\never he holds in official rights by the charter of the Seminary;\\nand to you his invaluable rights, as a subject and citizen.\\nHe entreats your honorable Body to take into consideration\\nthe state and concerns of the College and School, as laid before\\nyou and as the Legislature has never before found occasion to\\nprovide, by any tribunal, against the evils of the foregoing nature\\nand their ultimate dangers, he prays, that you would please, by\\na committee, invested with competent powers, or otherwise,\\nto look into the affairs and managements, of the Institution,\\ninternal, and external, already referred to; and, if judged expedi-\\nent in your wisdom, make such organic improvements, and\\nmodel reforms in its system and movements, as, under Divine\\nProvidence, will guard against the disorders and their appre-\\nhended consequences. He begs only to add the contemplated\\njoys of the friends of man and virtue, in the result of your great\\nwisdom and goodness, which may secure this seat of science;\\n43", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0739.jp2"}, "740": {"fulltext": "674 Appendix.\\nthat, instead of a theatre for the purpose of a few terminating\\nin public calamity, it may become an increasing source of bless-\\nings to the State, and to mankind of the present and succeeding\\nages.\\nWhatever disposal your honorable Body may please to make\\nof the subject now presented, the subscriber will never cease to\\nretain the most humble deference, and dutiful respect.\\nJOHN WHEELOCK.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0740.jp2"}, "741": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX B.\\nREMONSTRANCE OF THE TRUSTEES.\\nTo the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives oj the\\nState of New Hampshire, in General Court convened:\\nThe undersigned, three of the members of the Board of Trustees\\nof Dartmouth college, having this morning seen a printed copy\\nof a bill before the Honorable House, the provisions of which,\\nshould they go into effect, would set aside the charter of the Col-\\nlege, and wholly change the administration of its concerns, beg\\nleave respectfully to remonstrate against its passage. They\\nregret that they have had no more time to take the same into\\nconsideration.\\nThe provisions of the bill, referred to, change the name of the\\nCorporation; enlarge the number of Trustees; alter the number\\nto constitute a quorum; render persons living out of the State,\\nwho are now eligible, hereafter ineligible; vacate the seats of\\nthose members who are not inhabitants of the State; deprive the\\nTrustees of the right of electing members to supply vacancies;\\nand give to the new Board of Trustees an arbitrary power of\\nannulling every thing heretofore transacted by the Trustees and\\nthis last, without the concurrence of the proposed Board of\\nOverseers. The consent of the present Board of Trustees is,\\nin no instance, contemplated as necessary to give validity to\\nthe new act of incorporation.\\nIn the opinion of the undersigned, these changes, modifications,\\nand alterations, effectually destroy the present Charter of the\\nCollege, and constitute a new one.\\nIt will be recollected, that Doctor John Wheelock, at the last\\nsession of the Legislature, presented a memorial, in which the\\nconduct of a majority of the Trustees was in no small degree\\nimplicated. About the same time, certain pamphlets were put\\ninto circulation, designed to excite a strong impression in favor\\nof that memorial. The Honorable Legislature, in their wisdom,\\nappointed a committee to take the said memorial into considera-\\ntion; and Doctor Wheelock was heard before them, the adverse\\nparty not being notified or present. The result was, the appoint-\\n675", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0741.jp2"}, "742": {"fulltext": "676 Appendix.\\nment of a committee to investigate the affairs of the College, and\\nreport facts. An investigation accordingly took place; and\\nboth Doctor Wheelock and the Trustees were by this last men-\\ntioned committee permitted to make such statements, and pro-\\nduce such evidence, as the occasion required. A long detailed\\nreport of the committee of investigation has been submitted\\nto your Honorable Bodies; but after the same had been once\\nread to the respective Branches, and before it was printed in\\npursuance of the order of the Honorable House, and put into the\\nhands of the members for perusal, the bill now before the Honor-\\nable House was, by a joint committee of both Branches, ordered\\nto be reported, without taking into consideration the report of\\nthe committee of investigation, and without requiring any further\\nevidence of facts. For the correctness of the above detail, the\\nundersigned respectfully appeal to the Honorable members of\\nthe Legislature.\\nThey now, in the most respectful manner, remonstrate against\\nthe passage of the bill under consideration, for the following\\nreasons\\nShould the bill become a law, it will be obvious to our fellow\\ncitizens that the Trustees of Dartmouth College will have been\\ndeprived of their Charter rights without having been sum-\\nmoned or notified of any such proceeding against them. It will\\nbe equally obvious to our fellow citizens, that the facts reported\\nby the committee of investigation did not form the ground and\\nbasis of the new act of incorporation; and that no evidence of\\nfacts, of any sort, relating to the official conduct of the Trustees,\\nother than the report of the committee of investigation, was\\nsubmitted to your Honorable Bodies. To deprive a Board of\\nTrustees of their Charter rights, after they have been accused of\\ngross misconduct in office, ivithout requiring any proof whatever\\nof such misconduct, appears to your remonstrants unjust, and not\\ncofiformable to the spirit of the free and happy government under\\nwhich we live. To these remarks, it cannot be considered a\\nsatisfactory answer, that the design of the Legislature was to\\nimprove the condition of the College, and that it was no part of\\ntheir design to express disapprobation of the official conduct of\\nthe Trustees; for the simple fact of depriving the Trustees of\\ntheir Charter rights, and of removing a part of them from office\\nby law, after having been charged with gross misconduct, gives\\na contradiction to such an answer, and in the strongest language.\\nThe undersigned humbly believe, that the majority of the Trus-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0742.jp2"}, "743": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 677\\ntees, in common with their fellow citizens, are entitled to a fair\\ntrial, where they can m.eet their accusers face to face, before they\\ncan rightfully, by the Legislature of the State, be denounced\\nto the world in express terms, or by necessary implication, as\\nhaving violated the sacred trust committed to their charge. If\\nthe bill be understood by the Legislature as a condemnation of\\nthe Trustees, the undersigned would fain persuade themselves\\nthat the Honorable House, and Senate, will not pass it, till they\\nhave cited the Trustees to appear before them, and given them\\ntime to meet and act upon the citation, and to be heard by them-\\nselves and counsel. If it be not thus understood, why are part\\nof them deprived of their Charter rights? If it be not intended\\nto be thus understood, we think that a section should have been\\nintroduced, expressly guarding against such a construction; and\\nthat the tenth section should be omitted.\\nThe undersigned respectfully remonstrate against the passage\\nof the bill referred to, on the ground of want of legitimate power\\nto dissolve, in this manner, the Corporation of a literary institu-\\ntion, not founded by the State, without judicial inquiry. The\\nCharter of Dartmouth College vests certain rights of property,\\nfor particular uses, in the Trustees. The Sovereign power hav-\\ning once made this grant, cannot, as the Trustees humbly con-\\nceive, divest them of it, so long as they exercise their trust\\nin conformity to the true intent and meaning of the Charter.\\nThey respectfully call to the view of the Honorable Legislature,\\nthat Dartmouth College was not founded by the then existing\\nSovereign. It was founded and endowed by liberal individuals;\\nand the Charter was given by the Sovereign, to perpetuate the\\napplication of the property conformably to the design of the\\ndonors. If the property has been misapplied, if there has been\\nany abuse of power upon the part of the Trustees, they are fully\\nsensible of their high responsibility; but they have always be-\\nlieved, and still believe, that a sound construction of the powers\\ngranted to the Legislature, gives them, in this case, only the\\nright to order, for good cause, a prosecution in the Judicial Courts.\\nA different course effectually blends Judicial and Legislative\\npowers, and constitutes the Legislature a Judicial tribunal.\\nThe undersigned also beg leave to remonstrate against the\\npassage of the bill, on the ground of inexpediency.\\nA Corporation is a creature of the law, to which certain powers,\\nrights, and privileges, are granted; and amongst others, that of\\nholding property. Destroy this creature, this body politic, and", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0743.jp2"}, "744": {"fulltext": "678 Appendix.\\nall its property immediately reverts to its former owners. This\\ndoctrine has long been recognized and established in all govern-\\nments of law. Any material alteration of the Corporation,\\nwithout its consent, and certainly such essential alterations as\\nthe bill under consideration is intended to make, will be followed\\nwith the same effect. The funds belonging to the College, al-\\nthough not great, are highly important to the institution; and a\\nconsiderable proportion of them were granted by, and lie in, the\\nState of Vermont. The undersigned most earnestly entreat\\nthe Honorable Legislature not to put the funds of the College\\nin jeopardy not to put at hazard substantial income, under\\nexpectations which may or may not be realized.\\nThe revolution which this bill, if carried into operation, will\\nproduce, is not demanded by any present exigency, or any threat-\\nening danger. The College is as flourishing in respect to the\\nnumber of students, to scholarship, and to habits of industry\\nand good order, as it has been in former times. The committee\\nof investigation, in their report (page 33), testify, For several\\nyears past, the members of College have been more attentive to\\ntheir studies and classical exercises, more regular in their conduct,\\nand less inclined to dissipation of any sort, than in former times.\\nBy a document of the College Treasurer, accompanying the\\nReport, it appears that the income of the College exceeds its\\nexpenditures.\\nOn the ground of inexpediency, the undersigned solicit the\\nattention of the Honorable Legislature to the state of the public\\nmind in regard to this subject. Should the proposed bill pass\\ninto a law, they submit to the Honorable Legislature, whether\\nits inevitable tendency will not be to perpetuate the division of\\nopinion now existing in the community in relation to this inter-\\nesting concern, and to deprive the College of many students who\\nwould otherwise be sent to it for education. The union of the\\nwhole community, in support of the College, must be highly de-\\nsirable in the view of every well wisher to the cause of literature\\nand useful knowledge.\\nThe undersigned respectfully remonstrate against the passage\\nof the proposed bill, because it is unprecedented. Never have\\nthey heard, that the Legislature of any State, in which existed\\na proper division of power, has deprived the Corporation of a\\nCollege, or University, not founded by the State, of its Charter\\nrights, and erected a new one upon its ruins. The constituting\\nof two large bodies, as contemplated by this bill, will render", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0744.jp2"}, "745": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 679\\nnecessary a very serious augmentation of expenditures. These\\nnumerous bodies, we think, will need twice as much time for\\ntransacting the ordinary business of a session, as has been em-\\nployed by the existing Trustees. The average number of Trus-\\ntees, who have usually met, may be placed at ten; and the average\\nexpense of a meeting, at one hundred dollars. Taking this as\\nthe basis of a calculation, and estimating the average number of\\nTrustees who will hereafter meet, should this bill pass, at fifteen,\\nand of Overseers at thirty, the expense of every session will be\\nnine hundred dollars. Who shall sustain this expense? The\\nCollege cannot. The State, we presume, will assume the charge.\\nBut this, the Honorable Legislature are aware, would be equiv-\\nalent to making to the College, at the present session, a dona-\\ntion, in money, of fifteen thousand dollars.\\nIf the provisions of this bill should take effect, we greatly fear\\nthat the concerns of the College will be drawn into the vortex\\nof political controversy. We refer particularly to that section\\nof the bill, which gives the appointment of Trustees and Over-\\nseers to the Governor and Council. The whole history of the\\nUnited States, for the last twenty years, teaches us a lesson which\\nought not to be kept out of view. Our literary Institutions\\nhitherto have been preserved from the influence of party. The\\ntendency of this bill, unless we greatly mistake, is to convert the\\npeaceful retreat of our College into a field for party warfare.\\nTo the report of the committee of investigation, the under-\\nsigned, in behalf of themselves and fellow Trustees, appeal for\\ntheir justification against the charges exhibited against them in\\nDr. Wheelock s Memorial. They rely, with great confidence,\\nthat the Report aforesaid will be attended to by the Hon.\\nLegislature and an impartial public, as evidence entitled to the\\nhighest consideration. By a reference to the Memorial, it will\\nbe seen, that the Trustees are charged directly or indirectly with\\nhaving exercised religious intolerance with having systematically\\npromoted one sect or party, with political objects dangerous to\\ngovernment. Dr. Wheelock alleged in the said Memorial, that\\nthe Trustees have misapplied the funds of the College; that they\\nhave invaded the rights of the Presidential office that they used\\nimproper means in the appointment of Executive officers; that\\nthey have formed an unjustifiable connexion with an academy;\\nand improperly furnished students thereof with aids from the\\nCollege Treasury; that they have obstructed the application of\\nthe funds of Moor s Charity School, according to their original", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0745.jp2"}, "746": {"fulltext": "68o Appendix.\\ndestination; that they have oppressed him in the discharge of\\nhis office as President. These are heavy charges; and if they\\nwere founded in truth, the Trustees deserve the severest repro-\\nbation. But if they were framed through a mistaken appre-\\nhension of motives and actions, or with the unjustifiable object\\nof exciting popular odium against the Trustees, to effect their\\nremoval from office, in either case common justice requires that\\nthe Trustees should not he permitted to suffer by the silence of the\\nLegislature, and most assuredly that a law should not be passed\\nwhich will be deemed by the ptiblic an expression of legislative\\ncondemnation.\\nWhilst the undersigned deem it their indispensable duty to\\nremonstrate in the most respectful terms against the passage\\nof the bill referred to, they have no objection, and they have no\\nreason to believe their fellow Trustees have any objection, to\\nthe passage of a law connecting the government of the State with\\nthat of the College, and creating every salutary check and re-\\nstraint upon the official conduct of the Trustees and their suc-\\ncessors that can be reasonably required; and with respectful\\ndeference they would propose the following outlines of a plan for\\nthat purpose.\\nThe Counsellors and Senators of New Hampshire, together\\nwith the Speaker of the House of Representatives for the time\\nbeing, shall constitute a Board of Overseers of Dartmouth Col-\\nlege, any ten of whom shall be a quorum for transacting business.\\nThe Overseers shall meet annually at the College on the day\\npreceding commencement. They shall have an independent\\nright to organize their own body, and to form their own rules;\\nbut as soon as they shall have organized themselves, they shall\\ngive information thereof to the Trustees. Whenever any vote\\nshall have been passed by the Trustees, it shall be communicated\\nto the Overseers, and shall not have effect until it shall have\\nthe concurrence of the Overseers Provided nevertheless, that\\nif at any meeting a quorum of the Overseers shall not be formed,\\nthe Trustees shall have full power to confer degrees, in the same\\nmanner as though there were no Overseers; and also to appoint\\nTrustees or other officers, (not a President or Professor), and to\\nenact such laws as the interests of the Institution shall indis-\\npensably require; but no law passed by the Trustees shall in such\\ncase have force longer than until the next annual meeting of the\\nBoards, unless it shall then be approved by the Overseers. Nei-\\nther of the Boards shall adjourn, except from day to day, without", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0746.jp2"}, "747": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 68 r\\nthe consent of the other. It shall be the duty of the President\\nof the College, whenever in his opinion the interests of the Insti-\\ntution shall require it, or whenever requested thereto by three\\nTrustees, or three Overseers, to call special meetings of both\\nBoards, causing notice to be given in writing to each Trustee and\\nOverseer, of the time and place; but no meeting of one Board\\nshall ever be called except at the same time and place with the\\nother. It shall be the duty of the President of the College annu-\\nally, in the month of May, to transmit to His Excellency the\\nGovernor a full and particular account of the state of the funds,\\nthe number of students and their progress, and generally the state\\nand condition of the College.\\nIf the plan above suggested should meet the approbation of\\nthe Honorable Legislature, and good men of all parties give it\\ntheir sanction, we may all anticipate, with high satisfaction, the\\nfuture prosperity of the College, and its incalculable usefulness\\nto the State; but if a union of the friends of literature and science,\\nof all parties and sects, cannot be attained; if the triumph of one\\nparty over the other be absolutely indispensable; fearful appre-\\nhensions must fill the mind of every considerate man every dis-\\npassionate friend of Dartmouth College.\\nTho. W. Thompson,\\nElijah Paine,\\nAsa M Farland.\\nJune 19th, 1816.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0747.jp2"}, "748": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX C.\\nCATALOGUE OF THE UNIVERSITY.\\nPRESIDENTS.\\nRev. Francis Brown, D. D., declined; removed February 22, 1817.\\nHon. John Wheelock, LL. D., elected, February 22, 1817; died April 4, 181 7.\\nRev. William Allen, elected June 4, 18 17.\\nTRUSTEES.\\nRev. Francis Brown, D. D., declined; removed February 22, 1817.\\nHon. Nathaniel Niles, declined; removed August 26, 1817.\\nHon. Thomas W. Thompson, declined; removed August 26, 1817.\\nHon. Stephen Jacob, died January 27, 181 7.\\nHon Timothy Farrar, declined; removed January 22, 181 7.\\nHon. Elijah Paine, declined; removed August 26, 1817.\\nHon. John T. Oilman, did not act in either Board during the con-\\ntest.\\nHon. Charles Marsh, declined; removed August 26, 181 7.\\nRev. Asa McFarland, declined; removed February 22, 181 7.\\nRev. John Smith, declined; removed August 25, 181 8.\\nRev. Seth Payson, declined; removed February 22, 1817.\\nPresent\\nGov. William Plumer, ex officio\\nHon. Josiah Bartlett, Stratham\u00c2\u00bb\\nHon. Joshua Darling, Henniker\\nHon. Wm. H. Woodward, Hanover\\nMatthew Harvey, Esq., Hopkinton\\nLevi Woodbury, Esq., Francestown\\nHenry Hubbard, Esq., Charlestown\\nDr. Cyrus Perkins, Hanover\\nAaron Hutchinson, Lebanon\\nDaniel M. Durell, Esq., Dover\\nJohn Harris, Hopkinton\\nMoses Eastman, Salisbury\\nIchabod Bartlett, Portsmouth\\nElected Feb. 22, 181 7, Hon. John Wheelock, Han\\nover, vice F. Brown, removed.\\n682\\nQ\\nB.\\nX X\\nX X\\nX\\nXXX", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0748.jp2"}, "749": {"fulltext": "Appendix.\\n683\\nl^i\\nJ S\\nQ 4\\nI\\nElected June 4, 1817, Rev. William Allen, Han-\\nover, wee J. Wheelock deceased.\\nElected Dec. 24, 1816, Hon. Salma Hale, Keene.\\nRev. Thomas Beede, Wilton, vice Seth\\nPayson\\nRev. Elijah Dunbar, Peterborough, vice\\nAsa McFarland\\nDr. Cyrus Perkins, Hanover, vice Tim-\\nothy Farrar\\nRev. Wm. Morrison, Londonderry, vice\\nElijah Paine\\nHon. George B. Upham, Claremont,\\nvice Charles Marsh\\nRev. Stephen B. Farley, Claremont, vice\\nNath l Niles\\nRev, Elijah Parish, Newburyport, vice\\nT. W. Thompson\\nThomas Whipple, Wentworth i\\nAugust. 26, 1 8 18, Josiah Dunham, Windsor\\nAugust 26, 1818, Rev. James W. Woodward,\\nNorwich, Vt\\nOVERSEERS.\\nHis Exc y Jonas Galusha, Gov. Vt., Shaftsbury, Vt., ex officio.\\nHon. Paul Brigham, Lt. Gov. Vt., Norwich, Vt.,\u00c2\u00bb ex officio.\\nHon. Jonathan Harvey, New London, Pres. Senate, N. H., ex officio.\\nHon. David L. Morrill, Goflfstown, Speaker H. R., 1816-17,1 ex officio.\\nHon. Henry B. Chase, Warner, Speaker H. R., 181 7-18, ex officio.\\nHon. Matthew Harvey, Hopkinton, Speaker H. R., 1818-19, ex officio.\\nMessrs. Josiah Bartlett, Woodbury and Hubbard did not sit with the Board after its first\\nmeeting. Mr. Hubbard, and probably the other two, resigned, as the other names make the\\nfull quota of the Board. Dr. Perkins apparently did not accept the first appointment. The\\nsuccession is not always given in the records, but was probably as indicated, the four chosen\\nDecember 31, 1817, filling the vacancies caused by the removal of the four old trustees, without\\nspecial designation, The date of Mr. Whipple s election is not recorded.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0749.jp2"}, "750": {"fulltext": "684\\nAppendix.\\nJu\\nf Hon. John Langdon, Portsmouth.*\\nWilliam Gray, Esq., Boston, Mass.^\\nGen. Henry Dearborn, Roxbury, Mass.*\\nRev. Thomas Baldwin, Boston, Mass.\\nHon. Joseph Story, Salem, Mass.*\\nHon. B. W. Crowninshield, Salem, Mass., Sec y U. S. Navy.*\\nHon. Benjamin Greene, Berwick, Me.\\nHon. Cyrus King, Saco, Me.\\nElisha Ticknor, Esq., Boston, Mass.\\nHon. Clifton Claggett, Amherst.\\nHon. Dudley Chase, Randolph, Vt.\u00c2\u00bb\\nGen. H. A. S. Dearborn, Boston, Mass.\u00c2\u00bb\\nHon. Jona. H. Hubbard, Windsor, Vt.\\nHon. George Sullivan, Exeter.\\nJames T. Austin, Esq., Boston, Mass.\\nHon. Levi Lincoln, Jr., Worcester, Mass.*\\nHon. Albion K. Parris, Paris, Me.\u00c2\u00bb\\nDr. Amos Twitchell, Keene.i\\nI Hon. Wm. A. Griswold, Danville, Vt.\u00c2\u00bb\\niHon. Clement Storer, Portsmouth, also ex officio, Pres t Senate 1817-\\n18.1\\nRev. David Sutherland, Bath.\\nHon. Arthur Livermore, Holderness.\\nHon. William Badger, Gilmanton.\\nRev. William Bentley, D. D., Salem, Mass.\\nHon. Judah Dana, Fryeburg, Me.\\nHon. Jeduthan Wilcox, Orford.\\nHon. Ezra Bartlett, Haverhill.\\nStephen P. Webster, Haverhill,\\nne 10, 1817, Hon. Roger Vose, Walpole, wcc Arthur Livermore, declined.\\nTREASURERS.\\nHon. Wm. H. Woodward, 1816-August 9, 1818.\\nCyrus Perkins, M.D., August 1818-June 9, 1819.\\nJoshua Darling, June 9, 1819.\\nPROFESSORS.\\nRev. William Allen, chosen professor of Logic, Metaphysics and Ethics, Feb-\\nruary 6, 181 7, declined and chosen professor of Theology, February 22,\\n1817.\\nNathaniel Hazeltine Carter, chosen professor of Languages, February 6, 1818.\\nJames Dean, A. M., chosen professor of Mathematics and Philosophy, Feb-\\nruary 22, 181 7.\\nPresent at the first meeting of the Overseers.\\nThe appointments of July 4, together with the ex ojficto members filled the Board, but as the\\nlist in the catalogue of the University, published in the fall of 1816, gives but nineteen names,\\nthose marked being wanting, these six of the appointees must have declined. As seven new\\nappointments were made in December, another of the original appointees must have declined,\\nbut it is uncertain who it was. Of the seven Mr. Livermore declined and Mr. Vose was ap-\\npointed in his place.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0750.jp2"}, "751": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 685\\nCyrus Perkins, M.D., Professor of Anatomy and Surgery, came over from the\\nCollege.\\nRev. Thomas Coleman Searle, chosen professor of Logic, Metaphysics and\\nEthics, June 13, 1817.\\nTUTORS.\\nThomas Cogswell Upharn, 1818.\\nJeremiah Elkins, preceptor Moore s Charity School under President Allen,\\nSeptember 8, 1817-August 27, 1818.\\nDEGREES CONFERRED.!\\n1817.\\nBachelors of A rts.\\nDavid Ames, Canterbury, N. H.\u00c2\u00ab Samuel Barlow Mead, Amesbury, Mass.*\\nJeremiah Elkins, Andover, N. H.\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00ab Lemuel Merrill. Warren, N. H.\u00c2\u00ab\\nHorace Fletcher, Cavendish, Vt.\u00c2\u00ab Stephen Rice Page, Haverhill, N. H.\u00c2\u00ab\\nDaniel Goodenow. John Wilcox, Newport, N. H.\u00c2\u00bb\\nAustin Hersey, Leicester, Mass.\\nMasters of Arts in Course.\\nJoseph P. Allen, 18 14. Gen. Eleazer W. Ripley, 1800.\\nJohn Anderson, 1814.* Rev. Thomas C. Searle, 1812.\\nHorace Chase, 1814. Elisha Fuller Wallace, 181 1.\\nRev. Alpheus Harding, 1805. David Willard, 1809.\\nJoseph Merrill, 1 8 14.\\nHonorary Degrees.\\nA. M., Gen. James Miller. Rev. Titus Strong.\\nSamuel Prentiss, Esq. Erastus Torrey, M. D.\u00c2\u00bb\\nLL. D., His Excellency James Monroe, President of the United States.\\nD. D., Rev. William Morrison, Londonderry, N. H.\\nDoctors in Medicine.*\\nEbenezer Alden, M. B. 181 1. Zadock Howe, M. B. 1809.\\nRobert Burns, Warren, N. H. Oliver Hubbard, M B, 181 1.\\nSamuel Clark, M. B. 1811. Rufus Longley, M. B. 1811.\\nEzekiel Dodge Gushing, M. B. 1811. Charles Taft, M. B. 1811.\\nBenjamin Franklin Greene, South Berwick, Me.\\n1 Dartmouth Gazette, September 10, 1817.\\nThese went to the University from the College.\\nThese names appear also in the College classes. Wilcox completed his studies and toolc hit\\ndegree from the College in 18 16.\\nThese names appear in the minutes but not in the Gazette.\\nThese names appear in the Gazette but not in the minutes.\\nBurns and Greene were medical students; all the others were medical graduates in the years\\nIndicated, but before 1812 the degree given was M. B.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0751.jp2"}, "752": {"fulltext": "686 Appendix.\\nDEGREES CONFERRED.\\n1818.\\nBachelors of Arts.\\nLuther Clark, Claremont, N. H. James White, Chester, N. H.\\nThomas C. Upham, Rochester, N. H.\u00c2\u00bb Samuel Whiting, Hopkinton, N. H.\\nMasters of Arts in Course.\\nRichard Bartlett, 181 5. John Fletcher, 1815.\\nDaniel Breck, 1812. Joseph Russell Jarvis, 18 10.\\nAlexander Ralston Chase, 1814. David Steele, 18 15.\\nJohn Davis, 18 15. Henry Woodward, 181 5.\\nDoctors in Medicine.\\nJoshua Bartlett, Unity, N. H., M. B. 1800. James A. Gregg, Unity, N. H.\\nCaleb Buswell, New Grantham, N. H. John Parkhurst.\\nJohn Campbell.* Nathaniel Smith, Halifax, Vt.\\nHall Chase, Fryeburg, Me. Jacob Straw, Hopkinton, N. H.\\nCharles Fox, Hanover, N. H. Carlos White, Sandwich, N. H.\\nHonorary Degree.\\nD. D., Rev. William Hill, Winchester, Va.\\nClark had been a student in the College for a year in the class of 1815; Upham afterward\\ntook his degree from the College as of the same year.\\nThese names appear in the Gazette but not in the minutes.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0752.jp2"}, "753": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX D,\\nACTION OF THE TRUSTEES REFUSING TO ACCEPT A\\nCHANGE IN THEIR CHARTER.\\nThe Trustees of Dartmouth College have been informed,\\nthrough the public newspapers, that the Legislature of New-\\nHampshire at their last June session passed an act in the follow-\\ning words, viz.: An act to amend the charter and enlarge and\\nimprove the corporation of Dartmouth College etc.\\nWhereas knowledge and learning generally diffused through\\na community are essential to the preservation of a free govern-\\nment, and extending the opportunities and advantages of\\neducation is highly conducive to promote this end, and by the\\nConstitution it is made the duty of the Legislature and magis-\\ntrates to cherish the interests of literature and the sciences, and\\nail seminaries established for their advancement; and as the Col-\\nlege of this State may, in the opinion of the Legislature, be ren-\\ndered more extensively useful, therefore\\nSect. i. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-\\ntives in General Court convened, That the Corporation, heretofore\\ncalled and known by the name of the Trustees of Dartmouth\\nCollege, shall ever hereafter be called and known by the\\nname of the Trustees of Dartmouth University, and the whole\\nnumber of said Trustees shall be twenty-one, a majority of whom\\nshall form a quorum for the transaction of business. And they\\nand their successors in that capacity, as hereby constituted,\\nshall respectively forever have, hold, use, exercise and enjoy all\\nthe powers, authorities rights, property, liberties, privileges and\\nimmunities which have hitherto been possessed, enjoyed and\\nused by the Trustees of Dartmouth College except so far as\\nthe same may be varied or limited by the provisions of this act,\\nand they shall have power to determine the times and places of\\ntheir meeting, and manner of notifying the same to organize\\ncolleges in the university to establish an Institute, and elect\\nfellows and members thereof to appoint such ofificers as they\\nmay deem proper, and determine their duties and compensation,\\nand also to displace them to delegate the power of supplying\\n687", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0753.jp2"}, "754": {"fulltext": "688 Appendix.\\nvacancies in any of the offices of the University for any term of\\ntime not extending beyond their next meeting to pass ordinances\\nfor the government of the students, with reasonable penalties\\nnot inconsistent with the constitution, and laws of this State; to\\nprescribe the course of education, and confer degrees; and to\\narrange, invest and employ the funds of the University.\\nSect. 2. And be it further enacted, That there shall be a\\nBoard of Overseers, who shall have perpetual succession, and\\nwhose numbers shall be twenty five, fifteen of whom shall con-\\nstitute a quorum for the transaction of business. The President\\nof the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives\\nof New Hampshire, the Governor and Lieutenant Governor of\\nVermont, for the time being, shall be members of said Board\\nex officio. The Board of Overseers shall have power to determine\\nthe times and places of their meetings, and manner of notifying\\nthe same to inspect and confirm, or disapprove and negative\\nsuch votes and proceedings of the Board of Trustees, as shall\\nrelate to the appointment and removal of President, Professors,\\nand other permanent officers of the University, and determine\\ntheir salaries to the establishment of Colleges and Professor-\\nships, and the erection of new College buildings. Provided\\nalways, that the said negative shall be expressed within sixty\\ndays from the time of said Overseers being furnished with copies\\nof such acts. Provided also, that all votes and proceedings of\\nthe Board of Trustees shall be valid and effectual to all\\nintents and purposes, until such negative of the Board of Over-\\nseers be expressed according to the provisions of this act.\\nSect. 3. And he it further enacted, That there shall be a Treas-\\nurer of said Corporation, who shall be duly sworn, and who,\\nbefore he enters upon the duties of his office, shall give bonds\\nwith sureties to the satisfaction of the Corporation for the faith-\\nful performance thereof and also a Secretary to each of the\\nBoards of Trustees and Overseers, to be elected by said Boards\\nrespectively, who shall keep a just and true record of the pro-\\nceedings of the Board for which he was chosen. And it shall\\nfurthermore be the duty of the Secretary of the Board of Trus-\\ntees, to furnish as soon as may be, the said Board of Overseers\\nwith copies of the records of such votes and proceedings as by\\nthe provisions of this act are made subject to their revision and\\ncontrol.\\nSect. 4. And be it further enacted. That the President of\\nDartmouth University, and his successors in office, shall have", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0754.jp2"}, "755": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 689\\nthe superintendance of the government and instruction of the\\nstudents, and may preside at all meetings of the Trustees; and\\ndo and execute all the duties devolving by usage on the President\\nof a University. He shall render annually to the Governor of\\nthis State an account of the number of students, and of the state\\nof the funds of the University; and likewise copies of all impor-\\ntant votes and proceedings of the Corporation and Overseers,\\nwhich shall be made out by the Secretaries of the respective\\nBoards.\\nSect. 5. And he it further enacted, That the President and\\nProfessors of the University shall be nominated by the Trustees\\nand approved by the Board of Overseers; and shall be liable to\\nbe suspended or removed from office in manner as before pro-\\nvided. And each of the two Boards of Trustees and Overseers\\nshall have power to suspend and remove any member of their\\nrespective Boards.\\nSect. 6. And he it further enacted, That the Governor and\\nCouncil are hereby authorized to fill all vacancies in the Board\\nof Overseers, whether the same be original vacancies, or are\\noccasioned by the death, or resignation or removal of any member.\\nAnd the Governor and Council in like manner shall by appoint-\\nment as soon as may be, complete the present Board of Trustees\\nto the number of twenty one, as provided for by this act, and\\nshall have power also to fill all vacancies that may occur previous\\nto, or during the first meeting of the said Board of Trustees.\\nBut the President of said University, for the time being, shall\\nnevertheless be a member of the said Board of Trustees ex officio.\\nAnd the Governor and Council shall have power to inspect the\\ndoings and proceedings of the Corporation, and of all the members\\nof the University, whenever they deem it expedient and they\\nare hereby required to make such inspection, and report the same\\nto the Legislature of this State as often as once in every five\\nyears. And the Governor is hereby authorized and requested\\nto summon the first meeting of the said Trustees and Overseers,\\nto be held at Hanover on the 26th day of August next.\\nSect. 7. And he it further enacted. That the President and\\nProfessors of the University, before entering upon the duties of\\ntheir offices, shall take the oath to support the Constitution of\\nthe United States, and of this State; certificates of which shall be\\nfiled in the office of the Secretary of this State, within sixty days\\nfrom their entering on their offices respectively.\\nSect. 8. And he it further enacted. That perfect freedom of", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0755.jp2"}, "756": {"fulltext": "690 Appendix.\\nreligious opinions shall be enjoyed by all the officers and students\\nof the University; and no officer or student shall be deprived of\\nany honors, privileges, or benefits of the Institution on account\\nof his religious creed or belief. The Theological Colleges\\nwhich may be established in the University shall be founded on\\nthe same principles of religious freedom; and any man or body\\nshall have a right to endow Colleges or Professorships of any\\nsect of the Protestant Christian Religion. And the Trustees\\nshall be held and obliged to appoint professors of learning and\\npiety of such sects, according to the will of the donors.\\nThe Trustees deem it their duty to place on their records the\\nfollowing facts:\\nAt the session of the Legislature of the State holden in June\\nA. D. 1815, Doctor John Wheelock, the then president of the\\nCollege presented a memorial to that body, in which he charged\\na majority of the Trustees of the College with gross misbehavior\\nin office.\\nDoctor Wheelock s memorial was committed to a joint com-\\nmittee of both branches of the Legislature, and he was fully\\nheard before the Committee ex parte, neither the Trustees nor\\nthe members then present being notified or heard.\\nThe Legislature thereupon appointed the Hon^^^ Daniel a\\nWhite, Hon^ Nathaniel A. Haven and Rev. Ephraim P. Brad-\\nford a committee to repair to the College, and investigate facts,\\nand report thereon. The said Committee did in August follow-\\ning meet at the College, heard both Doctor Wheelock in support\\nof his charges against the Trustees and the Trustees in their de-\\nfence, and at the session of the Legislature in June last made\\ntheir report, which has been published.\\nThe report of facts made by Messrs. White, Haven and Brad-\\nford was committed to a joint Committee of both Branches, and\\nthis last Committee in their report expressly decline considering\\nthe report of facts as the proper ground upon which the Legislature\\nought to proceed in relation to the College.\\nThe Trustees were not notified at any stage of the proceedings\\nto appear by themselves or agent before the Legislature and\\nanswer the charges exhibited against them by the said Wheelock.\\nThomas W. Thompson, Elijah Paine, and Asa McFarland,\\nthree of the Trustees implicated, attended the Legislature in\\nJune last, and respectfully petitioned for the privilege of being", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0756.jp2"}, "757": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 691\\nheard on the floor of the house (a privilege seldom denied to par-\\nties in interest) in behalf of themselves, and the other Trustees,\\nbut were refused.\\nDuring the same session the said Thompson, Paine and Mc-\\nFarland presented to the Legislature a remonstrance against the\\npassage of the bill relating to the College, then pending.\\nAnd afterwards, on the 24th day of June the said Thompson\\nand McFarland presented to the Legislature another remon-\\nstrance, against the passage of the act now under consideration\\nBoth remonstrances were read and laid on the table\\nNo facts were proved to the Legislature, and no report of facts\\nof any Legislative Committee was made to show that the state\\nof things at the College rendered any Legislative interference\\nnecessary. The act passed by small majorities, in the House of\\nRepresentatives and the Senate.\\nThe Trustees forbear to make any comment on the foregoing\\nfacts.\\nThey consider themselves under a high responsibility to their\\nfellow citizens, and to the benefactors of the College to pursue\\nthat course in relation to the said act, and the facts stated, which\\nwill prove ultimately most beneficial to the present and succeed-\\ning generations. They are very sensible of their own liability\\nto err. Nor do they believe that Legislative majorities are\\nexempt from the same imperfection. Compelled as they are by\\nthe necessities of the case to accept or refuse the provisions of\\nthe said act, they cannot avoid deciding the question.\\nThey find the law fully settled and recognized in almost every\\ncase which has arisen wherein a Corporation, or any member or\\nofficer is a party, that no man, or body of men is bound to accept\\nor act under any grant or gift of corporate powers and privileges;\\nand that no existing Corporation is bound to accept, but may\\ndecline or refuse to accept any act or grant conferring any addi-\\ntional powers or privileges, or making any restriction or limita-\\ntion of those they already possess. And in case a grant is made\\nto individuals, or to a Corporation without application, it is to\\nbe regarded not as an act obligatory or binding upon them, but\\nas an ofi er or proposition to confer such powers and privileges,\\nor the expression of a desire to have them accept such restriction\\nwhich they are at liberty to accept or reject.\\nThe Trustees apprehend, from the course taken by the Leg-\\nislature, that an opinion prevails that the said act is constitu-\\ntionally binding upon them whether they accept its provisions", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0757.jp2"}, "758": {"fulltext": "692 Appendix.\\nor not; and that the gentlemen appointed as Trustees under the\\nact are constitutionally vested by it, with the rights and privi-\\nleges granted by the charter of 1769. Against this opinion they\\nobserv^e that by the charter of 1769 the Trustees of Dartmouth\\nCollege, in the language of the law, by incorporation acquired\\njus persona, and became persona politica, and capable of all civil\\nrights, and were rendered capable of holding real and personal\\nestate, and of enjoying the rights and privileges recited in the\\nsaid charter. In the same charter it is declared that the whole\\nnumber of Trustees shall forever thereafter consist of twelve\\nand no more, and that the said Trustees and their successors,\\nso often as any one or more of the said Trustees shall die, etc.,\\nshall elect and appoint such Trustee or Trustees as shall supply\\nthe place of him or those so dying, etc.\\nHere then was a grant of powers and privileges made on the\\npart of Government to the twelve persons named in the charter\\nand their successors, which was accepted upon the part of the\\nTrustees. The rights and privileges thus granted, became vested.\\nEverything was done which could be done by the government to\\nclothe the grantees with the powers, privileges and immunities\\nof an incorporation and among others the powers and privileges\\nof acquiring, and holding property and of perpetuating its own\\nexistence, by a successive election of members, for the security\\nand continuance of those powers and privileges in their successors;\\nand for the application of such property as they might acquire,\\nto the purposes and objects for which they were incorporated.\\nAll property which they have acquired by purchase or donation\\nhas become vested in them in trust, that its avails shall be applied\\nto the objects for which it was purchased or given agreeably to\\nthe principles of their charter.\\nThe Trustees having by the charter become a body politic, a\\nperson known in law, they cannot without a violation of the\\nConstitution of this State be despoiled or deprived of their\\nproperty, immunities or privileges or put out of the protection of\\nlaw, but by the judgment of their peers, or the law of the land.\\nAnd as a person known in law they are constitutionally entitled\\nin common with their fellow citizens to a trial by jury, when any\\nmatter is alleged against them as cause of forfeiture of their\\nproperty, powers, rights, privileges or immunities.\\nThis grant having been made by the charter of 1769, and ac-\\ncepted by the Trustees named in the instrument, it becomes a", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0758.jp2"}, "759": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 693\\ncontract, and irrevocable on the part of the government in its\\nvery nature, so long as its terms are complied with. It may be\\nsurrendered or forfeited. If forfeited, a judicial enquiry must\\nbe had, according to the Constitution and Laws of the State.\\nIt is not competent for the Legislature to decide the question of\\nforfeiture. The Constitution forbids it, and refers it to the judi-\\ncial department of government. Any act of the Legislature alter-\\ning or impairing the contract, without the consent of the Trustees,\\nmust, we apprehend, be considered by the judicial tribunal a\\nviolation of the loth Section of the first article of the Constitu-\\ntion of the United States, which declares, No State shall make\\nany law impairing the obligation of contracts.\\nThe said act of the Legislature, which passed without the\\nconsent of the Trustees, is intended to enlarge the number of\\ntheir body from the charter number of twelve, to that of twenty-\\none, and contrary to the provisions of the charter gives the ap-\\npointment of the nine additional Trustees to the Governor and\\nCouncil and also gives to the Governor and Council the power\\nto fill all vacancies that may occur previous to, or during the first\\nmeeting of the said Board of Trustees; and declares, that the\\nTrustees as constituted by said act, shall hold, use, exercise and\\nenjoy all the powers, authorities, rights, property, etc., which have\\nhitherto been possessed, enjoyed and used by the Trustees of\\nDartmouth College. Unless we greatly err, these and other pro-\\nvisions of said act, if carried into operation without any trial by\\njury, without any forfeiture judicially declared, and without our\\nconsent, are palpable violations of the contract between the\\nGovernment and the Grantees under the charter of 1769, and\\nthus far, a revocation of the grant to the Trustees of Dartmouth\\nCollege, and their successors.\\nIf the act under consideration has its intended operation and\\neffect, every literary institution in the State will hereafter hold\\nits rights, privileges and property, not according to the settled\\nestablished principles of law, but according to the arbitrary will\\nand pleasure of every successive Legislature.\\nWe cannot see the expediency of accepting the provisions of\\nthe said act, considering the circumstances under which it passed,\\nand considering the unwieldy number of Overseers and Trustees\\nit proposes, and the great increase of expense it will necessarily\\noccasion.\\nAfter much consideration we are decidedly of opinion, that the\\nact before recited is unconstitutional, and that its tendency, in", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0759.jp2"}, "760": {"fulltext": "694 Appendix.\\npoint of precedent and principle, is dangerous to the best inter-\\nests of society, and to those principles on which depend the\\nprosperity of all the civil and literary institutions of our country.\\nWe, therefore, deem it our indispensable duty to resolve, and it\\nis hereby\\nResolved, That we the Trustees of Dartmouth College do not\\naccept the provisions of an act of the Legislature of New Hamp-\\nshire approved June 27th 181 6 entitled An act to amend the\\nCharter, and enlarge and improve the Corporation of Dartmouth\\nCollege, but do hereby expressly refuse to act under the same.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0760.jp2"}, "761": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX E,\\nREMONSTRANCE OF THE UNIVERSITY TRUSTEES.\\nTo the Rev. Francis Brown, Nathaniel Niks, Thomas W. Thomp-\\nson, Timothy Tartar, Elijah Paine, Charles Marsh, Asa\\nMcFarland, John Smith and Seth Payson:\\nGentlemen: Whereas by a law of the State of New Hampshire\\nentitled An Act to amend the charter and enlarge and improve\\nthe Corporation of Dartmouth College passed June 27th, 1816\\nit is among other things provided that the Corporation heretofore\\nknown by the name of Dartmouth College should hereafter be\\nknown by the name of Dartmouth University; and that the first\\nmeeting of the Trustees under said Act should be holden at Han-\\nover on the 26th of August instant;\\nAnd whereas the undersigned are duly constituted members\\nof the Board of Trustees of said Dartmouth University in con-\\nformity to the provisions of said Act;\\nAnd whereas his Excellency the Governor of said State did in\\ncompliance with the requisitions of the Act aforesaid summon a\\nmeeting of the Trustees of said University to be holden at Han-\\nover on the 26th instant; in obedience to which summons the\\nundersigned did convene and meet at this place for the purpose\\nin conjunction with the other Trustees of said University of\\ncarrying the provisions of said Act into effect;\\nAnd whereas you the said Francis Brown [and others as above]\\nbeing at Hanover aforesaid on the 26th instant were immediately\\nand individually addressed by a line from his Excellency notify-\\ning you of the time and place of our meeting as aforesaid, and\\nrequesting your attendance as Trustees of said University at\\nJudge Woodward s Treasury office with the undersigned for the\\npurposes aforesaid, to which note you have until this time dechned\\nan answer; and whereas the undersigned did by a committee\\nfrom their own body wait upon the Rev. Francis Brown to know\\nwhether or not you designed to meet with them for the purpose\\nof attending to the concerns of the University aforesaid, to which\\ncommittee the Rev. Francis Brown as your organ replied that it\\nwas not at that time determined either to conform to the Act\\n695", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0761.jp2"}, "762": {"fulltext": "^96 Appendix.\\naforesaid or to resist the same as illegal and not binding upon\\nyou as Trustees of Dartmouth College but that when you should\\nfinally determme upon one or other of the alternatives you would\\nimmediately mform the undersigned of the course you adopted-\\nAnd whereas you have this morning transmitted to his Excel-\\nlency a paper signed by Thomas W. Thompson purporting to be\\na resolve of the Trustees of Dartmouth College signifying your\\nnon-acceptance and rejection of the provisions of the Act afore-\\nsaid, and your explicit and peremptory refusal to act under the\\nsame J\\nAnd whereas the undersigned have strong reasons to believe\\nthat you m assummg to act as Trustees of Dartmouth College\\nintend to proceed in the administration of the concerns of the\\nInstitution against the consent of the undersigned, and in defi-\\nance of the Act aforesaid\\nThese are therefore to remonstrate against anv and all pro-\\nceedmgs and transactions exclusively yours in relation to said\\nInstitution since the 26th day of August instant.\\nThe undersigned do further in consideration of the premises\\nmake their solemn protest against any and all resolves acts\\ntransactions, matters and things already done or to be done by\\nyou the said Francis Brown c.J as Trustees of Dartmouth Col-\\nlege and since the said 26th day of August, A. D. 1816.\\nAnd we do hereby protest against the same as illegal and of\\nno effect.\\nAnd we do hereby earnestly exhort you forthwith to desist\\nfrom all and every act, matter and thing contravening the pro-\\nvisions of the Act aforesaid.\\nGov. Plume R,\\nDr. Josiah Bartlett,\\nJoshua Darling,\\nWilliam H. Woodward,\\nLevi Woodbury,\\nDr. Cyrus Perkins,\\nAaron Hutchinson,\\nDaniel M. Durell,\\nStephen Jacob,\\nHenry Hubbard.\\nDartmouth University, August 28th, 1816.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0762.jp2"}, "763": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX F.\\nCONTRACT\\nBETWEEN DARTMOUTH COLLEGE AND THE NEW HAMPSHIRE COLLEGE\\nOF AGRICULTURE AND THE MECHANIC ARTS.\\nThis Agreement, made and concluded this seventh day of\\nApril, 1868, by and between the New Hampshire College of\\nAgriculture and the Mechanic Arts, by their Trustees, of the\\nfirst part, and Dartmouth College, by their Trustees, of the second\\npart, witnesseth:\\nThat the party of the first part, under the authority of an Act\\nof the Legislature of New Hampshire, approved July 7, 1866,\\nentitled, An Act to incorporate the New Hampshire College of\\nAgriculture and the Mechanic Arts, and with a view to promote\\nthe usefulness of said institution; and in consideration of the\\nagreem.ents and contracts of the party of the second part, here-\\ninafter contained, do hereby covenant and agree to locate, and\\ndo locate and establish the said Institution at Hanover, in this\\nState, in connection with Dartmouth College. This location\\nand agreement, between the parties, being subject to be termi-\\nnated, upon a notice of one year, given by either party, at any\\ntime after fourteen years from July 7, 1866, as provided in said\\nAct, or on a notice of one year, given in the month of July, 1874,\\nby either party.\\nAnd in consideration of the above, the party of the second part\\nagree with the party of the first part, that they will cordially\\nco-operate with them in promoting the purposes for which the\\nNew Hampshire College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts\\nwas established; and they covenant and agree that so long as\\nsaid Institution shall be located at Hanover, in connection with\\nDartmouth College, they will furnish, so far as shall be desired\\nby the party of the first part, recitation and lecture rooms for the\\nuse of the said New Hampshire College of Agriculture and the\\nMechanic Arts, and will allow the students thereof the same\\nprivileges, as to the libraries, laboratories, apparatus and mu-\\nseums of Dartmouth College, as are now granted to the members\\nof the Chandler Scientific Department, for all which the party\\n697", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0763.jp2"}, "764": {"fulltext": "698 Appendix.\\nof the first part shall pay to the party of the second part such sum\\nas may, from time to time, be agreed on; and if, in this regard,\\nany differences of opinion shall arise between the party of the\\nfirst part and the party of the second part, the matter shall be\\nreferred to the Governor of New Hampshire, whose decisions\\nshall be final.\\nAnd it is further agreed, between the party of the first part\\nand the party of the second part, that so far as the services of\\nthe members of the Faculty of Dartmouth College shall be\\nneeded, and can properly be rendered, in carrying out the pro-\\ngramme of instruction in the New Hampshire College of Agricul-\\nture and the Mechanic Arts, they shall be at liberty to render\\nsuch service, and they shall receive from the party of the first\\npart the same compensation that is now given them for a like\\namount of instruction in the Chandler Scientific Department.\\nAnd it is also agreed, if the services of any professor in the\\nNew Hampshire College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts\\nshall be desired in Dartmouth College, it may be rendered on\\nthe same terms, provided the Trustees of the New Hampshire\\nCollege of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts shall deem it\\ncompatible with the interests of said Institution.\\nAnd it is further agreed, by and between the parties to this\\nindenture, that for the purpose of insuring not only wise appoint-\\nments but a harmonious co-operation between all the teachers\\nand Faculty of the several Associated Institutions, located at\\nHanover, a unanimous vote of the Trustees of the New Hamp-\\nshire College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts, present and\\nvoting at any regular meeting, shall be required for the election\\nof a Professor in said College, seven members being a quorum\\nfor this particular purpose. And it is further agreed, by and\\nbetween the parties to this indenture, that so far as deportment\\nis concerned, the Laws of Dartmouth College shall be binding\\nupon the students in the New Hampshire College of Agriculture\\nand the Mechanic Arts.\\nAnd it is further agreed, by the party of the second part, that\\nshould any property, of whatever sort, fall to the Trustees of\\nDartmouth College, by the will of the late David Culver, devoted\\nby said will to the purposes of agricultural instruction, in con-\\nnection with Dartmouth College, the Trustees of the said College\\nwill use the said property in accordance with the provisions of the\\nwill, with all due respect to the wants of the students of the New", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0764.jp2"}, "765": {"fulltext": "Appendix.\\n699\\nHampshire College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts, and\\nto any other object contemplated by the said College.\\nAnd the party of the second part do particularly agree, that\\nshould there be in the property coming to them by the will of\\nDavid Culver, aforesaid, a farm at Lyme, in the State of New-\\nHampshire, given by the said David Culver for the purpose of\\nan experimental farm, they will, if requested in writing by the\\nparty of the first part, furnish to them such reasonable portion\\nof said Culver farm and the buildings thereon, as may be needed\\nfor an experimental farm, to be managed under the general\\ndirection of the party of the first part. And in case said Culver\\nfarm does not come into the possession of the party of the second\\npart, they agree that they will hereafter co-operate with the\\nparty of the first part, in any reasonable way, in procuring the\\nuse of an experimental farm, if desired by the party of the first\\npart.\\nAnd it is finally agreed, by and between the parties to this\\nindenture, that the terms of connection between the New Hamp-\\nshire College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts and Dart-\\nmouth College may, at any time, be changed, by consent of both\\nthe parties aforesaid.\\nAgreed to and executed by the parties aforesaid, the day and\\nyear aforesaid.\\nAsa D. Smith,\\nZ. S. Barstow,\\nNath l Bouton,\\nGeo. W. Nesmith,\\nAnthony Colby,\\nP. B. Day,\\nEdward Spalding,\\n..i Asa D. Smith,\\nFrederick Smyth,\\ns^ -g J. D, Lyman,\\nS John B. Clarke,\\nC. C. Hutchins,\\nEdward Spalding,\\nAnthony Colby,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00c2\u00a71\\n^5 i\\ns -s\\n^o\\no*.h\\no S\\nX) Co J*", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0765.jp2"}, "766": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX G.\\nCIRCULAR OF R. GRAVES.\\nThe Agent for the Proprietors of the Bridge, now building over\\nConnecticut River in Hanover near Dartmouth College, submits\\nfor consideration the following statement:\\nThat the People in the neighbourhood of Hanover and those in\\nthe Towns of Vermont which are situate north and westward\\nof Hanover, wish to continue their Connections and enlarge their\\nbusiness with the Merchants in Boston, and by improving the\\nmeans of intercourse, to increase and render the connection more\\nadvantageous. The transport of Goods from Boston to Hanover,\\netc., and remittances back in produce have hitherto been expen-\\nsive uncertain and hazardous by means of the badness of the\\nRoad from the River Merrimack over the hight of land to Han-\\nover, and on that account many of the Traders have purchased\\ntheir goods at New York, and transported them from that place\\nby water. This also has been expensive slow and hazardous,\\nand must continue so, notwithstanding the efforts which have\\nbeen made for facilitating the means of water carriage on the\\nConnecticut River.\\nHanover is situate about 130 miles from Boston, about 100\\nm.iles of which between the two Towns, the road is excellent,\\n30 miles are bad and in some seasons almost impassable. Some\\npersons of enterprize prompted by the desire already mentioned,\\nand unwilling to wait for the ordinary improvements of the Road\\nby population of the Country and highway taxes, have petitioned\\nthe legislature of New hampshire to grant them the privilege\\nof making a turn-Pike Road from Merrimack River to Hanover.\\nThis Grant will undoubtedly be made at their next session; and\\nthe object accomplished with all convenient dispatch, provided\\nGentlemen of property are disposed to encourage the under-\\ntaking, as they undoubtedly will; Whenever this shall take place\\nwe may presume to say, that the road from Boston to Hanover\\nwill not be exceeded by any other Road of equal distance in\\nN England. The mouth of White River in Vermont is but a\\nfew miles from the aforesaid Bridge in Hanover, and the road\\n700", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0766.jp2"}, "767": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 701\\nbetween very good. The Course of said White Riv^er is south-\\neasterly, and it flows through a fertile Country, which is rapidly\\nincreasing in population: The Inhabitants in its neighbourhood\\nand on its Banks are enterprizing. The Road on this River,\\nfrom its mouth to its source, which is within a few miles of Onion\\nRiver may be made as good as on any River whatever. The\\nOnion River also flows through a country which is very fertile\\nand rapidly increasing in population, and empties into Lake\\nChamplain at Burlington bay at the distance of seventy miles\\nfrom Hanover; There is now a good Road on the Bank of this\\nRiver from its source to its confluence. Thus we have in pros-\\npect a most advantageous opening from Boston through a long\\nextent of Country, growing populous, and most of it fertile quite\\non to the british dominions in Canada.\\nIt is not at present easy to calculate what share of the fur\\ntrade now opening to the United States may be commanded\\nthrough this channel. It is highly probable, however, that it\\nwould be so considerable as to enhance the advantages of the\\ncommunication already described to an important degree.\\nGood calculators are of opinion that the Inhabitants of the\\nextensive Province of upper Canada which is increasing fast in\\npopulation, will on account of their situation, as the Treaty\\nlately made with the British will allow them, draw most of their\\nfoureign supplies from the United States; Two circumstances\\nstrongly concur to justify this opinion. The Country within the\\nBritish dominions between there and the sea is rough and unfa-\\nvourable to cultivation. It extends eastward a great distance\\nto the Sea and on account of the extent as well as roughness of\\nthe Country eastward of them, their prospects of procuring sup-\\nplies from their own sea ports, by land carriage must be very\\nfaint, as well as remote. The River St. Lawrence which flowes\\nthrough that Country is long and empties into the Sea at a great\\ndistance to the northward, so that they do not, it is said, make\\nbut one European voyage in each year. It may be an object\\nwell worth the attention of the Merchants in Boston, if these\\ncalculations are just to open a channel of communication with\\nthe province of upper Cannada.\\nThe Bridge now erecting over Connecticut River is a very con-\\nsiderable link in the great chain of connection. Its being situate\\nat the head of the proposed turn Pike Road, and near the conflu-\\nence of White River with the Connecticut uniting the most\\nimportant Road through New Hampshire to Boston, with that", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0767.jp2"}, "768": {"fulltext": "702 Appendix.\\nthrough the most fertile parts of Vermont to the waters of Lake\\nChamplain render it of the greatest importance to the above\\nevent. And its being the first wheal set in motion toward effect-\\ning the grand object, cannot, but opperate as a stimulous to\\nexcite the people in Vermont to use every exertion to make the\\nRoads leading to the aforesaid Bridge as good as possible: And\\nalso to influence the Legislature and people of New hampshire\\nto encourage the enterprise.\\nIf the above statements are just the aforesaid Bridge will not\\nonly promote the object hinted at, but will in itself be very pro-\\nductive to its owners. This appears evident from three impor-\\ntant circumstances: 1st from the rapid increase of wealth and\\npopulation in that Country 2^ from the amazing increase of\\ntraviling, by means of a turnPike Road, and the improvements\\nwhich are constantly making in that new Country on other\\nRoads, and 3*^ its being situate so near Dartmouth College. The\\nProprietors aforesaid, in order to facilitate the effecting of the\\nobject contemplated, in the fore going statement, wish to interest\\nsome gentlemen in the Town of Boston in the afore mentioned\\nBridge. And for that purpose as well as to convince any who\\nmay be disposed to purchase, that the Proprietors are not pros-\\necuting a scheme of deception or speculation, their Agent, in\\nbehalf of said Proprietors, submits to the Consideration of Gentle-\\nmen in Boston, the following proposals\\n1st They wish to dispose of one half the shares in said Bridge\\nand no more\\n2^ Good and sufiicient titles to the shares shall be made by proper\\nconveyance to purchasers previous to any advances of pur-\\nchase money\\n3** In order to render secure those purchasers who have not had\\nopportunity of being acquainted with the prospects of ad-\\nvantage from said Bridge the Proprietors will if requested\\ncovenant to warrant that the neat proceeds from the toll\\nshall amount to at least eight or nine per centum per annum\\nfor the three first years after the bridge shall be completed.\\nIt is presumed that after the expiration of three years the\\nneat proceeds will be from ten to twenty per centum per\\nannum.\\nR. Graves, Agent for the Proprietors.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0768.jp2"}, "769": {"fulltext": "INDEX", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0769.jp2"}, "770": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0770.jp2"}, "771": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nAbsences, 267, 277, 390.\\nAcademic Department, 205, 340, 380.\\nunited with Chandler School,\\n477f-\\nAcademy building, 230, 231, 382.\\nAccounts settled, 5.\\nActing president, senior professor to\\nserve, 197:381,472,477.\\nAdams, Daniel, 182.\\nEbenezer, professor of mathe-\\nmatics, 17, of languages, 60;\\nability, 63; reply to Governor,\\nIII; removed by University,\\n112; address to public, 115; re-\\nsigns, 235; also mentioned, 69,\\n95, 106, 135, 177, 179, 196, 197,\\n202, 212, 224, 249, 261, 268,\\n546, 08, 612.\\nEphraim, 251.\\nJohn, 317.\\nMelvin O., 473, 489.\\nW. B., 135.\\nAdelphian Society, 203, 204, 205,\\n534-\\nAdmission, requirements, 201, 290,\\n376, 399; by certificate, 40of;\\nwithout Greek, 438, 499; to\\nChandler School, 295, 425, 498;\\nto Tuck School, 497.\\nAegis, The, See Newspapers.\\nAgricultural College, See New Hamp-\\nshire College A. and M. A.\\nAgricultural School suggested, 220,\\n293-\\nAiken, Charles A., 300, 337, 340, 343.\\nHenry O., 570.\\nJohn, 132, 234.\\nSilas, 299.\\nAikens, Asa, 230.\\nAlden, Mrs. Abigail, 32.\\nEbenezer, 685.\\nSamuel, 24.\\nAlden s Hall, 523.\\nAlexander, Archibald, 8, 205, 540,\\n572.\\nAlien, H. N., 392.\\nIra B., 365.\\nJ. P., 685.\\nAllen, Samuel C, 128.\\nWilliam, professor in Univer-\\nsity, 115, president, 115;\\npreaches election sermon, 155;\\ncloses University, 164; seeks\\ndelay in suit, 165; salary, 170,\\n172, 173; favors settlement,\\ngoes to Bowdoin, 175, 186;\\nPresident Wheelock s execu-\\ntor, 180; suggests Overseers,\\n188; also mentioned, 119, 122,\\n134, 135, 136, 146, 150, 151,\\n158, 167, 176, 259, 314, 682,\\n683, 684.\\nMrs. William, 126, 169.\\nAlpha Delta Phi Society, 267, 387.\\nAlumni associations, general 306,\\n584; local, 485, 584; of secre-\\ntaries, 584. See also Alumni\\nRepresentation; also Memo-\\nrial.\\nAlumni representation, proposed plan\\nand answer, 379; trustees di-\\nvided, 380; they propose plan,\\nits acceptance, 380; first elec-\\ntions, 381; second movement,\\n455~47o; Councillors proposed,\\n456; report postponed, 457;\\ncommittees of conference,\\n459; plans proposed, 459; dis-\\ncussion with trustees, and\\nchange in charter, 460-468;\\nproposal of Trustees adopted,\\n468; results of plan and elec-\\ntions, 469, 470.\\nAlumni responsibility, 485. See other\\nalumni headings, also Me-\\nmorial.\\nAlvord, James C, 203.\\nAmes, David, 685.\\nAmusements, 276.\\nAnatomy, 212; appropriation, 262.\\nAnderson, John, 685.\\nAndover Academy students, 251.\\nAnnis, J. B., 222.\\nAntinomian Society, 534, 535.\\nAnti-slavery agitation, 251-255.\\nApparatus, chemical, 209, 289; phys.\\n705", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0771.jp2"}, "772": {"fulltext": "7o6\\nIndex.\\nical, 286f, 374; Special Topic,\\n607-610; early gifts, and place,\\n607; clock, 608; increase, 608;\\nAppleton and Shattuck gifts,\\n608, 609; telescope, 609; Wilder\\nlaboratory, 609; astronomical\\ninstruments, 610.\\nAppleton, President of Bowdoin, 194.\\nSamuel, 265, 266, 286, 293.\\nAqueduct association, 196.\\nArcher, S. H., 135.\\nArmistead, Lewis A., 493,\\nAtherton, Charles H., 637.\\nAthletics, beginning, 373; association,\\n394; control of, 482; Alumni\\nOval, 483. See also Boating.\\nAtkinson, Theodore, 506.\\nAustin, Benjamin, 129.\\nJames T., 99, 166, 684.\\nAverill, Eliphalet, 641.\\nAyer, R. H., 172, 186.\\nBaccalaureate. See Commence-\\nment.\\nBabcock, Josiah, 48.\\nBackus, Charles, 8.\\nSimon, 540.\\nBadger, William, 684.\\nBailey, Mark, 337.\\nBainbridge, Commodore, 97.\\nBaker, Alpheus, 223.\\nBaldwin, Cyrus, 251.\\nThomas, 684.\\nBarrett, James, 367, 378, 463.\\nWilliam E., 612.\\nBarron, AsaT., 365.\\nBarstow, J. W., 279, 325, 334, 366.\\nZ. S., 234, 699.\\nBartlett, Edwin J., 430, 500.\\nElisha, 262.\\nEzra, 684.\\nIchabod, ill, 124, 130, 140, 179,\\n637, 682.\\nJosiah, 94, I II, 182, 682.\\nJ.H.,395-\\nJ. P., 251.\\nJoshua, 686.\\nRichard, 686.\\nSamuel C, President, 413; inau-\\nguration, 413; difficulties re-\\ngarding Chandler School, 423;\\nbreak with Faculty, 430; me-\\nmorial of N. Y. alumni, 431;\\ninvestigation, 432; charges\\nagainst, 433; exonerated, 434;\\nimproves park, 450; resigns,\\n470; action of Trustees, 471;\\nlecturer on bible, death, 471;\\nalso mentioned, 345, 369, 378,\\n449, 465, 466, 569.\\nMrs. S. C, 448.\\nBartlett Hall, (Y. M. C. A.), 448, 449-\\nBarton, Sophia, 223.\\nBascom, Susanna, 32.\\nUriel, 24.\\nBaseball, 373.\\nBatchelder, Samuel, 167.\\nBatchellor, A. S., 364.\\nBath house, 273.\\nBayard, Thomas F., 440.\\nBean, Ivory, 346.\\nBeecher, Henry W^ard, 574.\\nBeede, Thomas, 171, 683.\\nBelknap, Jeremy, 575, 582, 601, 607,\\n615.\\nBell, college, 224, 370, 492; Special\\nTopic, 611-613.\\nBell, Charles U., 381, 456.\\nJohn, 219.\\nJohn, Jr., 172.\\nJoseph, 135, 637, 639.\\nSamuel, vetoes aid for Univ., 173;\\nmessages, 185, 187, 219; also\\nmentioned, 103, 131, 149, 436,\\n440.\\nSamuel D., 546.\\nBentley, William, 684.\\nBenton, Elisha, 649, 655.\\nBerkeley, Bishop, 540.\\nBiblical exercise, 215, 216.\\nBillings, Frederick, and Mrs., 419.\\nBingham, Harry, 434, 464, 467.\\nBisbee, Marvin D., 443, 448, 513.\\nBissell, Mrs. Amelia, 32.\\nGeorge H., 346.\\nIsaac, Jr., 133, 135.\\nBissell Hall. See Gymnasium.\\nBlack, Frank S., 494.\\nBlaisdell, Daniel, 261, 273, 350, 402,\\n403, 548, 605, 661, 666.\\nDaniel, 620.\\nElijah, 664.\\nBlanchard, Amos, 548.\\nBlanpied, Benjamin T., 419.\\nBliss, Lemuel, 48.\\nBlodgett, Caleb, 419.\\nIsaac, 450.\\nBlood Brook, 368.\\nBoardman, H. J., 417, 418.\\nBoard of Preachers, 502.\\nBoating, 310, 393.\\nBond, Henry, 512.\\nBordwell, Abraham, 48.\\nBouton, Nathaniel, 323, 324, 352, 353,\\n380,381,413,699.\\nBowen, A. O., 405, 406.\\nBowler, John W 495.\\nBowman, Joseph, 22.\\nBoyd, Charles H., 301.\\nBoyden, W. C, I35-\\nBrackett, A. K., 67.\\nBradford, Ephraim A., 68.\\nBreck, Daniel, 686.\\nBrewster, Amos A., 81, 90, 97, 120,\\n126, 127, 128, 136, 175, 196,\\n206, 237, 272, 576, 663, 665.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0772.jp2"}, "773": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n707\\nBrewster, Ebenezer, 10, 11, 24, 632,\\n651, 665.\\nJacob W., 620.\\nBridge, burned, 310. See also River.\\nBrigham, Lincoln F., 381.\\nPaul, qg, 129, 6S3.\\nBritton, Abiathar G., 81, 82, 135.\\nBronson, O. A., 535.\\nBrown, Ebenezer, 135, 540.\\nFrancis, President, 78; recog-\\nnized by legislature, 80; cor-\\nrespondence with Gov. Plu-\\nmer, 93-96; courage, 106;\\noffered presidency of Hamilton\\nCollege, 107; charges against,\\nIII; removed by Univ., 112;\\ntries to arrange for Com-\\nmencement, 127; issues ad-\\ndress, 144; trip for College, 153;\\ninvited to College Congress\\n155; fatal illness, 189; death\\nand funeral, 190; character,\\n191 also mentioned, 83, 84, 91,\\n92, 100, 105, no, 115, 119, 120,\\n122, 126, 130, 135, 138, 141,\\n142, 143, 147, 151, 154, 158,\\n162, 167, 176, 177, 194, 197,\\n218, 229, 419, 473, 525, 682.\\nFrancis, grandson of President,\\n472, 491, 503.\\nFrancis (heathen boy), 566.\\nSamuel G., professor of rhetoric,\\n261, of int. phil. and pol.\\necon., 340; address to alumni,\\n306, at centennial, 366; presi-\\ndent of Hamilton College,\\n343; death, 442; also men-\\ntioned, 243, 304, 307, 313, 387,\\n388, 511, 548, 550, 551, 555,\\n559, 574, 612.\\nMrs. Susan A., 512.\\nBrown Hall, 122, 220.\\nBryant, Mary C, 338, 512.\\nBuildings, occupied during contor-\\nversy, 121, 122, 209; new con-\\nstruction, 221; need of, 259;\\nrepairs, 284, 285, 369; light-\\ning, 383, 384; heating, 205, 385;\\ndormitories, 486-489; as in-\\nvestments, 494. See also\\nnamed halls: Academy, Bart-\\nlett, Brown, Butterfield, chap-\\nel. Chandler, College, Conant,\\nCrosby, Culver, Dartmouth,\\nElm, Fayerweather, gymna-\\nsium, Hallgarten, Hospital,\\nMassachusetts, Medical, Meet-\\ning house, Nathan Smith lab-\\noratory. New Hampshire, New\\nHubbard, Proctor, Reed, Rich-\\nardson, Sanborn, Thornton,\\nTuck, Wentworth, Wheeler,\\nWilder, Wilson.\\nBullard, H. C, 419.\\nBurbank, Peter, 638.\\nBurchard, Jedediah, 248, 249.\\nBurgess, Ebenezer, 198.\\nBurleigh, George W., 343, 378, 379,\\n380,381,391.\\nMicajah C, 449.\\nBurnap, John, 649, 650.\\nW. L., 456, 439.\\nBurns, Robert, 685.\\nBurr, Sanford S., 317, 318, 319.\\nBurroughs, Eden, 7, 22, 35, 50, 51,\\n52, 53, 54, 56, 59, 60.\\nBurton, Asa, 28, 32, 48, 109, 128, 136,\\n545-\\nBush, George, 247.\\nJohn, 653.\\nBuswell, Caleb, 686.\\nButler, Josiah, 67, 87, 104.\\nButterfield Hall, 482, 484, 488.\\nButterfield, Ralph, 251, 484.\\nCabbel, William, 540.\\nCabbot, 20.\\nCabinet and museum, 209, 258, 260;\\nSpecial Topic, 601-606; first\\ngifts, 601 mineralogical spec-\\nimens, 602, 603; place, 603,\\n605; Hall cabinet, 604; Nine-\\nveh slabs, 604, 605; collection\\nof birds, 605.\\nCadets. See Military Companies.\\nCage, The, 452.\\nCalendar, 200, 243, 344, 339, 377.\\nCampbell, Gabriel, 442.\\nJohn, 686.\\nCanals. See River.\\nCap and Gown, 583.\\nCarpenter, Josiah, 48.\\nCarpenter shop, 452.\\nCarrigan, E. C.,457.\\nCarter, Elijah, 276.\\nNathaniel H., 115, 133, 134,\\n135, 136, 164, 172, 173, 174,\\n175, 176, 510, 684.\\nCasque and Gauntlet, 539; house,\\n452.\\nCatalogue, 205, 339, 423; Special\\nTopic, 596-600; first, 596; its\\nLatin, 596; triennial, quin-\\nquennial and general catalogue,\\n597; annual, 597; of Medical\\nSchool, 598; contents, 599.\\nCatalogue of L-niversity, 129; of Med-\\nical Institution, 129; complete\\ncatalogue, 682-686.\\nCelebrations, fourth of July, 124, 303;\\npolitical, 273; Washington s\\nbirthday, 337; centennial, 362f\\nfall of Richmond, 374. See\\nalso Daniel Webster.\\nCemetery lane, 385.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0773.jp2"}, "774": {"fulltext": "7o8\\nIndex.\\nCentennial, preparation, 363; pro-\\ngramme, tent for exercises,\\n364, accommodations, 365; pro-\\ncession, 366; interruption, 367;\\nof Medical School, 481.\\nCertificate system. See Admission.\\nChamberlain, Mellen, 421, 512.\\nWilliam, professor, 202; treasu-\\nrer and contractor, 221; di-\\nrects construction, 222; death,\\n225; preceptor Moor s School,\\n229; also mentioned, 204, 211,\\n212, 229, 234, 256, 539.\\nChandler, Abiel, bequest, 293; 295,\\n329, 422, 424, 478, 479-\\nCharles H., 562.\\nChandler Faculty, 298, 344, 354 409,\\n422, 423, 426, 427, 429.\\nfunds, 203, 407.\\nhall, 489, 504. See Academy.\\nChandler School, gift for, 293; Visit-\\nors, 294; established, 295;\\nadministration, 296, 298; in-\\nstruction in, 296; compensa-\\ntion to teachers, 297, 345;\\ndifficulties, 299; President\\nLord s plan, 297, not adopted,\\n302; called Department, 339;\\nproposed union with Agl. Col-\\nlege, 354; Visitors veto, 355;\\nresults, 356; building enlarged,\\n382; gifts to, 399; controversy\\nover, 421-436; early manage-\\nment, 421; admission, 422,\\n424; grounds of criticism, 423;\\nchange in administration, 424;\\nconsolidation with Academic\\nDepartment, 477f; require-\\nments increased, 498. See\\nalso Visitors.\\nChandler Scientific Department. See\\nChandler School.\\nChapel exercises, conduct of, 198;\\ncustom of, 389; time of, 389.\\nSee also Hours of Exercises,\\nand Vesper Service.\\nChapel, of 1790, 9, moved, 222; in\\nDartmouth Hall, 221, remod-\\nelled, 312, general use, 416;\\nRollins chapel, 4i7f, cost, 419,\\ndedication, 419, on fire, 420,\\nenlarged, 459.\\nChapman, G. C, 597.\\nJuniah, 45.\\nChapin, Stephen, 48.\\nCharity bonds, Charity fund, 206,\\n225.\\nCharlotte, Princess, 190.\\nCharter, amendment proposed, 86; of\\nUniversity, 87-89; protest\\nagainst, 89; changes, 461 oppo-\\nsition to changes, 463.\\nChase, A. R., 686.\\nCarleton, 548.\\nCharles P., 444.\\nDudley, 99, 684.\\nFrederick, ix, 402, 404, 444.\\nHall, 686.\\nHenry B., 684.\\nHorace, 685.\\nJonathan, 640.\\nSalmon P., 306, 366.\\nStephen, 254, 261, 270, 280, 292,\\n299-\\nWilliam M., 233, 234, 450, 459,\\n463, 465, 466, 467, 503.\\nCheever, J. B., 535.\\nChemistry, instruction in, 212, 215,\\n255; apparatus, 209, 289.\\nCheney, B. P., 415, 416.\\nChild, Willard, 246.\\nChi Phi Society, 387.\\nChipman, Daniel, 544.\\nNathaniel, 638.\\nChirography, 241.\\nChoate, Rufus, 132, 135, 167, gradu-\\nation, 177, 205, eulogy on Web-\\nster, 304-306, 308, death and\\neulogy by Perley, 309; 639.\\nChristian Association (Y. M. C. A.)\\nbuilding. See Bartlett Hall;\\nalso Religious Societies.\\nChristian Fraternity. See Religious\\nSocieties and Bartlett Hall.\\nChurch and Ball, 222.\\nChurch Council, ex parte, 27; mutual,\\n40; dismissed Burroughs, 53.\\nSee Church of Christ, etc.\\nChurch, John H., 56, 57, 194, I99\\n202.\\nChurch of Christ at Dartmouth Col-\\nlege, origin, 7; meeting house;\\nsee the word; form of govern-\\nment, 8, 42; pamphlets relat-\\ning to it, 9, 80; desires Shurt-\\nleff as pastor, 18, 21; two\\nbranches, 20; division, 22;\\nmeetings, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 45;\\nex parte council called by\\neast branch, 27; proposed in-\\ndependent organization, of Do-\\nthan branch, 28; opposition of\\nWheelock, 29; proposed arbi-\\ntration, 31; council organizes\\nChurch in Vicinity of Dart-\\nmouth College 32; difficul-\\nties, 32, 36; mutual council,\\n38, 40; results, 41; differ-\\nent interpretations, 42; east\\nbranch, 45; dual organiza-\\ntion, 45; Wheelock turns to\\nTrustees, 47; memorial of min-\\nisters, 48, 51; Burroughs in\\nDothan branch, 52; east\\nbranch applies to Orange As-", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0774.jp2"}, "775": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n709\\nsociation, 54, Dothan branch\\nto Londonderry Presbytery,\\n56; invites Professor Moore as\\npastor, 57; later pastors, 215,\\n235, 246, 247, 248, 250; tem-\\nperance vote, 269; change in\\nservice, 389; required attend-\\nance abandoned, 502; board\\nof preachers, 502.\\nCivil War, 315; effect on College, 316,\\n320.\\nClaggett, Clifton, 684.\\nWilliam, 207.\\nClark, Luther, 686.\\nL. W., 457-\\nSamuel, 685.\\nClarke, Greenleaf, 453.\\nJohn B., 352, 399, 699.\\nClass day, 307, 376, 583.\\nCleaveland, Professor, 602.\\nC!erg favorable to College, 109,\\ncensures Faculty, 250; alien-\\nated, 322; interest regained,\\n345, 409-\\nCleveland, Charles D., 208, 517.\\nClinton, DeWitt, Jr., 642, 644.\\nClock, 210, 224, 387, 492.\\nCoal, 385-\\nCoburn, L. S., 551.\\nCoe, E. B., 440.\\nCo-education, 391.\\nCogswell, William, 263, 264, 266, 481,\\n548, 549, 550-\\nColby, Anthony, 291, 352, 699.\\nJames F., 443, 464, 465, 466, 467,\\n477, 530, 531-\\nCollege cases, first suggestion of trou-\\nble, 64; suit instituted, lio;\\nhearing at Haverhill, 123, at\\nExeter 123; decision at Ply-\\nmouth, 130; appeal to U. S.\\nSupreme Court, 138, 141; Web-\\nster as counsel, 138; fear of\\nJudge Story, 142; new actions,\\n143, 145, 192; argument at\\nWashington, I46f; report of,\\n151, 168; anxieties, I52f; cases\\nin Circuit Court, 154, 159; spe-\\ncial verdicts, 159; decision at\\nWashington, 160, 163; charges\\nof bias in Court, 161; news at\\nHanover, 163; decision in later\\ncases, 166.\\nCollege Cavaliers, 31 7f.\\nCollege color, 373.\\nCollege Congress, 155.\\nCollege cry, 373.\\nCollege Hall, 487.\\nColor distinction, 208.\\nCome-outers, 258.\\nCommencement, in 1815, 71; in 1816,\\n92; in 1817, 127; in 1818, 158;\\nin 1819, 177; in 1821, 197; in\\n1853, 304; in 1854, 306, 307;\\nin 1858, 308; in i860, 309; in\\n1869, 363-368; in 1882, 440;\\ndate of, 200, 243, 244, 339,\\n574; Special Topic; 571-584;\\nearly character, 571, 572; lit-\\nerary exercises, 573, 574; time\\nand place, 574, 578, pro-\\ngramme, 575, 579; procession,\\nand Bedle, 576; music, 576,\\n577; dinner, 578; baccalaure-\\nate, 579; rank, 580; foreign\\nlanguages, 580; conferring de-\\ngrees, 582 gowns and diplomas,\\n583; class day, 583. See also\\nCentennial,\\naddresses. See Commencement,\\nappointments, 242, 243, 313,\\n334, 376, 377, 575-\\nball, 158, 269, 579.\\ndinner, 241, 365. See also Com-\\nmencement.\\nCommittees, of meeting house pro-\\nprietors 12; of church, 23, 24,\\n31; of Trustees on President s\\npetition, 35, its report, 47; of\\nHanover and Dothan churches,\\n54; of Orange Association, 54;\\nof church to present its case,\\n57; of legislature on Whee-\\nlock s memorial, 67, 68; of\\ninvestigation, 68, its meeting,\\n71, its report, 85; on College,\\n85; special, 87; on University\\nfinances, 172; prudential of\\nTrustees, 212, 262; on state\\nof College, 213; financial, 404;\\non investigation, 431; of alum-\\nni, 378, 456, 457, 459, on\\nathletic field, 482; of legisla-\\nture on Agricultural College,\\n453; of Trustees for conference\\nwith alumni, 458; standing\\ncommittees, 476; of Trustees\\nand Faculty on Chandler\\nSchool, 477.\\nCommon, levelled and fenced, 241;\\nroad across, 270, 395; short-\\nened, 395.\\nCommons, 487.\\nCommons Hall, 144, 145, 208, 487,\\nConant Hall, 357, 360, 409, 455.\\nConant, John, 359.\\nWilliam, 48.\\nConner, Phineas, S., 482.\\nCook, Lemuel, 135.\\nCooke, Phineas, 548.\\nCoolidge, Judge, 527.\\nCossit, Ranna, 601.\\nCouncillors, 456, 459, 462, 464.\\nCounsel for College, 124, 138, 139;\\nfees, 178; portraits, 178, 246.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0775.jp2"}, "776": {"fulltext": "710\\nIndex.\\nCounsel for University, 124, 139,\\n159; fees, 155, 160, 171.\\nCourse of study, 201, 238, 241, 244,\\n480. See also Electives.\\nCrane, John, 446.\\nCremation of mathematics, 393.\\nCrosby, Alpheus, 209, 210, 234, pro-\\nfessor, 235; retirement, 291;\\n292, 299, 517, 535, 548, 559,\\n579, 596.\\nAlpheus B., 328, 362.\\nDixi, 261, 262, 270, 271, 343, 362,\\n450, 486, 548, 660, 661, 662.\\nNathan, 268, 269.\\nStephen M., 493.\\nThomas R., 343, 356, 487.\\nCrosby House, 450, 486, 504.\\nCross, David, 531.\\nCrowninshield, B. W., 99, 129, 684.\\nCulver, David, 347, 348, 349, 351,\\n354, 357, 358, 359, 381.\\nMrs. David, 348, 349, 357, 358,\\n359-\\nCulver Hall, 358, 359, 360, 381, 409,\\n434, 455, 504.\\nCurrier, D. B., 445, 446, 447, 450.\\nCurtis, David, 11, 12.\\nJonathan, 533, 556.\\nJoseph, 619, 651, 653.\\nSilas, 619.\\nCushing, E. D. 685.\\nCutler, Calvin, 136.\\nCuts. See Absences and Excuses.\\nDana, Daniel, 64, 128; elected and\\ninaugurated president, 194,\\nhealth fails, 195, resigns, 195;\\nbiographical note, 196; 218.\\nJames F., 193, 206, 207, 212, 215,\\n602, 603.\\nJudah, 129, 684.\\nSylvester, 28, 32, 251.\\nDaniel, Warren F., 453.\\nDaniel Webster professorship. See\\nProfessorships.\\nDaniels, Frank W., 231, 489.\\nDarling, Joshua, 94, in, 169, 171,\\n186, 682, 684.\\nDartmouth Adelphi, 532.\\nDartmouth Clubs, 485.\\nDartmouth, Earl of, 490, 511.\\nDartmouth Hall, heating, 205, 386;\\nrepairs, 221, 223, 224, 284, 285,\\n312, 369; lighting, 384; burned,\\n489; rebuilt, 490; laying of\\ncorner stone, 49of; also men-\\ntioned, 6, 121, 132, 210, 220,\\n258, 260, 277, 282, 328, 334,\\n338, 365, 370, 416, 473, 474,\\n487, 488, 492, 501, 504.\\nDartmouth Night, 493, 494, 501, 502.\\nDartmouth, The. See Newspapers.\\nDartmouth University. See Univer-\\nsity.\\nDavis, Daniel, 92.\\nJohn, 686.\\nJ. C, 344, 380, 406, 460, 465.\\nMoses, 598.\\nDavison, F. W., 387.\\nDay, Pliny B., 299, 352, 699.\\nDay, President of Yale, 153.\\nDean, of Medical School, 388; Aca-\\ndemic, 390, 477, 583.\\nDean, James, 115, 121, 133, 134, 135,\\n136, 164, 172, 173, 175, 684.\\nDearborn, Henry, 99, 684.\\nH. A. S. 99, 684.\\nDebt, 180, 220, 224, 225, 286, 329,\\n402; of Moor s School, 229.\\nDegrees, 437, 438, 440, 480, 499.\\nDelameter, John, 261, 262.\\nDelta Kappa Epsilon Society, 259,\\n310, 446.\\nDemocracy of College, 501.\\nDemocrats, 65, 66, 81, 82.\\nDepartments of instruction, 212.\\nDerby, Elias Hasket, 601.\\nDewey, Abigail, 223.\\nBenoni, 12, 21, 26, 28, 29, 32, 38,\\n54, 57, 657-\\nLuke, 629.\\nMrs. Sabra, 32.\\nWilliam, Jr., 24.\\nWilliam W., 519, 572, 657.\\nDickinson, David, 48.\\nReuben, 657, 658.\\nDimond, Ezekiel W., 356, 358, 359,\\n384, 385.\\nDiplomas, medical, 194; 582, 583.\\nDiscipline, 200, 236, 274, 277, 280,\\n282, 371, 372, 397.\\nDixwell, John J., 294.\\nDothan. See Hartford, Vt.\\nDormitories, 486. See also Buildings.\\nDouglass, Charles Lee, 316.\\nFrederick, 251.\\nDow, Edward, 358, 360.\\nDo we, Peggy, 32.\\nDraw land, 227.\\nDresden, 618, 628, 649.\\nDunbar, Elijah, 683.\\nDuncan, Samuel A., 363, 365, 367.\\nWilliam H., 236, 272, 304, 305,\\n363, 548, 639, 646, 664, 666.\\nDunham, Gershom, 29.\\nJosiah, 51, 66, 69, 70, 72, 80, 152,\\n545, 576, 579-\\nDunklee, Abraham, 24.\\nDunster, Edward S., 344.\\nDurell, Daniel M., 86, 94, 96, 97, 99,\\nIII, 682.\\nJ. S. H., 134.\\nDurkee, John, 81, 82, 97, 135, 174.\\nDutton, Asahel, 29.\\nJohn, 29, 45.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0776.jp2"}, "777": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n711\\nDutton, John M., 449.\\nSamuel, 29, 32, 45.\\nThomas, 29.\\nDuvall, Justice, 149, 160.\\nEastman, Charles A., 492.\\nIra A., 299, 323, 352, 380, 425.\\nMoses, III, 169, 682.\\nEaton, H., 251.\\nTilton, 48.\\nWilHam, 611.\\nW. G., 392.\\nEdmunds, Senator, 467.\\nEclipse of the sun, 289.\\nElectives, 375, 438, 439, 498.\\nElectricity. See Lighting.\\nElkins, Jeremiah, 685.\\nEllis, John M., 266.\\nElm House, 487, 504.\\nElocution, instruction in, 337.\\nEmerson, Charles P., 343, 347, 367,\\n374, 375, 477, 500.\\nJo.seph, 452.\\nEpiscopal influences, 257; church\\nbuilding, 388; society, 256.\\nEtna, 82.\\nEvans, George H., 531.\\nIsrael, 22, 261.\\nExaminations, 239, 262; written, 375,\\n390. See also Admission.\\nExamining committee, 240, 375.\\nExcuses for absence, 390.\\nExecutive officers. See Faculty.\\nExpenses, 201.\\nExperimental farm. 5ee New Hamp-\\nshire College A. and M. A.\\nExperiment station, 361, 453, 455.\\nFaculty, 17, 63, name adopted, 214;\\nchanges in, 60, 192, 202, 211,\\n215, 234, 261, 262, 263, 291,\\n299, 340, 344, 429, 441, 443;\\nattitude in controversy, 106;\\nissue address, 112; censured by\\nchurch council, 250; Aca-\\ndemical, 262; oversight of\\nstudents, 277 not to hold polit-\\nical office, 341; enlarged, 481,\\n504-\\nFaculty of University, 115, 684f.\\nFagging, 594.\\nFairbanks, Arthur, 443.\\nDrury, 48.\\nErastus, 664, 668.\\nHenry, professor, 300; change in\\nchair, 340, 341; trustee, 343;\\nproposes to test change in\\ncharter, 463-467; gift, 605;\\nalso mentioned, 380, 449.\\nFairfield, John, 653.\\nFarley, Stephen, 117, 520.\\nFarrar, Humphrey, 10, 29, 32, 35, 47.\\nLucy, 32.\\nFarrar, Timothy, 24, 51, 59, 63, 104,\\n108, 112, 202, 682.\\nTimothy, Jr., 168, 201, 215, 221.\\nFaxon, John Lyman, 418.\\nFayerweather, Daniel B., 483, 484.\\nFayerweather Hall, 487, 488.\\nFederal Library, 515, 516.\\nFederalists, 66, 81, 82.\\nFees, 587. See also Library and\\nCounsel.\\nFence, 224, 241 removed, 387.\\nFerries. See River.\\nField, Henry M., 344.\\nW. A., 381, 456, 457, 459-\\nFinances, 2, 4, 100, loi, 177, 180, 192,\\n219, 225, 264, 286, 315, 329,\\n344, 345, 402, 407, 414, 416,\\n474, 504; of the University,\\n155, 156, 169-174. See also\\nSubscriptions.\\nFines, 211, 213, 214, 215, 267, 278,\\n587-\\nFires, in medical building, 184, 310;\\nin other buildings, 357, 383,\\n386; in Rollins chapel, 420; in\\nthe Fayerweathers, 488; in\\nDartmouth Hall, 490, 601;\\nin village, 310, 444, 445; pro-\\ntection against, 275.\\nFishing, 525.\\nFitch, John, 48.\\nFlagpole, 307.\\nFletcher, Horace, 685.\\nJohn, 686.\\nRichard, 137, 203, 290, 299, 345,\\n404, 405.\\nRobert, 361, 392, 450, 477, 612.\\nSamuel, 299.\\nFogg, George G., 512.\\nFolsom, Joseph, 306.\\nFoot, George, 11.\\nFootball, 371, 372.\\nForbes, John, 652.\\nFoster, Davis, 473.\\nStephen S., 252, 253.\\nFourth of July. See Celebrations.\\nFowler, Bancroft, 48.\\nFox, Charles, 686.\\nFraternities, Greek letter, 267, 535,\\n536; houses, 387; meetings,\\n388, control of, 501.\\nFreeman, Jonathan, 13, 15, 51, 81.\\nPeyton, R., 53, 80.\\nFreshets, 311, 358, 368, 632, 640.\\nFrost, Carlton P., 344, 362, 387, 469,\\n472.\\nFuller, Caleb, 21, 26, 29, 32, 38, 54,\\n57-\\nSeth, 29.\\nFullerton, William, 434.\\nGale, D., 185.\\nGalusha, Jonas, 129, 683.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0777.jp2"}, "778": {"fulltext": "712\\nIndex.\\nGamma Sigma Society, 535.\\nGarrison, William Lloyd, 253.\\nGas plant, 384, 385.\\nGeology and mineralogy, 209, 255;\\nchair of 258, 261 lack of books\\n212.\\nGibbs, Harvey, 29, 45.\\nGifford, A., 506.\\nJ. P., 395-\\nGifts and bequests, Appleton, 266,\\n286; Bond, 512; Bissell, 346;\\nBrown, 512; Bryant, 338; Bur-\\nleigh, 449; Butterfield, 484;\\nChamberlain, 512; Chandler,\\n293; Cheney, 415; Clarke, 399;\\nConant (to Agricultural Col-\\nlege) 359; Crosby, 493; Cul-\\nver, 348, 349; Fletcher, 404;\\nFayerweather, 483, 484; Fogg,\\n512; Grimes, 399, 512; Hall,\\n258; Hallgarten, 416; Haven,\\n512; Kennerson, 512; Lock-\\nwood, 335; Mussey, 511 Nine-\\nvah slabs, 309, 6o4f. Olcott,\\n178; Oliver, 511; Parker, 286,\\n369, 405; Peirce, 492; Reed,\\n259, 260, 344; Rollins, 417;\\nShattuck, 246, 288; Shurtleff,\\n288; Slafter, 512; Smith, N.,\\n183; Spalding, 369, 414, 416;\\nState, 183, 358, 416, 484;\\nStone, 416; Stoughton, 382;\\nThayer, 399; Thompson, 202;\\nTuck, 496, 497; Wentworth,\\n405, 406; Wheeler, 100; Whee-\\nlock, 5; Wilder, 484, 610; Wil-\\nlard, 345; Wilson, 417; Wink-\\nley, 415, 416; gifts during\\nadministration of President\\nSnnth, 407. See also sub-\\nscriptions.\\nGilbert, B. J., 12, 19, 24, 80, 123, 135,\\n146, 153, 196.\\nGilman, John Taylor, 51, 59, 60, 63,\\n65, 66, 73, 75, 77, protest, 78;\\nattitude in contest, 82; 92, 96;\\nresigns, 176, 201, 682.\\nGilmore, Joseph A., 334.\\nGirl island, 651.\\nGofle, Joseph, 542.\\nGoodell, William, 196.\\nGoodenow, David, 685.\\nGoodrich, Chauncey A., 147, 149.\\nGordon A., 132.\\nGough, John B., 271.\\nGove, C. F., 132.\\nGraves s Hall, 523.\\nGraves, Rufus, 632, 654, 656.\\nGray, William, 684.\\nGreat Awakening, 281 See Horn-\\nblowing.\\nGreek, 214, 215; not required for\\nadmission, 438, 499.\\nGreek letter societies. See Frater-\\nnities.\\nGregg, J. A., 207, 686.\\nGreen, Jane, 32.\\nJohn S., 24.\\nJosiah, 24.\\nGreen, The. See Common.\\nGreene, Benjamin, 99, 684.\\nBenjamin F., 685.\\nGrimes, James W.. 399, 527.\\nGriswold, W. A., 99, 684.\\nGrosvenor, Cyrus P., 132, 135.\\nGroup System, 499.\\nGrout, Solon, 248.\\nGymnasium, 346, 376, 417, 452, 455,\\nremodelled, 482; new, 495, 504.\\nHaddock, Charles B., professor, 203;\\nrepresentative in legislature,\\n255 change of chair, 261 diplo-\\nmatic service, 300; death, 314;\\nactivity for railroads, 664; also\\nmentioned, 211, 212, 247, 272,\\n274, 387, 511, 535, 546, 548,\\n559, 580, 608.\\nWilliam T., 566.\\nHaines, William P., 391.\\nHale, Benjamin, 212, 215, 221, 255,\\n261, 546, 588, 603, 604.\\nEnoch, 657.\\nJohn P., 186.\\nM., 104.\\nSalma, iii, 139, 140, 150, 151,\\n155, 156, 162, 169, 290, 314,\\n637, 683.\\nT. W., 67.\\nHall, Benjamin, 222.\\nFrederick, gifts, 258; 260, 520,\\n603, 604.\\nNathaniel, 222.\\nHallgarten Hall, 360, 486, 504.\\nHallgarten, Julius, 416, 419.\\nHandel Society, 124, 156, 190, 199,\\n203, 272, 304, 334, 552; Special\\nTopic, 552-560; first musical\\norganization and exercises, 552;\\nformation, 553; vocal and in-\\nstrumental music, 554; musi-\\ncal festivals, 555; oratorios,\\n557, 558; addresses, 559; de-\\ncline, 559; high character, 560.\\nHanover Inn, 447.\\nHarding, Alpheus, 685.\\nHardy, Arthur S., 428, 429, 450, 451,\\nHarris, Heman, 601.\\nJohn, III, 115, 171, 682.\\nWalter, 48.\\nHarrison, William Henry, 271, 559.\\nHartford, Vt., 8, 20, 24.\\nHartwell, Jonas, 540.\\nHarvey, Jonathan, 683.\\nMatthew, 94, 208, 682, 683.\\nHaskell, Alanson P., 386.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0778.jp2"}, "779": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n713\\nHatch, Horace, 145, 146, 192.\\nJoseph, 649, 655.\\nHatch vs Lang, 146.\\nHaven, Mrs. Charlotte M., 512.\\nJacob, 48.\\nNathaniel A., 68, 70.\\nHayes, Alonzo, 251.\\nFrancis B., 294, 360.\\nHazard, Ebenezer, 615, 616, 617.\\nHazen, Asa, 29.\\nHezekiah, 24, 29, 31, 45, 54.\\nJohn v., 531.\\nPhilemon, 29, 45.\\nReuben, 29.\\nSolomon, 29, 31, 45.\\nHealy, John P., 415.\\nHeath, Solyman, 203.\\nHeating, 205, 385, 386; plant, 475.\\nHebrew, 214, 256.\\nHedge, 285, 387, 500.\\nHenderson, P., 67\\nHersey, Austin, 685.\\nHibbard, Charles B., 337.\\nHarry, 661.\\nHigi^ins, Jesse. 24.\\nHildreth, J. L., 482.\\nHill, Howard F., 473.\\nIsaac, 65, 66, 74, 152, 176, 187,\\n206, 207, 637, 663, 666.\\nWilliam, 686.\\nHill and, Moore, 146.\\nHilliard, A., 532, 533, 576.\\nGeorge S., 205.\\nHinckley, C. S., 135.\\nOramel, 208.\\nHitchcock, C. H., 358, 606.\\nMrs. Emily H., 259.\\nHiram, 381, 384, 385, 393, 440,\\n447, 452, 453, 466, 469, 495-\\nMrs. Mary Maynard, 496.\\nHobart, James, 48.\\nHolbrooic, Amos, 553.\\nJohn C, 664.\\nHolland, Samuel, 607.\\nHolmes, John, 139, 140, 146, 149, 150.\\nOliver Wendell, 262, 308.\\nHonors, 242; memorial concerning,\\n314; restored, 334; new system,\\n439-\\nHood, J. E., 255, 269, 270, 271.\\nHopkins, Ernest M., 493.\\nJohn, 478.\\nHopkinson, Joseph, 138, 139, 142,\\n143, 146, 147, 149, 150, 153,\\n159, 160, 168, 178, 246.\\nHopkinton Association, 109.\\nHornblowing, 278f.\\nHome, H. L., 392.\\nHospital, M. H. M., 495.\\nHotel, Dartmouth, 445; Wheelock\\nand Hanover Inn, 447, 488.\\nHours of exercises, 199, 209, 210, 312,\\n383, 388, 389.\\nHow, Lyman B., 344, 362.\\nHowe, George, 215, 235, 246, 250.\\nZadoc, 685.\\nHowe Library, 449.\\nHubbard, Henry, 94, 96, 97, in, 179,\\n207,. 666.\\nJohn, professor, 17; supports\\nWheelock, 25; joins in petition\\nto Trustees, 33 death, 60; issues\\ncatalogue of library, 509 prom-\\ninent in music, 553; musical\\nlibrary, 553; also mentioned,\\n26, 30, 36, 37, 40, 43, 45, 54f\\n56, 100, 203, 555, 556, 607,\\n608.\\nJonathan H., 11, 69, 135, 140,\\n290, 683.\\nOliver, 685.\\nOliver P., professor, 261 oversee*\\nconstruction of observatory,.\\n288; resigns, 340; length of serv-\\nice, 442; arranges Hall cabi-\\nnet, 604; secures Nineveh slabs\\n608; also mentioned, 258, 289,\\n337, 548, 602.\\nSamuel, 234.\\nS. G. 604.\\nHubbard House, 504.\\nHubbard Musical Society, 156.\\nHudnut, Joseph A., 286.\\nHunter, E. H., 495.\\nHurd, John, 607.\\nHutchins, C. C, 699.\\nHutchins and Wheeler, 441.\\nHutchinson, Aaron, 81, 82, 94, 632,\\n642, 643, 654, 682.\\nHenry, 81, 132, 134, 135, 136,\\n146, 184, 554, 682.\\nIndependent Confederacy, 532.\\nIndians, sent home, 229; again\\ndesired, 231 continued instruc-\\ntion, 232; Commencement\\nspeaker, 306; C. A. Eastman,\\n492.\\nIngalls (Ingols) Chester, 21, 24, 26,\\n29, 32.\\nMrs. Sylva, 32.\\nIngraham, Friend, 29, 45.\\nInspector, work of, 284; becomes\\nsuperintendent of buildings\\nand grounds, 477.\\nInsurance, 224.\\nIntemperance, 267, 306, 563. See alsa\\nTemperance.\\nInternal affairs, 199, 266, 334.\\nJackson, Levi, 67.\\nW. C, 569.\\nJacob, Stephen, 35, 50, 51, 59, 60, 62,\\n63, 73, 75, 77, 78, 86, 92, 94,\\nIII, 119, 152, 202, 682.\\nJames II, 540.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0779.jp2"}, "780": {"fulltext": "714\\nIndex.\\nJanitors, 386.\\nJarvis, J. R., 686.\\nJewell, Harvey, 378.\\nJohnson, Diodate, 506.\\nOsgood, 351.\\nRichard M, 272, 273.\\nJohnson, Justice, 152, 153.\\nJohnston, Michael, 628.\\nJoy, J. F., 441.\\nJunior exhibition, 335.\\nKappa Kappa Kappa Society, 267,\\n388.\\nKellogg, Gardiner, 48.\\nJabez, 21, 26, 29, 32,\\nKellogg, Judge, 527.\\nKelley, John, 290, 299.\\nKelly, William, 134.\\nKendall, Amos, 533, 534, 622.\\nKendrick, Stephen, 135.\\nWilliam, 664.\\nKenerson, Mrs. Addie E., 512.\\nA. H., 512.\\nKent, Chancellor, 152, 153, 161, 168,\\n198.\\nKent, George, 367.\\nKeyes, Homer E., 495.\\nKimball, B. A., 478.\\nElijah, 126.\\nMrs. Elizabeth, 32.\\nIncrease, 24.\\nJacob, 24.\\nStephen, 26, 29, 31, 32.\\nKincaid, Thomas W. 392.\\nKing, Cyrus, 683.\\nKingsford, Howard N., 476.\\nKinsman, Aaron, 24, 28, 540, 624,\\n631, 632, 635.\\nKirkland, George W., 552.\\nSamuel, 491, 580.\\nKirkland, President of Harvard, 142.\\nKittredge, Jonathan, 304.\\nKnowlton, Ebenezer, 24.\\nLarabee, Benjamin, 381, 407.\\nLadd, William, S., 434, 464.\\nLambert, Nathaniel, 28, 48.\\nLane, Ebenezer, 11.\\nLang, J. S., 125, 126, 127.\\nRichard, 11, 19, 24, 144, 145,\\n146, 249, 633, 634.\\nMrs. Sarah, 32.\\nLangdon, John, 683.\\nLathrop, John, 619.\\nLatin Scientific Course, 437, 438, 480,\\n499.\\nLaw Department, 263, 405, 407.\\nLaws, of College, 199, 214; Special\\nTopic, 589-595-\\nLaws, N. P., 237\\nSolomon, 237.\\nLeavitt, Dudley, 253.\\nLectureships, 343, 471.\\nLedyard, John, steamboat, 645. See\\nalso River.\\nLee and Pollen, 369.\\nLeeds, S. P., 334, 389, 416, 482, 502.\\nLegge, Lady Dorothy, 490.\\nLegislature, proceedings on charter,\\n85-90; in 1816, 104; in 1817,\\n123; appropriations for medical\\nbuilding, 183; pays Dr. Smith,\\n184; attends laying corner\\nstone of Culver Hall, 358.\\nSee also State under gifts.\\nLenox, Robert, 605.\\nLeonard, Abiel, 493.\\nLetters: Allen to Morse, 122; to\\nMarsh, 165; to Pickering, 186;\\nBrown to Parrar, 104; to\\nPlumer, 93, 94, 95; to Smith,\\n105; Dana to Brewster, 206;\\nDewey to Smith, 21; Dutton\\nto Hanover Church, 31 Parrar\\nto Brown, 108; Fletcher to\\nBrown, 137; Gilbert et al. to\\nShurtleff, 19; Gilman to Brown\\n176; Hale to Allen 150; to\\nPlumer, 151, 162; to Wood-\\nward, 139; Hanover church to\\nSmith, 21; Hazen to Hanover\\nchurch, 30; Holmes to Allen,\\n150; Hopkinson to Brown, 162;\\nto Marsh, 143; to Webster, 139;\\nHovey to family, 211; Laws to\\nLaws, 237; Lord to Trustees,\\n232, 325; McParland to Brown,\\n92, 108; Marsh to Allen, 165;\\nto Brown, 83, 84, 91, 92, 107,\\n108, -no, 139, 154; to Olcott,\\n159; to Shurtleff, 105; Mason\\nto Marsh, 79; Murdock to\\nBrown, 142; Mussey to Brown,\\n91; Olcott to Webster, 188;\\nPaine to Brown, 105, no;\\nParish to Plumer, 131; Perkins\\nto Allen, 161 Plumer to Brown,\\n93, 94,95, 119; to Parish, 131;\\nto Storer, 140; Quint to Pres-\\ncott, 427; Rogers to Fletcher,\\n129; Sanborn to Trustees, 284,\\n441; J. Smith to Brown, no;\\nN. Smith to Shattuck, 107,\\n183; A. D. Smith to Bouton,\\n353; to Walker, 352; Thomp-\\nson to Adams, 69; to Brown,\\n83; Tucker to Chase, 463;\\nTyler to Olcott, 198; D. Web-\\nster to Brown, 138; to McGaw,\\n152; to Marsh, 141; to Olcott,\\n188; to Smith, 163; E. Webster\\nto D. Webster, 520; Wheelock\\nto Dewey, 37; to Trustees, 73;\\nWhite to Brown, 142; Willard\\nto brother, 282.\\nLettsom, Dr., 602.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0780.jp2"}, "781": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n715\\nLewis, Joseph, 650, 655, 656.\\nLibby, Jeremiah, 616, 617.\\nLiberty party, first vote in Hanover,\\n254; its organ, 255.\\nLibrary, size, 132; proposed sale, 144,\\n146; place of, 204, 260; appro-\\npriations for, 212, 241, 286,\\n288, 496; fees, 214, 529; use of\\n337 398; united with society\\nlibraries, 398, 529; Special\\nTopic, early gifts, 506, 509;\\nlocation, 507, 512; charges,\\n507, 508; hours, 508; librarian,\\n507, 508, 513; catalogue, 509;\\nseized by Univ., 509, 510; gifts\\nand appropriations, 511, 512,\\n538; losses by stealing, 528; see\\nalso Societies, Literary, and\\nWilson Hall.\\nLighting, 383, 385; lighting plant,\\nT *75-\\nLinberg, 241, 242.\\nLincoln, Abraham, 323.\\nLiterary fund, 174, 187, 207, 219, 220.\\nLittle, James, 24.\\nLevi, Jr., 99, 684.\\nLiterary Societies. See Societies.\\nLivermore, Arthur, 92, 684.\\nLivingston, Justice, 152.\\nLockwood, LeGrand, 335.\\nLong, Clement, professor, 205; death,\\n300; 315, 551-\\nSamuel, 127, 156, 554, 556.\\nLongfellow, Henry W., 575.\\nLongley, Rufus, 685.\\nLord, George D., 443.\\nH. C., 370.\\nJohn, 48; also 343.\\nJohn K., 535; his son, 444, 472,\\n473, 477, 493, 503, 53i-\\nNathan, trustee, 202; president,\\n218; financial agent, 219; car-\\nries on subscriptions, 220; sug-\\ngests inventory, 225; action in\\nMoor s School 229, 230; report\\non scholarship, 238; discon-\\ntinues honors, 242; favors anti-\\nslavery, 253; changes views,\\n255; urges filling theological\\nchair, 263; term of service,\\n290; plan for Chandler School,\\n297; plan opposed, 301; over-\\nruled in appointments, 302;\\nadvice as to enlisting, 317;\\nprayer, 318; pro-slavery views,\\n321; publications on slavery,\\n321, 322; outside effect, 322;\\nresolutions against, presented\\nto Trustees, 323; action of\\nTrustees, 323; resignation, 325;\\ndeath, 328; administration and\\ncharacter, 328f; also men-\\ntioned, 205, 214, 217, 221, 366,\\n374, 511, 535, 548, 550, 551,\\n583, 640, 662.\\nLyman, Elias, 657.\\nElijah, 28.\\nJob, 145, 146, 192.\\nJohn D., 352, 699.\\nSimeon, 532, 533.\\nMcCall, S.^muel W., 456, 493.\\nMcClure, David, 22.\\nSamuel, 21, 26, 29, 32, 619.\\nMcDonald, Donald, 419.\\nMcFarland, Asa, 48, 59, 60, 61, 63,\\n64, 71, 80; remonstrance to\\nlegislature, 87; 88, 89, 108,\\n112, 188, 202, 556, 682.\\nMcGaw, Jacob, 152.\\nMcKenzie, A. A., 477.\\nMadison, President, 544.\\nMails, Special Topic, 614-626; early\\ncarriage of letters, 614; post-\\nroads and riders, 615-620;\\npostal system, 618, 619; first\\npostmaster at Hanover, 619;\\nlaterroutesand stages, 625, 626.\\nMaking up, 213, 277.\\nMaltby, John, i.\\nMann, Cyrus, 647.\\nMann, tutor, 59.\\nMansfield, John S., 26, 29, 32.\\nMarking system, 213, 241, 375.\\nMarsh, Charles, 59, trustee, 63; 71, 72,\\n80; member of Congress, 83;\\n86, 91, 92, 104, 105, 107, 108,\\nno; removed by University,\\n112; 139, 141, 142, 144, 145,\\n146, 153, 154, 159, 165, 192,\\n199, 202, 212, 221, 229, 290;\\ndeath, 290; service for College,\\n299; 527, 540, 682.\\nJoseph, 649.\\nLyndon, A., 299, 323.\\nMarshall, Chief Justice, 148, 149, 153,\\n160.\\nMarston, Gilman, 363.\\nAlary Hitchcock Memorial Hospital.\\nSee Hospital.\\nMason, Jeremiah, U. S. senator, 83;\\ncounsel for College, 124, 130;\\nchosen trustee, 176; fee, 178;\\nalso mentioned, 78, 81, 140,\\n141, 143, 146, 147, 149, 150,\\n167, 191, 246, 638.\\nMassachusetts Hall, 488.\\nMathewson, Charles F., 233, 234, 464,\\n465, 466, 467, 468, 482, 491.\\nMead, S. B., 685.\\nMedical building, i83f; on fire, 185,\\n310; remodelled, 382.\\nMedical Department, 205, 340. See\\nMedical School.\\nMedical Faculty, reorganization, 192;\\n215, 261^ 292, 343.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0781.jp2"}, "782": {"fulltext": "716\\nIndex.\\nMedical School, graduates, 128, 158;\\ncatalogue, 129; rivalry, 181;\\nState attempts control, 182;\\norganization of Faculty, 192;\\ndelegates of N. H. and Vt.\\nMedical Societies, 194; 209,\\n261 members in Civil War,\\n320, 340; private instruction\\nin, 362, 388; gifts to, 407; 409;\\nfourth year added, 440; 442,\\n446; centennial, 481; advance\\nof requirements, 495.\\nMeeting house, 9-12; used by Col-\\nlege, 12; withdrawal of stu-\\ndents, 13; proposed control by\\nTrustees, 49; changes, 235;\\nrepaired, 249, 369; lighted, 384;\\nenlarged, 452.\\nMemorial, ministers to Trustees,\\n48; Wheelock to legislature,\\n66, 671, 674; alumni to Trus-\\ntees, 314; N. Y. alumni, 431.\\nMemorial Hall, 378.\\nMerrill, Epaphras, 24, 32.\\nJoseph, 685.\\nLemuel, 685.\\nT.A.,75, 78, 543,581.\\nMerrimack County Conference, res-\\nolutions of, 322.\\nMeteor, 157.\\nMeteorology, 311, 368.\\nMilitary companies, Zouaves, 316,\\nCavaliers, 317, Cadets, 392;\\nservice in Civil War, 320; edu-\\ncation, 391.\\nMiller, James, 685.\\nOliver, 273.\\nMineralogy. See Geology.\\nMinistry scholarships. See Charity\\nFunds.\\nMink Brook, 197, 238, 368.\\nMischief, 276, 283. See Discipline.\\nMissionary enterprise, 196.\\nMitchell, Edward, 189, 208.\\nModern languages, 241, 300.\\nMonroe, President, visits Hanoveri\\n125-127.\\nMontgomery, L. C, 392.\\nMoody, D. L., 67.\\nStephen, 186.\\nMoor Hall, 489.\\nMoore, Clinton, H., 606.\\nH. L., 456.\\nZephaniah S., 57, 60, 63, 198,\\n202, 486.\\nMoor s Charity School, 68, 76, 78,\\n116, 159, 169, 172, 208, inter-\\nest in Wheelock, 228-230; its\\nbuilding, 231; progress of\\nSchool, 232; dissolution, 233;\\n327, 328, 382; gifts for, 407;\\n448, 510, 582, 593.\\nMorey, Israel, 615.\\nSamuel, 646, 647.\\nMorrill, David L., 48, 99, 207, 683.\\nMorris, George S., 340.\\nMorrison, William, 683, 685.\\nMorse, Charles M., 493.\\nJedediah, 122.\\nParker, 271.\\nMorton, L. P., 273, 441, 450.\\nMurdock, James, 202.\\nT.J.,142.\\nMuseum. See Cabinet.\\nMusic in church, 12. See Handel\\nSociety.\\nMussey, Reuben D., holds with\\nCollege, 106; resigns, 261;\\nfinancial management, 262;\\nactivity in temperance cause,\\n268; gift to College, 511; musi-\\ncal abilities, 554; promi-\\nnence in musical affairs, 556;\\notherwise mentioned, 91, 127,\\n156, 183, 192, 258, 520, 588.\\nNathan Smith Laboratory, 310,\\n488,_ 495.\\nNatural history, 255. See Profes-\\nsorships.\\nNegroes, admitted, 208, 332.\\nNegro Island, 629, 630.\\nNesmith, George W., 133, 135, 175,\\n299, 352, 380, 408, 415, 431,\\n453,581,665,699. _\\nNew Hampshire Bible Society, 419.\\nNew Hampshire College of Agricul-\\nture and the Mechanics Arts,\\nestablishment, 347-360; Culver\\nwill, 347; action by legislature,\\n349; offer by Dartmouth,\\n350; legislative act, 351;\\nTrustees hesitate, 352; agree-\\nment, 354; vetoed by Visitors,\\n355; second agreement, 355,\\n697; Faculty, 356; admission\\nand course of study, 357; Cul-\\nver Hall, 358; experimental\\nfarm, 354, 359; buildings, 360;\\ngifts to, 407; relations un-\\nsatisfactory, 453; bequest to,\\n454; sells property and re-\\nmoves to Durham, 455; also\\nmentioned, 348, 350, 361, 362,\\n363, 381, 391. 392, 409, 411,\\n422,432,449,483. 6 eeConant\\nand Culver Halls.\\nNew Hampshire Hall, 488.\\nNew Hampshire Medical Society,\\n194.\\nNew Hampshire professorship, 344,\\n345, 415-\\nNew Hubbard House, 488.\\nNew Ipswich Academy, 100, 340.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0782.jp2"}, "783": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n717\\nNewton, George, 553.\\nDavid, 659.\\nNewspapers and Magazines: Aegis,\\n336, 358; American, 81; Bos-\\nton Courier, 322; Boston Rep-\\nertory, 64, 69; Christian\\nObserver, 567; Concord Ga-\\nzette, 65, 67, 80, 81; Concord\\nHerald, 619; Congregational-\\nist, 443; Dartmouth Ga-\\nzette, 64, 65, 81, 102, 121,\\n122,532,533, 620; Dartmouth,\\nThe, 266, 336, 392, 396, 462,\\n537; Eagle, 12; Exeter Watch-\\nman, 130; Family Visitor, 283;\\nHome Missionary Monthly,\\n569; Liberator, The, 253; Lit-\\nerary Tablet, 543; Literary\\nMiscellany, 543; Magnet, The,\\n266; Missionary Herald, 569;\\nNew England Historical and\\nGenealogical Register, 549;\\nNew Hampshire Gazette, 615;\\nNew York Statesman, 175;\\nOld Grimes, 282; Panoplist,\\n567; Patriot, 65, 66, 73, 80,\\n82, 97, 127, 176; People s\\nAdvocate, The, 255, 269;\\nPhoenix, 336; Portsmouth\\nGazette, 65; Portsmouth Ora-\\ncle, 65; Vermont Journal, 135,\\n618, 626; Washingtonian, 66.\\nNichols, David L., 189.\\nErnest Fox, 505.\\nNiles, Nathaniel, 51, 59, 62, 63, 65,\\n68, 80, 84, 86, 96, 112, 201, 682.\\nNinevah slabs, 309, 385, 604, 605.\\nNorthern Academy, Society of, 263,\\n399; Special Topic, 548-551;\\norganization and object, 548;\\nlibrary, 549; decline, 550;\\ndisbanded, 532, 551.\\nNorwich University, 181.\\nNoyes, Daniel J., professor, 291, 299,\\n313, 315, 334; change of pro-\\nfessorship, 343; acting presi-\\ndent, 381; 410; resigned, 441;\\ndeath, 442; 449.\\nJeremiah, 542, 543.\\nParker, 92.\\nSamuel, 251.\\nNutt, Samuel, 645, 646.\\nObserv/tory, 287, 288, 328, 374,\\n409, 414, 484, 504.\\nObservatory Hill, 183, 275, 369, 451,\\n487.\\nOctagon, 202, 234, 290.\\nOdell, Richard, 67.\\nOlcott, Mills, agent of Trustees, 49-\\n51 secretary and treasurer, 99;\\ndemands records, 109; brings\\nsuit, no; in legislature, 179;\\nsuggests overseers, 187; trus-\\ntee, 201; death, 290; buys and\\ndevelops White River Falls,\\n632-639; also mentioned, 125,\\n126, 130, 135, 141, 144, 145,\\n159, 173, 178, 185, 189, 196,\\n198, 202, 212, 250, 257, 271,\\n641, 646.\\nPeter, 649, 651, 652.\\nRoswell, 655.\\nOld Grimes. See Newspapers.\\nOld pine, 307, 451.\\nOliver, Daniel, professor, 192, 198;\\nchange of professorship, 205;\\nin legislature, 207; 211, 215,\\n256, 258; resigned, 261; gift\\nto library, 511.\\nH. K., 133-\\nOptional studies, 439.\\nOrange Association, 54, 55, 56, 136.\\nOrdronaux, John, 344, 366, 381.\\nOrdway, S. S., and Co., 640.\\nOrgan, of chapel, 369, 419, 421, 555;\\nofchurch, 453, 555.\\nOsgood, Thaddeus, 568.\\nOverseers of Thayer School, 361.\\nOverseers of University, established,\\n86, 87; Governor and Council\\nto appoint, 90; only meeting,\\n99; suggested, 87, 186, 188.\\nPackard, William A., 300, 343.\\nPacker, Nathan, 186.\\nPage, Robert, 246, 250.\\nS. R.,685.\\nPaine, Elijah, trustee, 63, 73, 75, 86,\\n87, 105, no; removed by Uni-\\nversity, 112; 178, 188, 197,\\n198, 199, 202, resigns, 234; 649.\\nPalaeopitus, 537.\\nPalmer, Calvin, 657.\\nStephen W., 657, 658.\\nPamphlets, in controversy, 6, 9, 64,\\n65, 66, 80; by Professor Cros-\\nby, 272.\\nPark, College, 285, 369, 450.\\nParker, Edmund, 286, 295, 511.\\nHenry E., 322, 340, 385, 443, 444,\\n448, 449.\\nIsaac, 286, 511.\\nJoel, 228, 263, 286, 295; resigns\\nas trustee, 298, 299; first pres-\\nident alumni association, 306;\\n315; lecturer, 343; improves\\npark, 369; bequest, 405, 416;\\n450; gift to library, 511; will,\\n512, 548.\\nParkhurst, 274.\\nJohn, 686.\\nLewis, 395.\\nParkhurst Administration Building,\\n387, 487-\\nParish, Elijah, 60, 64, 65, 72, 682.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0783.jp2"}, "784": {"fulltext": "718\\nIndex.\\nParmalee, Elisha, 539.\\nParris, A. K., 99, 684.\\nParsons, David, 605.\\nUsher, 193.\\nPartridge, Alden, 181, 316.\\nPastor of college church. 5ee Church\\nof Christ, etc.\\nPatrick, William, 48.\\nPatterson, James W., professor, 298-\\n302, 315, 340; elected to Con-\\ngress, 341; address at Centen-\\nnial, 367; 378, 384, 385; again\\nprofessor, and death, 481.\\nGeorge W., 449.\\nJoab N., 363.\\nPaul, I.F., 465.\\nPayne, Elisha, 624.\\nJohn, 15.\\nPayson, Moses P., trustee, 119; 178,\\n199, 202, 212; death, 234; 577.\\nSeth, member of ecclesiastical\\ncouncil, 57; trustee, 60; 63,\\n64, 73, 112; death, 201, 682.\\nPeabody, Augustus, 177.\\nDavid, 247, 261.\\nPeaslee, Charles H., 66.\\nEdmund R., 262, 380, 381, 413.\\nReuben, 237.\\nPeirce, Joshua W., 492, 613.\\nPember, J. R., 434.\\nPenalties, denounced, 104; effect, 106.\\nPerkins, Capt., 601.\\nCyrus, 59, 81, 94, 97, joins Uni-\\nversity, 106; 120, 121, 126,\\n127, 133, treasurer University,\\n157; 158, 159, 161, 164, 167;\\nresigns as treasurer, 169; re-\\nsigns as professor, 177; 183,\\n192, 194, 509, 532, 533, 682,\\n685.\\nFrancis William, 316.\\nParley, Ira, 221, 225, 227, 261, 310,\\n378.\\nPerry, Joseph, 229.\\nPeters, Absalom, 246.\\nJoseph H., 349.\\nPettengill, S. B., 317.\\nPhalanx, Dartmouth, 272, 276.\\nPhelps, Amos A., 251.\\nDaniel, 631.\\nEdward E., 263, 292, 343, 382.\\nPhelps Bar, 631.\\nPhi Beta Kappa Society, 132, 177,\\n203, 267, 268, 308; Special\\nTopic, 539-547; organization,\\n539; charter, 540; medal, meet-\\nings, and membership, 542,\\n547; initiation fee, 543; anni-\\nversary, 544; dinner, 545; de-\\ncline, 546; revival, 547.\\nPhi Delta Theta Society, 446.\\nPhillips fund, 42, 58, 61, 69,71, 102,\\n291.\\nPhillips, John, 58, 607.\\nWendell, 306.\\nPhillips professorship, 8, 9, 215, 263,\\n291,471.\\nPhiloi Euphradias, 533.\\nPhilotechnic Society, 399, 529.\\nPhi Sigma Society, 203, 204, 534.\\nPhi Zeta Mu Society, 446, 536.\\nPhoenix, The. See Newspapers.\\nPickering, William, 172, 186, 188.\\nPierce, Benjamin, 102, 637.\\nPierce, Governor, message, 207.\\nPierrepont, J. H., 182.\\nPillsbury, J. W., 251.\\nParker, 253, 254, 255.\\nPinkney, William, 159, 160, 161,\\n163.\\nPinneo, Joseph, 310.\\nPitman, J., 172, 185.\\nPitched land, 227.\\nPlumer, William, 66, elected gover-\\nnor, 83; message, 85; corre-\\nspondence with Brown, 93-96;\\n119, 124; does not meet Pres-\\nident Monroe, 125; 131, 140,\\n143, 150, 162, 175, 176; fare-\\nwell message, 185; 682.\\nWilliam, Jr., 208.\\nPolitical Interests, 65, 81, 83.\\nPolitics in College, 307.\\nPollens, Louis, 430, 443, 513.\\nPoole, James, 67, 81, 86, 90, 97, 104,\\n120, 121, 126, 127, 184, 206,\\n651.\\nPoor, Daniel, 533, 534, 567.\\nJohn M., 610.\\nPorter, Ben, 633.\\nDavid, 641\\nEbenezer, 198.\\nJoseph, 122.\\nMicajah, 48.\\nNathaniel, 615.\\nPortraits. See Counsel.\\nPotter, Isaiah, 28, 32, 48.\\nPowers, S. L., 233.\\nPrayers, time of, 210, 312; evening\\ngiven up, 313.\\nPrentiss, Samuel, 202, 685.\\nPrescott, Benjamin, 67.\\nB. F., 381, 413, 447, 465, 466.\\nWilliam, 604.\\nPresbyter Grafton, 8, 15, 24, 52, 54;\\nLondonderry, 56.\\nPresident s reports, 216, 217, 283,\\n401; house, 449.\\nPrice, Ebenezer, 48.\\nPrices of building materials, 222; of\\nboard and labor, 223.\\nPrizes, 203, 243, 335, 399; Fletcher,\\n404.\\nProctor House, 488, 504.\\nProctor, John C, 343, 430, 437.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0784.jp2"}, "785": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n719\\nProfessorships, Appleton, 266; Che-\\nney, 415; Daniel Webster, 415,\\n416; Evans, 261; Greek and\\nLatin Languages, 202; Hall,\\n258, 604; Modern Languages,\\n300; Natural History, 342 New\\nHampshire, 344, 415; Parker,\\n445; Rhetoric and Oratory,\\n202; Stone, 415; Willard, 345,\\n481; Winkley, 415.\\nProuty. Charles A., 464, 465, 466.\\nPruden, 45.\\nPrudential committee. See Commit-\\ntees.\\nPsi Upsilon Society, 267, 388, 446.\\nPunchard, George, 248.\\nPutnam, Israel W., 194, 202, 213.\\nJohn N., 292, 299, 301.\\nQuarter days, 203, 242, 335.\\nQuimby, Elihu T., 340, 363, 379, 385,\\n386.\\nQuint, Alonzo H., trustee, 378, 380,\\n391, 408, address at dedica-\\ntion of chapel, 420; 431, 434; on\\ncommittee of conference, 457;\\n477-\\nWilder, D., 491.\\nRaid. See Temperance.\\nRailroads; Special Topic, 663-668;\\nfirst charter in N. H., and prev-\\nalent feeling, 663; convention\\nof tovvns in Conn, valley, 664;\\ninterest in road to Boston,\\n664; routes proposed and char-\\nter, 665; change in state pol-\\nicy, and charters given, 666;\\nNorthern Railroad, 666;\\nopened to Lebanon, 667; roads\\nto Canada, 667, 668.\\nRamsay, Alexander, opens medical\\nschool, 181, 182.\\nRand, Hamlin, 636.\\nRansom, Gen., 273.\\nRawlinson, Sir Henry, 605.\\nRaymond, Daniel, 511.\\nRead, Alexander, 553.\\nReading room, 204, 338, 518.\\nRecitation rooms, 122, 210, 387.\\nReconstruction under President\\nTucker, 474, 476, 483f.\\nRecords, 99; returned, 177.\\nRedington, E. D., 456.\\nReed Hall, 258, description, 259, 260;\\n285, 309, 328, 338; repainted,\\n369; equipped with gas, 384;\\nwith steam, 385, 386; 417;\\nbooks removed, 421.\\nReed, Charles, 378.\\nW. E., 449.\\nMrs. William, 260, 261.\\nRefutation, etc., 80. See also\\nPamphlets.\\nReligiosi, 561.\\nReligious Society, Dartmouth, 235,\\n248, 561 in College, 561\\nReligious Societies, Special Topic,\\n561-570; Theological Society\\nformed, 561; membership, 562;\\ndiscipline, 563; amusements,\\n564; meetings, and exercises,\\n564, 565; missionary interest,\\n566, 567; correspondence, 567;\\nlibrary, 567; anniversaries, 568;\\nSociety of Inquiry, 568; unites\\nwith Theological Society, 569;\\nsecretaries, 570.\\nRemonstrance, of Trustees, 88, 675;\\nof University Trustees, 96,\\n695.\\nRent of unoccupied rooms, 284.\\nResources, 180, 225. See also Fi-\\nnances.\\nReview, Candid and Analytical, 64,\\n65, 66. See also Pamphlets.\\nRevivals, 8, 248.\\nRhetoricals, 267, 313, 388, 389.\\nRhetoric and Oratory. See Profes-\\nsorships.\\nRich, Charles A., 494.\\nRichards, Dexter, 449.\\nJoel, 29.\\nJohn, 250, 266, 550, 551, 559.\\nJoseph R., 346.\\nRichardson, Charles F., 441, 493, 531,\\n532,613.\\nCyrus, 469.\\nDaniel, F., 307.\\nD. S., 405.\\nJames B., 459, 465, 468, 469, 477,\\n487.\\n(William M.) Judge, 84, 103, 185,\\n639-\\nRufus B., 441.\\nRichardson Hall, 487.\\nRiots, arrests for, in case of libraries,\\n135, in later times, 396.\\nRipley, E. W., 90, 97, 140, 155, 649,\\n685.\\nSylvanus, 8.\\nRival institutions, 181, 182, 186, 207,\\n208.\\nRiver, Special Topic, 627-662; early\\ntrafific, 627; White River Falls,\\n628, 631; Indian resort, 629;\\nsettlement and mill at falls,\\n630, 631 W. R. F. Bridge Co.,\\n632; dams, 632f, 635, 640;\\nmills, and locks, 631-634;\\ndifficulties, 633-638; floating\\nlogs, 634; tolls, 635; profits,\\n638; marine railway, 638; in\\ncorporation, 639; loss of mills\\nand dams, 640; franchise sold.", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0785.jp2"}, "786": {"fulltext": "720\\nIndex.\\n640; dams, mills and canals,\\n640-644; navigation, 641; sur-\\nveys, 642, 643; legislation,\\n642, 644; steamboats, 645,\\n646; Morey s experiments, 647;\\nboat landing, 647; ferries, 648-\\n654; toll, 648; road to river,\\n651 toll house, 651 rope ferry,\\n651; wire ferry, 654; charter\\nfor toll bridge, and location,\\n654; College favors, 655; op-\\nposition, 655; cost, 656;\\ntolls, 656; construction, 657,\\n700-702; second bridge, 657;\\nthird bridge, 658; dissatis-\\nfaction with management, 659;\\narrest of Professor Sanborn,\\n660; bridge burned, 660; agi-\\ntation for free bridge, 660-662;\\nbuilt and dedicated as Led-\\nyard Free Bridge, 662.\\nRoads, Special Topic, 614-626; early\\ntravel, 614; postroads, 617;\\nturnpikes, 620, 622, 624, 625;\\nCountry road, 620; badness\\nof roads, 621, 622, 700; Fourth\\nN. H. turnpike, 623, 624; river\\nroad, 630; road to river, 651;\\nRope Ferry road, 652.\\nRobberies, 215, 274.\\nRoby, Joseph, 262, 292.\\nRogers, Isaac, 652, 653.\\nRobert, 628.\\nRollins chapel, 365, 416, 418, 492,\\n504-\\nRollins, Daniel A., 373.\\nDaniel G., 420.\\nEdward A., 417, 418, 419, 420.\\nEllen Hobbs, 420.\\nSusan Binney, 420.\\nRoll of Honor, 320.\\nRood House, 450.\\nRope Ferry Road, 651, 652. See\\nalso Roads.\\nRopes, William H., 216.\\nRose, William, 607.\\nRoss, Isaac, 270.\\nJonathan (Judge), 462, 463, 466,\\n467.\\nRowell, Joseph, 48.\\nRowley Assembly Room. See Brown\\nHall.\\nRuggles, Edward R., 298, 340, 344,\\n422, 477.\\nRushes, 372, 387.\\nRussell, Horace, 484.\\nSalary, of president, 4, 10, 107, 261,\\n345; of Moor s School, 229;\\nof professors, 4, 180, 212, 261,\\n345, 497; increase desired, 315,\\n345; for work in Chandler\\nSchool, 297.\\nSalutatory, 580.\\nSanborn, Edwin D., professor, 235;\\ninspector, 284; president of\\nWashington Univ., 300; re-\\nturns to Dartmouth, 340; res-\\nignation, 441; death, 442; also\\nmentioned, 270, 275, 293, 306,\\n335, 337, 363, 398, 413, 417,\\n450, 486, 541, 548, 550, 559,\\n660, 661, 662.\\nSanborn House, 450, 486, 504.\\nSanders, Prince, 208.\\nSanitation, 476, 486.\\nSargeant, John, 647, 650, 652.\\nSargent, Roger, 633.\\nSavage, Seth, 29.\\nSawyer, Moses, 48, 104.\\nSchedule of work, 238. See also\\nCourse of Study.\\nScholarship, 238, 241, 283.\\nScholarships, 345.\\nScientific expeditions, 374, 375.\\nScobey, D. C., 251.\\nScofield, John, 619.\\nScotch Board, 231, 232.\\nScotch fund, 76, 228, 232.\\nScott, C. W., 398, 513-\\nSeal, 99; returned, 177.\\nSearle, Thomas C, 115, 164, 172,\\n173, 176, 540, 685.\\nSenior class, vacation, 200, 377; third\\nexercise required, 377.\\nSeven Nations, 237.\\nSeybert Adam, 602.\\nShattuck, George C, 183; gives por-\\ntraits, 246; gifts, 288, 289,\\n293, 511, 520, 608.\\nShedd, William, 135.\\nShepherd, Forrest, 602.\\nSherburn, Henry, 2.\\nSherman, Frank A., 344, 531.\\nW. T., 367.\\nShirley, James, 135.\\nJohn M., 69.\\nShort term, 244, 245, 339, 377.\\nShurtleff, Roswell, election as Phillips\\nprofessor cause of quarrel, 9,\\n16; relations with Wheelock,\\n17, desired as pastor, 18, 21;\\nas colleague, 22-24; vote of\\nTrustees on ordination, 36; list\\nof exchanges, 37; Wheelock s\\nattempt to secure his support,\\n55; attacks him in Board, 58;\\nordained, 60; reply to Gov-\\nernor, III; removed by Univ.,\\n112; change of chair, 215;\\nresigned, 253, 261; gift to\\nlibrary, 288; reminiscence of\\nWebster, 304; death, 314; also\\nmentioned, 20, 32, 33, 34, 36,\\n39, 40, 42, 43, 46-49, 51, 55,\\n56, 58, 64, 94, 95, 105, 106,", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0786.jp2"}, "787": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n721\\n115, 122, 135, 136, 175, 177,\\n202, 212, 235, 247, 303, 511,\\n548.\\nSidewalks, 452.\\nSimons, Cady, 24.\\nSimpson, Ahimahaz B., 146.\\nSinclair, John E., 298.\\nSing Out, 579.\\nSketches etc., 64, 65, 66, 80. See\\nalso Pamphlets.\\nSlade, Samuel, 651, 653.\\nSlafter, Edmund P., 512.\\nSmith, Albert, 343, 346.\\nAsa Dodge, 279, 314, president,\\n334; inauguration, 334; secures\\nAgricultural College at Han-\\nover, 340-359; also Thayer\\nSchool, 360; ill health and\\nleave of absence, 381; aims to\\nraise standard, 399; proposes\\ncertificate plan, 401; gifts dur-\\ning his administration, 407;\\nfailing health, resignation and\\ndeath, 408; administration,\\n409; personality, 410; eulogy\\non, 440; 527, 566.\\nAshbel, 270.\\nElijah, 582.\\nEthan, 48.\\nGideon, 652.\\nIsaac W., 448, 457, 459, 465.\\nJeremiah, 83, 105, no, 124, 130,\\n140, 141, 149, 159, 161, 163,\\n168, 178, 180, 246, 639.\\nJohn, 48.\\nJohn (Phillips professor), pastor\\n8; approved by church, 15;\\nrelation to church, 19, 21 vote\\nof Trustees about, 36; death,\\n53; 60; also mentioned, 9, 12,\\n14, 16-18, 20, 22-26, 32, 33,\\n35, 38, 40, 41, 43, 45, 51, 52-54,\\n57, 59, 338, 507, 508, 509, 512,\\n601,614.\\nJohn (trustee), 63, 64, 71, 73,\\n112, 201, 682.\\nJonathan, 638.\\nJustin H., 459.\\nNathan, 106, 183, 184, 189, 192,\\n310, 446, 640.\\nNathaniel, 686.\\nNoah, 156.\\nSamuel, 549.\\nTimothy, 653.\\nTimothv Dwight, 272, 273.\\nWilliam T., 388, 482, 492.\\nSmyth, Frederick, 349, 352, 699.\\nSocial Friends, proposal to break up\\nlibrary, 137; room, 204, 260;\\nexhibition, 335; Special Topic,\\nfounded, 514; membership, 515;\\nlibrary, 516, dissensions, 518.\\nSee also Societies, Literary.\\nSocieties, Literary, anniversaries, 128;\\nattempt to seize libraries, I32f\\ndebating, 203; time of meet-\\nings, 203; libraries, 204; anni-\\nversary orator from abroad,\\n205; revival of activity, 335;\\nreading room, 204; manage-\\nment and consolidation of\\nlibraries, 398; Special Topic,\\n514-538; origin, 514; member-\\nship, 515; libraries, 515-517;\\ndissensions, 5i8f; secrecy, 521;\\nbadges, mottoes and diplomas,\\n522 meetings, 523, 524; assign-\\nments, 524; fishing, 525;\\ndramatic entertainments, 526;\\ndebates, 527; protection of\\nlibraries, 528; vacation draws,\\n529; union of libraries, 529;\\ndissolution, 53of. See also\\nFraternites.\\nSocieties, senior, 537.\\nSouth Hall, 357, 360, 448.\\nSpalding, Charles W., 469, 482.\\nEdward, 352, 369, 391, 406,\\n414, 416, 431, 468, 699.\\nGeorge B., 381.\\nSpectroscope, 374.\\nSpelling matches, 337.\\nSphinx Society, 446. See also Senior\\nSocieties.\\nSprague, Philo, 223.\\nSpring, Gardner, 197.\\nStages. See Mails.\\nStanding committees of Trustees and\\nFaculty, 476.\\nStanley, C. W., 434, 436.\\nStanniford, Daniel, 48.\\nStealing, 215, 274; from libraries, 528.\\nSteamboats, 645.\\nStearns, Onslow, 359, 367.\\nSteele, David, 686.\\nSanford H., 433, 434.\\nStevens, Chalmers W., 612.\\nHenry, 605.\\nStickney, P. LeB., 251.\\nStiles, President, diary, 3.\\nStone, Daniel P., 416.\\nMrs. Valeria G., 416.\\nStorer, Clement, 99, 140, 684.\\nStorrs, Aaron, 649, 650.\\nAugustus, 89, 123, 179.\\nStory, Joseph, 141-143, I47, 150, 154,\\n160, 161, 166, 511, 684.\\nStoughton, C. B., 316.\\nE. W., 382.\\nStowe, Calvin E., 234.\\nStraw, Jacob, 686.\\nStreeter, Frank S., 459, 465, 469, 470.\\nStreetlights, 385.\\nStrong, Jonathan, 48.\\nStudents, number of, in 1816, 121;\\n129, 220, 258, 264, 320, 328,", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0787.jp2"}, "788": {"fulltext": "722\\nIndex.\\n344, 345, 362, 409, 486, 504;\\nvoting, 122; poverty, 196, 206,\\n209; activities, 237, 395. See\\nTeachers and Discipline.\\nSubscriptions, 100, 128, 178, 206, 219,\\n220, 265, 286, 315, 344, 378,\\n379, 407, 414, 490.\\nSuhm, Christian, 119.\\nMaria, 119.\\nSullivan, George, 124, 130, 136, 140,\\n171, 234, 636, 684.\\nSummer school, 500.\\nSutherland, David, no, 684.\\nSweat, William, 653.\\nSwift, Samuel, 117, 532.\\nTaft, Charles, 685.\\nTalbot, Ethelbert, 491.\\nTaylor, General, 273.\\nS. H, 378.\\nTeachers, 244, 245, 339.\\nTechnical education, scheme for, 293,\\nTelescope, 287, 374. See Apparatus.\\nTemperance, 267-271, 370, 563.\\nTemple, Daniel, 196.\\nTenney, Asa W., 434, 467.\\nB. G., 132, 135.\\nElijah, 24.\\nSilas, 97, 123.\\nWilliam, 270.\\nTent. See Centennial.\\nTerms. See Calendar.\\nThayer, Frederick A., 336.\\nSylvanus, 260, 361, 399.\\nThayer School, 340, 360-363, 376,\\n381, 407, 409, 411, 455, 480,\\n497-\\nTheological Society, 128, 203, 252,\\n253, 267, 268. See also Reli-\\ngious Societies.\\nThomas, Isaiah, 510.\\nThompson, Benjamin, 454.\\nDwinel F., 347.\\nGeorge, 251.\\nThomas W., biographical note,\\n62; trustee, 63; report on\\nSketches 73; remonstrance\\nto legislature, 87-89; removed\\nby Univ., 112; death and\\nbequest, 202; also mentioned,\\n35, 51, 59, 69, 7\u00c2\u00bb-72, 82, 83,\\n91, 104, 138, 183, 188, 192,\\n197, 201, 682.\\nThornton Hall, erected, 222, 224; 256;\\nshingled, 285; 328, 338; used\\nfor Thayer School, 361;\\ncolored, 369; 448.\\nThornton, John, 222.\\nThurston, Daniel, 561.\\nPierson, 540.\\nWilliam, 608.\\nTicknor, Elisha, 99, 684.\\nGeorge, 118, 621.\\nTilton, Joseph, 67.\\nTobey, Edward S., 299.\\nTodd, Justice, 149, 160.\\nTontine, 206, 221, 271, 310, 445, 446^\\n450.\\nTorricelli, Jean B., 300.\\nTower, 451.\\nTowle, G. S., 251.\\nTown, Mr., 119.\\nTowne, Solon R., 347.\\nTownsend, Luther, 251.\\nTracy, E. C, 548.\\nIra, 569.\\nStephen, 569.\\nTreasurer, 99, 201, 221, 225, 261, 404,\\n444; office, 387; accounts con-\\nfused, 402f.\\nTree Association, 273.\\nTrustees, elect J. Wheelock president,\\n3; changes in, 7, 60, 201, 234,\\n290, 299; relation to meeting\\nhouse. 12; petition of President\\n33; answer, 35; report of\\ncommittee on church, 47, 49;\\nmemorial of ministers, 48, 51;\\naccused by Wheelock, charging\\nmalfeasance, 58; their reply,\\n58; open opposition, 59; neg-\\nlect Wheelock s petition, 59;\\nrefuse to ask legislative inquiry,\\n61; character of Board, 1815,\\n62; answer Wheelock s memor-\\nial, 67; charges against them,\\n71; resolution against Whee-\\nlock, 72; remove him, 75f; pro-\\ntest, 78; elect F. Brown\\npresident, 78; popular effect of\\nelection, 79; Vindication,\\n80; remonstrance against\\nchange in charter, 87, 88, 675-\\n681; meeting, 1816, 92, 94;\\nrefuse amended charter, 95,\\n687-694; secretary adheres to\\nUniv. and new one chosen, 99;\\nappeal for help, 99, 100; penal-\\nties denounced, 104; demand\\nrecords, 109; institute suit,\\nno; removed from office by\\nUniv. and issue address, 112;\\nmake statement, 144; reoccu-\\npied buildings, 164; ask help of\\nlegislature, 179, 207; suit by\\nWheelock s executors, 180; pru-\\ndential committee, 212; com-\\nmittee, on condition of College,\\n213; new code, 2 14; disaffection\\nin Wheelock, 226; removed\\nProfessor Hale, 256; appeal to\\nFaculty 264; action in regard\\nto President Lord, 323f; divi-\\nsion on alumni suffrage, 380;\\nfirst alumni members, 381 con-\\nsider co-education and military", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0788.jp2"}, "789": {"fulltext": "Index,\\n723\\ninstruction, 391 f; attitude on\\nChandler School, 426; investi-\\ngation and report, 431-435;\\nletter on alumni suffrage, 458,\\naccept principal of suffrage;\\n458; ask opinion of alumni,\\n460; friendly suit proposed,\\n463; offer and adopt plan of\\nrepresentation, 467; unify Col-\\nlege and Chandler School, 480;\\naccept alumni control of ath-\\nletics, 482; assume responsi-\\nbility for Summer School,\\n500; lease ferries, 649. See\\nalso Names of Presidents.\\nTuck, Amos, 273, 299, 302, 323, 324;\\n326, 327, 378, 496.\\nEdward, 441, 489, 496, 497.\\nTuck Hall, 488, 497.\\nTuck School, 489, 497, 498.\\nTucker, G. H., 459, 465.\\nWilliam Jewett, alumni trustee,\\n381; elected president, 472;\\ndeclines, re-elected, 473, ad-\\nministration, 473f; movement\\nfor consolidation, 477; effect-\\nive policy, 486; new buildings,\\n486-490; growth of College,\\n50of; resignation, 503; sum-\\nmary of administration, 504,\\n505; also mentioned, 404, 436,\\n459, 463, 464, 466, 467, 531,\\n536, 569.\\nTuition, 20t, 214, 226, 289, 315, 345,\\n585f.\\nTwining, Alexander, C, 664.\\nTwitchell, Amos, 99, 183, 684.\\nTyler, Bennet, 19, elected president,\\n198; inaugurated, 199; raises\\nfund, 206; first annual report,\\n216; resignation, 217; 218,\\n219, 220, 221, 234, 268, 557,\\n565.\\nTyphoid fever, 397.\\nUniform, 208.\\nUnion Academy, 71.\\nUnion Consociation, 109.\\nUnited Fraternity, 204, 260; exhibi-\\ntion, 335; Special Topic, origin,\\n514; membership, 516; library,\\n517; regulations, 518; dissen-\\nsions, 520. See also Societies,\\nLiterary.\\nUniversity, Dartmouth, 86, 90; gov-\\nerning Boards, 91, 682; first\\nmeeting, 93; no quorum, 94;\\nremonstrance, 96, 695-699;\\nscheme of organization, 97;\\nadjournment, 97, 102; ask\\nopinion of Court, 103; charter\\namended, 104; Trustees meet,\\nIII; remove old officers, 112;\\naddress to public, 115; takes\\npossession of buildings, 120;\\nopening of term, 121; counsel,\\n124; first Commencement, 128;\\nconfidence of success, 151;\\napplies to legislature, 156;\\ndesires re-argument before Sup.\\nCourt, 159; disappointment,\\n160; closes, 164; last meeting of\\nTrustees, 169; petitions legis-\\nlature, 170; Governor vetoes\\nappropriation, 173; Faculty\\nscatter, students taken by\\nCollege, 178. See also College\\nCases, Counsel for University,\\nand Finances of University.\\nUniversity idea, 263, 264, 339.\\nUniversity of New Hampshire, 85, 207.\\nUpham, George B., 186, 683.\\nJabez B., 560.\\nNathaniel G., 548, 666.\\nThomas C, 686.\\nVacations, 200. See Calendar.\\nVale of Tempe, 651.\\nValedictory 580, 581.\\nVarney, John R., 300, 302, 340.\\nVeazey, W. G., 425, 434, 435, 448,\\n468.\\nVermont Medical Society, 194.\\nVernon, Ambrose W., 502.\\nVesper service, 390, 502.\\nVigilance committee, 274.\\nVillage, 209, 286, 387.\\nVindication etc. 80. See also\\nPamphlets.\\nVisitors of Chandler School, 294; veto\\ncontract with Agricultural Col-\\nlege 355; relations defined, 356;\\nauthority questioned, 424;\\nassent to union of School with\\nAcademic Department, 478-\\n480; also mentioned, 231, 360.\\nVitruvian society, 446, 536.\\nVose, F., 132.\\nJohn, 17.\\nRoger, 168.\\nWalcott, Thomas, 509, 510.\\nWaldo, Nathan, 48.\\nWallace, E. F., 685.\\nWalker, John, 553.\\nJoseph B., 352, 453.\\nWard, Jacob, 21, 26, 29, 32, 40.\\nWashington, Justice, 148, 149.\\nWaterman, Thomas, 135.\\nWater Supply, 475. See also Aque-\\nduct Association.\\nWatts, Caleb, 208.\\nJ. W., 286.\\nWebster, Daniel, desired as counsel\\nby Wheelock, 69; advises\\ndelay, 84; counsel at Exeter,", "height": "3601", "width": "2127", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0789.jp2"}, "790": {"fulltext": "724\\nIndex.\\n130, at Washington, 138, 139;\\ndesires new actions, 141, 143;\\nargument at Washington, 147;\\nreport of argument, 168; fee\\nin case, 178; graduation, 204;\\nportrait, 246; death, 303;\\neulogy by Choate, 304; cen-\\ntennial of birth, 440; centen-\\nnial of graduation, 493, 494;\\nCommencement part, 581 also\\nmentioned, 70, 83, 92, 124,\\n140, 149-151, 153, 154, i6c^-\\n163, 167, 177, 188, 203, 205,\\n306, 310, 520, 543, 545, 639.\\nEzekiel, 67, 202, 234, 520, 577.\\nJosiah, 48.\\nStephen, 684.\\nWebster Hall, 45c, 474, 488, 490,\\ncorner stone laid, 493, 494.\\nWelch, F. G., 346, 347.\\nWeld, Elias, 21, 24, 29.\\nWentvvorth, Benning, 450.\\nWentworth Hall, erected, 222:224,\\n256, 328, used for Thayer\\nSchool, 361; colored, 369.\\nWentworth, John, 103, 167, 222, 368,\\n405, 572, 576, 614, 648.\\nPaul, 607.\\nTappan, 405, 406.\\nMrs. Tappan, 406.\\nWheeler, David P., 349.\\nJohn B., offers $1000, 100, 178,\\n4.88\\nWilliam P., 352.\\nWheeler Hall, 474, 488, 492.\\nWheelock, Mrs. Abigail, 32.\\nEleazar, i, 2, 3, 7, 28, 30, 162,\\n491, 494, 514, 561, 611, 614,\\n615, 648.\\nEleazar, son of Eleazar, 31, 32,\\n136.\\nJames, 21, 26, 29, 32, 46, 135,\\n136, 576, 611, 631, 632, 634.\\nJohn, made president, i, 3;\\nsalary, 4; accounts settled, 5;\\nchange in Board of Trust, 7;\\nrelations to Board, 7; to meet-\\ning house, 9, 13, to Professor\\nSmith, 15, to Dothan church,\\n20; election of Shurtleff, 18;\\nWheelock attempts to control\\nchurch, 22, 24, 25; opposes\\nnew church, 29; church organ-\\nized, 32; Wheelock petitons\\nTrustees, 33; specifications of\\ngrievance, 34; statement to\\ncouncil, 40; Wheelock nulli-\\nfies result, 44; opposes Shurt-\\nleff, 46; seeks to involve\\nTrustees, 47; puts Dr. Bur-\\nroughs in Dothan church, 52;\\nseeks support of Shurtleff, 55;\\nattacks him and Trustees, 58;\\nloses support of Trustees, 59;\\nwork and authority lessened,\\n61; appeals to legislature, 61;\\nSketches, 64-66; political\\nsupport, 65; memorial to legis-\\nlature, 66, 67, 671 seeks Web-\\nster as counsel, 69; charges\\nagainst Trustees, 71; their\\nanswer, 71, 72; Wheelock s\\nreply, 73; removed, 75f; presi-\\ndent of Univ., 115; death,\\n115; will, 116; character, Ii6f;\\nfuneral, 119; eulogy on, 128;\\ndemands of executors, 180;\\n229, 507, 601, 607, 611, 682.\\nMrs. Maria M., 119, 126, 180.\\nRalph, I, 3.\\nWheelock Mansion, 126, 259.\\nWheelock, Town of, loss of rents, 178,\\n229; trouble with, 226; title\\nquestioned, 228; attempt to\\ngain township for College,\\n229; failure of attempt, 230.\\nWheelock, The, 447.\\nWhipple, Enoch, 48.\\nThomas, 179, 183, 185, 186, 683.\\nWhitcomb, Charles W., 337.\\nWhite, Carlos, 686.\\nDaniel A., 68.\\nDavid A., 142.\\nJames, 686.\\nStanford S., 452, 453.\\nWhite River Falls. See River.\\nWhite River Falls Corporation. See\\nRiver.\\nWhiting, Samuel, 134, 686.\\nWhitmore, Gordon, 632, 633, 635.\\nWilcox, Dr., 416.\\nJeduthan, 135, 684.\\nJohn, 685.\\nWilde, Samuel S., 579.\\nWilder, C. T., 484, 640.\\nH. A., 610, 640.\\nWilder Hall, 488.\\nWillard fund, 345, 481, 483.\\nWillard, David, 685.\\nJohn D., 345.\\nWillard and Chapin, 223.\\nWilliams, G. F., 465.\\nStephen W., 262.\\nWilson, George F., 417, 419.\\nWilson, 273.\\nWilson Hall, (library), gift, 418;\\nconstruction, 41 8f, dedication,\\n421.\\nWindsor Association, 39, 52.\\nWines, Abijah, 48.\\nWinkley, Henry, 415, 416.\\nWinter term. See Short Term.\\nWirt, William, 140, 146, 147, 149-\\n151, 153, 155, 163.\\nWood, Henry, 248-251, 253.\\nSamuel, 48.", "height": "3605", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "historyofdartmou00chas_0790.jp2"}, "791": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n725\\nWoodbury, Levi, 94, 96, 97, iii, 130.\\n131, 185, 206, 533, 553, 556,\\n666, 682.\\nR., 104.\\nP. T., 251.\\nSamuel, 80.\\nWoodman, John S., 292, 298, 299,\\n344, 355, 422.\\nWoodward, Annette, 556.\\nBezaleel, 11-14, 17, 506, 507,\\n514, 601, 607, 649, 650.\\nEbenezer, 10, 24.\\nGeorge, 576.\\nHenry, 686.\\nJames W., 55, 157, 682.\\nMary, 556.\\nWilliam H., 18. 19, 80, 81, 94,\\n97, adheres to Univ., 99 refuses\\nrecords, 109; no, 115, 123,\\n126, 138, 139, 146, 156; death,\\n157; 158, 163, 172, 173, 553,\\n554, 556, 682, 684.\\nMrs. William H., 176, 177.\\nWoodworth, Edward K., 531, 532,\\nWoolsey, Theodore D., 234.\\nWorcester, Leonard, 48.\\nNoah, 48.\\nSamuel, 8, 9, 64, 555.\\nThomas, 48.\\nWorthen, Thomas W. D., 347, 500.\\nWright, Aaron, 24.\\nAustin H., 604, 605.\\nHenry C, 253.\\nJohn H., 430, 443.\\nYard, College, graded and fenced,\\n224; hedge around, 285, 387;\\nfence removed, 387.\\nYoung, Ammi B., 221, 225, 259, 288.\\nCharles A., 301, 340, 342, 343,\\n374, 413, 414, 551, 609, 610.\\nDan, 172.\\nDyer, H., 259.\\nIra, professor, 235; 258; oversees\\nconstruction of Reed Hall,\\n260; chair divided, 261; buys\\napparatus, 286, 609; garden\\nobservatory, 287 builds larger\\nobservatory, 288; death, 289;\\n301,511,535,548,605.\\nYoung Men s Christian Association.\\nSee Religious Societies.\\nZeta Psi Society, 535.\\nZouaves, Dartmouth. 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